The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-21 00:00:00

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monopoos, 4 , IN.!
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""ALL._I---a •
A. (THIS
Cietrytisement, a meeting of 'amour for. . .re,abi
It'llieu„ Yto advertisement
7—'2-- DAY).
tbe neceso took ;Y of the thethe whole con-
WO° siee see this d, .- of London under
, hs,tuintvatlY after oanyelon'cGlocnkii,dthhhellLord If
e_awyoetr.earrived on the
Reform Bill
could reqin
, persons.' , amid ,
i,lslg4
w.n the hall. Among
cheers. Theri
-.;e the resi.o"about 2,500
contempo, N.afe,,: not,ced DI
along those who s •
1,, gr. iii„„ A-1r- Alderman Wood were
on
the host-
al from 1.. fn 4"
1.0 •ut' Mr• Grote,
is 00 -nv an AI • and Sir • Mr. Alderman
iti or, bad ard, • Ayon, who
wa John Rey.
. said loudly cheered on
that force frog the h '--Electors of L:
, t ()flour
of b • (inn•—Ge i coming
nt emen, when
placed act Liver he 8 being elected
your chief magistrate,l
hall, w
t, pot I n
:rsonaliy 0 1,1, whenuat they
shouldow stand upon I
STASOI l'hetet)l to ttFheY met to discuss
have the stt,:teed
of
fo the
twhtiniat i they considered
t, if he ef adied of GI entlemeneir intierest and utsos
ade I this volt] nt a r)ielnye-fi benefit.—(Hear,
Irish. 11. hesPvuetation"fin this halr._
aoe lli, eltere,"M this mee(tinfgar
, hear. ) And w hwenaa n.ot
chose kll°• called upon the
th eht, ••• nav,eit
ee,.. of the', ~ and said this, . me, I might
Lii earnest
tie/4'4441e,, -Livery, but 's, I did promise
cal as the Livery is only to
call
lent ;and trii,e'n, I put Y' liberalo't half of
Cabinet a, the a c
, hea nnstr
l the citizens torret
tiction ' ownl
di., Liver, r)—and , . upon m
the only ( eve: not 1_
,3,',. to meet here thus I invited the citizens pro.
hear,hear.).u"swell
S Wont I e sloilumealktate a moment; for
day,—(Bravo,
any Promise I ni l
Ivey ut Will e' I shall have in
to he 11.0 t Call 'dtate freely and ul° mental reservation made 'or
Noiat.
judo die called upon to
give
my opinion
what I think.
y opinion upon the ob'ecwt,
Rite •thiendiu2.---Ynn all knowthat I become an impartialja
advices I'o this
chair
this-,cnn'yself to no
oo""air ,_ "'oce shall _ party.—(Cheers.) I
rabic as I hops' ge "all be be a neutral office; and thisulow t.ay
• ntleme_ neutral chair.—(L
Cabinet t` N„. It tvii, of my task will h ir.—(Loud cheers.)
accounts Il 4114 •-•,,,(Lau,hl—that
/villi the for 7b!er') will be, e an easy task—l
to keep you in
en the n
sumption' wiii°R,T agree)
Hall and asked rr
Deputation
'AND, thi, flotreln: h:ive teille hton preside as to mieendto preside, I as
shall preside
to hold the office
ethoef
Chief
; and
Spain vinu' lie'sw° khutone other
Portugne aii tGenttilepmethe.Hall, and nobodyaidebut me, because if fI
Allicae-
)on PEI)/ :°l4lt!rdsiygi%rta'e fair
pilatyis alwaysc the bannaldtootfh an at but myself.
lish-
listinguis":t4ity__,a,maiority to( attemptbee I know notEhLg
IL and t avir.d,.iy eitatrampineeroenis nothing so cowardly silencing
a the voicge so
of
very fro isti not; t 5.
applaud weak,—,herethe
is s nothingforthe strong
.1 0 , give a sentiments of the so cow-
majority, while
very filet° Ypnor Jerit in patient hearing toyou
on sentiments
the minority. There
FOrtUnalei v;latt:a• cheering You
which accord
hieh ber nu should bewith
hear patiently, and then •
in favo°f bad' is then, that, as •
.._ (tick, true, 01_ .it has been stated in judge.
the first meeting the placards,
isgaittio
twhetite
irio constituency is
aof the large
nzeof London for such
mate of tl l'io taostvv. met to Retnemi,epr ty'poouse as
tents hart t.lle ItP,lace returnsi (ant co /I,ll%uenpat a'b
noodcyo•
nin i the kingdomre.
vist :tae) tTgtdorn hasafuour men,tters_
I A at power ;
ansdt_ti!ent body in
pa_ltl?eca. You Will ch moral
re-
to the 1111 nr lan,' and __ show yourselves worthy I hope, there.
of suet, a n
'N `Y, a power by your ,
patience, forbearance," rre- I
a; alec !'d kind f, •
fling (r. ins.
bt, 1.. I,,it is .• I *—s--oud ch
h Itevieo th;"talirotnt 15 not, gentlemen,ith these feeling.
theaetrinlg.) Now,
Hall
tvtahkieeb thisi
P Piag,tlthos°ldnehd, otherwise it would Common
)n the
which hl ::'•i"11 all the importance
among you in
nhathve been necessary
tne,eteatitteetitre importance worthy of station,ethceivic state-car-
I vvould'l at)l, ,1g of the Citizen Constituency but
that has-been
e Treasul teL to have„s placed the chair i
a,!etini-oao command a view of youn .a P"iti''n that will
rid there ' th all.—(Cheers.)
alp. g• v, IAYon then took
th 'tot y hen amidst l
gumentt , ettp ated tb...
object the applause bade
se:air muc,i
bsaided, his Lord-
The cons( (0C byeabi
lop thee of the meeting,'contemplating
lir of irresc Itlei:t's.; Alnit, and Septennialtbeabro Act, the
