The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-12 00:00:00

HATTON-GARDEN.

Yesterday Ann Lugg, aged fifteen, and Ann
Lugg, her mother,were charged by Mrs. Mackinnon,
of 106, Great Russell-street, Bloomsbury-square,
the former with having stolen ♦arious artic:es of
plate, &c.,and the latter with having received them,
knowing them to be stolen.
They were remanded till Saturday.
THAMES-POLICE.

PRIVILEGE OF THE DOCK COMPANlES.—Yester-
day Patrick Donaghan, Charles lif•Carthy,John
Fitzgerald, Hugh Sibbald,Mani Brereton, Ste-
phen Brereton, John Greevin, arid Benjamin Liver-
pool, Irish ballast getters, in the employ of the
Trinity House Corporation, appeared on summonses
before Mr. COMBE, charged with mooring tour Tri-
nity ballast-b,4ges, within two hundred yards of the
West India Dock entrance, by which they had for-
feited penalties not exceeding 101. each.
It was proved by two men named Wilson and
Nuble, servants of the Dock, that the Trinity barges,
Nos. 1,7, 8, and 12, were made last to the buoys
within the limits on the evening of the 4th instant,
and remained there until the morning of the 5.1).
Evidence was also adduced that the defendants had
charge of the barges, and that after mooring them
within 200 yards of the Dock entrance they went
on ashore.

Mr. W. Honeyman, master of the Ballast-office,
said the men had acted through ignorance of the
law. They had to bring the bargee up the river into
the lower pool, but, in consequence ot the wind
blowing fresh from the N.W., they could not come
higher than Blackwall, and they had no other means
of saving their barges than by bringing up at the
West India Dock, and making them fast to the
Dock Company's buoys.
The witnesses for the prosecution said a vessel
had to go out of the dock on the morning of the
.sth, and if the weather had been rough she might
have been prevented going out in safety by the
barges being moored so near the entrance.
Mr. CO➢iBE said the defendants hail clearly vio-
lated the Dock Company's Act of Parliament by
mooring their barges within the limits, and were
liable to the penalty.
One of the defendants said it was distress of wea-
ther drove them near the Docks ; and what were
men to do in distress ?
Mr. COMBS convicted the defendants in the miti-
gated fine of 10s. each and costs, and requested Mr.
Honeyman to lay their case before the gentlemen
of the Trinity House.
ALLEGED ILL-TREATMENT OF A LASCAR CREW.
--EXTRAORDINARY CASE.—Yesterday thirteen men
of colour, part of the crew ot the Antacid East In.
(llama', a country ship, from Calcutta, were brought
up in custody from the station-house, charged with
wandering abroad, sleeping in the open air, and col-
lecting a mob about them. Thirty others, all Asi-

sties, belonging to the same ship, also came to the
office to complain of ill-treatment and short allow.
once ; and the chief officer of the ship, accompanied
by Mr. Hobler, jun., the solicitor, appeared to pre-
fer a charge against the men for neglecting to return
to thei duty on board.
The dispute between the crew of the Armand
and the officers of the ship has occupied a good deal
of the Magistrate's time. A month ago the crew
applied for warrants against the Captain and three
efficers (who, with the exception of a surgeon, pas-
,enger, were the only Europeans on board) for ill-
treatment during the voyage. The warrants were
granted, and a day set apart for the hearing, when
one man, a Mahometan, complained that he had
lost the sight of his eye by a blow inflicted
epon him by the third mate, and had been other-
wise ill-treated. The complainant swore positively
to the loss of his eye from the blow, and others de-
posed to seeing the blow given ; but on the doctor
coming forward, and stating that ten or twelve of
the crew had been attacked with ophthalmia on the
passage to England, and that he never saw any ap-
pearance of a blow, Mr. COMBE dismissed the case.
The legal adviser of the Lascars, dissatisfied -with
the Magistrates' decision, refused to proceed with
the other charges, though he declared some of them
to be of a most flagrant nature, and attended with
great cruelty. A great majority of the crew have
since refused to return to the ship, and a few whose
money is exhausted have been living in a state of
vagrancy about the streets of the metropolis, the
Captain wanting their services, having refused to
pay for their suppots in Mr. Gole's Lascar Bar-
rack's, where the Asiatics are usually lodged.
Mr. HOBLER, jun., and the chief mate, requested
the Magistrate to compel the Lascars to return to
the ship, where their services were wanting.
A Lascar who could speak good English was
called in, and he said the crew had been ill-treated
and half-starved, and if they went on board they
would be beaten and knocked about again.
Mr. Comm—Oh, no, you won't; we will take
care of that.

The cuief mate said the complaints of the crew
were not well fouuded, and they were such a lub-
berly set that they would sooner be begging about
the streets than working on board.
The Lasear said everybody knew they had been
111. used, and they (lid not have food enough. One
man died on the voyage from ill-usage, and he had
been stabbed in the side.

Mr. COMBE—I suppose you were all quarrelling
together? The chief mate said it was done during
a quarrel, but the man declared he was stabbed on
board by the third mate.
Mr. Hobler, jun., said the Captain would be liable
to a very heavy penalty if he did not take every
man back to the East Indies. If one Lascar was
left behind, the East li.dia Company would exact
the fine. The men had a notion that the Captain
had a right to keep them ashore in idleness.
Mr. COMBE said the men were eery much mis-
taken, and proposed to call all the Lascars into the
justice-ioom ; but the officers said it would not be
prudent to do so, as their clothes and persons were
in a most offensive state.

