The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-16 00:00:00

rented to her MAJESTY, praying that she will be gra-
ciously pleased to appoint one or more Commissioners,
with instructions to proceed to South Africa, to inquire
dbeettewremeninitnligis country
and report as to the best mode of adjusting the relations
and the Kafir tribes; and also of
the engagements entered into by her MA-
JESTY'S High Commissioner in his settlement of the ex-
tended territory. The Hon. Gentleman considered the
war had been occasioned by the improper course of pro-
ceedings adopted by Sir HARRY SMITH, and thought in-
quiries made on the spot would be attended with a more
beneficial result than an inquiry before a Committee of
that House.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL defended Sir HARRY SMITH, and
denied that the war had been occasioned by
his policy.
He thought the subject could be best investigated before
a Select Committer and therefore he moved as an
amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to
inquire into the relations between this country and the
Kafir and other tribes on our South African frontier.
Mr. VERNON SMITH was opposed to both motion and
amendment.
Mr. F. SCOTT regarded the amendment as a vote of
censure on the Colonial-office, and as such he should
support it.
Mr. MACKINNON considered that no blame was to be
attached to Sir HARRY SMITH.
Mr. GLADSTONE objected to the appointment of a
Committee, which would shift the responsibility from
the Executive, and would hang up the subject for two
years.
Lord MANDEVILLLE supported the amendment.
Colonel THOMPSON said the true policy was to treat
the semi-barbarians with kindness.
Sir E. N. BUXTON said that the Kafirs would be gra-
dually eaten up by the colonists if the Government did
not interfere for their protection.

Mr. ROEBUCK said it was hypocrisy to talk of justice
to the natives, when the first thing they did was to take
the country away from them. Wherever the white man
placed his foot beside that of the brown man, the ex-
termination of the latter had been the consequEnce, and
such must necessarily be the else. He considered the
Noble Lord, by proposing the Committee, was abdicating
the tunctions of Government.

Mr. LABOUCHER adduced several precedents to justify
the appointment of the Cummittee.
Mr. litatE suggested that the Cape colonists should
be permit eti to manage their own affairs.
Mr. J. BELL protested against the merciless sentiments
of Mr. ROEBUCK.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT was opposed to the appoin
ment either of a Committee cr Commis.ion.

Mr. BOOKER Cupiorted—the amendment, as did Mr.
HAWES.

Mr. ADDERLEY shortly replied.
The House tbftn divided, when there appeared—
For the original motion ... ... ... 69
Against it... ... ... 129
...-70

•.• •••
Majority ...

The House again divided on the amendment of Lord
J. RUSSELL, which now became the original motion
when there appeared—
For the motion ...
Against it...

... 123
... 60

Majority ... ... --68-
The remaining business was then disposed of, and the
House adjourned.

Recent occurrences in the political world have again
called forth the pamphleteering abilities of Sir EDWARD

BULWEE LYTTON. His multifarious labours in litera-
ture appear in no way to have diminished either his
capacity or his inclination to share in the turmoils of
party contention. Party contention we say advisedly,
for in spite of his disclaimer of anything like predi-

lectinn for one class or prejudice against another, it
were preposterous to regard him as actuated in this
instance by sentiments different from those here in-

dicated.

During the period when Sir EDWARD occupied a
seat in the Imperial Legislature as one of the popular
representatives, it cannot be forgotten that he asso-
ciated himself consistently upon all occasions
with the upholders of liberal principles. It
will be matter of regret, therefore, among his
admirers to find him coming forward in the spring of

1851 as a champion of that most narrow of all the
narrow doctrines of conservatism—Protection I See-
ing this, we cannot but lament that our accomplished
author has allowed himself to wander from the
flowery meads of fiction into the flint-strewn paths of
fact—however much he may prefer the chance of a

civic wreath to the actual possession of the bay gar-
land, long since accorded to him as a poet and a
romancer. Better for his immediate popularity it
would unquestionably have been, had he contented
himself with inculcating those truths which, of all
others, are most calculated to foster the interests of
social advancement through the sermon of a benevolent
polemic like Parson DALE, or the speech of a large-
hearted landowner like Squire HAZELDEAN. For
ourselves, we must acknowledge that we would im-
measurably prefer from his hand a religious homily
founded upon a text from Galatians, than a political
manifesto based on a line from Lucretius. Such,
in reality, 'is the pamphlet recently published under
his signature,* a pamphlet bearing upon every page,
we had almost said in every sentence, the evidences of