of. the assessed taxof the
blind cos`
„Ai, itlhe,,ni.y friend AldermgaainiuSuVaithman is not es.—
,s( 'lop 'lee, Yr• one f
o stet M b present ;
OUgh en,: tilvhich el.' written a ter,
embers who is
which one ofa sent. He
it rather ' 41(15:' Ph Waited onthe Deputa-
me will be pleased t
il vitt dllau Al"cs the
• against Tip) ,:aithm: read the following letter
read.
from Mr.
e idea c 111," hisses ;", which, in some partstto'rf • it, was re.
41' llio,-liti '' ELECTORS
,it gel' ' tv,;akNti,....... . OF THE •
ilea) tleji to b:eting
of the
some surprise, and much OF
LONDON.
adersmuch regret, I learned
lit Nbtvarnealled ,ori e3whole constituency
lue
vac, ,
4t
:40111 a
Uponr thionday, the 21st inst., of the city of London
The 'ir I°ll t;„'":::4bthe rePeealporropriety of petitioningst,fer the purpose ofn
otnhetbrefouse of
11)
44011,,:;5! they,oballot—and theon Stehpetrennial Act—on
onparticularly
repeal of ot fb
attheofas
the
iessed taxes.oting
,eiise4:rdifferenbcjeecstosi p
Ike an c 11,44,1
i two fee' littit.cabitarXes,ntnoofwie'avrliament, canaroebjekcututo.uttio exist, tohtoeu gbr,
however much he may doubr itsrepeal oft he
betoleft'etli P4snY' immediate
y NI . rent indisposition
NOUld ha ,''illaill.i'Ut as y-orhsitin" will prevent me
approvedfrmon: attending the
ense ofjul "'
eti
hog
have recentlypast conduct
, I
itl will.tons.,n with
great d of your representat' -
tat abool' ,Ith er, th lderatiOn. eference, to offer some
I hope you
suggestions
•I‘e alt' re e (love
at... 4 pi et e,04 Pres„. r.nment brought forward
the plan for
. ',1,, b_Natytn _,'ration of the people, the most ardent amend-
Ullyleit'P',,j4N,e.lou,'"nw that the
extent of it
the .. tO, 41 i• It
Out • ,R, t,
„,,s pro . was, indeed, so bold •
in its design, his
1,1,41 a ~,efo provisions, and so compre.
so well. calculated to
quits "
,pt h4ll lers ()fall de • effect its O-
ptions concurred •
it „Or 411 -ry w ion of the cri in their enthu.
'ibis ~,i as ever Bill. No measure •
in any period of
;10flabie ‘;111'1111't City more received with more heartfelt satisfaction,
. e
the
or
Lon rapturous applause.
MilliSterij Of itittion,Populard°n, which has evr
Thl
Ittht,ti.e'‘ololf,,,ltirnecnaut se, slid in
givinsakaesnal the lead in pro_
utary impulse to
ice. 4at Yllp, ill _ upon
Earl thought it right tn. confer the honou
s not a'' ita, eot„urcter to Grey, Lord J h
o n Russell and r
, ~ 444,4 gclene . make its sense
of
of their services, and Lord
poeeitlea bett:oo tbef mete in the integritytheir principles, and tea_the
es of 01, tt,h'itY Ah :i the Atinirstpearstrifotism.
:he renle°l)liiit,l)i,"'tsteykc's
spie 2
or forfeited this
theyHavey
udootn
deferevii• aekti, Elt4r:?' thuan all rihneoi
rffi predecessorsc e, done
ot hac;lsofivci,,arte t ti me
i e v,, during more than
WhO Hittelllek..litli,43l,4ittion o..itdhthey not beg ork.of retrenchment
r ,v ttt eudid
proof
eir own salaries ? they not
they II
pe:iiltethe:nl)atrongeooif of high-minded disinterestedness thus
ne half Ivci,P3,4)44esoe,l`Wes of this s i)nwe
powerr; tand what Ministers
sneoss ? To
ever de-
simdiolawr extent ?
we sliontittiii:ll,4llYo shootha:.ee seen these meno a
for the
not give them creditg so
rinduLth
?n by 414 it ? 'tist'‘r.aellecniharrasn, with petitions, or pregssmtolre ?
,h twit l,llqiie es' till we know
1 '4414" t what they mean to do, or not
his voti'll'te Ni 4 ° me that,
Posit iby teorn. at present, there are oue •
istk kik ballot Urgency than those questions of
of shorter Parliaments
'ye 41 'tu ' and although I
am
far
froin and
IlllntlWith,4With ce' I think tha on d err:: i nbg
4ottte'tif rettY ti°oUsttpPoublie
injuryt
otth eirconsideratiloi
lib!, 4e, inter_sne? other questions inconvenience. But 'caret
lit t,:tet,itn'asnd ? ;sr
not can we lose
sigii,tperilous moment
:4:°4,11?fPr,,t,1,'e attention one of the
toof
.the alarming'
that most
ilof Ministers ? Wiltlleos
th':' to I,'eatect ``eeynce and energy in removing alleviatingorutahappy
I.l):lllo,i'ekty, ils of that
„ et
~ oil of the union of happy country wh •
at is much
the two kingdO
lAt'ell(l,.l°t the a murderous • ccish•il strife ? uls'
or Prevent
rti4t:irl Parttate of the
114-:tol:tnationic..ularlY that oreh, both in E
botlbreland,
regoire.ngaland and
iy
14, a e :Are not with abusie imme-
41;''',Re'ed its removed
? And can thefilled Irishthat
ige e be _ singular unfitness enormities of the
to the wants
ile r endured 9 Are of the
, e easing
kind ' not tit
,01, Of _ than the wanthes a grievancepec'ple,
o.ly.
snuataionseptennial Parliament of ballot, of
the
o, the of our own Do not or
44 rate upon the poor, and the heavy the
me"
64,Y, call for capital
legislar • and the Pr"-
etio . some industry of
' ? gs, or deaf to tl cries,
e remedy IC.
an we be blind
re cri of the p'poor children in the

