The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-18 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY Evi
ING SU
9 SEPTEMBER 18, 1851.

BRITANNIA LIFE ASSURANCE
COMPANY.
1, Princes-street, Bank, London.
Established August 1, 1837.
Empowered by special Act of Parliament, 4th Viet., cap. 9.
CHAIRMAN— Colonel ROBERT ALEXANDER, Blackheath Park,
ADVANTAGES OF THIS INSTITUTION.
Halt Credit Rates of Premium.
Persons assured according to these rates are allowed credit
for half the amount of the first seven annual premiums,
paying interest thereon at the rate or five per cent. per annum, with
the option of paying sir the arrears of pr,miums, at any time, or
hiving the amount deducted front the sum assured when the policy
becomes a claim.

For Securing Loans and Debts.
A Table adapted especially for the securing of Loans and Debts, by
which the fullest security is obtained on very low, but gradually in-
creasing premiums.

Policies revived, without the exaction of a fine, at any time within
;we've months, if hea!th remain unimp.tired.
A Ilcard of Directors in attendance daily at Two o'clock.
Age cy the Assu•ed in eve, y case admitted in the Policy.
Medical atter), lauts remun ,rated in all cases for their reports.
Extract ttOm the Half Credit Rates of Premium.

Annual Premium required for an Assurance of 1001. for the whole

Term of Life.

Age.

Half Premium for Whole Premium after
Seven Years. Seven Tears.

X s. d.
1 1 9
1 9 2
2 2 6
3 6 8

X s. d.
2 3 6
2 18 4
4 5 0
6 13 4_,

40
80
60

E. R. FOSTER, Resident Director.
ANDREW FRANCIS, Secretary.—

METROPOLITAN LIFE ASSURANCE
SOCIETY.

No. 3, Princes-street, Bank.

The Directors hereby give notice to Members whose Premiums fall
due on the sth of October next, that the same must be PAID
within Thirty days from that date.
The Premiums are paid Yearly, Half-yearly, or Quarterly, on
the sth, of January, sth of April, sth of July, and sth of October,
eithv of which several days t.lonstitutes3l44somtnencernent of the
year to Members. Persons, therefore, desirous of entering the So-
ciety as Members on the sth of October next, should appear or lodge
their proposals at the office on or before that day.
This Society, for Mutual and General Assurance, appropriates the
whole of its profits to the benefit of parties assuring their own lives
for the whole term of lite as Members of the Society.
For the year ending the sth of April, 1852, an abatement of 51 per
cent. has been declared on the Premiums of all Members of Five
Years' standing and upwards.
RICHARD lIEATIIFIELD, Superintendent.
Princes-street, Bank, z•eptember 16, 1851.

BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH.
Iranziltom.place, New-road, London.

_ -
The following is a List of AGENTS for the SALE of MORISON'S
PILLS, the VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINE, In London
and its vicinity :
Strand, 368—(Mr. J. Lofts, jun.) the Hygelst-office, 5 doors east
of Exeter Hall.
Regent-street, 65 ............Mr. Field.
Park-place, 1, Mile End-road • • Mr. Lofts.
Oxford-street, 63 .... • Dietrichsen&Hannay,perflarners
New-road, 20, St. George's-in-
the-East Mr. J. Kalnes.
Watling-street, 55.. • • ........ Mrs. Dare.
Great Tower-street, 33.... • • Mr. Baldwin.
Townsend-street, 8, Old Kent-
road ••.•• • • • • • .......... Mrs. Foulser.
Tottenham-court-road, 128. Mr. Rayner.
Walham Green .............. Mrs. Marchant.
Brentford (Post-office) • Mr. Norbury.
Clapham • • • • .... • • ...• Mr. Batten's Library.
Great Chart-street, 53, East-
road, Hoxton ............ Mr. J. Dinmore.
Cornhill, 68 .. .. Mr. R. Johnstone, perfumer, &c.
High Holborn, 83............ Mr. William Hallet.
Deptford ..... .......... • . Mr. Porritt, bookseller.
Staines • Mrs. Norris's Library.
Poplar, High-street Mr. Edmunds.
Finsbury Market, 3, North•street Mr. Sage.
No chemist or druggist is allowed to sell the Medicines.
See that the words " Morison's Universal Medicines" aro on the
Government Stamp.

