The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

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Injuries to the British nation, and why were we not
to adopt the same system ? This, however, was
op .rt from the question, which was—did. or did not, the
Ministry preserve neutrality ? They did not hear to-night
from the Noble Duke opposite that Government had
broken neutrality, and taken military possession of Lisbon.
The fact was, that in consequence of various complaints
and remonetrancee from British merchants, it was deemed
right to have a force there, and on that principle Admiral
Parker was sent to the Tagus. The squadron remained
in the river until the expedition sailed from Terceira, and
then, upon request from the Government at Lisbon, and
to prove that his conduct was influenced solely by neutra-
lity, he went outside with his squadron, leaving only one
unarmed vessel to receive such English subjects as might
choose to come aboard. Subsequently, Lord William
Russell was sent to watch over the proceedings, and every
thing was done to preserve neutrality. To prove this
Admiral Parker's instructions would suffices The Noble
Earl here proceeded to read extracts from the instructions
sent to Admiral Parker, the commander of the British
squadron in the Tagus, in which the strictest neutrality
between the two belligerent powers was enjoined. These
instructions were dated—one on the 21st of May, in
obedience to which Admiral Parker left the Tagus ;
another on the Ist of June, in which the strictest neutra-
lity between the two hostile parties in Portugal was
again carefully enjoined ; a third on the lSth of June,
from the Admiralty, addressed by Mr. Barrow, in which
not only was the strictest neutrality commanded, hut
Admiral Parker was further advised not to bestow
any advice or express any professional opinion in
reference to the conduct of either of the bellige-
rents, lest such advice or opinion might he construed into
an infraction of the strict neutrality which the British
Government was so anxious to merit.--( Hear, hear.) It
was hardly necessary fur him to add, that Admiral Parker
obeyed the instructions given him with that discretion
and firmness and good faith which marked his whole
conducts—(Hear.) Indeed, so fully did he enter into
the spirit of neutrality which governed Ministers at home,
that when the squadron of Admiral Sartorius anchored
is Cascses Bay, alongside of the British force, so as to
place it between his own squadron and the forts on the
Lisbon shore, he sent Captain Richer 's immediately to
Sartorius, and told him that he should take up another
position. The result was, that Admiral Sartorius's squa-
dron moved ...off some three miles. Then, on Admiral
Parker's having heard that Srtorius had hoisted the Bri-
tish flag on a steam-vessel in order to land some cargo, I e
again despatched Captain Richards, who peremptorily told
the commander of Don Pedro's squadron that he would
not for a moment permit the British flag to be hoisted by
either of the belligerent parties, as the act might be in.
terpreted as a breach of neutrality. He had stated that
Admiral Parker left the Tagus in consequence of a de-
vetch of the 21st of May, 1832. Circumstances, box-
ever, compelled him to re-enter the waters of the Tagus__
circumstances of no less moment than the murder of Lord
William Russell's servant—a murder perpetrated not by a
mob, or by obscure assassins, but by persons acting under
the immediate authority of the Government.--(Hear.) No
steps whatever were taken by the Portuguese Government
to inquire into the murder, with a view to bring the mur-
derer to punishment ; and, accordingly, at the urgent re-
quest of the British residents in Lisbon, and in order to
obtain justice against the perpetrators of the murder,
Admiral Parker again took up a station in the Tagus, still
preserving the same strict neutrality between the belligerent
parties. So far, therefore, as the conduct of the British
squadron in the Tagus was concerned, he confidently af-
firmed that the most strict and undeviating neutrality was
observed in reference to the belligerent parties in Portugal.
And here he might rest his case ; hut he would not. He
did not shrink from the other points mooted by the Noble
Duke. He was prepared to meet the Noble Duke, standing
as he did there responsible to his Sovereign, to the public,
and to his own conscience, for maintaining the honour and
interests of the country. His public conduct was before
them, it was open to their censure. If their censure fell
upon him, he hoped it would not be till their Lordships had
fully considered the justice and consequences (not to him-
self, for that was no element of their consideration) of their
decision in reference to the honour and interests of the
country.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that their suf-
fering arms, vessels, provisions, and what was called the
materiel of war, to be fitted out in British ports for the
service of Donna Maria was inconsistent with their profes-
sions of strict neutrality, and contrary to the provisions of
the Foreign Enlistment Bill. Let them examine a little
bow far this assertion was consistent with public law anal
facts. First, in respect to the principles of public law, he
apprehended that it was clear and indisputable that mer-
chants, as traders in a neutral country, may furnish either
or both of two billigerent parties with shipping, arms,
provisions, and other materiel of war, without thereby
committing a breach of neutrality.—(Hear.) This he
maintained was the indisputable law of nations, as laid
down by its ablest expounders. For the high authority of
Lord Stowell cited by the Noble Duke,, he entertained the
most unfeigned respect. He knew that Noble Person
long and well, consequentlyadinitx4„liiirni-TA-Ini:.ablesl
and most upright judge that ever presided in the Admi.
ratty. To his authority he willingly bowed, provided it
was shown on what occasion and under what circum-
stances lie expressed his opinion. So far as he understood
the passage read by the Noble Duke, it represented Lord
Stowell as merely declaring that a neutral country had no
right to injure or unduly serve one of two belligerent
powers. With this opinion he, for one, expressed his
entire concurrence, but it affected not the question before
them, which simply was, whether a British merchant
supplying a neutral belligerent with the munitions of war,
it being equally open to the other neutral belligerent
party to provide itself with the same material—(Hear)--
was by so doing violating the strictest neutrality ? He
broadly answered no—(Hear, bear)—and he was con-
vinced that such would he the opinion of Lord Stowell.
But it perhaps might be said, that admitting that the
merchant dealing in stores and the provisions of war was
not contrary to the law of nations, yet that the levying of
men for foreign service was a violation of the spirit and
letter of the Foreign Enlistment Bill. On this point
anon. He would, before he touched upon it, observe,
that though averse from the habit of quoting hard names
and learned civilians, he thought it but fair, in deference
to the general principle, to allege, that Puffendorf and
Vattel bad distinctly laid it down that the law of nations
by no means prohibited the levying of troops in a neutral
country for the service of a belligerent power.—(Hear,
Dear, hear.) The us ge of centuries, moreover, sanc-
tioned this principle of international law. They all knew
that the armies of Europe were indiscriminately recruited
from among the S.viss, who indifferently entered into
the service of the French King or the Emperor. Down
to their own titn. a the Swiss were a constant element of
the army of France, and yet he never heard of a complaint
against the latter power for the practice as a breach of the
law of nations. Theo, they were themselves in the habit
of levying troops among the smaller states of Germany,
agreeable to the uniform practice of the nations of Europe.