venting

e, to
e agal

npositi'

to 301

s aga'
Lnos 1

etestati
forso°

our ell
hen'
use tl'

I in
hose
1 in

subjects
1 a," he
wrebset n a
they Ministers
butwohr
haven
hitherto asnbdoing
like 0,4,
ttii, a
zirriatugrher
we,
in their views—and disinterested
vinn
ness,
)In liiiitltt4l,,les:loorree favoudraisbcluession ofmsrb
jeracitr
rtunity ? s which may be den
on, (10,'''*4 I,llql.,Ztio4,rg,e)nt necessities
of
Reform have be
boroughs, satisfied
the leott°' DI4. 4'l4.ess„ over a selfish and by theen
tie Nt state , why s, faction,
by
whichglorious
e iNte w bicOf feverish
we endeavour they have
:laborAlZ? '''ijoes
thite
the
contirseaogritation, in ordetro keep the
rn het out ? Awarda f,inn'i'nir,tue of Reformersevents is of itselftohkobtain
to
the oe)le,:bt,t4l:l,a
xiire a
eohal,nt,ho flame of an consist in colleeclty.
::a ip, 1, aikt Itllt,resUst not
th:rciai
people, dont:nable exciltneg
riCi 1, tria the ts, and further not need -
want of it be destructiveadverseonce
611, opt* eriien C weal
opP°';,,,.-d,'.144, , Your faithful and devoted
he gre :.r. tehe R."; Jao. ~ ROBERT servant
....ana (lell.oll,lvst,t,T(iteletusi',l, 1 853. 1 WAITHn'A
ailetlietit . I,,'.'lkti'lled forward, and
letter NI
jai rioi. great ith Y Lord A and address
rise ed, the meeting
are I'i:the 4k deferegnreat aY"'—i point of
ClOtil/tiittilberNDl4peZder,ce to the respect
Livery,to your Loirdsahi
nd OIL, tp,.° tiZ thee cof hearing
t her Na I submit whetherpand
called
CO Verit''n 11,1'1'4 'I
°it °n tin "e °Pi /I iroen togethr
ed. 'trhe 11. to heartebhu the Opin'.oecasion. Is thinkolany
of the
i'
ord°ttb tY
thre•ceived ons of Mr. it
will be
Alderman Wraith-
leeeed• -et AIA e'r the instructions
e ts rAir ilia
°F44O Yon..
trca4eto,,. WI ti we 1,31 t Proceedings.appezv.
men, ,' - , utiti ,:40.tI'ltrieeti_ • therefore go
granted that it
4115, tLnug• g° on with the is
regular
- eitizt_e:r3e forward and
" the -said, Brother
requisitionists have en.

trusted me with introducing to you their first resolution.
That resolution embraces the three great important topics
for the consideration of which you are assembled here this
day, namely, to petition for Triennial Parliaments, Vote by
Ballot, and for a repeal of the Assessed Taxes. Gentlemen,
I and you,as well as the country at large,expected there would
have been no occasion to consider the propriety of petition.
ing for the Ballot and the Septennial Act, as it will be in
the recollection of you all that Lord John Russell, when
he brought forward the Reform Bill, did promise not only
to the House of Commons, but to the country at large, that
as soon as the Reform Bill should be carried, these two im-
portant questions should be brought forward in a distinct
manner. Those measures were not introduced to the last
Parliament, because every one who could read saw that they
could he introduced into the Reformed Parliament with
much greater certainty of success. We, therefore, ex-
pected that one of the first acts, in conformity with the
promise made by Lord John Russell, of the Reformed
Parliament, would have been to introduce these two
great measures ; but to our astonishment several of
his Majesty's Ministers, particularly Mr. Stanley, have
declared it :heir determination to resist and oppose them
whenever brought into Parliament.—(Hea:, hear, hear.)
That expression of Mr. Stanley and the Ministers has
caused the greatest alarm, astonishment, and di,may in
the minds of the people.—(Loud and continued
cheers.) That is the principal cause of the meet-
ing this day. Gentlemen, you are so well acquainted
with the history of your country, to know that it had been
the custom, from theearliest periods ofour history, that the
Parliaments were elected annually, and that salutary custom
continued fora series of years until the period of the Stuarts.
One of Charles the First's family did away with that
custom, and that led to that Monarch's losing his head
on the scaffold, and ultimately to the expulsion of that
family from the throne of this country.—(Cheers.) The
successors of the Stuarts, William and Mary, almost imme-
diately, on establishing themselves on the throne, caused an
Act to pass to settle that most important question, the
preamble of which states, that whereas, by ancient laws
and statutes, Parliaments were more frequent, and that
their frequency tended to a good agreement between the
King and the people, it was enacted that no Parliament
should sit longer than three years. Unhappily for suc-
ceeding generations, shortly after this Act passed, viz. in
1715—the Act having only passed in 1694—in the first year
of the reign of George the First, that most daring act of
usurpation, the Septennial Act was passed—(Hisses)—
which did away with the Act declaring that frequent Par-
li intents produced a good agreement between the people
and the King. This last Act made all successive Parlia-
ments to last for seven years, and the reason assigned for
its passing was that the former Act produced a threatened
invasion from abroad, that it encouraged the Roman
Catholics, and that too frequent Parliaments produced
great expense to candidates. Happily none of those
causes exist now. The Reform Bill has done away with
the necessity of expense at elections, except merely the
cost of the hustings, and no candidate who possessed the
confidence and esteem of the electors need be at any
other expense. As to the Popish faction, that did not now
exist, because, happily our bretheren and fellow-subjects
the Catholics are now admitted to equal rights with our-
selves.—(Cheers.) Will any one now say that we are
threatened with an invasion from a foreign enemy? No,
for we are at peace with all the world. When the Act
passed it well deserved the character given it by an emi-
nent writer, Junius who said that it gave to the members
of the House of Commons six years for transgressing, and
one year for repentance.—(Laughter.) That Act gene-
rated all the evils which this country has ever since en-
dured. Its first child, nursed with great fondness, was
the boroughmongering system, and that laid the founda-
tion of the long and bloody wars which immediately
ensued, particularly that against the American Co-
lonies, which ended in the loss of those coun-
tries to this country; and :that against the liber-
ties of France, which lasted twenty years, and which
cost us so much blood, and such countless millions or
money ; it made up that debt of 800,000,0001., which
was before but trifling ; it produced the establishment of
not less than 300 barracks, and a standing army of
100,000 men, in time of peace, to compel people to pay
taxes, and to grind them down. It laid the foundation
of four Admirals being appointed to each ship of the line,
and three or four Generals to a regiment of horse.-_
(Laughter.) It led to the dead weight of 6,000,0001 fo.
sinecures and pensions, and to a host of women pensioners
who were living on the vitals of the country ; it led
to the passing of the dungeon and gagging bills,
and to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, by
the tyranny of Pitt, Dundas, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth.
It is that Act which has led to the misrule, misgovern-
ment, and oppression of Ireland, till at length that coun
try has been reduced to a condition which makes it im-
possible for the people any longer to bear them. To enu-
merate all the ills of the Septennial Act, would be a
great waste of your time, and is perfectly unnecessary, as
I dare say you are sufficiently convinced of their existence.
If Ministers are determined to stick by their declarations,
and not repeal the Septennial Act, it will prove that their
wish is to coerce the people and make them submit to in-
injustice.—(Hisses.) But how can Earl Grey instruct
hisj (Arm, Ministers to oppose a motion in favour of
the ballot, brought forward by a Member for London ?
(Cheers.) When I find that, in a petition presented to
Parliament in 1823, by the Noble Earl, and signed by
hip
own hand, there is a sentence runs thus, "Finally, to shorten
the duration of Parliaments, and to remove the cause of that
confusion, litigation, and expense which now too fre-
quently occur at elections, and render them what our
ancestors at the revolution asserted them to be, the means
of good Government and a happy union between the King
and the people." But, if Earl Grey should act in direct op-
position to this, his declared condemnation of the Septen-
nial Act, we are now in a very different position from
what we used to be. We have a R&ormed Parliament,
and are not dependent upon the nod of any Minister
whatever.—(Cheers.) I trust that that Parliament will
act in accordance with the desires of the people.—(llar.)
The next important question founded upon this resolution is
the vote by hall9t. You will find that all the enjoyers and ex-
pectants of place and the spoils of the nation, both Whig and
Tory, with all their hireling press are clamorous in their
abuse of the ballot. They say that Englishmen are courageous,
and desire to giver their votes in an open and manly way.
Englishmen are courageous, but they are also kind-
hearted, and feel for the miseries they inflict npon their
families, and you know there are some Englishmen wht,
cannot vote as they wish without the risk of being ruined
by some tyrant wbo has potver over them. How many
men have been deprived of bread; how many thrown
into the workhouse, and turned out of farms and houses,
for not obeying the dictates of those who have power
over them? Many and many throughout the country
sufficiently to prove the severity of the Septennial Act.
It is said that the Ballot was un-English, but what a droll
charge is this, when there is not an institution, not a
club-house, not a district in the country, where the
elections were not conducted by Ballet (Cheers.)—
Look at the benefit societies of the artisans—for labouring
men—and you will find them all carried on by ballot.
Look at the great clubs at the west end of the town,
which count for their members all the great and rich
nobility of the country—the great members of the Church
—all those who hold commissions in the army and navy—
and there all the elections are carried on by ballot. Not
even a Royal Duke can be admitted into them without the
use of the ballot. At all our great charitable institutions,
with which this country abounds—the hospitals, even
the Royal hospitals, which are munificently endowed,
C,rist Church, St. Bartholomew's, and St. Thomas's
Hospitals, the elections are all carried on by ballot. Look
again at all our scientific n titutions, such as the Royal
Society, the Royal Antiquarian Society, the Society of
Arts, and a long list besides ;:in all these the elections
are carried on by ballot. At the London University the
elections are also carried on by ballot. Was this proceed-
ing then un-English ?—(Hear, hear.) Look at the Bank
of Englaild—(Cheers)—the Directors of that immense
and powerful establishment, who exercise more power
over the destinies of the country and its wealth than any
other body in the country, except Parliament itself, are all
elected by ballot. Those directors who exercise a monar-
chical sway over 80 millions of human beings are all
elected by ballot. Yet it was said that this was not an
English way of proceeding.—(Hear, and laughter.) In
fact, it we except Parliament itself, there is no institution
where the ballot is_ not in use. When it is recollected
what took place at the late elections can any man say
the proceeding is not English ? They direct us to look to
America, 17 States of which, out of 22, adopt the ballot.
And it is a msst remarkable fact that those two or three
States in which the ballot is not practised are slave States
which elect men to sell their fellows as they would a
beast at open market. In the constitution of the
whole American States there is a provision to elect
at stated periods a convention of the people for the
purpose of altering and amending those parts which
had fallen into disuetude through lapse of time. Those
conventions meet frequently, but in no one instance was
it ever dreamt of to abolish the use of the ballot.—
(Cheers.) I was in conversation some time ago with a
gentleman—an eminent met chant from New York—and he
told me that a convention met about two years ago, when
most important alterations were made, inasmuch that when
the qualification was much confined, they extended the elec-
tive franchise to almost the whole population—(Cheers)
but on that occasion there was no suggestion to do away