ROYAL BUCKS AGRICULTURAI
ASSOCIATION.

AYLESBURY, WEDNESDAY.—The annual dinner o
the members of this association took place here thi!
afternoon at the George Inn, Mr. Lowndes presiding
in the absence of the Duke of Buckingham, and sup-
ported by Mr. Disrae!i, M.P., Captain Vyse, M.P.;
and other gentlemen.

The attendance of country gegalemen was exceed-
ingly numerous, as for days previous to the event a
rumour had been spread abroad thht the assembly
would kfre'revote,d quite as much to plitical as con-
vivial pur7nieg, aficithat Mr. Disraeli and the other
county M-mbers would attend. The first gentleman
was publicly announced in the local press as having
declared his intention to address the meeting. Dinner
(which was served in very good style) having con-
cluded, and the usual loyal toasts having h-en drunk,
Captain VYSE returned thanks on beh zif of the
army and navy. He conceived it his duty, as an
English gentleman and a Member of the House of
Commons, to stand by'the.agricultural interest now
that it was suffering. AitEtsbe pfesent time it was re-
quired that every man vain' had the good of his fellow
countrymen ite heart should join in protecting her
douffering interests, which unless something was
done would be left to go to ruin.—(Hear, hear.)
Standing there as a friend to the agricultural
interest, he did not quarrel with any man
for his political opinions. He looked not to political
sentimen.s, but to the condition of the country. He
looked at what the country was. He looked at those
institutions which had made her great, and he trem-
bled to think of the innovations and changes which
threatened.—(Hear, hear.) He would not be told
that recent legislation had made England happier.
A change had been effected for the benefit of a class
of democrats, to the detriment of the English farmer,
who might literally be called the " staple commodity"
of this country. He was glad to find that those
classes who at first hailed free trade as a benefit to
their particular callings bad now discovered their
error, and he trusted that no long time would elapse
before they found an alteration in the system which
was at present productive of so much mischief.
" The Health of the Duke of Buckingham," the
President of the association, was then drunk, and a
letter from that nobleman, expressing his sympathy
with the objects of the association, and his regret at
his unavoidable absence, was then read. •

" The Royal Bucks Agricultural Association"
having been given, the farm servants who had distin-
guished themselves by their length of service, good
conduct, and skill i❑ different agricultural employ-
ments, were called in, and various pecuniary and
other rewards were distributed.

Mr. LOWNDES STONE proposed the " Members for
the County."
Mr. DISRAELI rose to return thanks, and was re-
ceived with immense cheering. After apologizing for
the absence of his colleagues, Mr. Du Pre and Mr.
Cavendish, the Hon. Member said—Gentlemen, on
this occasion I am placed in a different po3ition from
either of my colleagues, whatever may be their po-
litical opinions. I have to thank you for drinking my
health as Member for the county; you cannot forget
that from circumstances to which I need not refer I
have not lately had the pleasure of meeting you; yet,
I have been in communication with the Royal Agri-
cultural Association of the county of Bucks. I can
assure you that whatever has been the excitement of
public life, whatever has been the excitement or feel-
ing of the hour, I have never forgotten the county of
Bucks, nor have I for a moment bartered for the pos-
sible favour of a Court or for the applause of the Se-
nate, the approbation of those men who first intro-
duced me into public life, whose good opinion I shall
always wish to preserve, and whose interests I shall
always be ready to serve. Now on this occasion we
meet under very peculiar circumstances. This
association is unlike many similar associations in
this country. It was not merely founded for the
highly interesting but limited object which we
have just carried out. It was not merely
founded to give tone to the peasantry of the country,
to animate them to faithful service, or to reward
them for diligent conduct ; it was also founded to
watch over the fortunes of this agricultural county.
—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, gentlemen, it would be
worse than mockery, meeting as we do under such
circumstances, fur a Member of the House of Com-
mons, bound to consider your fortunes and vindicate
your interest, to take advantage of the common-place
excuse sometimes too liberally t.orcised, and to say
that politics are forbidden on this occasion, and in fact
to avoid making any allusion to the perilous position
which you occupy, and which of course is the great
subject which interests you—(Hear, hear)—or to try
to avoid giving the reasons for the apprehensions which
I, as your Member, feel on your behalf. Gentlemen,
it must be—l am almost afraid to say it—three years
ago since we met under the political circumstances
which now bring us together. It was at the time

