The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY 6, 1833.

and unjust as the taking of Antwerp. The only justifi-
, cation was the necessity of fulfilling the treaty of the 15th
of November. But, according to this necessity, he could
point out to their Lordships another article of the treaty,
which, by the same necessity, they would he called upon
to execute. If they were so sedulous in fulfilling an ar.
tick not in the treaty, they must roost earnestly set b
work in carrying into effect those articles which teer 4
By the 13th article the British Government guarantee the
payment of the Belgian loin of 8,400,000 florin., every
year regularly, either at Brussels or Antwerp, without any
deduction whatsoever. This warranty does not set forth
that the Belgians shall pay it ; no, we are the contracting,
parties, guaranteeing the payment. If the article had sti-
pulated merely that we should provide 10,000 men to in.
sure the payment, there would have been an end of the
matter ; the specified forces being supplied we should have
been exonerated from further trouble. But the present
engagement was a.. general one, and we are bound to see
the money paid, pay it ourselves. Now the King of
the Belgians may go to his Majesty of the Netherlands_
when his power is reduced and he is made as it were
nothing by the policy of the Noble Lords—the King of
the Belgians may go to him saying, that he is unable to
pay the money, having like other states reduced his taxa-
tion, in the feeling that taxes had better fructify in the
pockets of the subject.—(Partial laughter.) Should these
things occur, we are bound by all the obligations of honour
and good faith to pay it ourselves. It was proper that the
people of England should be fully aware of the state of
things—(Rear, hear)—and that the King of the Bel-
gians should perfectly understand the most important ar
tide in this treaty. The Noble Marquis must really go
a little farther thin representing it as a,mere transfer from
the great book of the King of the Netherlands to the great
book of the King of Belgium. It was impossible to pos-
sess any knowledge of the nature of this treaty, from the
nature of its performance. It engages to effect the sepa-
ration of the kingdoms of Belgium and Holland; but how
are we to say this has been engaged ? No man in his
senses, at the time of the composition of that treaty, could
have expected to see it executed, for he must know that
the fortresses of Lillo and Liefkenshoek were perfectly
inaccessible. He could not, therefore, but think that the
real object of this treaty was of a different description from
the ostensible grounds ; that it was rather to satisfy a party
in France—(Hear)—than any other motive—to gratify
the " Movement party," who wished to see the results of
the Revolution carried to their fullest exteat—to confirm
the French Ministry, who could not leave retained their
seats without offering up to the people some sacrifice flat-
tering to their vanity. The Noble Earl, be considered,
had only made a virtue of necessity, and taken part in that
which otherwise he would have revolted from. What
has been the result of these proceedings, too? It is true
an embargo had been laid on Dutch ships, and we had
crippled Dutch commerce, but we had, also crippled
English. But what bad been gained? We had
gained this ; that the navigation of the Scheldt,
which previously had been open to all nations,
was now shut to the English, the French, and ,the
Belgians. It was true a French Marshal, with a large
French army, had done some fine feats ; an English Ad-
miral had scoured the seas with a large fleet, and laid
hands on all the unprepared and unsuspecting Dutch
vessels he could find. These were great triumphs to be
sure ; but it was also an act of unprecedented outrage and
injustice. He would say that in this affair Holland had
all the glory, France all the profit, and England all the
disgrace.—(Hear.) He also found that a large French
army was still on the frontiers of Belgium, within three
days' march of Brussels. This did not say much for the
good faith of the French Government, or the independence
of Belgium. His own opinion with respect to Belgium
and the Netherlands, fully coincided with the emphatic
declaration of Pitt—that the separate and independent
existence of Austrian Netherlands was evidently
The Noble Earl then said, that a few weeks after 0 e Noble
Earl (Grey, bad been +1- '-ed of ti `sr!-sens:
Administration, the Minister now at the head .

in France had declared, in the Chamber of Depute,.