Then, they all recollected the enlistment of British subjects
is corps to aid the States of South America in asserting their
independence; and they also recollected the generous and
natural z-al felt for the Greeks, which induced many
British subjects to enter their ranks, in their glorious
struggle for freedom, No complaint was made in those
cases of these military proceedings being a breach of neu-
trality, because, as in the case of the two belligerent
parties in Portugal, the mat ket was equally open to both,
and both were treated with the same impartiality and
strict neutrality. It was true that the Not le Duke denied
this fact by implication, when he asserted that the same
facilities were by nu means extended to Don Miguel's
agents to equip armaments as were readily afforded to Don
Pedro's. But the Noble Duke forgot that there was not
a single musket in the service of Don Miguel, that Was
not manufactured in and exported from England---(Hear,
hear)—and that the large piece of ordnance, the John
Paul, which bad done so touch mischief to the besieged
in Oporto, had lately been procured in this country by
Don 3liguel's agents—(Hear)—and that, in fact, there
were the same dealings in stores, arms, provisions, Etc.,
going on here on the part of Don Miguel, as on the part
of the other belligerent, conformably with their posit
tion of strict neutrality between them. It was tru-
that there was not the same levying of men on the pare
of Don Miguel ; he should, indeed, have been much
surprised if there were—that a cops should -be raised
in favour of a cause so repugnant to honest British
feelings.—(Cheers.) But if Don Miguel did not levy
many aoldters here, he was not without the aid and
counsel of British officers. He had, for example, Sir J.
Campbell
in his service, an eminent officer, who not only
wised him in the field, but by his correspondence and
speeches, in Which Ministers. and- Parliament, and persons
still more sacred, were spokeueof in a tone not very be-
coming in one who had the honour of being a British
officer. The principle, then, of strict neutrality Witi ob-
served to both belligerents, to whom the same facilities
were open of dealing with British merchants in our ports
for the materiel of war. The next pant was, whether
the levying of troops for either party was opposed to the
provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Ball. He most em
i phatically maintained not. When that Bill was n prargre-s
through that House, he had earnestly protested against its
principle on the score of precedent. He was apprehensive
that though it was passed as a specific measure, to attain
a specific object, it might be twisted into a mischievous
precedent of general application. The Foreign Enlist•

meet Bill was, as they must recollect, passed in 1819 ;
it was founded on two Acts of George IL, which had for
their avowed and exclusive purpose the prohibiting of
British subjects from enlisting in a foreign service for
the forwarding of the scheme of the Pretender against the
throne of its legitimate occupants, the House of Bruns•
wick, who held it by the most legitimate of all titles—
the consent of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) In the same
way the Bill of 1819 was passed for a definite specific pur-
pose, and not as a measure which should pi ohihit the en-
listing of British subjects in any foreign service whatever,
as die Noble Duke would seem to believe. It was passed
as a fulfilment of an engagement entered into with Splits
in 1815, in virtue of which the British Government gua-
ranteed the Spanish against British subjects interfering in
the affairs of the South American colonies in their con-
test with the mother country. This was the sole object
of the B 11, and he therefore denied the Noble Duke's con•
struction that the B;11 imposed upon us the duty and obli-
gation of prohibiting the levying of troops for Donna
Nlaria. He had yet to learn that we were bound lay any
consideration to enforce any of our municipal laws, other
than our own sense of what was due to our own honour
and interest. The Bill of 1819, he repeated, was framed
for a specific, and not for a general, purpose.—(Here
Lord Holland whispered to the Noble Earl.) His Noble
Friend had just reminded him of a fact which put this
interpretation of the Bill beyond the retch of controversy.
His Noble Friend opposed, and actually entered a protest
on their journals, to the effect that though the Bill wa•
avowedly brought forward to meet a particular contin-
gency, yet it might he appealed to by foreign powers in
a manner prejudicial to British interests. " No," calif
the Noble and Learned Earl (Eldon), who then sat on
the woolsack, " that is iinpoesitile; no foreign power
can make so flagrant a mistake as to suppose that
the measure admits of general application."—(Hear,
hear.) The Noble Duke, however, hail cited the case
of the seizure and subsequent release of the vessels of M.
Sampayo, is order to show—first, that Ministers had ap-
plied the Foreign Enlistment Bill to the present contest in
Portugal ; and, secondly, that they had partially eluded
its provisions in favour of Din Pedro. The Noble Duke's
version of the circumstances of this seizure was not quite
correct in fact. It was not true that the seizure was made
under the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and that the release
was mate from a leaning towards Don Pedro. The
seizure was male by the Commissioners of Customs, who,
on the remonstrance of M. Satnp iyo, as to the legality of
the seizure, referred the case to the Home Secretary. The
question was one of law, and accordingly the opinion of
the law officers of the crown was taken. That opinion
was decidedly against the power of the Governmt nt to
detain M. Sampayo's vessels under the Foreign Enlistment
Bill, on any principle of the laws of nations, and accord-
ingly they were forthwith released. But surely the Noble
Duke himself would not have acted otherwise in the
same circumstances, and would not, from his anxiety to
serve Don Miguel, detain vessels in the interest of Don
Pedro, contrary to the solemn opinion of the law officers
of the crown ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl here
read the opinions of the Advocate General and the
Attorney and Solicitor Generals, to the effect that no
treaty between England and Portugal bound the former
to interfere in the affairs of the latter, in a case of
civil war or disputed claim to the crown, to which no
other foreign power wag an active party. According to
the Noble Duke, we were bound to interfere, no matter
what was the occasion, or which party was in the right
or which in the wrong. But Ministers, acting upon the
principles of internation law, and fortified by the opinion
of the law officers of the Crown, adopted the course most
consistent with the honour and interests of the country.
It was strange to beer the Noble Duke, of all men, assert
that the Foreign Enlistment Bill enabled and indeed
hound us to detain the vessels of M. Sampayo. When
the Noble Duke was in office, a vessel was fitted out here
for the purpose of carrying out insurgents to Spain, to
there excite a civil war. At the instance of the Spanish
ambassador, that ship, the Mary, was detained; but on
the opinion of the Attorney- General being taken, she was
promptly released, it being found that we had not the
power to detain her or any portion of her cargo, except
same arms, which were seized for come illegality under the
customs' laws. In the face of this fact, how could the
Noble Duke assert that M. Sartspayo's vessels ought to
have been detained under the Foreign Enlistment Bill ?