hen the interest of the cultivators of the soil was first
feeling the sharp distress which has since, without
any diminution, pressed on their energies even if it
stimulated them ; and I cannot help remarking that it
was in this room that I first expressed to you those
views which I have since attempted to carry into
action, and which at that time occasioned great oppo-
sition from our opponents, and occasioned some demur
even from those who sympathised with us, but which
entirely without any assistance I pressed on, prose-
cuted, and sustained, and by your assistance I have
brought to a point very different from that which
they first occupied when I first addressed you on the
subject. Therefore, gentlemen, it is not unnatural—
it is, indeed, a most natural thing, even if it were not
my duty, that I should briefly aud, of course, in that
unstudied manner which becomes our coin munica•

Lions, and has always distinguished them, give you
my views of what is the position which we occupy—
what not only is our position at this moment, but what
are our future prospects, and what, under these cir-
cumstances, as men of sense, not men of violent views,
but as men wbo understand the spirit of the age as
well as the position they occupy, what course we
ought to take under the circumstances, no doubt,
most difficult, if not the most discouraging, that ever
presented themselves to a body of public men.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, gentlemen, I am doubtful what
to say; the duty is a disagreeable one, but I have
often experienced your indulgence before. I know
that I appeal to ram of intelligence, and who will
sympathise with me, provided they think that I do
my duty.—(Hear.) Therefore I take this opportunity
in as few words as I can command, to endeavour to
form an impartial opinion of the position in which we
are placed, and of the prospects opening to us ; that
we may know whether we do not indulge in an illu-
sion in trying to keep up our spirits by the conviviality
of the hour ; that, understanding the position in
which we are placed, we may at once come to the con-
clusion that it is a hopeless position, or that in what-
ever difficulty we are placed it may be encountered
by understanding it, by unanimity, union, and de-
termined conduct.—(Uheers ) Now, gentlemen, a
considerable time has elapsed, for in this rapid age
three or four years is a great epoch, since that revo-
lution took place in the laws regulating the industry
of the country which has since exercised so fatal an
influence on the fortunes of the owners and occupiers
of land in this country.—(Hear, hear.) I think we
may all of us approach the consideration with calmer
feelings than we did latterly when this alteration was
proposed so suddenly, and from a quarter so unex-
pected.—(Hear, hear.) I think we may be able (not
ourselves, but the country generally) to view the
question in a calmer and truer spirit. You may re-
member that this strange and sudden alteration for
strange and sudden all must admit it to have been,
whatever may be their opinions of its policy or impo-
licy—you may remember the strange and sudden re-
volution in the laws regulating the industry of tbis
country, which exposed to sudden competition the
industry and labour of the whole world with our
own.—(Hear, hear.) That sudden revolution was
made, so far as agriculture was concerned, upon cer-
tain representations. It was held out to England
that the system to be abrogated, and which was called
the protective system, was the bane of our agricul-
ture ; that the reason why the farmers of the United
Kingdom could not compete with the cultivators of
the soil in other countries was that they were not men
of energy and enterprise ; that they were men deti-
tcpct
choir erpii
essnt
deet
dtiaaant
btn
eytsdr
nhk
etsi
ehl
kill
time,
t;
na;waelmn,naaedsaonrisdremdet
ooehpt
nfcaohi
occasioned
atost
hsatuaiaenhnol etnttpreeaeeerrgsdoevaeepkdat
bnil oflnoeytect,nosystohwa; e e s ny e s rt ge
my, , ef n te r
pro-
tection to which I have referred. Well, no doubt,
lnimanaatdts
late,
anmnre
thisorra
it,
deeedwasinn(pc
shuoi
(how-
ever wl
unci
oatp ionni own a imtha det
ever many may have doubted its expediency) in
deference to a statement that there was on the part of
the cultivators of the soil of the United Kingdom a
want of energy and enterprise; a deficiency of skill
and capital. Since that time the subject had been
better understood, and calmer feelings have enabled all
classes to come to a more correct opinion on the subject
and they assume, the fact no longer that the British
farmer is a man deficient in energy, enterprise, and
skill. It is now known, on the contrary, that he is II
man who has raised from every acre of the soil more
produce than any other farmer in Europe or America.
That is a point now universally admitted, and it is
not necessary in any society to discuss the truth of it.
Even yesterday I beard a statement respecting the