France would continue to negotiate in the affairs of
Holland and Belgium, but not as it had bitherta, d •ne,
but at the head of five hundred thousand men. It Wad been
said that it was at the head of an armed force that a
negotiation could be most effectu illy carried on. That
maxim might be true to a certain extent, hut surely it
could not be true to such an enormous extent as the words
of the French Minister implied ; surely it could not he
true without some limitation. But why should France
wish for war, when it obtained all it could wish without
war ? That Government had without it hitherto kept
possession of Italy. It had made a lodgment in that
country which it seemed determined to maintain, and its
establishment there had been but lately increased. It had
triumphed over the Portuguese within the very port of
Lisbon, and now a French expedition had invaded, be-
sieged, and captured one of the principal cities of Bel-
gium. What, then, had France to gain by war ? But
with the knowledge they had of the person at the head of
the French Government, was it to be expected that he
should Lave a sincere desire for peace? If be would not
go to war for the pure love of war, what, at all events,
could they expect of one who had sacrificed thousands of
his fellow countrymen merely for the sake of his own
glory and ambition.—(Hear, hear.) Then they had an
embargo laid upon the Dutch ships in our ports, their own
ports blockaded, their commerce destroyed, and our own
crippled and paralyzed, without a single benefit to be ex-
pected, while this negotiation was proceeding; and
he begged that it might he remembered that this was
not a negotiation between England and France, but one
in which the five great Northern Powers took a part.
Did their Lordships suppose that the Dutch would now
treat with two of those Powers—and that with the two
who had oroved their most bitter enemies? Most deci-
dedly nut. He could assure their Lordships that they
would not. It was, therefore, indispensable that some
measure should be adopted to put an end to this attack on
the Dutch forts, and interference in the affairs of the Dutch
and Belgians, before they could advance a single step to.
wards peace. Having said so much, he would not detain
their Lordships by taking a retrospect of the course of the
Belgian Treaty. He (Lord Aberdeen) held a volume in
his hand, containing protocols, &c., on that subject, and
there were three such volumes besides, filled with docu-
ments of the same nature. He recollected, some years ago,
a friend of his asking him what a protocol was ? He an.
swered by asking his friend another question, " Quid est
Theme ?" But if his friend were now too ignorant of
what a protocol was, he (Lord Aberdeen) was sure that it
was not for want of sufficient materials to form a judg-
ment on that theme. In the commencement of the nego-
tiations between Holland and Belgium, as to the best mode
of settling the differences existing between those States,
certain propositions were made by the negotia-
ting Powers to the King of the Netherlands,
upon conditions declared to be fixed and irre-
vocable, and these were accepted by him without
a single change. If ever there was a proposition made
which was obligatory on the proposers, that was one , and
it was doubly so, because the King of the Netherlands was
forced to accept it, and did accept it, not only once, but
over and over again. The twenty-one articles of the ori-
ginal negotiation had been declarrai by the five Powers to
be immutable. The Kicti of the. Netherlands was in-
clined to agree to all that was reasonablel,-hut there were
certain interests which be could not disregard;—(Hear)—
and, notwithstanding the cordial and unaniNotus support
which he received from his subjects, be (Lo4lAberdeen)
doubted much if it was in his power to camp` Us some
of the demands made on him. It had been salt the
Dutch, deserted by their natural ally, were objects Aber
of pity or of admiration. He thought they were objects
both of pity and admiration ; and whoa they looked to the
unanimity and devotion vial] which they stood forth in
def-nce of their country's rights, he was convinced that
there was not a man in that House whose heart did not
do justice to their bravery.—(Cheers.) On the subject
of Portugal, his Lordship begged to refer to the language
made use of by his Majesty at the commencement of the
Parliament in 1830. His Majesty then said, that he had
not deemed it expedient to re-establish upon their ancient
footing his diplomatic relations with the kingdom of Por-
tugal, but that the numerous embarrassments arising from
the continued interruption of these relations increased his
Majesty's desire to terminate to serious an evil. He (Lord
Aberdeen) was rather curious to know what the pretext
might now be for still continuing in the same situation ?
There could not be the same pretext for not renewing
their diplomatic relations, but now they were merely told
that his Majesty "had still to lament the continuance of
the civil war in Portugal, which has for some months
existed between the Princes of the House of Braganza."