Tyler, a policeman, No. 109 K, said he found
thirteen of the crew huddled together in the 13-ick-
road, Sr. George's, on Saturday night. They were
in a wretched state, and some females brought two
loaves for them to eat.

Mr. CON DE said he would hear what the serang
(boatswain, who generally acts as leader and inter-
preter) had to say; but the Lascar said he was kept
on board by force.

The chief mate said the serang wished to go back
in the ship, and he would send for him if the magis-
►rate wished. It was his first voyage, and he bad
but little influence over the men.

The Lascar said they were almost naked, and
wanted more clothing.
Mr. Hobler said the crew had sold part of their
clothing to pay their legal adviser.
The serang was eventually sent for, but all he said
on his arrival was that he wanted the men to come
on board and work.

Mr. CO3IBE, after some further conversation, di-
rected Air. Evans, the principal surveyor, to explain
to the men that they must return on board the ship,
and that they could not be suffered to wander about
the streets. At the same time he ordered Mr.
Evans to occasionally call on board, and see that the
Lascars were not ill used.

The crew grumbled exceedingly on hearing the
Magistrate's decision, and just before they were
taken away in the Thames police gallrys, their
leader very pointedly said, " Mind, what we do is
by force—we have no justice here."

DISAPPOINTED LOVERS.—On Wednesday
a couple intended to unite themselves in the holy bands of
matrimony at a church in the neighbourhood of St.
Austle, but on their arrival they found that the rector,
forgetting his engagement, bad gone out to visit a neigh-
bouring squire. The hour of twelve \vas drawing near,
And a horse was *elle for the curate who lived a few miles
distant. The sexton to accommodate parties put back
the clock half an hour, but alas the curate refused to come
because the horse had no saddle. The disconsolate party
were obliged to return home in single blessedness, and all
vowed the rector was an enemy to matrimony, being an
old bachelor, and that he kept away on purpose to prevent
the happy couple being united. What became of the pies
and puddings, and other good things dressed for the occa-
sion we are not informed.—Falrnouth Packet.

In America no doubt seems entertained that
Miss F. Kemble is actually married to Mr. Butler, but
she is obliged to remain on the stage until July next, in
consequence of her engagements. • She however continues
to live with her father and aunt, and the union is by RO
means acknowledged by the parties. KNOWLES'S Wife,
a Tale of Mantua, has been recently produced with roost
extraordinary approbation at New York. We have before
us a cast of the parts as sent over in a letter to a manager
in this country, by which it appears that C. Kemble has
take❑ Knowles's character of St. Pierre, and that Mrsa
F. KEMBLE is Mariana. He goes at some length into a
criticism of the acting, bestowing a rapturous eulogium
(we are confident thoroughly deserved) upon Miss Kern-
hie, especi,iily in the two great scenes with her confessor,
and in die tent, in the last act : the passage addressed to
Ferrardo, beginning ' 06, why art t.,ou my foe," and
ending, with such sublimity of p ission,
Thou rock ! affliction did I kneel to thee ;
I rise front thee, despair !
put American audiences into a perfect fury of enthusiasm.
Charles Kemple was scarcely less admirable in St. Pierre,
a charac'er which he invested with a dastiin4 and pie-
turesque air of repentant pi ofligacy, Nothing could ex-
ceed the appiau•es attending the interview between St.
Pierre and Ferrardo, when the foruter extorts the con-
fession from the latter. The same letter holds out
splendid promises to Knowles if he will proceed to the
United States after• the Kembles have concluded.

MARCH OF INTELLECT, AND EFFECTS
OF EDUCATION.—The following curious colloquy fet.vion
dipi
two servant girls, ladies of the mop and brush, was a few
days ago tiverjra.rd, and immediately committed to paper,
verbatim et literatina:—Betty: Well, Rosa, how do you
like
dyliiinugr_ newts place ?—Ruse ?a—RbleuB, a 4 sthings(affectedly)
go:
w...
Prneottywda
elly—
ms.
Betty : What do you mean ? Your master is kind to
you, eh ?—Rosa (carelessly): Yes—Betty: No brats,
are there?—Rosa Oh! dear—not any ; if but one peeped
into the family, I should instantly be on the tip-toe—l
should give warning. Indeed, Betty, between you and
me, I don't think I shall stay long ; but don't tell
Charles, the footman, this, for the poor ignorant wrtteh
has formed a violent attachment for me.—Betty : but
your master is kind to you—mistress kind—no children
plenty to eat and drink—Rosa (aff,ctedly): Yes—every-
hung good--Betty : Your master is nu gambler—no
sitting up lite for him ?—Rosa : No ; but I bit up late
myself, to wade through the stupid novels of the day.
Bevy : You go out once a fortnight?—Rosa: Yes; but
then I have that wretch, Charles, following and dodging
me like a bloodhound. All ! dear me, lam •sure I shall
leave.—Betty : But why? you seem to have every corn-
• Oh, dear, ! but then
fort; good wages, h ROSA r yes
there is something in the, house so wery
disgusting
parti
culatly to a person of my habits and education—Betty
Whar, in the name of all that is miraculous, can it be ?
Rosa : Why; then, if you must know, I cannot bear to
come in contact with my mistress—Betty : Why ? she in
pretty?--Rosa: True; master took her tor her facer,ot
.....
for head.—Betty : She is affable ?—Rosa : Her affability
(hives me to distraction!—Betty: How?—.Rosa (in a
rage) : How ! Why because she speaks such abominably
bad grammar I... Observer.

