The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-20 00:00:00

so very unreasonable, as might have been expected from
the nominal head of the Tory Cabinet. But a little
examination, a little weighing in the balance, will be
sufficient to show them the real value ; to an expert
logician it is not nearly so difficult
" To make the worse appear the better reason,"

as persons of plain homely common sense may be dis-
posed to imagine.
Most of the great questions of policy which now agitate
the public mind are, as might have been expected, the
topics of the address ; but with the happy skill of a
master, he leaves them exactly where he found them.
He discusses them in a tone so temperate (and so spe-
cious) that while the " Doubtfuls" may be appeased,
the Tories—for they are a cunning people—must be de-
lighted. Interlarded as it is with the " judicious reforms"
and " corrections," and " modifications," which are
tacked to his " ifs "—there are plenty of ifs—not one
sentence can be found in the subtle composition that
admits of an interpretation hostile to Tory tenets.
We cannot, of course, go into an elaborate examina-
tion of Sir R. PEEL'S letter; but let us just see if we can
discover his meaning through the hazy garniture of
words in which it is enveloped.
And first as to the inquiry into Municipal Corpora-
tion—it is not his intention to advise the Crown to
interrupt its progress; but, when the report shall have
been made, he promises (and to that extent alone he
can pledge his Government,) to bestow on the sugges-
tions it may contain, and the evidence on which they
may be founded, a full and unprejudiced consideration.
Those of our readers whose fortune it may have been to
receive communications from high functionaries, will
remember the charmingly civil way in which they are
begged to " accept the assurance of my high conside-
ration," and can therefore form a tolerable estimate of the
value of a consideration. That, then, will not go for
much.

Next come the questions in which those of " our
fellow-countrymen who dissent from the doctrines of
the Established Church" are interested,— exemption
from Church-rates—marriage-ceremony scruples—their
admission to our Universities—and the redressal of any
real grievances. With respect to the first, Sir R. PEEL
has no objection to the exemption of all classes from the
payment of Church-rates, so that a certain sum in lieu
thereof be applied out of a branch of the revenue.
Why should he ? Whether the Church dues be paid
in meal or malt, what cares it ? But in one or other
form it verily shall be paid. This, then, does not go
for much.

He gives " no opinion on the particular measures"
touching their marriage-ceremony scruples, but refers
to his support of the principle of Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL'S Bill, as sufficient for his present purpose.
That, then, does not go for much.
Reference is also made to a former expressed de-
claration that if—alas those ifs—if regulations en-
forced by public authorities, superintending the pto-

fessions of law and medicine, had the effect of conferring
advantages of the nature of civil privileges on one
class from which another was excluded, then those re-
gulations ought to undergo—what ? modification !

Excellent word ; but what does it amount to?

And from all this he appeals, whether it can be sup
posed that he is actuated by any unwillingness to con
skier fairly the redress of real grievances?

Then comes the Pension List. He avows that as

has heretofore; so must .he again resist a retrospec

tine inquiry into pensions granted by the Crown, when
neither fettered by the law 'nor by the expression of
any opinion on the part of the House of Commons.
(What a comfOrtable . consolation it were to a robbed
man that the law holds exculpated a pilferer on the
ground of his ignorance of the law ! and how nicely
it makes good the loss he has sustained by reason of
such ignorance 1) But Sir ROBERT goes on to say
that in future he shall advise that pensions on the
Civil List ought, for the future, to be confined to such
persons only as have just claims to the royal benefi-
cence—(and what power but that is so proper to deter-
mine their justness ?)—or as are entitled to consideration
on account of their personal services to the Crown—
quere the SOVEREIGN? The other grounds of claim
need not be mentioned while these shall exist. What,
then does this amount to?

Lastly comes the subject of Church Reform ; and

e states all that need be mentioned, when he declares

that " on that head he has no new professions to
make I!" He will not consent to the alienation of
Church property in any part of the United Kingdom
from strictly ecclesiastical purposes ; and with regard
to the Church establishment in Ireland, IP by any
improved distribution of the revenues of the Church, its
just influence can be extended, and the true interests of
the established religion promoted that then—what

then? why—then all other considerations should be
made subordinate to the advancement of objects of such
paramount importance ! If this means any thing, in
the name of perspicuity what on earth can it mean ?
The complicated and difficult question of tithe he
acknowledges, should, if possible (the if is here of
immense value as doubting the possibility,) be satisfac-
torily settled by the means of a commutation founded upon
just principles, and proposed after mature consideration.
This paragraph is very discreetly worded. The satis-
factory settlement must of necessity imply an adjust-
ment satisfactory to all parties concerned, of which the
Church is a very important party. Will it ever be
possible to satisfy the Church on the subject of tithe,
excepting by the payment ?
And he concludes his enumeration by stating that
he has had no recent opportunity of giving that grave
consideration to the laws which govern our ecclesiasti-
cal establishment, that could justify him in making
any public declaration of opinion.

Then what does his manifesto all amount to ? Are
the Reformers of England to be deluded by such a
rope of sophistries ? Were Sir ROBERT PEEL really,
as he is nominally, the head of the Cabinet, they would
not be cajoled by it to give him " but a fair trial."
But before we can discern the measures of the men,
another Manifesto, from another Minister, must make

,s appearance. Will the Duke be pleased to address a

etter to the garrison of the Tower (his Grace possesses no

Tamworth, and one will do quite as well as the other,)
and declare to them, in this " crisis of great difficulty,"
—we have Sir ROBERT'S word for the fact—what
happen to be ? xis views and intentions may

We have received the Paris Papers of Thursday, in
which we find the late proceedings of the Peers against
M. ROUEN, the editor of the National, unsparingly
denounced by the strongest advocates of that Assem-
bly. The excitement created by this trial among all
classes in Paris is truly astonishing. The " judicial
assassination of Marshal NEY" is re-echoed from one
end of the capital to the other ; and already have depu-
tations waited on General EXCELMANS at his hotel, to
thank him in the name of France for confirming the
part of M. CARREL'S speech in the Chamber of