If such a Cause were a, sufficient reason to prevent the
renewal of the diplomatic relations between the two coon-
tiles, it was a cause which might last till doomsday: In

4

1830, when his Majsty had made the declaration ti
which he (Lord Alpdeen) referred, one of the Nob!,
Earl's colleagues (one-of the most honest and straight-
forward of them) staid that he was ;not only ready to
antes into those relating, hut, that he thought the renews'
of them had been alrady too long delayed. The person
who made this statenent was the Noble Lord, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchemer ; and that Noble Lord shower'
himself to he an honet and upright man, by thus open])
stating his opinion. He admitted that the cases of Bel
gium and Portugal sere very different. In the settlement
of the affairs of Hollnd and Belgium. he allowed that thet,
were serious difficultes ; but, respecting Portugal, the diffi
cultiis were entireh gratuitous, and were, in fact, created
by the Noble Earl snd his colleagues themselves; for the
Noble Earl could ty one single word—and that word not
inconsistent with !onour—put an end to the present situa-
tion of that country in respect to this. He (Lord A.) would
beg to ask the Node Earl how long this state was to con•
tinue, or what abject he had in view in continuing it?
As to which of the parties, now struggling for the Crown
of that kingdom, was most favourable to the cause of
freedom, he thought that no great difference could be
drawn between tlem. What was said of the one might
with safety be aiplied to the other.—(A laugh.) That
then wise not tke point en which the claims of either
seemed to rest. He would, therefore, beg to ask on what
Don Pedro depended for the recovery of that kingdom,
independent of the aid he received from foreigners ? He
would beg their Lordships to look to his present situation
—shut up withir the walls of Oporto, aided by foreigners
only, and by the countenance which he received from the
British. Had Is, been joined by any of the Portuguese ?
No; it was now sufficiently notorious that he was not,
while the troops of Don Miguel were supported by am-
luntary contributions. He (Lord A.) said the contest
(which was mie-aamed, in his Majesty's speech, a civil
war) was merely a war carried on by the Jew speculators
of London, for their own ends, and to promote their own
individual interests. He did wish, therefore, that this con-
test should be put an end to, and that the British interest
might no longer he sacrificed, when it was a fact
known over Europe, that it was in a great degree kept up
by vanity and self.love on the part of one of the Noble
Earl's colleagues. At the commencement of that contest
he had asked the Noble Earl whether it was his intention
to put in force the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment
Bill. He did not give an opinion as to whether the pro-
visions of that Act were proper or not ; but as long as it
continued law it should be enforced. The Noble Earl
made no declaration on the subject; but the Act had
been infringed upon in all parts of the country, and the
infractions hail en most remarkable in the metropolis.
If that was what sSe Noble Earl called neutrality, he
(Lord Al/el-fifes) thought it was a neutrality which might
prove a good channel for Henry V. to the throne of
France.-- 'Hear.) He would mention a circumstance
which hapi• 'led at Lisbon some time ago. A Spaniard
who lAA bee. acting as servant to some English gentlemen
at I tabor' was murdered in the street. In consequence of
this event the Consul complained, and the British Ad-
miral was ordered to protect the British property, and in
order to do so, not only sailed up the Tagus, but laid his
sidaide against the city, so that Lisbon was actually
lying under British guns. And this, he begged them to
remark, happened when Lisbon was under a state of siege.