PKO ES OF STOCK, TH ' A DAY AT (INK O'CLOCK.
Bank Stc cis 211.4; 11 12 New 5 per Cent.......
9 per Cent. Bed. ... ...... 867,, 756 India Stock
3 per Cent• Cons. 6B 73,4 8 Ditto Bonds 22 23 pm.
Dittor Cent. --South Sea Stock -
Red 951‘10414 Old Annuities --
New 356 per Cent. 96%14% New Ditto •••••• ---
3 per Cent. Ann. 17•2 K .... 1 per Cent. Ann. 1751 - .
4 per Cent. l'es26 102% ln 2 Ex. Bills, .El,OOO 4O 41 pm.
Bdnk Lci,g Ann. to expire , Ditto ..... ......500
Jan, 5, 1860... 16 16-16 N Ditto Small 4l 42 40 pm.
(',ct• 10, 1859 l6 11-16 34 Ditto Commercial ....... —Pir
Jan. 5, 1860 'Ditto Advertised ..... •••• Pm.
Jan. 5, 1880 I
;Bank for Account —
April 5, 1680 .. lndia for Account ..... ...
Jan. 5. 1870 Cons. for Account 87.34 8

PRICES Or FOREIGN FUNDS '
Austrian Bonds 944
Belgian Bonds 9454
Ditto Account 94143
Brazilian Bonds ......... .... .65%
Ditto Account 6514'
Buenos Ayres Bonds 22'-5
Ditto Accnunt —
°Allan Bonds 23
Ditto Account —
Columbian Bonds
Pitt° Account

THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK.
Peruvian Bonds
' Portuguese Bonds 69N
Ditto Account f:39th 7(4
Ditto New Bonds l:sf4i
Ditto Acconnt 15044•5“ Q
!Prussian Bonds 10124 •!•,,
Ditto Bonds, 19'2'2
,Russian Bonds, 1829 1(2%
Ditto Account, lO3
Ditto 111
'Spanish Bonds, 1821 9:234
Ditto Acc.
"r2N374%
Ditto Bonds, 18113
Ditto Account - -?(Wi %
French Rentes, 5 p. c 1021 —c.
!-- Exchange 25- Sic.
i---3 per cent. --1 —c.
;--- Exchange --f —c
Dutch, 9.1 p. C. 40%34 30,(2%
I Ditto Account 49y4Vii
I Ditto, 5 p. c 9354%%
Ditto Account 93%34
French Scrip ,l.j pm.

Ditto Bonds, 18.24
Ditto Acconunt 223 i
Danish Bon 5.....„ 73%
Ditto Account
Greek Bonds
Ditto Bords, 1.825
Ditto Account
irstn Bonds, 5 per cent 27
Ditto Account
Ditto, R per cent
Ditto Account 34
Neapolitan B9

PRICES OF SHARES THIR DAT AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Paid. Per Share.
Alten Mining Company £4 4 !/,,,1;
Antoci Mex. Mm. ,o. uss. at 5!. pm ).£lOO S
Brilanos Mining Company £l5O 12744
Brazilian Mining Company £s 12'
Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) £2O 61 L.,
Ditto National 2O 22
Ditto St. John Del Rey
Ditto Cocacs 5
Cata Branca Mining Company
British Iron 51ininv Company £so
Columbizn liiiiriA Co. 'ice at 5/. pm.) 51%
English Mit.ing Company 12%
General Mining Association l2
Hibernian Mining Co. £lo
Mexican Mining Co. X4B
Real del Monte Mining Co....(unreg.)
United Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 21. pm ) 40
Ditto New Scrip 5
Alliance Fire Insurance Comp lO
Protector Insurance Comp.
Australian Co.
Canada Company l7
General Steam Navigation Co. l3
National Provincial Bank of England 5
Rio Doce
Provincial Bank of Ireland . 25

124

414
11%
52% 2
11

2156

Due.

ILA__
Arrived. Due. Arrived. -
0 America 0 1 Hamburg 0
O Brazil
0 Buenos Ayres 0 0 Jamaica 0
O Carthagena 0 0 Leeward Islands ... 0
1 Dublin 0 ! 0 Lisbon 1
O Flanders 0 , 0 Malta..... 0
I France 0 ! 0 Sweden
O Guernsey &Jersey.. 0 ! I Waterford

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE To-'siop.x.ovv.
Aforning'... 8 minutes after 3. I Evening...2l minutes after 3.