--(Hear.) The Noble Earl, having dwelt on the opinion
of the Advocate• General as decisive against the charge of
violation of stritit neutrality, so far as furnishing one or
both of the belligerents in Portugal with the materials of
war was concerned, proceeded to say that he was not ac-
quainted with the particulars of the armament which had
assembled at Falmouth under Captain Napier till the
Noble Duke bed that evening specified them. This
ignorance was perhaps culpable, but he would not vindi-
cate it at the expense of the character of the officers of
the British navy and army.—(Hear.) The Noble Duke
insinuated that those cfficers refrained from communi-
cating intelligence to the Government because it might
not be palatable to them. He did not believe.thaA„thsky
coutit be believe that the Noble Duke's minute one-sided
information of particulars in favour of Don Miguel was
communicated on account of the pleasure it might afford
the Noble Duke and his party. The Noble Duke gave
Ministers credit for dismissing Admiral Sartorius from
the British service, and by implication called upon them
to pursue the same course towards Captain Napier. The
last application of the last-named officer to the Admiralty
was on the 19th of May, when he requested to know
whether the pension which he received for his wounds
would be cut off by his entering into another service in a
temporary capacity. The answer of the Admiralty was,
that his pension claim rested on a d.fferent basis front his
claim to have his name continued on the list of British
officers. It was not till Captain Sartorius had stepped on
the quat ter-deck of a vessel of Don Pedro as Admiral of
his fleet that he was struck off the list of British officers ;
and without prematurely judging the case of Captain
Napier, all he would then say was, that if Captain Na-
pier also entered into the service of a foreign state, lie
would be liable, under the Orders in Council of 1791
and 1814, to he dismissed from the British service for
breach of discipline. He trusted he had sufficiently re-
butted the charge of the Noble Duke—for charge it wile
—and thereby shown that the censure—for censure it was
avowed to he—contained in the Noble Duke's motion, was
not fairly applicable to his conduct. He trusted he had
shown that the 'enlist), pursued by Ministers was consistent
with the spirit of the strictest neutrality, and calculated
to promote the honour and interests of the country.
" But," said the Noble Duke, " that policy was, on the
face of it, a violation of their engagements with Spain."
It would surely he only worthy of the high reputation of
the Noble Duke for him to have paused ere he gave utter-
ance to so unfounded an allegation. He boldly told the
Noble Duke that England had not violated any engage•
went with Spain (upon whose conduct he should then
preserve a perfect silence), and that Spain had not the
remotest ground of complaint of our having pursued a line
of policy inconsistent with our honour and beat interests.
—(Hear, hear.) No ; he trusted that no man, be he whom
he might, or actuated by what motives he might, would
ever have the power of reproaching the present Adtninis_
tration with having tarnished the honour of England...-.
(Cheers.) But, said the Noble Duke, if Pedro succeed,
there will undoubtedly be a civil war in Spain. Again lie
had to lament that the Noble Duke had not paused a little
before he thus rashly committed himself. Who was so
ignorant of the state of Spain and the continent as not to
know how much the danger of civil commotion wou d be
increased by the success of Dun Miguel ?—(Hear, hear.-)
The Noble Duke could not overlook the probability
of a disputed succession in that country, and that Dou
Carlos, like Don Miguel, had his party to support
him against his Sovereign and his brother, and
the rights of the infant Princess.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
The Noble Duke said that if the authority of Donna Maria
should be established, it could only he maintained by
foreign troops, and mercenaries of every description. Now,
this appeared to him (Earl Grey) to be neither more nor
less then impossible. If Donna Maria were not supported
by a large portion of 'the Portuguese population, it was
impossible that her empire could ever be established or
maintained. It was incorrect to state that the army of
Don Pedro was entirely composed of foreigners. The
most exaggerated account of the number of foreigners in
Don Pedro's army that he had seen, stated it at not more
that, 3,000 men. This certainly was not one third of his
army, independently of the population of the second city
in the Portuguese empire.—(Hear.) In conclusion, he
called upon the House to reject the motion, which he would
meet with a decided negative.—(Cheers.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN thought the Noble Earl op-
posite had by no means succeeded in refuting the charges
ttrought against the Administration by his Noble Friend.
These charges were founded on facts the most notorious,
and supported by proofs which he thought the moat irre-
fragable. He considered the Noble Earl had misrepre-
sented the argument of the Noble Duke with regard to the
treaty which bound England to Portugal on the occasion
of the French invasion of Portugal in 1831. His Noble
Friend did not say that we were bound to defend Portugal
t
all haztrds, and whether her cause was just or unjust ;
hut we were bound by treaties to mediate in behalf of
Portugal.—(Hear.) The treaties
thatreat w
ies neishee svaelleiariaemn beddocuootudruldatomsliensateandnina
(tin' nb'ehiafl ft oh leyPdo ug id
notal:u wheneverie
The Portuguese Government, on that occasion, over and.
over again, entreated our mediation and Support; and

what reply was made by the Administration to this just
claim ? There was no answer—(Herr)—nu answer from
the 4th of May till the 16th of June was returned to the
repeated applications of the Portuguese Government. It
was not true to say that Portugal refused redress to the
French claims, for she offered to refer the claims to us,
and submit to our decision, but no answer was given till
the French fleet hail sailed.—(Hear, heir.) With regard
to the more immediate subject of the motion, he had, in
December, MI, when reinforcements were going out
daily—he had then pressed this matter on the attention of
the Noble Earl, and asked him if he did not intend to
enforce the Foreign Enlistment Act ? The Nohle Earl
replied to him, that so long as that Bill remained the law
of the land, he should consider it to he his duty to execute
the law. As a man of truth, therefore, he relied on what
the Noble Errl said : he did expect some difference would
arise as to the putting it into execution, but still he ex-
pected that it would be executed.—(Hear.) The law
against foreign enlistment, though still the law of the
land, had not, however, received its due execution. Last
week only, in a letter, dated May 28, from Falmouth, this
information was communicated to the pubilc :—" This
aft, rnoon the reinforcements fur the Constitutional cause
in Portugal left this port to join the forces in atoms.
The Birmingham steamer sailed with 350 EnglisH9roopre
under the commend of Colonel Dodgin ; the Britannia
steamer, with 256 volunteers, comprising Poles, Ger-
mans, and French, under the command of General Mona
and the Polish Colonel Suers ; and the City of Water-
ford steamer, with 200 seamen for the fleet. The per-
sonages accompanying this attritional force are the Mar-
quis Palmella, who proceeds again to Oporto, to enter
upon the functions of office ; Captain Napier, C. 8., for
the purpose of succeeding Admiral Sartotiue in the com-
mand of the squadron, and J. Y. Mendiz•tbel, , one
of the agents of Don Pedro. The presence of the troops
in our town has occasioned an unusual degree of bustle,
their appeir•ince was generally good ; and in point of
discipline, they appeared to understand the requisites of a
soldier by strictly oh-Trying it. Tire vessels are well
stocked with stores and provisions—in fact, with all the
essentials of an entire expedition, rather than a reinforce-
ment. To supply the future wants or the army, there
are a number of vessels about to leave Cork with provi-
sions, so as to prevent their entire dependence on succe-s
or speculators. A considerable quantity of gold ham been
shipped on board these steamers, which is to be solely ap-
plicable to the objects of the expedition ; therefore it may
he expected that shortly sotne very decisive and effireient
blow will he struck." As the Noble Earl was so unac-
qu tinted with these matters, he would give him some more
information. He would infirm the Noble Earl of sire force
which had left this country during the last three months
to join Den Pedro. The Noble Earl read something like
the following list :—On the last day of February the
Lord of the Isles steamer sailed from Fahnouth with 350
English ;on AI a-eh 2.1 the Britannia steamer sailed from
Deal with 300 English; on March 13th the St. George
lett Gravesend with 400 French, who had been brought
to this country from Boulogne in the IVellington steamer,
and were re-shipped at Gravesend ; on March 22d the
Mercury left Gravesend with 500 English ; on May 4th
the Lord Cochrane sailed from Deal with 520 French ;
on May 4,1), also, a vessel sailed from Roclifort with 600
French ; on May 25th the Britannia sailed from Falmouth
wi h 270 foreign, rs. Teen there was the Birmingham
steamer and the City of Waterf».d, to which he hail
already referred, with 350 and 200 English. Other yes.