He had always viewed the situation of the Peninsula as
peculiarly disadvantageous to the British interests, and he
considered it now the more so, as there never was a time
when British interests could be more easily forwarded in
that country than at present, when the two most enlight-
ened men os the Peninsula were in the service of the King of
Spain. This wad note time to look with indifference upon this
subject, when it might be most important to this country,
and he trusted the opportunity would not be lost by the
Noble Lord opposite. Such policy extended to two
countries, so situated, was a proof that the Ministers
of ,this country allowed tiles-seises :o be hurried away by
t.l'rinests, passion, and ie.; !f7 s.' y -0 f
t 3‘711: ri at a.r, .toyety Go-
•-insesestx waacrecaiess to ue cr.fla..igcrtA 'rur relations
with ihe whole Peninsula. When he looked to the names
s-al persons engaged in the Portuguese contest, the only
respectable name that he could all to mind—he meant
attached to the cause of Don Pedro—was' that of the
Marquis of Palmella. That Noble Personage had aban-
doned the cause—not abstractedly the cause of freedom
—hut the cause of Donna Maria. He would ask the
Noble Earl which cause the Marquis of Palmella
feared most? He feared that of the Jacobins—the sup-
porters of Don Pedro, by whom he was advised and
saraminded, much more than he feared the triumph of
deepAistn. And the Noble Marquis was right, for your
Jacuadtis are, as they ever were, men who bad no home ;
who confined themselves to no country ; who carried their
'evolutionary and destructive spirit into every region, and
whose never-ceasing efforts to revolutionize Spain were
notorions. They corresponded openly with the visionaries
of the Peninsula : they made scarcely any secret of their
intentions, and yet the Ministers of this country risked the
important interests of England, by seeming not to be aware
of their machinations. Neutrality and neglect, under such
circumstances, were highly culpable. If he could state,
with all the perspicuity the subject required, his various
opinions on the present state of affairs in Portugal, he felt
satisfied that the House would see that he was chiefly ac-
tuated by the earnest wishes he felt for the prosperity and
peace of his country. He would conclude by imploring
the Noble Earl who conducted the affairs of Great Britain,
if he valued its commercial relations, not to finally lose an
opening to their advantage by abandoning an ancient, an
useful, and an honourable ally. He thanked their Lord-
ships foe the patient hearing with which be had been ho-
noured by them.
Earl GREY rose and said, that it was to be expected
that the Noble .Earl who had just sat down, would differ
in many respects from the Government to which he (Earl
Grey) had the honour to belong. Still it was not to be
expected that his difference of opinion would be put for-
ward in the shape of a long, desultory, and most uncon•
netted speech. The discussion which the Noble Earl had
raised was certainly uncalled for, and completely intern -
pestive. At least so it was thought by those who bad
framed the King's speech, as it had been so framed by
them as to preclude such a discussion as had emanated from
the Noble Earl and those Noble Peers who eat braide him.
That such was the intention of the framers of his Majesty's
speech, might be inferred from the way in which it was
drawu up, and from the expressions and words in which
it was couched. His Majesty's speech had given to un-
derstand that every information upon the subjects the
Noble Earl had just toucher' upon, would be conveniently
given, and that all documents relating thereto would be
placed before their Lordships. Since that was the case,
he hoped that the Noble Earl would have waited and ab-
stained from embarrassing remarks and questions until
he was iu possession of the information and documents
promised. He did hope that the Noble Earl would have
done so, more particularly as he confined himself to one
part of the address, and as it was necessary that the whole
of that address should obtain the unanimous approbation of
their Lordships. The Noble Earl passed over all the
topics treated of in the address, with the exception of two,
and those, it was hardly necessary to say, referred to Bel-
gium and Portugal. He trusted that the House would
not consider that it was a practice with him to impute
personal motive.' to any of its Members, no matter what
might be their political opinions. He took credit for re-
specting the opinions of others, but he was very unwilling
to take credit for what the Noble Earl just imputed to him,
namely, that of entertaining opinions which wereprompted
by blindness, passion, and ipfatuation. Perhaps the im-
putation did not exactly refer to him; he wished the
Noble Earl had been more distinct, but if it referred to the
Noble Lord who conducted the negotiations so much
blamed by the Noble Earl, all he could say was, that that
Noble Lord was inaccessible to passion or prejudice, and as
incapable of sacrificing the interests of his country as the
Noble Earl himself. If there existed a man void of passion,
it was the Noble Lord most probably alluded to. The Noble
Lord was, moreover, possessed of great experience, sagacity,
and extensive knowledge, and was in every way fit for the
I management of the important affairs committed to his guid-
ance. He (Earl Grey) did not want to hide himself
beneath the shield of his Noble Friend's fitness for the
high situation he filled, for if that Noble Friend erred, so
did he (Earl Grey), and so did also the rest of his col-
leagues. In his acts were concerned the whole of his
Majesty's Ministers. He begged to repeat that lie would
follow the example set him by the Noble Earl who
rit a(tdr, -sas r. would pursue a directly
• refrs:o fr anything that could be
•• . Sitv .1 aC he must say, that if be
-, • Vet out a person who most
sa the ex'sting Government of
,to embarrass it both at home
itetroue of throwing in ate

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way every species of vexatious obstacle, of reviving an-
oient animosities, and disseminating distrust—he knew of
no person who adopted a surer course to effect such pur
noses than the Noble Earl himself. It was uudoubtediy
true that it was the practice of the House upon the (lamina
of the session, when the King's speech was debated upou.
to go into various matters and to handle them in detail.
