The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-25 00:00:00

sufficient to secure the liberties of the peoples of
Europe. lle desired to abstain from mixing in the
internal party questions of England. In accordanee
with these conditions he desired to have an opportu=.
nity of stating his views at a meeting not limited to
any party or class, but including men of political
irn
portance. He left it to the deputation to say Whether
their invitation would furnish such an opportunity.
" The deputation declined the responsibility of ad-
vising him on the subject, but represented that at the
banquet he would have an opportunity of addressing
a larger representation of the staple of the people than
he would be likely to obtain at any other. gathering.
The deputation left Louis Kossuth to consult with
his triends, requesting the favour of an answer' as
early as possible.
"Kossuth promised to reply at the' earliest oppor-
tunity (understood, this day), and in taking leave of
the deputation, in a manner the most cordial; renewed
his expressions of gratification at the reception with
which the deputation desired to welcome him.
" The deputation then returned to town withou
delay.

(Signed) " THORNTON HUNT.
CHARLES F. NICHOLL,
A. E. DELAFOSSE."

The CHAIRMAN, having read the above ,report,
stated that the evident object of Kossuth was to
arouse the sympathy of the country in favour of
Hungary, with a view to renew the struggle in her
favour, and therefore he was anxious not to offend
any parties or classes here by seeming to prefer the
sympathy of any other class or party. At the same
time he (the Chairman) did not despair of the accept-
ance of the invitation of the committee to the-banquet.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
lIERALD.—The last accounts from Paris leave
things in tbe :position in which they were ten days
ago, in reference to a Ministry, with this important
difference, that half a dozen different gentlemen have
been applied to—but from some cause or another each
individual, after having set himself in the first in-
stance to the task of forming a Ministry, has ulti-
mately renounced the attempt. In reference to the
repeal of the law of the 31st May, it does not appear
that any one of the persons sent for has raised any
objection to the total repeal of that law on any
ground of principle or expediency. Neither does it
appear that any one consulted has raised any difficulty
about the legal revision of the Constitution. But there
is clearly a difficulty or difficulties felt on the part of
prominent men, for some reason that does not appear,
or at least is not openly put forward. Our readers will
remember that so far as is manifest in any public
document that has met the light, we have con-
tended that the President was proceeding in a
perfectly legal and constitutional course in recom-
mending a repeal of the law of the 31st of May.
It is quite competent to him to recommend a
repeal of that law, and to change his Ministers
if they do not go with him in his views.
It is also quite competent for him to seek to find
Ministers, who will endeavour to effect a legal revi-
sion of the Constitution, which is by no means a per-
fect work. But all this must be done, not merely by
legal forms, but by legal means and instruments, and
by tbe only machinery now provided. The mgis of
the President will be found in adhering to' the
letter and the spirit of the law, and not in one iota
going beyond it. It may be that in coining to this
resolve he must sacrifice many cherished views, and
renounce objects very dear to him; but if he wishes
to escape the trap laid for him by his enemies, and to
hold his head loftily above Parliamentary factions, he
must pursuce a strictly legal course, and be guided
by no other than the most patriotic feelings. The
different factions in the Chamber have all some
arriere pensee. Each party puts forward some osten-
sible principle which is not the guiding
and govern-
ing motive of conduct, but which serves to delude for
the hour. This man is working for Henry V., that
for the Count of Paris—one for a Regency, the other
for the Presidency of the Prince Joinville ; but all
these diverse parties are agreed on one point with the
mass of Republicans, and that point is, that by the pre-
sent Constitution the actual President of the Republic is
now ineligible for the election of May, 1852. Seeing
this, then, we repeat, the only course for the President
is to adhere to the strict letter of the law, and tcede.-
prive those who are opposed to him of the 'vantage
ground they would gain by the slightest violation of
the charter of 1848. Taking his stand upon this charter,
the President might, even as a last resource, have re-
course to an intermediate Ministry of non-parliamen-
tary men, and it would then be seen whether the
country supported him or not against a coalesced
clique, whose objects are all personal and selfish. Our
own opinion is, that the country would cheerfully
support him, and all the rather because of his appa-
rently fixed determination to get rid of the law of the
31st May. The country has not the least confidence
in, or the smallest respect for, the wisdom or honesty
of the Moles, the Guizots, the Thiers, or the Duvergier
d'Haurannes. During now eleven days of a Minis-
terial interregnum, the 86 departments of France
have exhibited no one indication of sympathising with
the ancient Ministers, who contributed to the destruc-
tion of two monarchies. In quarters in which there
has not been an open approval of a return to a more
conciliatory and healing policy, there has been apathy,
indifference, and perfect listlessness. We do not,
however, mean to say that the state of things now
existing can be unnecessarily prolonged with safety.
It clearly cannot, for the people who have now during
eleven days exhibited a marvellous patience may all
at once become restless and dissatisfied, more especially
when they find two more departments, those of the
Cher and Nievre, placed in a state of siege in addi-
tion to the four others already in that unenviable po-
sition. For this extra official act, I\l. Leon Faucher,
who only holds his portfolio ad interim, undoubtedly
incurs the very gravest responsibility. The precipi-
tation with which tbe thing was done, within ten
days of the sitting of the Chambers, appears indeed
to be of evil augury. To the department of the
Nievre the President of the Chamber belongs, both
by property and representation. M. Dupin is actu-
ally in that department at this moment, and yet this
extreme step is not taken, it appears, on his represen•
tation or at his suggestion; but on the advice of an
ex Minister, Faucher, who only holds a portfolio till
his successor be appointed. A loud cry is, no doubt,
raised by the re-actionist press of the capital, that
these two departments are foci of secret societies, of
Socialism, and of Communism. We believe it is
quite true that secret societies are active in the Nievre,
and that Socialism has made considerable progress
therein; but what we urge is, that the existing law
and the spirit by which the right-minded population
is animated are abundantly efficient to repress these
disorders, without having recourse to martial law. It
is not by resorting to military means of repression
that a nation like France can be brought back to a
sense of duty. In all the wars and struggles of the
country, civil or religious, dragonnades have ever been
found equally perilous and ineffective. France, as we
have said again and again, may be led, but will not be
driven by King, Emperor, Consul, or Republic. We
trust we have heard the last of these words, " Etat de
siege." We trust that the session of the French
Chamber to open on Tuesday, the 4th of November,
will commence under better and more conciliatory
auspicies. We fondly hope that the conciliatory
Message then to be delivered to the country
will produce as much effect on Parliamentary
factions as it cannot fail to produce on the
country at large. Franca is now in that peculiar
state that no one party or class of men can hope ex •
elusively to triumph. It is only, therefore, by conci-
liation and compromises that anarchy and civil war
can be prevented. It is in vain, we know, to address
these words to the incorrigible race of placemen, but
we believe that such words may be advantageously
and with great propriety addressed to a large number
of deputies, who are prepared to make the most of a
situation only presenting a choice of difficulties at
best. In England, if such a condition of public
affairs existed, from the practical turn of our minds,
and from the patriotism of our public men, we should
make the best of it. But in France, from the selfish..
ness and personal views of cliques, there have' been
raised up impediments very formidable both to the
President and to the people. To the former we would
again and again say—retrench yourselves within
strict legality, and you may take up an inexpugnable
Position. To the latter we would say—be calm, be
moderate as you have been during the last crisis, thus
proving yourself worthy of that civil liberty which
with law and order is the cheapest blessing, but
which without them is not liberty but licence, but