7.-112'
be *fan

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, NOVENIBER 12, 1833

The accounts from Spain in the Paris Papers
of Sunday, which arrived this morning, are still
unfavourable. The French Government have
published an official bulletin, with intelligence
from Madrid, dated the 31st ult., announcing
the prevalence of tranquillity in the capital, but
there is not a word in it respecting SAARSFIELD
and the retreat of EL PASTOR, and General
CASTAGNON, and the entry of the insurgents
into Tolosa on the 7th instant is no longer
denied by the French official prints. The Ga-
zette de France states that Don CARLOS had
arrived at Bilboa. The authority of the Gazette
is not unexceptionable, and the statement is far
from probable. The Carlists have proclaimed
Don CARLOS at Ponso-Blanca, near Cordova.
The direct accounts of the 30th ult. from Madrid
state that EL MANco, a former chief of Gue-
rillas, has been sent against MERINO. An
attempt had been made to proclaim Don
CARLOS at Benabete, in Leon, but it had failed.
EL PASTOR and General CASTAGNON are
stated to have retired to St. Sebastian. All was
quiet at Barcelona on the 6th inst. The pro-
vinces of the East and South remained perfectly
tranquil. The Royalist Volunteers of Toledo
had surrendered their arms without the least
resistance. The Madrid Gazette continued to
publish decrees for the reform of the legislation
and administration of the country. One of those
decrees prescribed the revision of the laws and
regulations concerning printing and passports
and another announces the intention of Govern-
ment to establish a uniform system of weights
and measures.

Two Dutch Mails arrived last night, bringing
Dutch Papers to the 6th of November and 9th
of November. According to the most recent
accounts from the Dutch East India possessions,
tranquillity prevailed there.

DUTCH FUNDS—AmsTERDAv, Nor. 8.

Actual Debt, 5 per Cent
Ditto, 24 per cent
Amort Syndic, 4 per cent .... . B7 to 8716

... .
Ditto, ditto,3-4 per cent.
70 to 7041
Voluntary Loan, 1831, 6 per cent 102% to 102%
Ditto, 1832, 5 per Cent.
Ditto, 1833, 5 per Cent.
Exchange on London
Ditto, two months
—Dutch Papers, Nov 9.

Brussels Papers to the 9th of November ar-
rived last night. The KING is to open the
Sessions of the Chambers on Tuesday, the 12th,
at one o'clock. There is no news of interest in
these Papers.

German papers arrived this morning. They
contain an article from Rome, dated the 2d
inst., in which it is stated that the POPE is
waiting for instructions from Austria as to
whether he shall recognise the authority of the
Queen Regent of SPAIN. There are accounts
from Constantinople of the 11th inst., but we
have had the same date through other sources,
and there is nothing of importance in the ac-
counts by this arrival.
VIENNA, Nov. 1. (Holiday.)—Four per Cent. Me-
talliques 83k; Bank Shares 1,2053. —Allgemeine
Zeit:ins', Nov. 6.

We have more than once, but without ran-
cour or the least exhibition of party feeling,
expressed our dislike of the system of govern-
ment adopted by Louis PHILIP, the King of
the French, as being in direct opposition to the
principles which raised him to the throne. Iden-
tified as this Monarch is, or rather ought to be,
with the cause of liberty, it is with pain that we
find in every new act of his government addi-
tional ground for believing that he is only waiting
for an opportunity to betray that cause.
It will be recollected that Louis PHILIP
ascended the French throne upon the distinct
understanding that the new system was to be a
monarchy with republican institutions. Shortly
after his elevation, he denied that any such un-
derstanding had existed, and every effort was
made to throw odium upon republican ideas.
LAJAYETTZ, indignant at this breach of faith,

at this denial of truth, marked his sense of it in
the following dignified way :—When a card of
invitation to the palace was delivered to him, he
said to the bearer—" It is fortunate that you
have told me the object of your visit—l would
not insult the King by opening the envelope
and sending back his card. Tell him, however,
respectfully, that I cannot go. He and I have
told different stories to the world : I would not
charge him publicly with falsehood and treason
to the cause of liberty, but I owe too much to
my own character to attend his court, and by
the sanction of my presence make the world be-
lieve that they behold a liar and a traitor in
LAFAYETTE."—Without meaning any particu-
lar disrespect to Louis PHILIP and equally
without any partisanship of LAFAYETTE, we
will confess freely that we would take the word
'of the veteran Republican against that of the
KING.

But it is not a question of personal veracity
between these distinguished persons. Everybody
knows how Louis PHILIP acted when he first
came to the throne. Let his subsequent con-
duct he fairly reviewed, and we shall see that he
is indeed a traitor to the cause which made him
what he is, and that he is steadily and perse-
veringly labouring to efface every remembrance
of the days of July. It will be admitted by all,
that the greatest proof of despotism which a So-
vereign can exhibit is in the prohibition of free
discussion, or, where that discussion is re-
cognized by law, in the prosecution of the
press. Lours PHILIP could not prevent
the publication of newspapers, for the law
had sanctioned them, subject, indeed, to
shackles which render them anything but free.
He could prosecute, however, and this he has
done to an extent scarcely to be credited by those
who have not watched his career. In the last
three years the press prosecutions in France have
trebled the entire number of those of the two
preceding reigns ; and, as a still greater proof of
the bad spirit in which they were commenced, it
is to be observed that, for one acquittal by the
juries in the preceding reigns, there have been
ten under the reign of the present KING. De-
feat generally brings shame, but not so with
LOUIS PHILIP. He is pertinacious in error,
and knowing the dread which the French enter-
tain of Republican anarchy, he is determined to
continue his efforts towards the establishment of
an absolute throne.
We have been led to these remarks by the re-
cent speech of M. PERSIL the Procureur-Ge-
neral to the Judges of the Royal Court. This
M. PERSIL, be it remembered, is the pro-
tege of LOUIS PHILIP and the organ of the
French Court. A few passages from this im-

pudent effusion will show what the French King

intends. M. PERSIL, who seems to have as
great a dread of the influence of public opinion
upon jurors as some of the English Tories have,
says—

" Legislaton 'bag necessarily yet much to do. When Go-
vernment is in the majority, the minority will no longer
make a decision as to the law, any more than it makes the
law—when the vote shall be secret, and the suppressed deci-
sion amongst the Jury shall have destroyed the influence of
party men, and left the freedom of voting to people's con-
sciences—when the power of publishing, before and after
the verdict, the name and address of the Jury, shall be no
longer in the power of intriguants, and the weak-minded,
and the violent—then, and then only, the verdicts will he
the expression of the opinio❑ of the country, and we shall
be all anxious to unite with it. Our law processes will be
guided by them, and your arrests will be regulated by the
decisions."