sell had left the smaller ports of France with 500 more.
There were two bartalions now ready to sail from France,
which would make the whole expedition of Cept. Napier
amount to 1,000 men. On the whole there hail left the
ports of England and France, during the las• three months,
no less than 1,750 English and at least 3,000 foreigners to
join Don Pedro. He included in that statement the last ex-
pedition which bail sailed under Capt. Napier. These things
could not be secret. If they were, was the conduct of the
Alarqui. Palrnella a secret? Were his interviews at the
Foreign office unknown to the Noble E al ? Was Capt. Na-
pier's sailing in conjunction with the M ii quis a secret ? He
understood that no secret whatever was made of the expedi-
tion—that it was talked of with as much openness and
publicity as if it had been an expedition fitted out by our
own Government. The Noble Earl here rend a paragraph,
stating that tire Lord of the Isles had been embarking
troops for Don Pedro ; that a number of men paupers,
belonging to the parishes of St. AI agaret and St. Martin
had volunteered into Don Pedro's service.—(A laugh.)
He should like to know if the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, in whose department this was, knew
any thing of this paragraph in the newspaper ? Had it
the least foundation? He had inquired into it, and found
certainly that it was at least partly true. There was a
number of able bodied paupers from the parishes of Sr.
Margaret and St. Martin, who were accomp inied on
board these vessels by the parish officers, who gave them
10s. a piece to get rid of them.—(A laugh.) There was
no affectation even of secrecy here. it was not even a
thing tvinkedygttrttas 'kr tieigrtJ-.-Irt'orenmq.
mike them levy troops for hie service. No person
could doubt that the Government must have known
of this. It hail been brought under its notice by the
Spanish Ambassador, who had remonstrated against it,
but his remonstrance was not attended to. Was this
neutrality ? If it were, it was the strangest neu•
trality he had ever heard of. Was it possible that
war could be carried on to this extent, and that it could
be unknown to the Government; and if the Government
knew it, could it say that it observed neutrality ? It was
impossible, as was sa'd, that our Constitution should not
provide means to prevent this. If it did not, it would
he a curse to ourselves, and the rest of mankind. If the
Jews and jobbers of London could carry on war against
a foreign nation—(Laughter)—if they could levy troops
and send them abroad unchecked to commit robbery and
murder—if it were said that the Constitution of the
country did not allow the Government to prevent that,
either that Constitution was a curse, or the assertion was
a libel on it, for it would make us unable to keep up any
peaceable relations with civilized states. But the assertion
was not true. He hazarded nothing in saying that the
law of nations was a part of the law of the land. That
bad been asserted by Sir William Scott, as had been re-
marked by his Noble Friend.
Earl GREY—Did Sir W. Scott give that opinion ju-
dici Illy or in Parliament ?
The Doke of WELLINGTON was understood to say
not judicially, but in his place in Parliament.
The E al of ABERDEEN—Would the Noble Earl say,
th, n, that Sir Wm. Scott would give a different opinion
in Parliament from that which he would deliver from the
Bench ? The Noble Earl had greatly eulogised Sir Wm.
Scott, not only on account of his talents, but on account
of his great and unsullied integrity. But it was not only
his doctrine, it was a principle laid down by all writers ;
and even, therefore, if the Government were not bound to
enforce the Foreign Enlistment Act, it was bound to
prevent this levying of war. If the Government were
sincere in wishing to prevent this, why did it not issue a
proclamation against it, as was required by the Spanish
Ambassador ? That would have convinced the Spanish
Government of its sincerity. Why did not the Govern-
ment recall all its subjects from the service of Don Pedro ?
That would have satisfied the Spaniards. In former cases
that was the course pursued. The Noble Ea' said that
his wishes were not impertial, but that ought not to have
induced him to violate neutrality. If the Noble Earl
wished to do justice, he should have conquered his wishes.
What would have been said, when the Government re-
called all its subjects from the service of Turkey and
Greece, if, insteed of doing that, it had listened to its
wishes, and bad left all its subjects in the service of the
insurgents ? The Government of that day, however, hau
done its duty, and published a Proclamation recalling
them all from Greece as well as front Turkey. Was
neutrality preserved, he would next ask, by our fleet in
the Tagus? He knew what were the orders given to the
Admiral there; be knew that the Admiral had acted
aecording to his orders, and the result was, that we were
in military possession of the Port of Lisbon. The pretext
for tbat was the murder of the servant of Lord William
Russell; but he was not a British subject, and was not
exclusively the servant of that Noble Lord. The man
was a Spaniard, and was a porter at that house where
Lord W. Russell lodged. If anybody had a right to com-
plain, it was the King of Spain, and not the Govern-
ment of England. That, however, was made the pretext
for our fleet resuming military possession of the port of
Lisbon. It our squ tdron hod been sent to Lisbon to pro-
tect British interests and British subjects, he could have
understood it; but no such protection was needed, and
our conduct in this instance also, was a gross violation
of
neutrality. instead of keeping our line-of-battle ships at
Lisbon, they might have been better employed in the
Levant. He believed that we had not a single line-
of-battle ship in the Mediterranean—not one in the East to
take care of British interests, where they might have done so
more effectually tnan at Lisbon. Instead of which, however,
we left France and Russia to settle the affairs of the East as
they liked. The papers on the table showed that our consul
at Lisbon, who was clothed with no diplomatic character
whatever, bad used language which had never been em-
ployed by any British ambassador, and which more te-
sembled the language used by some Roman proconsul to a
conquered country, than the language of a diplomatic
ag
aration of the Noble Lord
sepnot.,dto ant iangdreepee ntdoentth court.e de e
—(Hear, bear.) He was
dithe Chancellor of the Exchequer in October, 1880, who
said that the recognition of Don Miguel had been too long
•

delayed. He regretted that the recognition had not be-
fore taken place, and he had formerly explained to their
Lordships why it was delayed. He would not repeat
that statement, but would only say that it was delayed
front the Government believing the declaration of the
Brazilian Government that it wished to settle all its dis-
putes with Portugal in an amicable spirit. It was only
when the Government was convinced of the duplicity, of
the bad faith, of the falsehood of the Brazilian Govern.
ment in its negotiations on this subject, that the Govern-
ment could think of avoiding delay. Till that convic-
tion was obtained they could not recognise Don Miguel.