cultivation of the soil of France. The ordinary pro-
duce of France is only 16 bushels per acre, while the
average of the United States is only 18. That cir-
cumstance will not tend to show that the British far-
mer is a man deficient in energy and enterprise • but
it i 3 also a fact, according to the papers placed before
us as official documents in the House of Commons,
that at the end of the war with the American States,

the average produce per acre was 20 bushels of wheat
in England, and, when the corn-laws were abrogated
in 1846, the average produce, was 32 bushels.—
(Hear.) I can only draw from that fact a conclusion
opposite to those arrived at by many of our distin-
guished political economist, and I do not think that it
tells against the system under which so great an in-
crease of produce is effected. There is another remark-
able fact now universally admitted, viz., that in the
period of time which has elapsed between 1821 and
1846, or a quarter of a century, the increase of the
population of this country was 32 per cent., and the
increase in the produce was 64 per cent. This also is
a proof of energy and enterprise, and another fact
which no one disputes. In the year 1845, when not
a man in this room or in this country could suppose
that the protective system was in danger, the farmer
of the United Kingdom—this man, described as
wanting in energy and enterprise—imported from a
port in the Pacific more than four million hundred-
weight of a rare, new, and peculiar manure— guano,
and all this in proof of his incompetency. I notice
these things because I wish to convey to you what is
the public opinion on this subject. Whatever might
have been the public opinion as to the repeal of the
corn-laws in 1846, the pretext was that it was neces-
sary to repeal them because the cultivators of the
soil were not competent men. That idea has now
been given up, and another pretext assigned for their
repeal. I remember that the eminent statesman, the
author of the repeal of the corn-laws, was asked in
the House, by Lord George Bentinck, what he in •
tended to do as regarded the commutation of tithes in
consequence of the anticipated fall in the price cf
corn ? Sir Robert Peel said, he did not anticipate
any material diminution in the price of corn, and
therefore he should not make any alteration in the
law which regulated the commutation of tithes. I
might mention a whole catalogue of eminent men—
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Lansdowne,
and a number of other persons—who did not antici-
pate any serious diminution in the price of agricul-
aural produce. I have as yet given no opinion on the
policy of the repeal of the corn-laws. I have shown
you, and I wish to impress upon you and others, that
the pretexts upon which the repeal was carried were
erroneous, that the pretext that the farmer was a
man deficient in energy, enterprise, and skill was the
first raised; and, secondly, that the change which
took place would only stimulate those deficient ener-
gies without affecting prices. The fact is now ac-
knowledged by the country, that the farmer was not
a man deficient in energy and enterprise, and the
change which has been affected does press most se-
riously upon the price of produce. Now, gentlemen,
you must be aware that with your greatest exertions
you are but encountering great difficulties without
reaping corresponding advantages—(Hear, hear)—
and it became a question whether we ought not to
inquire what is the cause of this great depression, and
if we can come to a satisfactory conclusion what is
the cause, to try to ascertain what may be the remedy
best under the circumstances, and whether it be pos-
sible by union and energy to effect those remedial
consequences for which we all desire. I have spoken
to you frankly, for indeed my conscience does not
accuse me that when the protective system was at-
tacked I did not do my best to uphold it; but to ups
hold a system that exists, and to bring back a system
that has been abrogated, are two different things ;
and I am convinced myself that the system generally
known by the name of the protective system can
never be brought back unless it is the interest of all
classes—at least of all classes of importance—that
this should be the principle which should regulate the
national industry, and unless the nation speaks out
upon the question in an unmistakeable manner.—
(Cheers.) But knowing the difficulties in which the
question is involved, am I, as the representative of an
agricultural constituency, to sit still and say that the
interest which I represent ought to be allowed to fall
into this state of dilapidation, because no remedy but
one can be acknowledged ? Is this satisfactory ?
Or would it be so when we all know that this is the
only remedy under these most difficult circum-
stances ?—(Cheers.) I now loc.lr to the general
question. What is the reason that the Bruise
culturist, who I have proved to you is a man of energy
and enterprise—a man who has the command of great
skill and capital—what is the reason that he cannot
compete with the foreign producer? I find the reason