Legislation, says M. PERSIL. has vet much to
do. In other words, LOUIS PHILIP has com-
manded his Ministers to propose to the Chambers
the adoption of new laws against the Press. The
vote of jurors is to be secret—the influence of pub-
lic opinion, which makes jurors independent and
honest, is to be removed, and they are, in future,

to be the mere creatures of the Court. Will the
French Chambers bear this ? We shall see.

Having got rid of the incumbrance of a free
Press, the next thing is to make LOUIS PHILIP
an absolute King. Let us see what M. PERSIL
says on this point. It is a perfect display of
legal jesuitism ; by►t the reader who does not
perceive the real intention, must have a confused
intellect indeed :
" To reign and to govern are twe inseparable actions, or
rather but one solitary act. To reign is to look over, to
he placed in an elevated situation, in order to understand
and judge of the wishes and wants of the people ; to govern
is to decide and act according to the views and information
which are the result of that superintendence. The one is
the examination, the other the decision. The King in a
Representative Government, is the pilot at the head. He
looks at the heavens and observes the state of the elements,
and makes use of his observation to govern his vessel. The
King, in a situation of greater elevation than others,
studies the country, judges if opinion is exactly represented
by the Chamber of Deputies, and, according to the result
of his observations, he dissolves it, or, when he maintains
it, he chooses Ministers to conform to the wishes the
Chamber expresses, and to the system which emanates
from it.

" If the Ministers deviate from it, he removes them, and
puts others in their places more disposed, and in a better
condition to understand what public opinion demands.
This is not only reigning but governing in the full signi-
fication of that expression. The Chambers are what the
elements are to the pilot; they do not govern but they
show, if they are the exact representation of the country,
how the country wishes to be governed."

If this be not a picture of an absolute King,
we know not what is. He is the pilot at the
head, and has charge of the vessel of the state.
"He looks at the heavens and observes the
state of the elements," and, " according to the
result of his observations," he is to act. " The
Chambers do not govern but they show how
the country wishes to be governed." And this
is the language of the official representative of
a King who accepted the crown from the
Chambers, and who swore to be the mere execu-
tive of the legislative bodies from 'hom he re-
ceived that crown. If the French nation will
bear this, they will bear anything. If they will
submit to be so governed, no matter whether
their King be a Duke of ORLEANS or a Duke
de BORDEAUX, Louis PHILIP has thrown
off the mask. He denies the legislative powers
of the Chambers ; declares that he is to be the
only judge of public opinion, and the only in-
terpreter, as well as executor of the laws.

Our limits do not allow of further remarks on
this atrocious avowal of absolutism. Indepen-
dently of confined limits, however, we can con-
scientiously say that the feelings of indignation
excited by M. PERSIL'S speech would be but
imperfectly appreciated in any language that we
could use.

We announced some time back the intended
formation of an " Anti-Corn Law Society" in
he metropolis. Its promoters have not ye t

made any great public display, but we hay
reason to believe that it is being organised in a
manner which will at once place it on a firm
and stable footing. The stream is silent, but it
is deep and strong. The speech made by Mr
MACAULAY, at Leeds, last week, cannot fai I
greatly to facilitate the objects of the society'
" It is my earnest advice," said the Hon,
Member, " to all who have influence, that they
will apply themselves to the dissemination o f
sound views upon this question, that it may be
rendered sooner ripe for a satisfactory decision."
This is advice which should not be neglected,
but it can only be followed effectually by a com-
bination of power. The desultory efforts of in-
dividuals must always lose a large portion of the
influence which they would have if united. In-
dividual philanthropy would probably still have
to lament over the miseries of negro bondage,
had not the exertions of the Anti-Slavery
Society been so instrumental in the abolition of
that once flourishing, nay even popular, abomina-
tion. Slavery would no doubt in the long run
have been abolished, or put an end to some
how or other, without the help of the
Society ; but how much human wretchedness,
how much risk of convulsion and bloodshed,
has not been avoided by its endeavours to render
the question " sooner ripe for a satisfactory
decision ?" But how much greater are not the
reasons for not rendering " sooner ripe for a
satisfactory decision" the great question of the
free circulation of food ? Every man in the
country, from the highest to the lowest, has a

direct personal interest in it ; but, unfortunately,

many of the high fancy that their personal inte-
rest is opposed to that of the low. It is

unfortunate for all that such a feeling should
exist, but more especially is it unfortunate for
the great bread monopolists, who most strongly
urge the fact, because, if they could make out
their case, the only course left for the people would
be to send them out of the country. Their