If, howsver, Ministers supposed that Din Pedro would
succeed and establish a government in Portugal, they were
under a delusion. It was said that the Marquis of Pal-
mella was to he regent in the name of the Queen ; but
those who expected that plan to succeed could know
nothing of the state of parties in Portugal. Such an
arrangement was not possible. But if Don Pedro suc-
ceeded, it would only throw power into the hands of the
most deadly enemies of this country. The men at Oporto
were decidedly hostile to England, and the success we
were promoting would only contribute to increase the in-
thence of France. As a Portuguese question it would long
since have been settled ; if not interfered with by others,
Don Pedro would have had no chance of success. Don
Miguel, as King of Portugal, had no more to fear from
domestic hostility than any Sovereign of Europe. There
had not been an individual throughout the kingdom who
had joined Don Pedro since be took possession of Oporto.
There had not been any disturbance, nor any symptom of
dissatisfaction throughout Portugal to show that the Go-
vernment of Don Miguel was not liked. It was indispu.
bly proved that nine-tenths of the people of Portugal
were favourable to Don Miguel. He repeated, therefore,
that Don Pedro had no hold of Portugal, and that his
cause was only supported by the foreigners, whose ser-
vices were purchased by gold. The true policy of th's
country was to see the kingdoms of the Peninsula united
in the closest compact, anti not to allow on the frontiers
of Spain or of Portugal anything like a desultory warfare,
which gave such good reason for distrust and dread on all
sides. There never was a period at which this country
could more advantageously cultivate friendly relations with
Spain (than which nothing could be wiser), for she
now possessed Ministers of the most exalted charact-r
and the most enlightened views. There was nothing
now which in fairness or reason we might desire but
what, by pursuing towards Spain an upright course of
policy, we might obtain. It was impossible fir any man
who had a just comprehension of our relations with these
countries, to look upon the present state of things with-
out treat alarm. He could suppose what were the feel-
ings of his Noble Friend, who had so long and so success-
fully endeavoured to protect them from foreign aggression.
His achievements would remain the boast of his own
country, the admiration of Europe—though he (Lord
Aberdeen) must say, that if the sole endeavour of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers had been to tarnish the glories be had
won for his native land, and to desecrate the very soil on
which they had been fought for, they could not have
taken a more sure and certain course than that which
they had adopted._( Hear, hear.) Hiving done all that
man could do, and more than ever had been done before,
to put down their enemies and ours, his Noble and Gal-
lant Friend now tried to stem the revolutionary torrent
which, he must say, was directly encouraged and sup-
ported by the Ministers thernselves.—(Cries of " Hear.")
The Marquis of LANSDO\VNE said, that a Noble
Eat! opposite, who always acted with the party bringing
forward this tnotiou, had commenced the evening's pro-
ceedings by complaining of a newspaper statement ; and
the Noble Duke who introduced this motion to the House
had no other evidence to adduce in support of it than what
was derived from newspaper paragraphs. That Noble Duke
had, indeed, talked of asking for papers, but still he
did not do so. He preferred those diurnal reports for
grounds on which to attack the Government. On
such evidence as this, did he ask for censure on the
King's Ministers. He (Lord Lansdowne) had no hesitation
in saying with his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), that while
the Government, by the law of nations, was bound to ob.
serve a strict neutrality in respect to Portugal, if he had
any wish upon the subject, that wish would certainly he
in fivour o, Don Pedro. He was prepared to declare,
looking to the conduct of Don Miguel—to the obligations
he had incurred—to the obligations he had neglected, that
be had no claim whatever to anything beyond a strict anal
literal enforcement of newrality. It was alleged—and
after all, that constituted the yratmmen of the charge.--
Mr, be it remembered, this was a sort of omniutn yatherum
of what had been uttered for the last two y, ars—that
Captain Napier was at the head of some expedition pre.
paring here in some way or other, and that he was re-
tained on the Navy List, whilst Captain Sartorius was
struck off. But Captain S artorius, he begged to assert,
was not struck off till actual evidence was brought forward
of his being in command of Donna Maria's fleet. Up to
this moment they had no such evidence affecting Captain
as . • - • .• . „ tn oewspaper
report alone this officer bad been dismissed the service, it
would have been a subject, and a very fit subject too, for
interference and complaint.—(Hear, hear.) He would
call on the Noble Lord who had last addressed the House,
to state a case in which Don Miguel had been treated in
an unfair or unjust manner by the Government of this
country.—(Hear, hear.) He would only say, if any
parochial duties had been neglected, the offending par-
ties were open to correction—if things had been al-
lowed to go on unchecked, which it was the duty of
parochial authorities to stop or control, they were
liable to punishment, but it was not right that Noble
Lords should come down to that House, and propose
votes of censure on the Government.—(Hear, hear.) He
should, perhaps, surprise the House when he stated Chit
the application from Portugal to this country for media-
tion did not take place until a week or a fortnight after
the French fleet had arrived in the Tagus.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) 'What they should do they did do, and it was the
course any honest Government would pursue—they ad-
vised Portugal, if wrong had been committed, to make
reparation for it. The invasion by France was limited to
a particular object, and had never gone beyond it. The
future results of the policy of his Majesty's Ministers
existed only in the imagination of the Noble Earl. He
(Lord Lansdowne) did cot deny that the contest now
carrying on in Portugal was injurious to the interests
both of that country and of this. He had hoped that
previous to the present time, affairs would have taken
such a turn as would have justified Ministers in recog-
nising one party or another. Al,' however, they could hope
to do was—not being at liberty to interfere with either—
to mediate between both parties. He trusted the House
was not prepared to substantiate that censure which had
been called for, especially upon such grounds and on such
evidence. if the Noble Duke called for papers, it would
be for himself and friends to rest their defence upon them,
and abide by the derision of that House and the country.
The Earl of ELDON felt it a duty which he owed to
his Sovereign, who had been grossly insulted, to say a few
words, although they might imply a censure on the ad-
visers of the Crown. The Noble Lord had said, that
Government had no specific information of the movements
by the partisans of Don Pedro, while every other man in
the country had.—( Hear, hear.) It was, he asserted,
the business and duty of Government to have had full in•
formation of that which was notorious to all the world
besides, and which was clearly and plainly a gross in-
fringement of the law. He repeated that which had
induced him in the first instance to rise, namely, that
what had been done by the persons who had entered the
service of Don Pedro, was a gross violation of the corn
mon law.