In that practice there was very frequently nothing excep-
tionable, but there was certainly in the present in-
stance, when no opposition was called for, as every
information that could he possibly given or reasonably re
quired, had been voluntarily promised. When such was
the case, he could not see the good nor understand the
expediency of the long dissertation delivered to them by
the Noble Earl. However, as the Noble Earl had thought
proper to go into certain questions, it would be his busi-
ness to answer him. He did not mean to follow the
Noble Earl in his career, for that would be impossible,
so tortuous and desultory was it. All that be could
promise to do was to state generally the policy of the Go-
vernment, as that would be the best answer to the Noble
Earl's remarks. He begged their Lordships to remember
how he and his colleagues, on coming into office, found
the relative situations of Belgium and Holland. The King
of Holland had been a short time before expelled from the
Belgian territory; soon after which a qmferenee was as•
sembled, in order to interfere and point out a line of de-
marcation between the two countries that might be satis-
factory to both, equally advantageous to both, and also
tend to the general pacification of Europe. The line of
demarcation was pointed out, such as it had been previous
to 1790, and an eventual separation of both countries was
agreed upon. That a separation was necessary, their
Lordships might recollect that, subsequently to the Con-
ference, a Noble Duke, well acquainted with those coun-
tries, acknowledged that a future union between them
would be impossible. That Noble Duke having thought so,
and the Administration to which he was the head concurring
with him, there could be little doubt of the impractica-
bility of such an union. What in that else was the duty of
existing Ministers after accepting office? Why to take up
the matter as it was left, and to conduct it to a fair and
rational issue. The separation of those countries then ex-
isted ; and what the present Ministers had to do was to
endeavour to effect it permanently, in the manner most
advantageous to both countries, and to the peace of Europe.
Such was their intention, as mentioned in the speech from
the Throne, and to accomplish that intention, the best
abilities of him and his colleagues would be directed. But,
says the Noble Earl, Ministers can have no such intention
—they can have none such—and when they say they have,
they mean it in joke. How could they with anything
like good sense? Belgium is a small country, with few
resources, incapable of defending herself, and liable at
every instant to be overthrown and swallowed up by a
more powerful neighbour. Let all this be granted the
Noble Earl; it was a misfortune that could not be re-
medied, and the only question that remained was whether
anything better could be done? Looking to the situation
of Europe, and seeing that no stable union could take
place between the two countries, what they had done for
Holland they had done not only with a view to the interests
of that country, but with a view to those of the whole of
Europe. They were not contending against Holland when
they endeavoured to obtain for Belgium the right of protect..
ing and increasing her commerce, and surely establishing
her independence. This was the only sound policy
that could be pursued ; it was absolutely necessary, for i
Belgium was allowed to be deprived of her continental
commercial relations—if she was excluded from the navi-
gation of the Scheldt, it would only augment the discontent
already brooding in the breasts of the inhabitants, and in-
duce them to take any opportunity of righting them-
selves, even that so much dreaded by the Noble Earl, of
throwing themselves into the arms of France. He totally
disclaimed, both on the part of his colleagues and himself,
the imputation of desiring to sacrifice the interests of
Holland. The present separation was to be effected with
rt -atest impartiality; and the partition chalked out
was one that would not bring Belgium into immediate
contact with Holland. Any partition that would do so—
and he might quote the opinion of De Witt thereupon—
would be had, and could not take place without risking a
war. Belgium being so situated, Ministers had no choice,
no alternative left, even though her independence were not
possible. He proceeded in their negotiations on the
principle of serving both countries as far as they could,
and of saving Europe from the war that menaced it.