precipitation.
While, however, we are compelled to lament the
circumstance that Sir EDWARD BULWER. LYTTON has
falsified all the auguries afforded by his brief but bril-
liant and liberal career as a politician, we must

protest with all possible emphasis against the con-
struction put most erroneously on his motives in thus
taking up once more the weapons of a pamphleteer.

Several months buck, when Mr. CARLYLE was insist-
ing in his " Latter-Day Pamphlets" on the necessity
_ _

of committing the responsibilities of government to
the charge of a statesman dimly indicated in his
argument, it was absurdly imputed to him that he
was endeavouring to identify himself in the public
mind with this faintly shadowed Salvator. Precisely
after this fashion is the discussion upon the present
" Letters to John Bull, Esq.," conducted,
—the author being charged very ridiculously
with a desire to proclaim himself to be the Coming
Man of the existing crisis. As a means of employing

the lighter artillery of ridicule against an antagonist,
the misapprehension in question is, of course, to a
certain extent estimable. Otherwise considered, it is

shameless to the very last degree, an evasion of the
reasoning of the pamphleteer, a wilful disregard of
the courtesies due upon all occasions of a similar

character. What Mr. CARLYLE wished to impress
upon the conviction of the community wus
the necessity of elevating once more to
the Premiership that illustrious administra-
tor whose demise so soon after was
lamented as a national calamity by the multitude.
What Sir EDWARD BIILWER LYTTON appears to be
desirous of forcing, in like manner, upon the popular
judgment, is the advisability of elevating to power
some man, whose identity seems to be a problem just
now even to himself, invested with more than ordi-
nary
capacities for conciliation. " What the time
now demands," says he, "is not the Leader; it . the
Conciliator." This he strives to demonstrate by re-
ference successively to the position of the Church, to
the position of Ireland, and, most of all, to the
position of those two great rival parties—the
Town Party and the Country Party—the
onataufaeturers and the agriculturists. Looking at
these thir g., he asks,
"Who does not sigh, May the
Coming Man be the Peace-maker !" Upon this sub-
ject he says inam-diately afterwards .•the
!
—this is in all times, and all lands, the master-art of
the administrator. As the vehement advocate once
raised to the bench becomes the impartial judge, so he
who in opposition is the leader, in office should become
the arbiter. And that authority has ever been the
firmest which reconciles the differences of each
with the order and progress of all. Difficult
task, and rarely undertaken !—but wisdom is
difficult, and firm administrations are rare.'
Having settled this point to his own satisfaction, and
to that he flatters himself also of his readers likewise,
Sir EDWARD undertakes very deliberately to prove
that a return to some protective impost upon corn is
advisable, is not only advisable, is necessary,
is not only necessary, is inevitable. Unfor-
tunately, in endeavouring to prove this, he does so
by no effort of logic, but by mere declamation.
Everywhere he appears to eschew statistics as detest-
able. He reposes his reliance entirely upon the force
of his unassisted rhetoric. In this very plain spoken,
matter of fact age, we cannot but think that in so
doing, he bas acted with rather undue temerity. Our
admiration for his various and splendid powers as an
author—as an
ents
author, too, nearly equally successful
partm of literature—cannot
in all the multiform de
blind us to the belief that, in defiance of all his great
literary capacities, he will fail, as it were by ne-
cessity, when he crosses his sarecenic scimitar, arabes-
qued with a magical dexterity and limber as a spring
of steel, with the great two-handed sword -employed
by the giants of
our modern school of political eco•
noisy. What shall be said, for example, if against
the stubborn facts of Mr. .MAcGREGon, are
brought mere figures of speech like the following :—"

• "Letters to John Bull, Esq., on Affairs connected Wit!!
his Landed Property, and the Persons who live thereon.
By Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Bart. London : Chap-
pm and Hall, 193, Piccadilly, 1851.