The LORD CHANCELLOR could not consent to
allowquestionputthheimlocail their att
requestingwithoutenionto a few things their Lordships
rdshi
which
psto
had been suggested to his mind by the powerful and elo-
qi
nuaetnata
ta dddnrwesns
;o of
nhdi s
firstN ob Noble
iatnhd
rLe
feeatrenneede Friend
venerable
'and justly venerated legal authority which had been
quoted by the Noble Duke and the Noble Earl. It
seemed that what had at first been supposed to be a
judgment of Lord Stowell's from the Bench, was in
fact only a speech delivered, or supposed to be de-
livered, by him in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
he was as anxious as any one to express his sense of
the great talent, of the profound learning, of the un-
blemished integrity, as a Judge, of Lord Stowell; but,
when he de•cended from the judgment-scat into the
arena of political discussion, he would say of Lord Stowell
—ar, he would say of Lord Stowell's nearest relation—
! that the seine weight could not attach to his opinions as
when they were delivered from the bench ; and that he
could not be so free from the common frailty of men,
•ut that those Opinions would derive some colour or bias
crow his political attachments. But, atter all, the ques-
tion was, whether Lord Stowell had given an opinion
materially dissonant from that of his Nobl. Friend and
himself. He understood that opinion to be, that a
neutral State should not afford any succour either to
one belligerent or the other. He (the Lord Chancel-
lor) came to the same conclusion. It was his opi-
nion—it was the opinion of his Noble Friend. Lord
Stowell was speaking of the State, not of the individul.
Undoubtedly the State must remain neutral. If it were
meant to go further—iif it were meant to say that Lord
Stowell asserted it to be a violation of neutrality in a Suite
if any of its individual inhabitants should supply money,
arms, or ammunition to either of two belligerent powers,
then, with the greatest respect for that eminent and vene-
rable person, he begged to make two observations :—ln

the first place, to protect Lord Stowell from the impu-
tation thus attempted to be thrown upon him ; and, in
the second place, if driven from that position by Lord
Stowell's nearest relation, he would take leave to say,
that the doctrine alleged was not the doctrine of the
1 isv of nations ; and he would appeal, from what Lord
Stowell had been represented to say in Parliament to what
Lord Stowell would have said from the Bench, if a case
for deliberate judgment had been brought before him. His
defence of Lord Stowell was, that he doubted, nay, that
he disbelieved, the accuracy of the report of Lord Stowell's
speech. If driven from that, he would then say that the
doctrine of Lord Stowell was not the doctrine of the law
of nations. It was a matter of trite law, that it was no
violation of-the law of nations for a State to permit, with
its eyes open (for he would go as far as that), its subjects
to trade with belligerents ; to sell them arms, ammunition
and accoutrements of war. Individu as, according to the
strictest letter of the law of nations, did not involve the
State to which they belonged, if they enlisted force,
apart from and unconnected with their G vernment or
State, on the one or the other side, in the case of bellige-
rents. His Noble Friend had referee Ito Vattel, who was
not very clear on some points, and whose reputation was
certainly greater than he deserved. But let their Lord
ships consider ~be instances to which Vattel resorted. He
referred to the Switzers, who were allowed, without any
breach of neutrality, to hire out their regiments to other
Powers engaged in war. Vattel laid that down as per-
fectly justifiable. Bynkershoeck did not go so far.
That great publicist, however, stated that trading in
arms, ammunition, and provisions, was no viola-
tion of neutrality, if it were carried on with both the con-
tending parties, and if the scale were held equally between
them : and lie followed up that declaration by saying, that
it was the same with respect to the furnishing of men.
The Noble and Leaned Lord here read a passage from the
works of Bynkershoeck, in confirmation of his statement.
He sincerely believed that if Lord Stowell could happily he
there, he would be the last man to throw any doubt on the
doctrine with respect to the law of nations which he (the
Lord Chancellor) had maintained. Adverting to the em-
ployment of German troops (he was sorry to say), not only
against the liberties of the Americans in the American war,
but against their French allies, he observed that that cir-
cumstance was never considered by the French as a breach
of neutrality on the part of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt,
or any other of the German states. Whether on the part
of Don Migmtl, the Usurper, as he had been termed by the
Noble Duke himself, or on the part of her Majesty Donna
Maria, the Queen of Portugal and Algarve—a Noble Lord
seemed to doubt the accuracy of that title, but he (the
Lord Chancellor) held in his hand a letter, signed George
R., addressed to " My dear cousin and sister her Majesty
Donna Maria, Queen of Portugal and Algarve"—( Hear,
bear, he ,r)—a letter than which one more fitting, more
courteous, or more honourable either to the writer or to the
adviser of it, never existed.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Whe-
ther, therefore, lie repeated on the part of Don
Miguel, who had le,en called a Usurper, or on the
part of her Majesty Donna Maria, Queen of Portugal and
Algarve, if his Majesty's Government had interfered,
though only with a corporal's guard, or a cock-boat, such
interference would undoubtedly have ben a violation of
neutrality; but his Majesty's Government had cautiously,
scrupulously, and perseveringly abstained from any such
interference. If Dun Miguel had shown himself utterly
devoid of the nature of man, still that should not have in-
duced any statesman to act on a different or partial prin-
ciple. Some censure had been attempted to be thrown
out upon his Majesty's Government ; they had been
twitted with the imputation of being disposed to suit their
conduct to the taste of the day, of being never disposed to
act except with a view of courting popularity. Now what
was the fact ? That they had held on steadily and per-
tinaciously, and without the deviation of a hair from the
course of non-interference; although they knew that
hardly a single individual out of Lisbon, out of Don Mi-
guel's camp, but would have rejoiced with a boundless joy
had they adopted a different resolution. He begged par.
don—he ought to have added—out of that House; for it
was but too evident that there were in that House indivi-
duals who were far from agreeing with the strong and ir-
repressible opinions of the c itintry at large. As a further
illustration of the difference to which he had alluded, in the
conduct of the same persons acting in a political and in a
judicial character, he would refer to the proposition sub-
mi.ted to their Lordships by the Noble Duke. If it were
imputed to their Lordships, sitting in their judicial ca-
pacity, that they were influenced in their decision by any
conside, ation but that connected with the strictest inte.
grity, they would visit the newspaper or any other luckless
quarter from which such an imputation might proceed,
with the greatest indignation. Yet now the Noble Duke
called upon them to pass a vote of censure on his Majesty's
Government, without grounds, without evidence ; an act
which in their judicial capacity they would consider it a
libel to suppose it possible they could commit. A Noble
Earl had said we ought to hay. mediated between the
parties. Now he (the Lord Chancellor) had seen enough
of mediation to reject it, except in some pressing case,
knowing its tendency to put an end to neutrality. The
Noble Earl also asserted that his Majesty's Government
ought to have issued proc:am ,tions forbidding enlistment.
