The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-03 00:00:00

—those consumers who are not producers in their turn. You
advantage those who are in the Possession of fixed money in-
comes, but by diminishing the value of everything else you
raise the value of money and enhance the growing burden of
that, national debt, which no other country could support,
and increase the pressure of taxes, which, however, they are
themselves diminished, are borne with increasing difficulty
by the people, whose capital is constantly decreasing. I de-
precate hasty and ill-considered and violent changes, and in
this course of downward progress in which we are involved,
though true prudence and true statesmanship point, I think,
not to the hasty reversal of all that has been done, I would
at all events cry " halt" in that downward course. a
would say watch the progress that has already taken
place—modify the effect of measures, if they have
had a greater effect than even their proposers con-
templated, and prudently, discreetly, but firmly
and determinedly, apply on sound principles legis-
lative relief to those classes which your legislative action has
made to suffer.—(Hear, hear.) how that relief may be
at-
forded this is not the time to consider. My lion. Friend,
e chairman, has complimented me on having frankly, as I
felt it my duty to do, stated in my place in Parliament the
general course of policy which I thought the Government in
the present state of affairs ought to adopt. To that expla-
nation I have little to add. lily own views, undoubtedly,
are that there is no course so simple and effective for remov-
ing agricultural distress, and at the same time for returning
to a sounder system, as, by the imposition of moderate duties
on foreign imports, at once to afford a certain, though mode-
rate, check to the unlimited influx of those foreign articles
(when they are not required in thiscountry), and at thesame
time to obtain from the foreigner, in imitation of all other
nations, a contribution towards the revenue of the State—
(Cheers)—and to enable us to take off other taxes which
press more heavily and immediately on the springs of our do-
mestic and national industry.—(Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
however unwarrantably long I have detained yon, there is
one other topic to which I may call your attention— because
it is a topic which even more than our financial policy,
even more than our agricultural distress, even more
than the commercial difficulties which I fear may be im-
pending over us, has taken hold, and justly taken hold, of
the hearts and affections of the people of this country. I' re-
fer, 1 need not say, to that unwarrantable, and as many
I admit to be in manner, that insolent and offensive aggres-
sion—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers)—which has taken
place under the authority of a foreign prelate upon the
independence and national liberties of thise„country.—
(Continued cheers.) Gentlemen, with respect to that ag-
gression, I will not go so far as to characterise it as insidious,
and I think that of the two parties I am bound to say, en-
tertaining no great affection either for the one or the other,
that the Pope has greater cause to complain of the conduct
of her Majesty's Ministers— (Cheers and liughter)—than
her Majesty's Ministers have to complain of the conduct of
the Pepe—(Renewed laughter)—because, if by tacit consent,
if by even active encouragement, it was possible to do any-
teing to persuade the Pontiff that this country was willing
to submit to aggression, to submit even to any humiliation
at his hands, I must say that the course which, in mere than
one instance, has been pursued by Lord Grey, by Lord John
Russell himself, and more especially by the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland—(Load and continued cheering)—has been such as
to impress the councillors of the Pope with an unreasonable
opinion that no objection would be made in the first instance
to any encroachment he might wish to attempt; and, in
the second, that, if any objections were made, the matter
would be:passed over with a little empty bluster and with
no very substantial resistance.—(Hear, hear.) I do not
know that the events of the last few weeks have tended, as
far as the Government are concerned, very much to alter
the complexion of the case. If the Government had in-
tended from the first to take the course which to all classes
of her Majesty's subjects would be at once the most irritating
and the most ineffective, that course would have been the
one which, from the period of that too celebrated letter
written by the Premier to the Bishop of Durham down to
the time at which I now speak, her Majesty's Government
have actually pursued.—( Hear, hear.) In that letter—as I
can hardly believe that it was written hastily and incon-
siderately—expressions were used which naturally gave
great cause of offence to a large portion of her Majesty's
Roman Catholic subjects. A stated determination to resist
aggression need not have been accompanied by a sneer at
the religion of the Roman Catholics. There is no man in
this room, or in this country. who is more determined than
I am to secure to every class of my fellow-subjects, Pro-
testant or Catholic, whatever be their creed, the fullest
exercise of all their religious liberties.—(Cheers.) But I
draw a broad distinction between the free exercise of reli-
gion by all classes of her Majesty's subjects and the inva-
sion of our civil rights by the institution of an ecclesiastical
establishment, subject to a foreign potentate. When Par-
liament met, I stated—and I think the expression I made
use of has been, in some degree, misconceived,— I stated,
that if I had been called upon to decide in the first instance
what course should be pursued, I should have proceeded
either by resolution or address, or by a declaratory Act
directed against that particular instance of aggression—the
Papal rescript, which was at once an aggression and as in-
sult to this country. But I added, further, that the course
which had been taken upon the rescript should be much
more deeply looked into. It required that the whole rela-
tions of the Roman Catholic subjects of this country towards
the British Crown and the Papal see should be carefully and
diligently investigated ; and I stated that upon so large a
branch of the subject, upon one involving such delicate and
difficult considerations, it was desirable to attempt no•
thing which it might not be practical to accomplish,
for nothing could be so inexpedient as to threaten
when you were not able to execute, and to show resentment
where you were not able to repress.--(Hear, hear.) Upon
that large question I should desire to have no hasty or in-
considerate legislation, but an immediate, indisputable, and
peremptory reply by Parliament to the actual insult, and
subsequently an inquiry as to the legislation which might ba
necessary for the purpose of placing the Roman Catholic sub-
jects of the Queen in a position which would at once secure
their own civil and religious rights; nay, which might even
extend them, and at the same time secure the people of this
country, whether Protestants or Roman Catholics, from an
interference with their temporal concerns, and from the con-
trol of an ecclesiastical hierarchy appointed by a foreign
power.— (Hear.) Some people have erroneously supposed
that I proposed to hang up all legislation for a period of two
years. The expression I used was that such inquiry must
take time ; but, even if it occupied a whole session, or even if
it occupied two sessions, I considered that loss of time to be less
dangerous than a hasty and ineffectual measure.— (Cheers. )
Gentlemen, I know not whate course the Government may
now intend to pursue. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government had laid the basis of a measure which involved
notonly a repeal of the Act of 1829, but a revival of the whole
penal code, and then upon that mighty substratum he built
a superstructure of such microscopic dimensions as produced
only ridicule and contempt—contempt not unmingled with
the irritation which the sting of an insect, however small,
may produce, though the bite of the insect is not dangerous.