the hallo t.....(Cheers.) lie stated that the elections in
that great, populous and wealthy state, were carried on
with a system of regularity, peace, and sobriety; that the
people went to and from the poll as they did to and
from their several places of worship--(Loud cheers)
while in the slave states, as he emphatically denomi-
nated them, where the viva voce system of voting was
carried on, every species of crime, bribery, strife, and
even of bloodshed, and all manner of corruption were
most disgustingly prevalent. Now, Gentlemen, I will
put this gentleman against the honour and integrity of
Nfr. Stanley, or any other man in England.—(Cheers.)
And what now becomes of his calumnious state-
ment of the irregularity and corruption which
was said to characterise the operations of the ballot ?
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, they have gone a very great way
fur the purpose of invalidating the vote by ballot; they
have travelled three thousand miles across the Atlantic
Oman, and it is not very easy to follow them.--(A laugh.)
Hut why have they not crossed the straits of Dover, and
looked at the population of France? It was generally cons- I
anted that France had 32 millions of population, and only
80,000, till lately, of electors. If these had not been
protected by the ballot, would they have returned those
222 Members the celebrated majority who, in the Cham-
ber, led to the expulsion of Charles from his throne and
country ?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the Frenchmen of all
parties regard the ballot as their sacred shield at elections.
—(Cheers). There is no individual of any party, who
riinks of doing away with that system of voting. None
of the inhabitants of that country, ever expressed a desire
of altering the ballot to open voting.—(Cheers.) But why,
Gentlemen, should we travel into other countries ; let us
look at our own.—(Cheers) Look at the scenes of bribery
and corruption that have disgraced the proceedings at the
elections at Bristol, Liverpool, and Norwich. They
tell us that at Salisbury one of the candidates
actually gave the sum of la to an elector for a small
myrtle plant. Another gave 10 guineas for a little pig at
Guildford. (Shame, shatne.)—Look at the riots that took
place at Coventry, Walsall, Sheffield, and Hertford. Look
at all these scenes, and will any man tell me that the
ballot is not necessary ? Look at the tyrannical
oppression that has been exercised at Stamford, and New-
castle, by which freemen dare not exercise their rights,—
(Shame.) The principle of the ballot is so self evident,
that it requires no one to advocate it or point out its good
effects. I have never seen any argument urged against
the ballot which does not apply with tenfold force in
its favour.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I fear that I have
too long trespassed on you,—(Cries of "No, no,")—and
as there are several Gentlemen to follow me who will be
anxious to deliver their sentiments, I will not detain you
much longer. The next subject is the Assessed Taxes,
on that subject I will make but one observation,
because the Honourable Gentleman who will follow
me is so well conversant witn the subject, that he will be
much better able to do it justice. I will, however, observe,
that if the repeal will do no more good than to enable
the 10,000 persons, and upwards, in London, who
were deprived of the f'anchise, by not being able to pay
their taxes, it will effect a great good.—(Cheers.) I
will now conclude by proposing the following resolution :-
1. That this meeting recommend to all the counties, cities,
and boroughs in the United Kingdom to lend their aid in sup-
port of those important measures, by petitioning Parliament
for the same purpose.
Mr. NICIIOLSON now stood forward and said, I am most
anxious to detain you as shortly as possible. You are met I
here for the consideration of three distinct and separate
subjects. Most of you, I dare say, have read the re-
quisition upon which the Lord Mayor has been pleased
to preside at this meeting. First,—the Repeal of the Sep-
tennial Act. I think it would be bad taste in me to
take one moment of your time iu the way of argument,
to prove the necessity that that should be done. Mr.
Williams, who has dwelt upon that subject, has given
you the history of how it originated, that Parliament was
elected for three years, they voted themselves to exist
for seven years, and the only mistake that I thick
they made was, that they did not vote themselves
for everlasting,—(Loud laughter,) and that their children
should be Legislators in imitation of the Lords, that we
might be governed by an everlasting House of Commons,
in union with an everlasting House of Lords.—(Loud and
long continued laughter.) What would you say if the
present House of Commons, who are, according to the
law as it now stands, entitled to sit for seven years
if they should pass an Act that they should be legislators
all the days of their lives and their sons after them ?
Would not that be as just and as legal as that House of
Commons that had the time prolonged to seven years ?
As to the letter of the Gentleman which has been read to you,
to instruct you what to do, I only caught a part of it, and that
was, that there was a great difference of opinion respecting the
ballot. I agree that there is a great difference of opinion. I
will not argue it, because that and the duration of Parliaments
have been left as a question, according to the statement of Lord
John Russell, for the consideration of a future Parliament.—
(Cheers.) Now as to the mode of taking votes I will not go
into it, but I think that question will be decided very early in the
Session. It was one of the pledges (may I venture to use the
word ?) that it would be brought forward early in the Session.
What think of you of what has taken place at Norwich.
at Walsall, and at Stafford ? I happened to be at the last
place at the time of the election, and the first day men
were bought at from 11. to 101. each, but the last day they
were bought at from 101. to 201. And by whom ? By
a German.—("Name, name.") It was a queer German
name, and the owner's face was covered with hair. He
offered a family in which there were six voters 1004, hut
they demand,. d 1201.—(Laughter)—the market price
having risen. I need not tell you bow disgusted the can-
didate was who had received the pledges of these bought
voters, to see them coining to vote against him, because
they were poor, and tempted to take 15/. or 20/.
In some places, however, the corrupters were served in a
different manner. 1 came through Coventry on the top
of a coach, and I saw a crowd waiting the arrival of Mr.
Ellice. I asked them what was going on, and they told
me that the corporation was buying up voters, to turn out
the old members. Well, said I, do you take your 15/.
or 20/. ?—Yes. Right, but how do you vote ? Their
answer was, according to their conscience.—(Cheers.) I
will only make one statement more upon this point,
and I think it will surprise you. The Times" news-
paper—mind, it is a dangerous thing to speak of that
mighty engine, (a laugh,) and as they have a a Reporter
here, I will say I do not mind what they put in, but I
would prefer its being the truth. Now, what is the
case ? The " Times " has been writing against the ballot
for the last four or five weeks, but ta-morrow morning,..._
no, it may take a day or two to get a letter from Berk-
shire, (laughter,) but on Wednesday or Thursday you will
find the "Times"writiug in favour of the b allot.—(Cheers.)
Now Mr. Walters, the member for Berkshire, is the pro-
prietor of the " Times." That's nothing new. What
does he say? Hear his report in his own paper—and
what does he say in this part of his address? He says,
" In adverting to the first Parliament of the new bill, he
(Mr. Walter.) could nut but express his regret that that
isseasure had not been made as perfect as might have been
in; the last Parliament, so that it might have enabled
every honest man to give his vote without coercion,
and freely, according to his conscience." (Loud cheers.--
In that case, his two honourable friends near him
would have secured their elections with much less trouble
and inconvenience, but that defect in the Hark—
its the Times' not me"--(Lughter)_but that defect in
the bill might yet be remedied. lie once thought the
Reform Bill would be a final measure, but when he found
the threats and menaces held out against honest poor men
to deter them from voting as they wished, lie owned he
could not but admit that something more remained lo he
done to complete thenmeasure of Reform.—(Cheers, and
cries of " Yes, yes—the ballot," and loud laughter.)
Now, I know from several gentlemen, members of Mr.
Walter's Committee, he would have had 600 more votes
it the votes had been taken by ballot than he had. Lords
and Gentlemen, from every part of the world—from
Italy, France, Rome, and other places, wrote to their
501. tenants that if they voted for Mr. Walter's they must
quit their land.—(Hear, hear.) Would not that be suf-
ficient, without anything else, to call for the ballot.
Were he to refer to Essex who were the advocates of the
ballot there? Had Lord Chandos not moved the nomina-
tion of Close, and had Close not turned out Western ?
Many more, such as Western, would have been returned
had there been vote by ballot. Now for the subject of
the assessed taxes, and I am persuaded I shall have no
difficulty in that. If I had time I could lay a statement
before you that would show most distinctly its terrible
and monstrous injustice.--(Cries of hear, hear.)
I have been an advocate for the repel of the assessed
taxes for above twelve years, and I will tell you why. It
does not require argument, but there are a few facts
which ought to be laid before you.—(Cheers.) They are
most grossly partial, and consequently terribly unjust in
their operation. I took the trouble this morning to
put a few cases down, and from the petition which
I hold in my hand, I shall be furnished with
abundant illustration of my argument. I ,believe there
are fifty-two counties in England and Wales ; in twenty
there are only sixty-six houses rated to the house-tax at
more than 110/. a year.--(" Shame.") In six counties
i there s not more than one house rated at more than 501. ;
and there are mansions there which have cost between
100,000/. and 200,0001. in building., In twelve counties
in Wales there are only two houses assessed at more than
lOU ; only six at 1001., and four at 80/. In one of
these counties the Marquis of Anglesea resides, in a
mansion and a garden—for they assess :the garden