When a fitting time came, he trusted that he would
be prepared to show with what advantage to Ho!-
and those negotiations had been conducted ; that that
country, beyond all other Powers, was the most con
cerned in them, and ought to be most satisfied with them,
since, if Belgium was forced to look for redress to another
and a powerful neighbouring Power, nothing could be
more dangerous to the existence of Holland. The present
Government had done every thing to insure the safety of
Holland and preserve the interests of this country. A
good deal of sympathy had been endeavoured to be excited
by continually talking of Holland as the ancient and con-
stant ally of this country. Her alliance bad not been so
very constant, as could be proved by the last two
wars. In them Holland ranked herself among the bit-
terest enemies of this country. In the war of this country
with America, for instance, Holland, with but little pro-
vocation, ranged herself, with a combined fleet, that
blockaded Plymouth, and aided in taking a British man-
of-war within sight of that harbour. At that time there
was a confederacy to destroy the naval power of England,
and Holland was found among the confederates. A Noble
Earl opposite seemed to sneer at this assertion, but he re-
ferred him to the British officers who served at the time,
arid be would hear what they had to say on the love of the
Dutch for this country. Since a separation of the two
countries was irremediable, they had endeavoured to ne-
gotiate it on the best grounds, and with territorial ad-
vantages in favour of Holland—indeed with such advan-
tages as she never had before. He had documents
to prove this, which would be produced on a fitting occa
slot'. During the negotiations, great difficulties had been
experienced—first from the indisposition of the Belgians
to accept the arrangements proposed, and afterwards from
the unwillingness of the King of Holland. However, it
came at last to such a point, that forbearance could be no
longer exercised, and the conferring Powers stated in
the last Protocol, that all hopes of amicable adjustment
were vain, and that absolute coercion was necessary.—
(Hear, hear.) Coercion was consequently proposed,
and the united Powers subscribed to it. Why should
they not ? For it would be ridiculous to keep all
Europe in suspense, and prevent the continental Powers
from disarming, merely through the obstinacy of Holland.
Since coercion was deemed necessary, it was left to France
and England to put it in practice, and to bring Holland
to a sense of what was due to other nations. It was with
great pain he confessed that he signed the Convention of
the 22d October; but he had no other alternative. The object
of which Convention was the territorial division of the coun-
tries, :according to the stipulations of the armistice which
took place before the present Ministers arrived at power ;
and its consequences were, the siege and surrender of the
citadel of Antwerp. But the Noble Eatl asks, what has
been obtained by this ? Why, future danger of collision
has been done away with, and all temptation to Holland to
to continue refractory has been withdrawn. The Noble
Earl says, by way of accusation, that the Scheldt was
never shut before. He begged leave to contradict the
Noble Earl ; the Scheldt was shut before, and the act
was solely that of Holland ; and she did not choose to re
open the navigation of that river until compelled by the
five Powers ; who intimated, that if she did not do so,
they should consider her refusal as an act of hostility.
He was not aware that the navigation of the Scheldt was
closed at the present time, except as it related to France
and England, which must be expected as long as those na-
tions continue an embargo on Dutch ships. As to the fact
mentioned by the Noble Earl, that the Scheldt was
now less accessible to Belgium than before the war,
it was one which be must deny. He might con-
fidently state, that the result of the late war was a
grand step made toward& the adjustment of the
troublesome dispute. Much had been said about the
French remaining in Belgium if they ever set foot in it ;
they would make a conquest of it for themselves, and con-
vert it into aFrench province. Such a prediction had not
been realised, for the French, not adhering strictly to the
Convention of the 22d of October, by which they might
remain longer in possession of Belgium, withdrew their
troops with a promptitude that clearly showed their ho•
nour and good faith, properly deeming a continuance of
the embargo sufficient to compel Holland to adhere to late
stipulations. The Noble Earl had made one very curious
statement, which, by the by, did him no great gredit on
the score of consistency. He had said that the Belgian
war was undertaken. to please the Movement pKty,
and then—mark the consistency of the remark—tbs:. it
proceeded from a desire to keep the preeent French Go-

heard that the Movement party in France were the sup-
porters of their Government. He always understood that
they were adverse to it, as most decided enemies, and used
every effort to overthrow it. The Noble Earl had given
him some new information, and perhaps he was wrong in
calling in question his consistency. With respect to
the present French Government, whatever certain
Noble Lords might think of it, lie contended that the
more it was consolidated, the better it would be for
the liberty, peace, and prosperity of Europe.--(Hear,
hear.) It might be overthrown by two parties,
each, though differing in opinion, lending a hand
to bring about trouble and confusion, but by whomsoever
it was subverted, real liberty would suffer by it. Having
now stated the principles upon which the negotiations with
respect to Belgium and Holland had been conducted, it
only remained for him to say upon that question that cod,.