To that he (the Lord Chancellor) felt a great objection.
If they issued a proclamation, commanding his Majesty's
subjects to return to this country, what power, had they
to enforce it ? They could only punish those who dis-
obeyed ; and to do so would be so difficult, that he defied
the Noble Earl, even with the assistance of the Noble
and Learned Lord beyond him, to frame an indictment
wh'cli would afford a probable chance of successful
prosecution. It would, indeed, be one of the most dangerous
speculations which could be ventured upon. The Lord
Chancellor then proceeded to contend that Spain had no
right to insist upon the enforcement of the Foreign
Enlistment Act, though made in her behalf, except in that
case for which the law had original!), been made, viz.
with reference to the war then carrying on between her
and her South American colonies. The case of the vess In
which had been seized had not only been referred to the
King's Advocate Ger:etal, but to the Attorney General,
and other law officers of the Crown. The result of this
was, that word was sent to the custom-house officers, that
they might keen the vessels, but they must do so at their
own peril. Under the circumstance-, Government could
not, with any decency, have espoused, as its own, the
cause which Don Miguel's agent had undertaken upon his
own responsibility ; nor could it allow the custom-house
officers to act upon the representations of the Portuguese
agent, without, at least, warning them of the diversity of
the legal opinion upon a point respecting which an unfa-
vourable decision might have been ruinous to them. The
Noble Lord next alluded to the case of Captain Napier, in
which it had been contended, that, on that beat and most
irrefragable of authorities, a paragraph in a newspaper,
that the Government had retained him on half-pay as a
British officer, notwithstanding his having taken an active
part in the operations under Don Pedro.--(Hear, hear.)
He would ask whether Government would have been
justified in dismissing an officer, without hearing his
defence—(Hear)—and merely upon such an authority
as that which he had mentioned? Did the Government
show any reluctance in dismissing Admiral Sartorius? In
this case there was a wide difference from that of Captain
Napier. They had then documents which came from
Captain, now Admiral, Sartorius himself. To see the
Government censured fur two reasons like those to which
he had alluded would be indeed a painful sight, yet these
two points were the head and front of their offending.
One word more, speaking, as he unfeignedly did, with all
respect to their Lordships, and excepting the Noble Duke,
whom he believed to have no such intention, he would
yet say that he believed many of their Lordships hail come
down to the House to vote on this occasion, with a view
to a change in his Majesty's Ministry. There could he no
doubt that such was the tendency of the vote which many
of them intended to give.—(No, no, and Hear, bear.) He
spoke with the greatest respect, and he was far from de-
nying that the object which he had stated was one which
they might fairly and honourably pursue and avow. It
was an unfortunate thing that their Lordships, in coming
to a vote against Ministers on this point, would appear to
be declaring themselves (as we understood his Lordship)
to be the advocites of Don Miguel and the enemies of
lib ral institutions. Peradventure some might think
that the question was brought forward in order to get rid
of a Ministry who were engaged in the settlement sf
several of the most important questions which could conic
before them—the question of the renewal of the East India
Company's Charter, the renewal of the Bank Charter, the
question of the abolition of Negro slavery, the improve-
ments in the municipal law of the country, the settlement
of tithes. Their Lordships' decision against Ministers
would lay them open to the imputation of being actuated
by some p .licy, the object of which was to get rid of the
present Ministry before the settlement of these great
questions. He was far from agreeing with those who
might be inclined to throw such imputations upon their
Lordships; and he was of opinion that these circumstances
only showed how strong their Lordships' sense must be of
the imperative duty which had devolved upon them on the
present occasion, when they thought they had found a
favourable opportunity for ousting his Majesty's Ministers.
—(The Lord Chancellor, towards the close of his speech,
stopped short, in consequence of some interruption
below the bar we believe, and observed, " that without
meaning any compliments to their Lordships, he would
say that lie believed the interruption did not arise within
the bar. He believed it would now cease ; if not, it
would be put a stop to." After making these observations

his Lordship resumed his arguments.)
bancdlor sat down,
Lords ELLENBOROUGH and W‘.
together. There was a cry for Lord El
his Lordship ultimately gave w iy, and
Lord WYNFORD rose and said, that
the observations made about the tendency o;
disp'ace his Majesty's Ministers, if such
listened to, they could only have the effect
the House of Lords altogether. Fur his own
chirre 1 any wish to oust Ministers. The
with him was, whether Britain was bound
strict neutrality in the d'spute between Don
bother? By the common law, no individi
to interfere in the transaction of a foreign
individual had a right to commit any act
involve his country in war. The Noble and i
then proceeded to argue that with respect to
detained on the information of the Portugt.
majesty's Ministers had not stated the case
Lordship undertook to prove by the affidavits
interested. The Noble Lord then proceede
his dissent from the opinions expressed by
Officers of the Crown. Three or four yi
acknowlAged Charles the Tenth as King of
now we recognised Louis Philip.—(i
D Miguel was King of Portugal, not 01
but also de jure, for lie was recognised by tf
authorities of Portugal.—(Hear.) If Don
a usurper, what, he would ask, was Leopold of
—(Hear.) If Don Miguel were a usurper.
would ask, was Louis Philip ?--(Cheers. )
not refer to other titles, though he might sag
reigning family in this country held their
the recognition of Parliament, and Don DI,
by the same authority—that of the States of
(Hear, hear.) He should conclude by giving
to the motion of his Noble Friend.
The Doke of WELLINGTON rose to rep
Noble Earl had stated that Don Miguel's usurp
not have been effected but for the presence of
troops. Now the fact was, that the troops
viously withdrawn. They were delayed some
Right Hon. Gentleman, then Ambassador in Li
to the dissatisfaction of the Government, but ti
tion did not commence till a considerable time
troops were withdrawn.—(llear.) He cot.
course of policy which the Noble Earl ought
adopted was to discourage the contest of these to'
in Portugal, and that he ought not to have -
contest to have proceeded to the present extrerni'
events the Noble Earl ought not to have allt.
tugal to have been invaded by troops gathered
streets of London and Paris. Had the invair
been confined to Portuguese, then he would
considered it so objectionable. The Noble Dt.