too to the extent of an acre. The Marquis who is now
receiving. as Viceroy of Ireland on an average at 20,000/.
pays only 67/. for house• duty. —(Shame.) What ! Shame!
Why it is only this ruore4-g Mr. Alderman Waithman
has told you you are premsture. Mr. Ald. Waithman
man had a motion on the books of the House of Commons
for two years, and if he had understood the subject do you
think twenty-six counties with all their palaces and man-
sions would have paid less than the smallest etre, t
in the city of London ? (Cries of shame.)
Is this good cause for you to petition.—(Cheers, and cries
of ‘, Yes, yes.) Besides it is a great mistake to suppose
we are opposing his Majesty's Ministers, we feel grateful
for what they have done, and we come here today to
support them; we came here that they may he thought
supported by the public against the Conservatives, and
that they may give full effect to the provisions of their great
Bill—(cheers) I was going into a statement, but as it would
detain you to do so, I will sum up what I am going to say.
The average of 200 houses, bishops, lords, and the whole of the
aristocracy living in those 200 houses , they pay—the Times
even cannot comprehend what they pay upon the average for
these 200 houses, lords, bishops, and all, what do you think of
the immense sum of Si. Ss. 9d.—(Lauglrer and cries of
" Shame.") Why, you are mistaken—the " Times"
says, the people that will he here to-day are nobody,
won't you take the authority of the " Times" that calls
itself the the Instructor, the great Engine of the
whole world !! Aye, look at the assessors appointed by the
horouglimongering Parliament, they all swore so help
them God, that they make a faithful and true assessment
of 5/. Ss_ 91 for these 200 palaces in the 12 counties. I
could go into the history of all the counties of England,
and I believe out of 20 counties these are 66 houses (I
hope, if the Times reporter is here, he will be accurate in
this)—(Laughter)—out of 20 counties there is only
66 houses that are assessed above 110/. a year in the
counties.—(Shame.) Out of 26 bishops, you, of course,
have 26 palaces, and yet that is the greatest extent of the
Assessed Taxes. In Hereford, the bishop of tha•
diocese is assessed for his palace, 26/. a year, and you
will make your calculation when you get h ome of
what proportion that bears to the Assessedt Taxes.
In Gloucestershire my Lord Eldon lives, I ehink—
and if an accurate report is wanted by any of thet papers
I'll give them the exact sum that my Lord Eldi n pays
for the house. In Buckingham that grea p man,
whom we shall never forget, I mean Lord a Gran-
ville, who has received 400/. a year as an reuditor
of his own accounts,—(or 40 years he has ceived
that sum. If at your leisure you go home an d make t
culation, I think it will amount to more than half a mi = ca
money. He is assessed for that mansion, visited by the(),,
and Royal Family. He is assessed, I believe; but as 'Kin.;
want to detain you, or make a mistake—' Laughter)-1 ton
his mansion is not assessed more than 1104 a year.—(Shhic.)
You are all out of your minds.—(Laughter.) I beerrive
Lord Eldon has recived : but, then, his great servicese—
(Laughter and cheers.) I think I could make out a
Istatement to show that he had received little less than wo
'millions of our money.—(Cheers.) Now, Gentle men,
how is that, in these twenty-six counties, that the Cotn-
missioners of Taxes, the Assessors, the Surveyors, and
all those under them should all be able to swear in the man.
ner they have done. Now, out of those 200 houses, there
not one of them that is worth more than the asseestnent.
But our assessors in the City, in Westminster, in the
Borough, and in all the towns of England, have charged
the middling and poor classes, who live in houses worth
only 2,000/. and less, thre times, nay ten times, the
amount that these great and privileged (omnipotent, I
might almost say, for they have hitherto been so) bo-
roughmongers pay, who, by a skill which I, as a trades•
moan, am not up to, have taken great care not to assess
themselves, but to put it all on the working and indus-
trious classes.—(Cries of " Shame.") We have heard,
and the statement is in the petition, that in collecting the
assessed taxes 250,000/. is charged for informers--(" Oh")
and 60,0001. for the lawyers, who are the partners of the
informers. More than 300,000/. is charged by those
machines for over taxing the people, and if we have a
representation for the city in the House of Commons who
has the courage—and I believe we have one—we will
have a return, showing who have received that 300,000/.,
and how that money hes been disposed of.—(Cheers.)
I am at this moment in the Exchequer Court for giving a
receipt for 181. 10s. without a stamp. I got but ss. out
of the 18/. and 10/.. is paid to the King, therefore,
when I pay the Attorney-General he ought at lest
to put a penny to the account of the King. I will
not detain you longer on this subject, but if I were to speak
until to-morrow night, I could go into such a history of plunder
and robbery as you never before heard.—(" Go on.") But I
cannot help telling you, that when a deputation
waited upon Sir John Cam Hobhouse, to state their
grievances, he asked them if they were not content
with the repeal of one tax? With one out of the five
millions ! They said no, they would not. But to show
how the taxes go, I will refer yon to the pension list.
There I find Lords Grenville, Arden, and a many others,
receiving half a million. And we have ladies too
on the list. I have the names of two ladies whom
we have been keeping, (great laughter,) for
63 years, and it would be irregular to hear (as we no
doubt shall) what the ages of those ladies were when the
pensions were granted.—(Cries of " off," and "go on.")
We have the six Misses Hayes, Dorothy, Mary, Elizabeth,
Jane, and Ann and so on, the six sisters.in.law of Sir J.
Hobhouse, and receiving Boo/. a year.—(Shame.) There is
of them whom we have kept for 27 years, and I leave you
to calculate how much she has received ; but for keeping
these six sisters-in-law of Sir John Hobhouse, it was ne-
cessary to assess 400 houses of 101. each. Yes, it took an
assessment of 400 101. houses to support those six ladies.
I could go through a long string of grievances of this
kind, which I would furnish to the " Times" if they
would insert it, and which would, I think, induce the
proprietors of that paper to advocate the relief of their
brother citizens from this unjust tax.—(Hear, bear,
hear.) You will be told by Lord Althorp that
the tax cannot be repealed, because the money
cannot be spared—(Hear, hear)— but there are ten
in 12 public departments, which may well be cut down, to
enable Ministers to meet our wishes. There is the diplo-
matic department, for instance, is most shamefully paid.
Will you believe that our Ambassador to America received
9,001., just double what the President receives.—(Cries
of enough). I could mention a thousand names as interested
in the maintenance of expensive establishments; but it is
our business to check them.—(Cheers.) I beg to second
the resolution.
The resolution, expressive of the opinions of the meeting,
that a petition should be presented to the House of Corn-
mons, praying for trienial Parliamiants, vote by ballot,
and repeal of the assessed taxes, all as soon as possible, was
then read.