siderable obstructions were thrown in the way of those
negotiations. He was not prepared to say from whom
those obstructions proceeded, but it was certain that they
proceeded from a quarter who, by encouraging the King
of Holland in his indisposition to accede to the wishes of
the
pgienreesd, thed
tprosperityty alordf
Europe. It was the encouragement h
peaceveofP'll)woellra% de,quanaldlytheenhdaapn
ell out from this
quarter, and that alone, that prevented the dispute between
Holland and Belgium from being long since amicably
arranged. Whether the course of events might or might
not justify the anticipations of the Noble Earl, it would
afford him (Earl Grey) the greatest satisfaction that, by
the acquiescence of the King of Holland in the just de-
mands of France and England, the Government of this
country might be able to restore those snips and cargoes
belonging to Dutcn proprietors which had been detained
pending the late hostilities. The N dale Earl, however,
had said, that if the fire Powers had united, they
would have had no difficulty in compelling Belgium to
submit to any terms. That was a position which
probably few persons would be found to dispute with
the Noble Earl, that is, if the five Powers had so united.
But the determination to compel Belgium to submit to
any terms was a determination which, in his opinion,
Great Britain ought to have resisted; and had such a
state of things arisen, the consummation which the Noble
Earl desired would have been just as remote as ever it
had been. The Noble Earl, however, told his Majesty's
Government that they had nothing to do hut to hold firms
language. Had such language as the Noble Earl recom-
rnereled been held, and had he been in office, it was quite
clear that it could only he held by a Government prepared
to go to war for the purpose of giving effect to such lan-
guage. Now, did the Noble Earl think di at his Ma-
jesty's Government ought to have held such language as
required, if ineffectual, to be followed up by actual hostili-
ties ? There could be no sort of doubt, tint if the Notile
Earl had acted upon the principle developed in his speech,
this country would have been plunged in war. The policy
of the Noble Earl would, most unquestionably, have led
to war—of that he might be perfectly assured ; but
whether that war would have answered his expecta-
tions—whether it would have produced the effects
which he anticipated, was a matter in the highest de-
gree doubtful. It would have been the commencement
of hostilities which must bare led to a war of principle
throughout the whole of Europe. It was therefore that
he regarded the course of policy which the Noble Earl
recommended, with something like horror, and it way
therefore that it had been the earnest and the anxious
wish of his Majesty's Government to avert that evil
which, beyond all controversy, it would have been the
effect of the Noble Earl's policy to have produced and
hastened, and aggravated. Instead of continuing amicable
relations for two years, they could not, under such cir-
cumstances, have been maintained even for the short space
of two months. The general peace of Europe had for-
tunately been preserved—the Noble Earl at the time had
foretold a different result—he now indulged in prognostics
of the most gloomy character; but it was to be hop-d,
that in the one case as in the other, his predictions would
be falsified.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the House
and the public would give his Majesty's Government full
credit for having acted upon principle, in endeavouring to
secure to Holland a better frontier than she hail before
enjoyed, and such means of defence as she had never, at
any previous period, possessed to the same extent—nav, to
go the further length of placing the navigation of the Scheldt
upon such a footing as would not have proved injurious
eventually to the commerce of Holland. Ile trusted be might
be allowed, in justice to the responsible advisers of the
Crown, to state that they bad no other object in view but
to promote and establish equal justice as between Holland
and Belgium, and to effect such an adjustment of the mat-
ters in dispute as was necessary for their well-being, but
still more necessary for the general peace of Europe, and
far the general interests of the great family of European
nations. The Noble Earl bad sought to cast great blame
upon his Majesty's Ministerefor the course of policy which
they had felt it to be their duty to pursue; but he was
sure, that if their Lordships took the trouble to reflect
upon the origin of those events out of which that course
arose, they would agree with him that the fault was rot
with the present Government of the country ; the state of
things with which they had to deal at the time they