existence even could not for a moment be put
in competition with the welfare of millions.
Fortunately, however, the interests of the sellers
and of the eaters of bread, are not really in
opposition. Flt is as much for the interest of
the English landlord as it is for the interest of
the English consumers of all classes, that food
should freely come into the country from all
quarters. There are men now living old enough
to remember, that when the first improvements
were projected in our internal communications,

the owners of land near the metropolis exclaimed
against them. They feared that good roads would
bring produce from a great distance to compete
in the market with theirs, and that, consequently,
the value of their property would fall. Happily
for the public good, knowledge triumphed over
ignorance. The roads were improved, and
what has been the consequence ? Has
•

land near London fallen in value ? Was
he property of the ignorant blockheads,

who fancied their interest was bound up in a
monopoly of the London market, injured ? It
is true that, as they anticipated, produce did
come in from a distance to compete with thei rs
but the population of all our towns so increased,
the towns themselves so spread, that their land

. -
became twenty fold, nay, in many cases two or
three hundred fold more valuable than it was
before. It has become too valuable for them to
afford to grow upon it th' things which they
thought their existence depended upon growing.
For lailes round London their land is in demand

for building, for pleasure gardens, and for miles
and miles further is employed in the growth of
articles which cannot be brought from a distance,
No one would have thought, fifty years ago,
of London drawing a large part of its peas and
cabbages from distances of twenty miles and
upwards from London.* The great improve-
ment which has taken place in the value of land
in the vicinity, not only of Lordon, but of every
town in the kingdom, is a consequence of the
increase of the population of those towns, an
increase which could never have taken place
had their supplies of food been limited to
what could have been grown by the
fields, or estates in their immediate vicinity.
What was the case of the towns is now the case
of the whole country. Its population is checked,
its industry is fettered, by the attempt of the
corn growers to exclude all food from the
country but what they can produce themselves.
They are just as much opposed to their own in-
terest as were the men who wanted to have the
exclusive supply of London ; but they are as ig-
norant as those men were, and have to back them
a body still more ignorant than themselves—the
farmers of England. It is the number of these
latter, and the fact of the majority of the
Legislature consisting of men whose only pro-
perty is land, that creates the difficulty in the
present case. hence the necessity of adopting
Mr. MACAULAY'S advice ; hence the necessity
of union for carrying it into effect ; hence the
necessity of again and again systematically, and
in every variety of phases, bringing the subject
before the country, till the better disposed and
more enlightened of the agricultural classes,
see their interest in its true light, and the obsti-
nately ignorant feel that it will be dangerous
longer to perpetrate, what in their secret souls,
even they cannot fail to acknowledge, a mons-
trous injustice.

We have been told that there is a farm on the lower
Essex road, thirty miles from town, which sends green
pers to the London market.

Mr. CHARLES MACPHERSON GRANT,
who was lately attached to the Embassy at
Madrid, has been appointed Secretary of Lega-
tion at Lisbon, and is to sail to-morrow in the
Orestes for that city.

SURGICAL OPERATION.—A very intricate
and scientific operation was performed on the 14th ult.,
on a young boy of eight years of age, of the name of Wood,
residing in Mill-street, Paisley, who swallowed a tamarind
stone, which entered the windpipe. The medical gentle-
man who was called, after consulting with two of his
brethren who were sent for, proceeded to open the trachea,
as the only means of saving the boy's life. The operation
was a painful and delicate one, but it eventually succeeded.
For several days be only breathed through the wound, but
to close, and to the surprise of many
t
he is now considered out of danger...-.
who hgoravdisuiat gradually
Paisley Advertiser.;
bheigma,n

FINE ARTS.

ENGRAVINGS FROM THE WORKS OF
H. LIVERSEGE. PART. VI. LONDON, 1833.

Modern English art has rarely sustained a
greater loss than b) the death of young Liver-
sege, whose vigour, simplicity, and shrewd ap-
preciation of character would, had he lived, have
elevated him to the highest rank in his profes-
sion. He expressed himself on canvass with
remarkable readiness and distinctness, so that
there could be no mistaking his subjects, or the
characters he portrayed. Hence his works
will always bear translation at the engraver's
hands. His fine painting of " Falstaff and
Bardolph" is an instance of this. The character
of the fat Knight, his rich, oily, humour, the
roguish leer in his eyes, the ease and natural-
ness of his position, are so strongly and distinctly
marked, that he must be a bungler indeed who
could fail to give them expression in engraving.
In this fine picture, Liversege has given
us the completest illustration we ever yet
saw of " Shalllnot take mine ease at mine inn ?"
Bardolph—so far as the snout is concerned—
is characteristic, but his forehead is far too
intellectual. In its towering height it is worthy
of a Shakspeare or a Scott. " Othello and
Desdemona " is another painting equally full of
meaning. The proud confidence, mixed with
tenderness and admiration, with which the Moor
gazes on his young Venetian bride, proves that
the artist has read Shakspeare with a learned
eye. Equally correct and impressive, from its
perfect truth, is the lago in the back ground,
with his cold, cruel eye, and fixed expression of
countenance. It can never be sufficiently la-
mented that poor Leversege did not live to give
us a Shakspeare Gallery. We know no artist
in existence who could have done it half so well.

LITERATURE.

MEMOIRS OF MARSHAL NE Y, 2 VoLs.

LONDON, 1833.