Sir GREGORY LEWIN. As one of the new consti-
tneney of the city, I beg to make a few observations,
which will not occupy your attention two minutes. I
cannot conceive what the object of this meeting can be, or
what purpose it can serve, except to embarrass the
Governtnent.—(Cries of " No, no," and a great uproar. )
The Loan MAYOR rose, and said, Gentlemen, when I
stated to you that a majority ought patiently to hear the
minority, you applauded me; now Sir Gregory will de-
tain you only a few minutes, and in fair courtesy—(cries
of "He don't begin fairly")—if he doer say anything dis-
agreeable to you, then you may exr,ess your disapproba-
tiOa Afterwards.
Sir GREGORY then mode bin appearanee again in front
of the hustings, but amidst the most deafening hisses and
cries of Off, off !' that probably were heard in the Hall.
He demanded as a right to be heard. He appeared to the
Lord M iyor to assist him, and to protect him in his own
right; and :vas it fair to reject the claim of his Lordship?
(After braving the storm for a few minutes longer, and
trying wholly ineffectually to gain a hearing, he withdrew.
Mr. HUNT then presented himself amidat mingled
cheers and disapprobation, and spoke as follows :
When the Hon. Baronet who has just retired, intimated
to the Lord Mayor, that he was about to move an ad-
journment of this meeting, the Lord Mayor asked
whether I Would answer him, I said no—the Hall will
answer him. You have answered hint before you know
what he was going to say. Ne. He let the cat
out of the hag, and you very soon hunted poor
puss down.--(A laugh.) I feel great pleasure in thus
coming before the extended constituency of the city of
London ; and I hope what I shall state will be received
with patience, for I have not such lungs as the
Honourable Gentleman who seconded the motion.—
Although I had no band in calling it, I perfectly concur
with its object; and, not being now a Member of Par.
liament, I thought when I saw it advertised,
that I should best do ray duty by attending it,
and stating my opinions in support of the motion.
(Cheers. In the first place it has been nightly told
you how the Parliament became septennial ; that
is a Parliament elected for three years when the got
perly seated in the saddle they voted temselves septennal.
And nothing more need be said on the subject, but that
it was the Whigs who did so. Gentlemen, I think I
hear some new elector saying,—" Oh, you are not a Whig
nogand I would answer him by saying,—" I am."
as much a Whig now as I ever was, because I never was
anything of the sort. I am old enough, and perhaps
he is not to remember when the Whigs were in power
in 1806 and 1807. They had for many years
been promising to reform the grievances of the State; but
when they came into power, they adopted all the measures of the
men whom they had for twenty years before been denouncing
1 am old enough to recollect these things ; and therefore,