were called to the Councils of the King, was a condition
of circumstances which they could not prevent, and n hich,
as he would maintain, they had no other means of reme-
dying than such as they had adopted, but which, as it
happened, now drew down upon their heads the severe
denunciations of the Noble Eal opposite, cheered as
those censures were by the friends by whom that Noble
Earl was surrounded. But he listened to those censures
with perfect indifference, strong as he was in the con-
sciousness that neither he nor any of his political friends
were any parties to these transactions. In the same man-
ner the Noble Earl attempted to cast censure upon the pre-
sent advisers of the Crown in reference to our relations
with Portugal. If the House would also look to the origin
of those transactions, they would find that the blame as
little rested upon the Government in that case as in the
other. The state of things which they found existing in
that quarter they could as little have prevented as in any
other. They at least were no parties to placing Don Mi-
guel upon the throne of Portugal—they were no parties to
the grievous violations committed by that peraonage, of
the most solemn obligations of moral duty—they weir no
parties to his violation of his oath—they had not sanctioned
the breach on his part of the obligations into which he
had entered with foreign States—they were no parties
to the proceedings which bad placed Don Miguel in
the situation of a usurper—of one with whom every State
in Europe had broken off diplomatic relations—with
whom even Spain had ceased to hold intercourse : that
was no work of the present Administration of this
country. It was well known, that when the Noble
Earl opposite was about to quit office, the recognition of
Don Miguel was contemplated, and that, too, let it be
remembered, at a time when the most violent and cruel
persecutions raged in Portugal—when women of the
highest rank were imprisoned amongst common malefac-
tors—when the most excellent and worthy men in the
community were incarcerated, driven into exile, and ex-
posed to every variety of cruel infliction which a perverted
ingenuity could devhoe--at a time, too, when British sub-
esets and British commerce were subjected to the most
.erious inconvedence—not to say loos and danger. On
the accession to office of the present advisers of the Crown
they found themselves compelled to resist—they felt it to
be an imperative duty to protect British subjects and Bri-
tish commerce. It was to be borne in mind that country
bad distinctly recognised the legitimate Queen of Portu-
gal, and that the step thus taken could not be retracted
without incurring the reprobation of the whole of Europe
—to the same extent, perhaps, that that reprobation
was incurred in the affairs of Terceira.—(Hear, hear.)
The Foreign Enlistment Act had been mentioned in
such a manner as might lead the House to suppose
that it bad not been put in force by his Majesty's
Government with the energy which they seemed to
think the occasion demanded. Ile thought, at the time
that Act was passed, that many of its provisions were
objectionable, and he remained of that opinion still ;
but so long as it was law, it of course ought to be re-
spected, and, when necessary, enforced ; but he would
ask their Lordships if he or any of his colleagues had
ever said or done aught that could warrant the slightest
surmise of any intention to impede the operation of that
law ? The Noble Earl bad seemed to think that it ma.
serially strengthened his argument, to be able to say that
the British were in possession of the port of Lisbon ; it
certainly was found necessary to send out there vessels of
war for the purpose of protecting British subjects ant
British interests, and the Government bad not cent nu
the force which now occupied the Tagus, until earnest'
petitioned to do so by the British residents in Lisbon
He should like to know, if the Government had not set
out such a force, what would have been said to them evs
by the Noble Earl himself; and, indeed, he profese
himself unable to conceive how British residents and thei
property could have been protected from the lawless-
it was a strange word to use as applied to police_feelho
the lawless police force in the employeseut of Don !gi-
gue' ? If general disorder and spoliation bad ensued_
from their neglecting to send out these rnean of pro-
tecting British interests, how
two, founded upon that fact, have
would an accuse-
have been urged against
them by the Noble Earl, who now seemed to treat
their attention to those interests as forming a just cause
of complaint. The absolute necessity for our having
a naval tome in the Tagus was not to be disputed, for the
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