to be this—that he is subject to a load of taxation
which overwhelms his energies and curtails his enter-
prise.—(Loud cheers.) Whatever may be the gene-
ral taxation of the country, I know that the agricul-
turist must bear it, and take his share with all other
persons. I look to the increase of the population, to
Itbe 'increased produce of the British farmer, as cir-
!cumstances which have, no doubt, a tendency to di-
minish the weight of taxation upon all classes of the
community, but I find with this that the owners and
occupiers of the soil have to incur a taxation which
other classes of the country do not share. Therefore,
however you may diminish the weight of the general
taxation of the country, from the increase of popula-
tion, and the weight of British produce, the owners
and occupiers of the soil will always have an addi-
tional burden to fight against which other classes will
not have. At this moment you know that, after the
change of these laws, the only class in a state of great
distress are the farmers. Gentlemen, I know it was
said when the corn-laws were repealed it would be
found to the interest of the owners and occupiers of
the soil; but in my opinion the repeal of the corn-
laws has very much simplified the question. It was
possible, under the old circumstances then existing, to
make out a case which I think a fallacious one, namely,
that the interests of the owners and occupiers
were different, but that the moment vou withdrew
these laws, which created artificial prices, the owners
and occupiers of the soil would be only in the situa
tion of partners, the one bringing fixed capital and
the raw material, the other bringing labour and skill
and floating capital, and dividing the profits between
them according to a private ariangement made be-
tween themselves. The same would be the case as
regarded manufacturers in partnership at Manchester
who might divide the profits according to their re-
spective capitals; therefore, if this is so with regard
to the Lind, a man might he both owner and occu-
pier, and he taxed as an individual filling both posi-
tions.—(llear.) Will they grant to this man the
advantage of the same principle which they themselves
have generally acknowledged as a principle on which
the commerce of this country should be conducted ?
It is laid down by our adversaries that no raw mate-
rial of manufactures should be taxed. Well, but if
they look to the land, what is the first thing they do
by the present laws? They tlx the land, which is
the raw material of the farmer, in every way, under
all circumstances, and at the earliest moment.—
(Cheers.) The farmer does not step upon the
acres which be has hired before he is called upon
for a rate, which is in fact a taxation of his raw
material.—(Criss of " Hear, hear.") I ask how
is this reconcileable with the principle that they
lay down that raw material should not be taxed
in the case of manufactures when the raw
material of the agriculturist is taxed in every shape ?
—(Hear, hear.) This leads me at once to the con-
sideration or local burdens, and I shall be able to put
the case before you in the course of a few minutes in
a light in which you will at once recognize it. I
think it was in this room that I first intimated my
opinion that this question ought fairly to be brought
before the country. You know the great opposition
we had to encounter from our opponents from the
want of cordiality which existed among ourselves.—
(Hear, hear.) You know that when this question
was first brought forward in the House of Commons
it was sustained only by the petition of the Royal
Bucks Agricultural Association, and we had a majo-
rity of 100 against us. What happened in the next
year ? This great majority was reduced to 25 or 30.
You kaow, then, what happened last year, when,
with nothing to assist us but continued discussion and
the increased and progressive influence of truth and
reason, the majority almost entirely disappeared.—
(Load cheers.) The force of these few facts were so
inconsiderable, that the existing Government could
no longer contend against them.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, look at the case of the local taxation of the
country. I shall not trouble you with details, and
with very few figures. I have thought of the subject
in every shape under these critical circumstances, and
I have to content on this question with men of
great ability, so that my mind is brought to that
state of discipline, that it places the question some-
times in a novel and I hope in a true and a more
striking manner. Now there is received from the
United Kingdom of Grett Britain and Ireland in
local taxation the sum of 13,000,0001. annually. When
he complained urgently of this great assessment it
was said that the land must pay, that a good deal of
it did not pay more than other classes of the commu-
nity. The real property of the country bore a great
deal of this burden, but that statement was denied as
utterly erroneous. I find upon calculation, that, of
the 13,000,0001. per annum received from this united
class of property, 8,000,0001. were contributed by
the land of the United Kingdom. This is a general