since that period, I never Wass Whig. I have bsen ac.
,oised of being a Tory. I have bran accused in the.
House of Commons of joininz the Tories. Why, be
cause I did not approve of all the measures Of
the Whigs, and my answer was they called me Tory
Call me devil if you please, but don't c ill me Whig, or I
shall be sick. 1 have always said the Whigs were hypo-
critical and Tories out of place (Cries of question.)—
With regard to the second proposition,—the Vote by Bal.
lot,—on that subject it will he quite enough for me to
remind the members present, that in 1815 I was the first
person who proposed the ballot at a public meeting, for the
relief of the distressed weavers of Spitalfields, and I car
vied the petition up to the King on the subject the next
day. For this I was denounced as every thing that was
had, and wished to overturn the government of the
country because I proposed universal suffrage, annual
Pirliament, and vote by ballot. After that petition was
presented to the King, I received the next day a letter
l'roto Lord Sidmouth, stating that his Majesty had given
four thousand pounds for the relief of the distressed
weavers. I take paide to myself, when I declrre
that I was the first author of the proposition for vote by
ballot.--(Cries of " Oh, oh.")
Mr. WILLIA3IS—The Duke of Richmond, M jor Cart-
wright, and others proposed it before you.
Mr. HUNT—When Mr W. was speaking I did not interrupt
him, and I would thank him to act with the same
courtsey towards me. At least, if he must interrupt, lst
him speak the truth. The Duke of Richmond had
brought forward a Bill to give univeral suffrage, bu-
not the ballot. Major Cartwright' took the same course
I sty again, I was the first to bring forward the question
of the ballot in 1818. lam quite convinced from
what I have seen, that the people will send up
their petition to the Howie of Lords and the
House of Commons, demanding that in future
that the election shall be by ballot. When I last had the
honour of addressing the Livery within thins Hall,
I then suggested the propriety of, when we were praying
for Parliamentary Reform, to pray also for the ballot, this
answer was made to me, no, the Bill, the whole Bill, aid
nothing but the Bill, when we have got that we
shall get everything else.—(Bravo.) I hope those who
prognosticated that, prngnostieated truly; I was
anxious, and I was quite convinced, that if the
people of England had put their shoulders to
ro the wheel and acted so unanimously as they did act, and
demanded the ballot and trinneal Purlioments, I am quite
convinced that neither King, Lords, nor Commons, could
have resisted it. And if that had been the case
we should not have been assembled together to-day
to petition for it. However, better late than
never. I join heart in hand for the demand
that is now made. If the vote br ballot had been in prac-
tice, I should not have been here to-day. If I had been a
Member of Parliament which I should have been that case,
yes, by five to one I should have been elected. It has
bee❑ alluded to what Lord John Russell said, and very
properly, that when he brougha forward the Reform Bill he
said that his Majesty's Ministers were for passing the Bill,
and leaving the question of the ballot, and the question of
shortening the duration of Parliament to be brought by
some other persons beareafter. Lord John Russell said,
but never upon any one occasion did my Lord John
Russell ever say, or any of his Majesty's
Ministers, that when that time did arrived, that
either one of them would either give or support the propo
salon (cheers.) There is a great cry against Lord Althorp
and also against Mr. Stanley, for having avowed at public
meetings during the elections, that the measure should
be a final measure, and that they would oppose going any fur-
ther, they never made use of any one expression, or threw
out one hint, that they did not state during the
whole time of passing that Bill. In fact, they always
said it would be a final measure, and if it is to be,
I, for one say it will be worth nothing.—(Cheers.) I for
one will never cease my exertions to prevent the Reform Bill
from being a final measure, but at the time they said it
could be final. I told them what would happen the mo-
ment it was passed, It was said, "Oh you propose
these measures to harrass and embarrass Ministers."
When I proposed an extension of the franchise, it was said,
oh, I wish to embarrass Ministers, when the only Member
in tha House who seconded me was the Worthy Alder-
man near him (Alderman Weod ) Out of the whole 658
only one would support him in getting household...re the
suffrage.—(Cheers.) You will recollect that the Whigs
turned the Wellington Minitry out by a vote upon the
Civil List, which was then near a million, and the Whigs
wish to reduce it a half; yet the Whigs had not been in
office a fortnight when they brought forward the same
Civil List, and divided the House against them, and
only four Members (Mr. Hume and three others)
voted with me.—(Shame.) I was then called au
called an enorny to Reform, and had ta wish to
embarrass Ministers.—(Laughter.) When they pro-
posed to revive the pension list, I called for an inquiry
halo it by a committee, and I was told I was an enemy
to Reform, with a desire to embarrass Ministers.—
When they brought forward a vote of 100,0001. a year
'o the Queen, after tne deathaof her husband,—(Hear,)
I opposed it, and was called by similar terms. When
they proposed an additional 10,0001. to the Princess
Victoria, who had already 60,0001 a year.--(.. Shams.")
I divided the House upon it, and was coiled an enemy
of Reform, not one then voted with me. At the last
Common Hall but one, you will recollect that you in-
structed the Honourable Alderman (Wood) to move for
a reduction of salaries of public officers. During
The high price of provisions, when the Whigs were in
office in 1806 and 1807, they rose all the salaries,
(Shame,)—and, therefore, you instructed the Honourable
Alderman to move to reduce them. The salaries then
amounted to 1,300,0001. and now they were to
2.700,0001. The Honourable Alderman brought the
subject forward very ably, and I had the honour to second
him, but when the House divided, nobody voted for
the motion but he and I. I will merely state another
thing that took place in the House of Commons.
I will mention only one other part, although I could enu-
merate fifty. All of you that are old enough recollect
Lord Castlereagh's proposing to grant 300,0001. for the
repair of Windsor Castle. The Whigs—the opposition—
of that day denounced the grant as profligate an 1 extrava-
gant. When I came into the House—(Cries of " Ques-
tion.)" This is the question, for I am about to show you how
you may get rid of the assessed taxes. I found, I say, a
grant given notice of for 2,0001. to Windsor Castle, by a
Whig Ministry, although, upon reference to the books in
the library, I pscertained 75,0001. had already been
voted for the purpose, and divided the House, but had
not above half a dozen with me, and was charged
with being no Reformer, and an enemy of Ministers.
Again, I find a grant of 10,000/. proposed to furnish
two new rooms at the Castle, although 275,000/
had already been paid for the purpose. I divided the
house again, and nobody hardly was with me, and again
I was charged with being an enemy to Reform, wishing
co embarrass Ministers. You must, it seems, pronounce
yonr wishes again and again before they are
understood, for you have had to-day a knight and a limb
of the law to tell you you must put up with these taxes
till Ministers move themselves to relieve you.