It produced irritation, and nothing but irritation beyond a
feeling of contempt; and this little microscopic measure has
since that time dwindled to more microscopic dimensions
still.—(A laugh.) Indeed, the observation was made to me
by a friend of the Government, as to the second reading of
that Bill, that he never recollected an occasion on which
there was so large a majority brought down to support so
little a measure.—(Laughter.) But I do not consider that
majority insignificant though the measure was ridiculous, be-
cause it was a declaration on the part of the Parliament of
this country, and it would be felt at Rome as a declaration on
the part of the Parliament of this country, that in principle
we abjured, as our forefathers had done, encroachments and
invasions upon the temporal power by the See of Rome.
( Hear, hear.) It may be well to say that the authority of
Rome is a spiritual authority. I don't call that a spiritual
authority which acts on the tender consciences of infant
girls—(Loud cheers)—and the superstitions fears of the
death-bed, for the purpose of robbing heirs and relations.
—(Loud and continued cheering.) Still lees do I eon-
sider it to be an authority essential to the free exercise
of religion to prohibit acts in themselves legal, or enjoin
acts if not illegal, at all events in violation of the express
and determined will of the Legislature under those awful
penalties which the Roman Catholic Church holds over and
has power to exercise over the minds of those of its persua-
sion. I say, then, that the majority upon that principle
was not unimportant. But, I say further that I consider
it the duty of Parliament, and I trust I shall consider it my
duty, while I do not press for a more extensive application of
measures than those which the Government themselves have
Government
Parliament, so far as I can, that that which that e
thought fit to institute, in the first instance to take care in
h power to
professes to check we really shall give h
be
too
not see that that which the Government professes make
check.—(Cheers.) I certainly shall not them
msatisfied if I d
effectual shall be really and substantially effectual.— (Cheers. )
I feel how long I have detained you—( hear) —and how un-
grateful a return I have made for the flattering and:highly
complimentary manner in which you have received my
health. But my desire was that, here as elsewhere, no mis-
conception should prevail as to my opinions. I have felt it
my duty, especially to you who have reposed such confidence
in me, that I should place myself in your hands with the
fullest
by the communion and interchange of llest and frankest unmet-ye; for, believe me, it is
only
feel-
ings and opinions, by :an assurance that the members of a
general principle—(Cheers)—
3 onec'sinor ought to be guided. A party
must feel itself bound togetherparty either
by
by the strong links of prin.
thatpart y
an
aacrt
y are
ty
ciple, and individuals of that party must not be deter-
mined to adhere to some petty crotchets and opinions of
their own. For my part, with regard to those with whom I
have had the honour of acting, I have always in details
sacrificed my own opinion to the opinions of the ma-
jority
of my political friends. But they will forgive me
for saying—and they would despise me if I did not declare
it—that to no body of meu would I sacrifice that which I
felt imperatively called upon to maintain by my duty to my
country. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I have said that .1
look with anxiety to the present state of this country. I
look also with anxiety to the future ; but the degree
to which that anxiety may be removed depends upon
you in your places in Parliament; it depends upon
you in your respective neighbourhoods throughout
this country; it depends upon the constituencies of this
country, and in their hands, whenever a general election
shall come—and all the signs of the times show that that
election cannot be far distant—(Hear, heir)—in their hands
will be the destinies of this country for good, or for evil for
length of time which it is impossible to predict.—(Hear.)
My belief is, that if the great constitutional party shoal"
prevail— if they should be strong enough to administe,rtthn_
affairs of the country by a steady maintenance of our it
es -
tions in Church and State, by maintaining the Protestant
fidustry
tablishmtnt, by maintaining the great branches
o relief
in this country, by watching to see in what
directionterests strug-
may be safely and beneficially afforded to the interests
I believe
gling with difficulties not of their own creation;
of well- considered
that going steadfastly forward in the path _
deter Me( improvement, by offering steady, firm,
andgreat country op-
position to revolutionary changes,
this
t is now maY
escape from the difficulties by which
..r
t._surrounded,
- s and satis.ac ioa of seeing,
and we may have the happiness
under a Conservative Administration, increased stability
given to the Throne, increased security to our Protestant es-
tablishments and national institutions, and increased happi-
ness to all those various classes which, in the aggregate,
form the different members of
cheering.)
great body politic of this
country.—(Loud and prolonged beefing.)
Mr. WALroLE 1: proposed, "The Duke of Richmond and
the House of Lords."
The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm.
The Duke of RICHMOND said,—My Lords and Gentlemen,
I rise under feeling' g the greatest difficulty to'cndeavour to re-
turn you thanks for the cordial manner in which you have drunk
the House of Lords. Ido so because lam well aware that
there are many Members of that House here present who
could much more adequately convey their thanks than the
humble individual who is now addressing you. I ant called