statement, which no one can contend against. Let
me at once show you the consequence of the state of
affairs. I will take the rental of the United Kingdom
at 60,000,000/. per annum. That is an excessive
estimate, but I always wish to state the case rather
against ourselves, because the reduction of rents in
England and distress in Ireland have rendered this a
d
oepv
evidence
dyy
ae
theannum.
largenceu
int
taxable. ea st t t
hm
ae akr:t
eece
general
to
em mr
ea mol
iiaofnekectrhoa.
etme
country-60,000,0001.,
Weeois:itniamtbhroatiyutv
estimate,
26w4poore, eo,
otvloto,yoiol,
10,
()go
ot
oaoo
okll.
or one-fourth of the general income. We will say,
however, that it is only one-third. If only one-third of
this contributes 8,000,0001. of local taxation—a taxa-
tion now universally admitted for objects of general
and permanent interest, it follows that two-thirds
of that 8,000,0001., or I will only say 6,000,000/.
must be borne by the land of the country. That ap-
pears to me to be an arithmetical proposition which no
one can impugn. The land of the country, therefore,
every year contributes to the advantage of the coun-
try, and the maintenance of common and national
objects 6,000,0001. more than it ought.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, let me ask you, what is 6,000,000/. per annum ?
It is 10 per cent. on the rental of the country, accord.;
ing to the estimate I have taken. We read in the
newspapers of landlords malting allowances of 10 per
cent. to their tenants. This is received with kindly
feeling, as it is granted, although the person granting,
as well as the person receiving, feels that it is not
equal to the occasion. Then 6,000,0001. per annum
is equal to another 10 per cent. ; but absolutely you
will find that the advice given to you by your opponents+
to find by accommodation among yourselves a remedy
for the present distress is not a specific for itaccording
to the account now common. Let me impress upon
you that it is no longer necessary to argue that the ob-
ject for which the 6,000,0001. is levied is an object of
national interest. When I first brought this question
before the House of Commons, I had to enter into an
abstract and elaborate argument to prove that the main-
tenance of the poor was a national object, but now no one
will discuss the question. 'We have even the pub-
lished evidence to the secretary of the Treasury—
Mr. Cornewall Lewis—a full admission as to that
P• oint It comes to this, therefore, that the weight of
your local taxation is equal to one-tenth of the rental
of the country, and that, if an impartial and a fair ad-
justment took place, the owners and occupiers of land
would at once be relieved to that extent. I was sur-
prised, when the Member for a neighbouring county,
Mr. Pusey, said that the question of 61. in the pound
was a mere county rate ; 6d. in the pound is to every
tenant in England a question of a further reduction of
l 0 per cent. upon the rental he is paying—a question of
cannotgrea t
bring
b
interest and a
back importance,
old
system a
and
whichwhtheich even
if
country w e
alone can bring back—we are still bound to work for
and attempt to achieve.—(Hear, hear.) We ought not
only to obtain an adjustment of taxation founded upon
the principle which is now acknowledged, but we
should regulate our financial system so as to free the