The following are the other Resolutions :-
2. That three petitions be presented to the house of Com-
mons in conformity with the above resolution.
3 That the petitions be engrossed by ,the Town clerk and
signed in the name and on the behalf of the meeting by the
Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, two Aldermen, and -- electors.
4. That George Grote, Esq., be requested to present the peti-
tion for the Ballot ; Sir John Key, the petition for the Repeal of
the Assessed lazes; and Mr. Alderman Wood, the petition
for the Repeal of the Septennial Act, and that each of them be
also requested to bring in a Bill forthwith to accomplish the
object of the petition intrusted to his care.
_ ._.. .

5. That the cordial thanks of this meeting be given to the
Right Hon. the Lord Mayor for his promptitudeand courtesy in
acceding to the wish of the Requisitionists for the calling of
the present meeting, and also for the impartiality and dignity
with which he has presided over the same.

TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
IRELAND, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.
THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE LIVERYMEN
AND HOUSEHOLDERS, ELECTORS OF THE
CITY OF LONDON, ASSEMBLED IN THE
GUILDHALL, IN THE SAID CITY, THIS 2IST
DAY OF JANUARY, 1833.
The Right Hon. the LORD MAYOR in the Chair.
Most respectfully sheweth—That your humble Petitioners
are of opinion that every elector in the kingdom should be
enabled to exercise that most important public trust, the elec-
tive franchise, fully, fairly, and freely, according to the dic-
tates of his own unbiased judgment.
That your humble Petitioners are of opinion that In this
country, where the land is principally held in large masses by
comparatively a few individuals, and where from our exten-
sive manufactur, commerce and trade, the great portion of the
people are dependent on each other fur employment and sub-
sistence, it is to be expected that the landholders, and
the other possessors of wealth, who are generally of the
class of employers, will endeavour to promote their own
private interests, principles, and prejudices, at the expence
of the independence and consciences of such electors as may
be placed under their controul or influence.
That your humble petitioners conceive that the Legislature.
when bestowing any privileges or franchise upon any portion
of the community, should at the same time secure to it the power
of fully, fairly, and freely exercising the same, and that to ne.
glect to do so, is to defeat their professed objects, and to stultify
their own proceedings.
That your humble petitioners deprecate the exercise of any