The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-03 00:00:00

police magistrates to close their offices for a
season, and leave the inmates of the watch-houses
undisposed of, as that hundreds of poor debtors
should be unnecessarily incarcerated, merely be-
cause one public servant out of four cannot be
prevailed upon to forego a period of unhal-
lowed recreation. But, if a sense of duty--if
neither shame nor conscience can prevent men
from partaking of enjoyment at the expense of
others' misery, then we say that the Secretary of
State is bound to step in and interfere—and that
the Whigs especially are called upon to exhibit
in practice that which, when out of office, was
their constant theme.—Morning. Herald.
We have received a number of letters depre-
cating the mismanagement which prevails in the
Post-office department, and which recent circum-
stances have brought more prominently forward
during the last few weeks. It is humiliating to
think that in the negotiation with the French
Government England should have been the
power to prevent the adoption of a more liberal
policy with respect to the interchange of literary
and political intelligence between the two na-
tions. Such, however, has been the case.
Those who remember the satisfaction with which
the appointment of .the Duke of Richmond to
the office of Postmaster-General was received
will feel some disappointment at the turn which
things have taken under his auspices. They
will feel some disappointment to think that,
during his superintendence, a narrow-minded
jealousy pervaded the whole system of our Post-
office regulations, and that the transactions of that
department with foreign Governments, as well as
with its own people at home, were calculated to
produce any feeling rather than content. The
vexatious conduct of the Post-office in re-
gard to the opening of parcels, and other ar-
bitrary internal arrangements, formed a consistent
sequel to its miserable dealing with France.
By the way, it was not quite consistent in a col-
league of Mr. P. Thomson's—in a Minister of
the Free 'l'rade party—to turn his back on that
favourite principle in the only case in which re-
ciprocity was ever offered to tempt and justify
its adoption. But what with narrow views to-
wards foreigners, and mercenary and vexatious
practices, designed to swell the revenue at home,
this department has become the subject of ge-
neral censure. It is no defence of the Duke of
Richmond to say that he has been influenced by
his subordinates. Why should he be so influ-
enced ? The military school in which he was
bred would have taught him a different lesson,
and the official responsibility in which he is
bound to the nation deprives him at once of all
apology on such a score. We hope that as the
character of the Department is now developing
itself, advantage will be taken of the increased
information respecting it, to reform those abuses
which have excited so much public contempt.
In making a point against the solicitors the au-
thorities of the Post-office have roused a hornet's
nest. The attempt may cost them more than
they anticipate.—Morning Herald.

We alluded in our paper of yesterday to certain
extracts from the report of the Factory Commission
which had appeared in the columns of an evening
contemporary, and which fully justifies Mr. Sadler's
anticipations regarding those gentlemen, and the
apprehensions which we ourselves have recently
expressed. (The extracts will be found in another
column, under the proper head.) We speak delibe-
rately when we assert that no language we have to
command can convey our disgust at the recommen-
dations of these factory gentlemen, and our asto-
nishment that they hare had the temerity to pro-
pound them to a Christian community. It was
believed from the first, that the Commission, ap-
pointed as it was at the instance of the mill-owners,
whatever were the ostensible instructions under which
it professed to act, would faithfully serve the pur-
poses of its institution. In this respect, at least,
it has disappointed no one. It was foreseen from
the first that a considerable degree of cunning and
dexterity would be requisite to patch up, and veil
the deformities of the horrible system of cruelty
and oppression, which was, at all hazards, to be
preserved. Hence we find that, notwithstanding
it had been asserted by its apologists for the last
forty years, that the "light and easy " labour of the
poor factory child, protracted to a length of
twelve or fifteen hours, was not at all pre-
judicial, but the contrary, now, all at
once, 10 hours are deemed far too much, and eight
are to be substituted. But mark upon what con-
dition this concession is made. It is well known
that in the principal branches of the cotton spinning
trade, and in the steam-loom establishments, chil-

dren from about thirteen years and upwards are the
most profitable to their selfish employers. Accor-
dingly, we believe, that on every occasioN when an
effort has been made on behalf of the children, many
of the masters have expressed a readiness to resign
altogether the working of those under a certain age,
on the condition that they might be allowed still to
labour those above that age at their pleasure—alias,
to death. See then how admirably these ignorant
or designing dupes of Commissioners have framed
their recommendations. Instead of carrying up pro-
tection to 18 years, as proposed in Mr. S idler's
Bill, and actually established in that of Sir J. Hob-
house, or even to 16, the tern) fixed upon in the
other preceding Acts passed upon the subject dur.
ing the last thirty years—they have withdrawn pro.
tection from all above 14, we were going to say, for
such was really our original impression, but no, with
a dexterity worthy of the cause which they
have espoused, they have discovered—will the
public credit it ?—that when the individual is
13 years of age, he should be accounted 14 ;
and this in a Bill for the relief of children,

forsooth I Why, if this principle were carried
into effecr, it would, in the great branch of British
spinning, withdraw protection from two-thirds of
those on whose behalf the Legislature of the country
has already had the humanity to interfere. With
respect to the children beneath that age, relays are
contemplated, though every one knows, who is less
ignorant of the mutter than these Commissioners,
that, difficult as it is to prevent the infraction of a
law made for the children, even now its enforcement

under the relay system would be impossible. Ty-
rannical masters and unfeeling parents would, in
many instances, conspire to doom the wretched
victims under 13 to work alternately in different
factories for a longer period than is now done, and
the sufferers would be without hope of redress.
We have no hesitation in saying that any such sys-
tem of alternate gangs of children would, in a plu-
rality of cases, become a bitter aggravation of the
sufferings of the manufacturing population. But what
would be the fate of those above 13, under the
provisions of a Bill ushered in by these Factory
Commissioners? The most unfeeling wretch that
ever existed could hardly contemplate what must
be its inevitable results with calmness and indif-
ference. But is this limitation of ages—a limita-
tion evidently hit upon to serve the interests of
certain employers—sanctioned by any law, phy-
sical, political, or divine? Alas ! for these
rash and inconsiderate men, every principle of na-
ture, every feeling of benevolence, every law of hu-
man existence is outraged by their proposition.
The child under 13 is to work eight hours only.
The child above 13 may, and often will be com-
pelled
lengthof
edby
this 4, precious regulation to labour twice
the period of puberty is established," as
that age
false a dictum as was ever promulgated for the
cruellest purpose
? Where is the individual to be
time. Is not their assertion, that at
found, out of the ranks of these Commissioners who
conceives that the child of 13, consequently one
year earlier than that at which the law of the land
pronounces children to be rotentes in corpore, is ca-