land from-all unnecessary restrictions which now keep
up these burdens upon national industry, when we
know that every other class is free from them. Now,
I will not touch upon the laws prohibiting the farmer
from cultivating tobacco, sugar, &c. Let me pass
by these which it is too late to allude to now;
let me pass by these restrictions founded under a
totally different state of circumstances to those now
existing. The revenue of this country was formerly
raised by securing a certain market to one important
productive interest, and throwing the burden of
taxation on and straining that interest in conse-
quence. The minute you withdrew the artificial
assistance you gave to that interest the moment you
ceased to assure them of a certain market, you ought
to have adapted your financial system to that change
of affairs, and given them relief proportionate to the
assistance you withdrew from them, or your restric-
tions upon the cultivation of the soil must seriously
interfere with the profits of the farmer.—(Cheers.)
know nothing more remarkable than this. Look to
the amount of revenue raised in this country in one
great branch of national income—a branch now
deemed so important that, in these times of political
economy, a name has been found for it, namely, the
inland revenue. This produces 15,000,0001. per
annum, a sum equal to the revenues of great empires—
qual to the revenue of the empire of Austria. Why,
here is a fact that must astonish a foreigner. Two-
thirds of that great amount—two-thirds of
;he inland revenue of England—is raised
on taxation upon one singl,4 rtrnr. the
oo~►e,y -e eho British farmer, producing two
thirds of the 1.5,000,000/.—(Hear, hear.) Look at
the position of the British farmer with regard to this
particular crop of barley. You know that I have
oever been one to take a hot-headed view of things.
I have always felt myself, that if you could secure to
s.ourselves an assured market for general produce,
there would be little ground for complaint in being
called upon to bear a share of local taxation. But
look at the position of the British farmer at the pre-
sent moment. You have Sir Robert Peel, and his
successor, Lord John Russell, who, when speaking of
the statements of agricultural distress brought for-
ward, said they would always recommend the British
farmer not to trust too much to his wheat crop. But
while you tell him no longer to produce wheat, you
maintain those laws which restrict the employment of
his capital in the production of barley, and if he asks
you to give him relief, you tell him it is not fair to the
consumer ;—(Laughter)—but on all other subjects
the interests of the consumer are now winked at.
Who can deny that the law raises two-thirds of the
inland revenue of this country from the crop of the
British farmer by a restriction on his crops ? But
who can suppose that, if the present state of affairs had
ilways gxisted, the duty upon barley would ever have
existed r When that restriction was imposed, the
agricultural interest of the country had an assured
market and could bear their burdens. The assured
market has been withdrawn, and the burdens ought
to be withdrawn also. Touching on this subject, I
must show you that the only mode of obtaining relief
and vindicating your rights is by properly under-
standing this question. I said just now that the great
principle on which the new system was established
was that the raw material of the manufacturer should
not be touched. Well, then, I want to know if that
be the principle on which their system is founded,
who can vindicate a land-tax ?—(Hear, hear.) They
have repealed all artificial markets and prices ; now,
then, can they continue the restriction which presses
upon the owner and occupier, between whom there is
no longer any difference ? No person ever offered an
argument in the House of Commons—neither the
Chancellor of the Exchequer nor even Mr. Cobden
himself would come forward and tell you that it was
just that power should be maintained by a particular
class of property, or that taxation should be levied on
one class, from wbich all other classes were free, or that
restrictions should be made upon one particular crop,
whilst other produce was exempt from that restriction.
All must admit that the agricultural interest was suf-
fering severely. That was the admission of the Ml.
sister, and the acknowledgment of the Sovereign at
the commencement of the session. That interest is
suffering from imposts and restrictions to which no
other property is subject. Tnat being admitted, how
is the allegation of distress to be encountered? In this
manner:—" It is for the interest of the community
that you should pay taxes for the rest." This is really
the case. No one pretends that if they began de nOSQ
they would construct a financial system like the pre-
sent, but, as it exists, they say they will maintain it
as lung as they can. If the agricultural interest is
resolute the question will be asked how is the deficit
which this would occasion to be replaced, and the an-
swer should be that it is their business to devise some
satisfactory means of arrangement. I believe that we
have a case for the country ; if we can ask for relief
on the principle which our antagonists are promulga-
ting; if we can show that we are subject to an unequal
taxation ; if we can show that we are subject to inju-
rious restrictions; if we can show that we are en-
countering this unequal taxation and unjust restric-
tions under the pressure of distress which no other class
of the community experiences, then it is for our
opponents to devise terms of arrangement. I think it
most unwise in the landed interest—and when I say
the landed interest I mean the farmer as much as the
proprietor, for I make no difference—they are part-
ners in the great agricultural firm—l say that it is
a most unwise thing fur the agricultural interest to
go to any Government and say—" We are suffering;
give us a fixed duty ; give us a sliding scale, and cure
our suffering." Our business is to say—" We are
suffering, and you admit it. The cause of it is, excess
of taxation, which our energies cannot endure. e
have restrictions on our industry under which no in-
dustry can prosper. We call upon you to give us
justice, and to place us upon the same level as our
fellow-citizens. If you will not do this —if you
have some doubts as politicians, statesmen, as men of
the world, as Members of Parliament, as to how far
you can do this, it is for you to devise some compro-
mise, and come forward with it—it is for you to do
it, and for us to consider whether, upon the whole,
with our present political and financial arrangements,
we can further endure the burdens we now experience
without such concession as will place us more on an
equality with the other interests of the country. What
we want is political justice—what we want is financial
equity. Give us that which we demand, that we may be
placed upon a level with our fellow-subjects with regard
to taxation and the freedom of our industry, and we
will endeavour to maintain the struggle you have