" Marshal Ney," says the translator in his
preface, " was perhaps, next to Napoleon, the
greatest of the Generals produced by the
French Revolution." This is high praise, and
the Memoirs of the " bravest of the brave,"
as the Emperor loved to style him, would seem
to justify it. The volumes before us are trans-
lated (and well translated too, at least so far as
clearness and accuracy of style are concerned),
from the edition lately published in Paris, by
the express sanction of the Marshal's son ; so
that it is no catchpenny work, but all its state-
ments may be relied on as authentic. As con-
taining all Ney's opinions on the military art,
the result of long, assiduous practice under
one of the greatest warriors the world ever
saw, tho book must be valuable reading to
professional men, by whom alone, indeed, its
merits can be fully appreciated. We have little
doubt it will be much sought after at our mili-
tary clubs, and become in some sort a text
book, like Colonel Napier's celebrated History
of the Peninsular War. We cannot say_ we have
derived much edification from it ourselves, for
it is full of technicalities which we can only
guess at, and on which, therefore, we are wholly
incompetent to pronounce an opinion. The
first volume is the most intelligible to the
general reader and contains, among other
documents of interest, Lord Grenville's
celebrated reply, which occasioned such a
world of animadversion at the time, to the
First Consul's proposals of peace, and his
masterly argumentative reply. There is alc7o an
animated, though somewhat technical, account
of that hard-fought German campaign in 1805,
which terminated in the urrender of Ulm,
together with that of the Austrian forces under
General Mack. With this, the present volumes
close. The future ones will, of course, from
the variety of their topics, and the colossal
tivents of which they treat, deepen considerably
in interest.

ENGLAND AND AMERICA. A COMPA-
RISON of the SOCIAL and POLITICAL
STATE of BOTH NATIONS.

This is the most extraordinary and the
most interesting works which has issued from
the press for a long time. Its contents are so
various, so important, and, in many respects, so
new, that our only difficulty consists in giving
our readers even a slight idea of them within a
moderate space. It is in two volumes, and di-
vided into twelve sections, which the author
calls notes. The wealth of England, the
misery of the bulk of the people, the
uneasy position of the middle classes, the
phenomenon of overflowing national wealth,
and the misery of individuals, our future pros-
pects, the Corn Laws, free trade, slavery, and
colonization, are successively treated of in a
powerful and ingenious manner. The only
section of the whole book from which we
strongly and decidedly differ, is that which
treats of the American tariff. The author de-
fends, or rather apologises for, the existence of
the tariff. The following passage seems to con-
tain a summary of the grounds of his opinion
upon the subject :
" If English manufactured goods were let into the
United States, duty free, that portion of the capital and
labour of America, which is now employed in making
goods of that kind, would be diverted to agriculture.
Upon this point there can be no dispute. Let us further
admit, that the Americans might obtain better and
cheaper manufactured goods by raising corn for the
English market than by making such goods themselves ;
just as the English might obtain better and cheaper corn
with steam engines than with ploughs. If so, the Ame-
ricans lose by the tariff, speaking economically ; but now
turn to the political side of the account.
" It is desirable that a very large proportion of the
people should consist of busbandmen, such as the English
term clodhoppers; earth-scratchers, they ought to be
called in America ? Yes, without doubt, provived this
be tl.e only way in which every member of society may
obtain plenty ; but in America profits and wages, both,
are so high, that if an economical sacrifice far a political
gain be made,. it is not felt. Not being felt, it is not a
sacrifice ; while the gain is palpable. Supposing that
American industry IN less productive than it might be,
still it produces enough; and in order to make it produce
more than enough a great political advantage must be
sacrificed ; the advantage of so much town population as
would have consis'ed of mere husbandmen if the tariff had
not excluded foreign manufactured goods."
Contrary to the author's usual practice, he has
here begged the whole question. He assumes
that no sacrifice is made, or that, supposing it
to be made, it is compensated by the gain of

town population. Now even if we were unable
in any way to trace the fallacy of his posi-
tion, we should be certain that it did con-
tain a fallacy, from the simple fact of its
pretending to direct the flow of capital to
one branch of industry in preference to ano-
ther. But we think it is easy to show that there
is a sacrifice of health, of power, and of industry
which sacrifice defeats the very object it is mean
to attain. If it be admitted, as the writer mus
admit, and indeed does elsewhere, that it i
better, in an economical point of view, that
farmer should buy his ploughs instead of making
them, it will not be denied that it is better fo,
him to buy them at a cheap rate, than at a dear
rate. Does not the argument, economically
speaking, apply as much to a community of
farmers, as to an individual farmer ? But then,
says the apologist of the tariff, I want to have
a larger town population, because it is good
politically. One would suppose, from this,
that no towns had arisen in America before the
framing of the tariff. In fact, there were towns,
and new towns would have arisen without the
help of the tariff. We grant that there are a
few manufacturers here and there, who would
not have been manufacturers had not the tariff
existed ; but we have shown that they are really
a source of loss to the agriculturist. The
extra price the farmers must pay them, is so
much taken from their means of employing
labour is consequently so much taken from the
fund which would encourage the immigration of
labour, (which the writer is anxious about),
is consequently by so much a check on popu-
lation, and, therefore, inevitably a check upon
the growth of towns. Had all the capital
which the tariff has turned to the support of a
few thousand manufacturers been let to flow
in its natural course, two new States, filled
with towns, might have been added to
the Union. In short, a waste of capital
and labour, although asserted not to be felt, is
still a waste, and a waste which in the case of
the United States has prevented the growth of
unnamed towns, has checked that filling up of
the country, after which manufactures will, if
other circumstances are favourable, naturally