tained the opinion of Sir W. Scott, to which he
ferret!, to be good law. At common law there
no doubt that the ste)ject was bound to observe
trality whenever the Crown was bound to preserve
(Hear.) Nor was this all, for there was fur
rence by the Foreign Enlistment Bill. How had
noinistra,ion enforced this law ? Not at all ;
only had they not enforced that law, but they had
measures to prevent its being enforced. The
actually interfered with the officers of the Ca',
forced them to give up the vessels which they, '°
tion of their duty, had seized._(Hear, hear.) The
Earl had referred to the case of a ship which seas:
daring his Administration ; but there was a gees tit ft
rice between these two cases, for in that ins° Det' et ",(ON'T in
Enelish Government did all they possibly could dare),, 11,,0L
tisfy Spain of their perfect neutrality; whilst, in the rrreciSl'
instance, the conduct of the Government had a F.'d Sis!' i
opposite tendency.—(Hear.) The Noble Earl said st
had no right to complain. Now, he must differ "erfis 4r-4caen
Noble Earl, !or Spain had a great interest in P'egoi,b bt
neutrality ;it was the wish of Spain to be neutral' , twe
was neutral. What then must she say when she 5° Iw` '
fi of
if nut by the avowed sanction, at lest by the 00'1°Iv it ad' it
the present Government, 10,000 men bad gdse: • of z
Oporto ? He considered that he hod proved his case, e 4 ,t, Pors„
Noble Earl said the motion was equivalent t°, it r
of censure; he was sorry the Noble Earl regarde'dor 'llllO4 Sco
that light. It was no iurther a censure than this' ,(iiin,_ll, of
declared the policy which the Noble Earl had Puvoen,"illilttrriaait]
regard to Portugal to be wrong in their LordshiP"re, hilstiti the
If lie thought the Noble Earl had deserved ee"au,,,,,,
would have been ready to move it in a direct inatin",,b,Ttitile na
he considered it censure, he was sorry foosed addre':ll,l,6o( Whe
I
tenor of his argument and of the prop 0
r: s
ve
,
most respectful to the Noble Earl—there was not ar, o
civil word in it.—(A laugh.) He would not hi"
esairfiri sty mi
the slightest hesitation in moving for a vote 0 cc ;bo,l'atrer,
instead of an address to the Crown, if he had thauter ene'ti,t tel ass'
present case one which called for such a c Agee ' Y, of
Geed )
Re b" qerstoo
sr day
again GREY rose to explain. 'I he Noble 'n,II e reo-,6
again repeated the charge of the Government intera' die 4trotia
with the Commissioners of the Custom., to prever'et sNfaewa
execution of the law. lie had already answered thiof :ietrl int
reading the opinions of the law officers of the Cro
dr itli and
and the Government only interfered because theip,,Vi'a,4% lled E
dared the seizure to be illegal. The Noble if stNevic
wished to disclaim any thing like an attemptj,ecieivine
pate censure. Why, the whole tone of the allddre!' Thiiat
and of the address was censure—indeed in the ahest.) 'dth
the Noble Duke had used the very word.—([Tear' ta
All the explanation of the Noble Duke had nat licubl° ',pt. let,
opinion chinged the character of the motion. The taus tio° an
Duke said it was censure no further than as a de°3-10 i(l4. c"
that the course of foreign policy pursued by.hin'
did 1° ''tkit 14'
colleagues was injurious to our interests, and degra gre,
the honour of the country. Surely, after such 01010
tion, lie could only consider the affirmation of them 00 Ott, ,11e
as a censure, and indeed as casting 110 slight stigma °
present Administration.—(Cheers.)
Their Lordships then divided.-- ;lt`t.°'sit
Contents
63,
Not Contents ............................
No Proxies were cal'e
Majority against Minist.ers.
Al '
cal-e,l. la
lce
I th
Ott re-entering the House, we found the Do
j„,.sl o°d' ; \metas
CUMBERLAND on hia legs, speaking, as we
to a point of order,
sec „ °"' ti
Toe Duke of RICHMOND having moved the d e
reading of some Bill before the
question was settler:ooo the
e;
carrying up the address, which motion was then with djed 'tt tilt e
by the Lords with white staves.
Lord KENYON moved that the address be We' V"lth
.0,41 at
° • Motion agreed to, and their Lordships adjourned' , a
tEeca
pN,p,
,%tc tit
ast
tlt,;(laen!
'i Cltttet
tht
S,t 'salsa
t
~'Pt attar
Wily

HO USE OF COMMONS, JUN,6
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after five g)eri,l4'
Mr. HUME gave notice of h:s intention, on into;
the 13th inst., on the motion that the House g:)rit
Committee of Supply, to move that it is exPediedoliePil
necessary to repeal the whol.• of the inhabited hal° dell,'
Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from the -10"
of the archdeacoury of Winchester, against the
Church Temporalities Bill. for the
Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the daYI
H 1 use going into Committee on the Colonial Sluver
Mr. GOULBURN said, as the Irish Church ireg
ralities Bill was in the orders of the diy, it would '-
convenient to know when it was likely to come tbe
Lord ALTHORP said he was desirous not to Pre ,core
Irish Church Bill before time Slivery Committee
eluded.

AFFAIRS OOUGAL.
Colonel EVANS wishedF
toP aka question ti fairy °
:he state of affairs at Oporto. It would he in the "e the
lection of the House, that on the death of Don Je"°,:ed
father of Miguel, the title of Don Pedro was acqu'estb.ooe
by the different ptiwers to the succession of the cot'
in Portugal. There was no sort of disagree atiO4
and Don Pedro, in consequence of his situ di'
in the Brazils published a declaration, abdicating
tionally his right to the throne of Portugal, on °nd tO,l
I that his daughter, Donna Maria, should succeed.
aff,
declaration the different Powers of Europe acquiegehe'sra
her recognition was agreed to.—(Hear, bear, t
Subsequently, Don Miguel had pledged —lootf'
to the conditions of the Regency. At this tunedeft
of our troops was stationed in Lisbon, and their e
the
were, that whatever took place, they should see that
Royal Family under all circumstances should be proteliguel
Availing himself of this general order, Don A old
prevailed on the officer to remain some time 1(00.'00'
during that time he totally overthrew the whole
1 i tions to which he had previously submitte
all
(Hear, hear, hear.) He was then denounced bi and
the Powers of Europe as a usurper—a perjured usurPeri,io,
every term of opprobrium was heaped up to ,d
Now Donna Maria was de jure Queen of Portuga %)ica
as to one portion Queen de facto ; and the question I*.bert
he wished to ask of the Noble Lord was, whether :100
were anv immediate steps contemplated to he r. 0
by Government and by the French Court 01
to the recognition of the legitimate right 010 z
Donna Maria? lie had not asked the ilee of
before, in consequence of the embarrassing conditiou,t s
our foreign relations with reference to Belgium ; b, by
satisfactory treaty having in that respect been arrange"
Government, he was led, in consequence of the importi:6l:
politic al as well as commercial interests involved, to
the question he had put to the Noble Lord. the
Lord PALMERSTON was perfectly aware that be
suspension of our relations with Portugal "." lt
arge
attended with great and serious injury to atime
:lass of our mercantile interests ; and he hoped the

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