se.
d, extreme have
DAILY NEWS.—Manifold, rapi
anarchy, the greatest.eur
landed on
trious guest of the English nation,
beenw alternately
been the changes of fortune experiencedhloq the illus-
He has
Thursday at Southampton.
the leader, as the former, of a middle
class
of that
in his native country, and the sole
wielder
of a
country's destinies—subject to the surveillance.enemies,
timid Government bullied by his and their
unworthy
repelled from the shore of France by the
opposition
chief of a free people, and welcomed in
England by
the spontaneous acclaim of an enthusiastic people.
His life has been an alternation of storms and sunny
bursts, such as are felt only by ardent and daring,
na-
tures like his own—alternations caut;ed or provoked
by his impulsive nature—alternations which have
helped to develop in him that earnest and fervid ora-
tory by which he raised, upheld, and swayed his
countrymen. To men like Kossuth the most glorious
bursts of light are sometimes reflected by the stormiest
waves—their most rapturous emotions spring out of
the veriest depths of their agony. The welcome shouts
of a free people breaking upon his ear amid the lone-
liness of exile, have awakened—we may not doubt it
—by no means the least gladsome throb his heart has
known. For Kossuth has a heart that can feel such
homage. He belongs no more to the class of those
who sway reluctant nations by cold state-craft than be
does to those " things of sabre sway" who crush
them by the ewoxd. Re la oae of thoee Welty,