arise.
'e will now make an extract from a note with
which we are much more pleased. After having
examined some of the means by which the grant
of universal suffrage and vote by ballot may be
postponed till the bulk of the people are suffi-
ciently enlightened to use those privileges safely,
the writer continues :
" The question that remains, is by far more difficult.
May arrangements be made to qualify the bulk of the
English people for choosing representatives in Parliament ?
" Volumes have been written to prove, that arrange-
ments for that purpose could not hare any permanent
effect; and toss of books and pamphlets, reckoning but
one copy of each, to suggest various measures for the cure
of poverty and ignorance. Hitherto, those who contend
that the greatest part of mankind is doomed by nature to
misery and degradation, have bad the best of the argu•
went. It is not necessary on this occasion to interfere
between these two parties. The question on which they
dispute must he settled one day or other. Leaving it to
be discu'sed in an English Parliament chosen by the whole
people, the present object is to ascertain by what means
the English poorer order may be qualified to take part in
that discussion. The present question, therefore, though
more difficult than that which has been just examined, is
a small practical question, when compared with that great
abstract question which divides the Malihusians and their
opponents: it relates only to one generation. Truly, if a
way should be found t. bestow comfort and knots ledge
upon one generation of the poorer class, that might be a
step to the permanent cure of misery and vice ; but suffi-
cient for the day is the evil thereof : the present difficulty
is great enough, though trifling, it may be, when compared
with the other. Let us then limit the question.
" May arrangements be made to bestow comfort and
knowledge on one generation of the English poorer class?
" Yes, without doubt, says a believe' in the omnipo-
tence of ;location , increase the number of schools for the
poor, and of mechanics' institutions ; send teachers into
the rural districts; take off the taxes on knowledge ; pro-
ceed—
" Stop friend ; all this is supposed to have been done
with a view to the postponement of universal suffrage.
" He continues : Then you suppose the poor taught, that
their own comfort depends on themselves, that their well
being is in their own hands, that, by prudently keeping
their numbers under the demand for their services, they
may exact high wages,—
" Stop again : All this is good, may be necessary, for
the permanent well being of the labouring class ; but the
greatest imaginable prudence, though made universal to-
morrow, would have no effect on wages for twenty years
to come. Would you prudently get rid of children already
born? If not, you propose to teach prudence, the highest
wisdom, to a miserable race, without leisure, over worked,
anxious and discontented ; to make the cart drag the horse;
to produce a cause by means of its own effect. Prudence,
wisdom, is the end ; the means, high wages, leisure, peace
of mind, and instruction. A world of trouble has been
wasted in the endeavour to instruct the wretched. You
must begin at the beginning. Bestow ease on the work-
ing class, and then, indeed, you may teach them to dread
the return of misery. The first step is to raise wages.
' When we deliberate about the means of introducing in-
tellectual and moral excellence into the minds of the prin-
cipal portion of the people, one of the first things which
we are bound to provide for, is a generous and animating
diet. The physical causes must go along with the moral ;
and nature herself forbids that you should make a wise
and virtuous people out of a starving one. Men must be
happy themselves, before they can rejoice in the happi-
ness of others ; they must have a certain vigour of mind
before they can, in the midst of habitual suffering, resist a
presented pleasure : their own lives and means of well
being must be worth something, before they can value, so
as to respect, the life or well being of any other person.
This or that individual may be an extraordinary indivi-
dual, and exhibit mental excellence in the midst of wretch-
edness ; but a wretched and excellent people never yet has
been seen on the face of the earth. Though far from fond
of paradoxical expressions, we are tempted to say that a
good diet is a necessary part of good education; for in one
very important sense, it is emphatically true. In the
great body of the people, all education is impotent without
.6

" The first step is to raise wages, But bow shall wages
be raised, except either by increasing the amount of em-
ployment or by diminishing the number of labourers ? In
no other way, beyond a doubt ; not by strikes at Man-
chester, nor by Swint/ fires in Kent; not by spade hus-
bandry, nor by paper money ; not by giving books to
hungry paupers, half starved weavers and parish appren-
tices, nor by accumulating more capital, and wasting it on
foreign loans and far off ruinous speculations; but by in-
creasing the proportion which employment bears to labour.
How to raise immediately the proportion which employ-
ment bears to labour, and to maintain the higher proportion
(or twenty }ears or so; this is the question on which,
if I have taken a just view of the political prospects of
the English, depends their existence as a wealthy and
civilized nation.

" Here I must refer to the not,, in which I have
sought to explain the coincidence in England of over-
thwing wealth with extensive uneisiness and wide spread
ini,ery. In order to raise wages immediately, the lid
for the employment of English capital and labour must
be enlarged ; whereby profirs, and the rewards of many
services not called labour, would be raised at the same

time as tke wages of labour. The whole world is before
you. Open new channels for the most productive
employment of English capital. Let the English buy
bread from every people that has bread to sell cheap.
Make England, for all that is produced by steam, the
workshop of the world. If, after this, tbere be capital
and people to spare, imitate the ancient Greeks ;
take a lesson trom the Americans, who, as their capital
and population increase, find room for both by means of
colonization. You have abundance, superabundance, of