imposed upon us. If you cannot act upon the prin-
ciple of justice you have so lately declared, then come
forward to us and give us some scheme—some
arrangement which may be the result of your wise
counsels--your skilful statesmanship, which will do
for the agricultural class--an eminently loyal class—
that which they require, and then we shall have some
re'pect for the propositions made by the Ministry."—
(Loud cheers.) If the agricultural interest unites
under the advantages which intelligence gives to
great bodies of men--if wt-• go before Ihe country and
show that we have a case founded on justice, and that
can ba supported by argument, we shall gain the
sympathies of all classes of a country where justice
has ever been esteemed and reason has ever been
honoured. If I could condescend to consider the
tactics of our opponents, I would venture to say that
it is not only the most just, nut only the most honest,
not only the most honourable, but the m-,•t adroit,
the wisest, and it will be the most succes4lll means. I
The lion. Gentleman adverted to the ine,l.sure pro-
posed by Lord J. Russell for the extension of the
franchise, avowing his intention to give it his careful
consideration if framed for the benefit of the people,
and to oppose it if struck as a blow at the representa-
tive' powers of landowners and occupiers. He re-
sumed his seat amid loud applause.
Several other toasts followed, and the proceedings
were continued until a late hour in the evening.

THE NEW BOSTON PACKET SHIP

t • LIVJ

STAFFORDSHIRE.
,POOL, Wenstesner.--;-To-day, at two o'clock,
Iblp of the principal merchants and Atlantic
exporters took place on board this new and handsome
line of packet ship, to partake of a luncheon, on the
inauguration of the last and largest clipper ship
launched for the American trade.
Messrs. Train and Co., of this port, are the enter-
prising owners ; and when the fact is stated that two
previous attempts had been made by men of great
wealth and undoubted enterprise to establish a line of
packet ships between Liverpool and Boston, both of
which had, from various causes, failed, the discou-
raging circumstances under which Mr. Train com-
menced this line may be in some degree appreciated.
The importers of British goods at Boston had been
so accustomed to receive their merchandise by way of
New York, and the outlay of capital required to esta-
blish a regular line between Liverpool and Boston
was so great that the up-hill work which Mr. Train
had perseveringly to overcome was of no ordinary de-
scription. With a resolution not to be conquered,
however, he visited nearly all the shipbuilding yards
of New England, and having become acquainted with
the best models, entered into arrangements with Mr.
Maay, who removed to East Boston, and by whom
the whole of the splendid clippers on this
line have been successively built. These in-
clude the Washington Irving, Anglo-American, the
Parliament, and the Daniel Webster. Two others,
the Anglo -Saxon and the Ocean Monarch, have un-
fortunately met with a melancholy fate ; notwith-
standing which, however, public confidence in the line
has remained undminished, and indeed increased to so
remunerating a degree that this new and splendid
clipper ship, the Staffordshire, has been built to supply
the requirements of the augmented commerce between
Boston and Liverpool.
The best judges pronounce that, besides being the
largest and most magnificent, the Staffordshire will
prove the swiftest packet ship of all those engaged in
the Atlantic trade. She has three decks, is of 1,900
tons burthen, is 240 feet over all on deck, has 41 feet
breadth of beam, is 29 feet deep from the upper deck,
and will be commanded by Captain A. H. Brown,
late of the packet ship Parliament. The harmony of
the proportions of the Staffordshire has been carried
out to perfection. Every line and moulding, from the
planking of her sides to her moulding rail, swell an 3
taper with an ease and beauty that seem to defy com-
parison. Her water lines are slightly concave, and
her ends sharp. The angle of her bow at the lead
displacement line is 18 degrees, and of her stern 20 ;
her greatest breadth of beam is nearly amidships; her
bow is at once bold and beautiful, and her general
contour so easy and graceful that the most fastidious
nautical critic would find it difficult to suggest an
improvement. The sailors' quarters are below for-
ward ; there is a spacious house abaft the foremast,
40 feet long, 16 feet wide, and Gi feet high, besides
commodious cabins and state-rooms most elegantly
fitted up ; and the latest improvements are introduced
into every department of this queen of the Atlantic
sailing craft.