The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-12 00:00:00

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and naval force, and all ready to be placed in 6.11 , -s: ' '--
of a Changarnier. But how could France exec d ---7"----
ts
be : ,
to dispense with her military power, when she salt Wet ~,:-`4l.
the &spots which bordered her territory were irrir* ,--'te:.s Z‘' 4
in;; and concentrating their forces? Therefore, hZ L. 1.11."..: '.
)
tined tir say, that in intreativg their eid for the "victor :--(' ~`'....
of liberty, he only appeared as the exponent of the a-
complement of free trade, which yet remained to bo
accomplished—the complement of the labours of that
free-trade school, the glorious leaders of which he aaw
around him.--(Cheers.) Those ho addressed were not
men who did things by halves.—(hear, hear.) 'He
bogged to state the reasons which induced him to look
with patience and hope towards Manchester. Man- ;,s. ,
Chester was a place where there was reason to belieie '?,acs
sympathy would take a practical direction. Before his ,;',t-tt
coming there, he was asked by many persons what he
could do there, seeing he would meet with many in-
finentitil persons intimately connected with the Peace ',ft;
Association, while Austria, which had taken away at,,/
Hungary's independence, was not likely to restore It CI
peajeably. lie looked with confidence for great support 11:-'4
from England to the cause of which he was the humble, , ~/
representative. He had just learned that the Prote-s- : eta
tants of 'Hungary had shut their schools rather than
obey the imperial mandate to surrender the superin- .'.7
tendence to Austrian Jesuists. Kossuth proceeded
to express his belief that the and ho had in view
may be gained without the application of force,
through the instrumentality of opinion. Ho felt pecu-
liar hope in the support of the Peace Association, and
referred with much commendation to the speech deli-
vered by Mr. Bright. He hesitated, however, to assent
to the doctrine that national questions may in all cases
be Settled without recourse to arms. Ho illustrated his
view by the case of a man thrust out of his own house.
What was ho to do? Would he try and reason the as-
sailant into allowing him to regain possession? Could
man
heaptpolysUtorrf•lauwde?.r his property
principlperouppeornty ?
which
if there be no law? Was the
property rested—to surrender, in fact, the pillar upon
which the order and stability
of society' reposed. To act
thedo s osecurity would
o bef ailto
surrondr-r the
in that way would be to do violence to the instinct of
self-preservation. If a man be assaulted by a murderer,
was he not to lISE3 weapons in his defence? He
would repeat, that as regarded himself onvictions
were republican, and he considered that
though for centuries the mostoneh arch Hungary, al-
m monarchical country in
Europe,m e
o t
.
great
not h
onowd
been entertainthe
treacherys
hafo,rhmeorni fgohyteranl
s--
most say perjury, of the house of Hap 6ur g that it was
impossible the sense of grievous wrong an in
ever be obliterated from the
country-
men.recolleetionofcChijsurycod
He had never, however, felt the presumption of
o of
the
proscribing to other countries what form
of government
they should have. He would speak, however,
sovereign right of any nation to adopt such 'form of
government as its people might approve, without the
interference of any other power. He would ob-
serve, that freedom could be enjoyed under other
forms of government; and he would never be guilty
of preaching up the doctrine that human nature
could only be pressed or moulded in a single form. He
was anxious to remove all misapprehension on that
, point, for he found that his views had been misrepre-
sented by an individual who had not understood him.
lie never stated that the republican form of government
was the only one under which freedom could be en-
-1 joyed. This was a point which must be decided by the
peculiar circumstances of each country. Freedom may
be enjoyed under a monarchy, as in England, or under
a republic, as in the case of the United States. Nu one
would allow another to be robbed without giving him
assistance, on the ground that he ought not to interfere
or advocate non-resistance on the ground of preserving
the peace. Non-resistance was altogether differnt to
non-intervention. That was precisely the case of
Europe—the nations were oppressed by the armed
force of military Governments. Despots would not
give way, at least they would not without a struggle.
How much then ought nations which still retained their
freedom to oppose them.—(Hear.) What they wanted
was that the real principles of non-intervention should
be carried out, and that the Czar should not
be permitted to interfere with other countries.
Should they abandon then their country be-
cause it was surrounded with difficulties ? If they
looked into history, they would find there was not a
single country possessing free inatitu.ions, where the
people had not, in the first instance, enforced these in-
stitutions.—(Cheers.) When he considered the position
which England held—her Parliamentary institutions, and
her public spirit—he knew that she never need again
resort to arms, but that she could obtain all she desired
by moral force.—(Hear, hear.) It would not, however,
have been so, but for the revolution of 1665.—(Cheers.)
It had been hinted that certain parties ought not to sup-
port their cause, because it was opposed to the princi-
ples of the glorious association to which their eloquent
Member (Mr. Bright) belonged. It was impossible that
that society wished to condemn the nations of Europe to
the artificial trammels of despotism.—(Cheers.) The
first principle upon which that great society was founded
was the Christian principle, to which no one could sub-
scribe more heartily than himself, the principle which
Christ laid down, of glory to God in heaven, and peace
and good will to man on earth; but it could not be said
that that maxim meant peace to tyrants, that was impos-
sible; peace to murderers, that was suicide, and was
not at all consistent with religion.—(Cheers.) The
second rule was that they should not do to others that
which they did not wish done to themselves. Now, if
somebody was engaged in attempting to murder them, or
burning down their house, would they not be glad of
assistance? and if so, he supposed that the Peace
Society would neither be opposed to giving or receiving
assistance at the proper opportunity.--(Hear, hear.)
They were told to do unto their neighbours as they
would should be done unto them, and that was all he
asked for Hungary.—(Cheers.) They were told by the
Christian religion to give unto emperors the things
which belonged unto them, but they were not taught by
that religion to give them those things which did not
belong to them .—(Cheers.) The second principle of
this glorious society was, that they should support the
principle of non-intervention. That was what he asked
for. He had not come to England to ask for an armed
interference, to entreat England to take part in the in-
ternal relations of Hungary, but only to ask England
not to allow any other country to do so, as they held
the sovereign right of every nation to govern their own
domestic affairs.—(Cheers.) The peace association was
not for England only, but for the whole world.—
(Cheers.) It was projeoted for the whole world on the
basis of non-interference, and therefore he trusted that
there was not a single member of the society who would
give the definition of the word non-interference as to say
that some of these despots should do as they liked with
Europe, and England would not care about it. That
was not the principle of the society—it could not be its
principle—and they had heard so that night from one of
it principal advocates.—(Cheers.) It was true that
public opinion was of little use, it they were not
prepared to act. What force was there in public opi-
nion, was it not in the belief that as it was respected by
one power, that it would make itself respected by
another. That belief gives an omnipotence, a force to
public opinion, by which it carried things morally, and
there was an end of force.—(Cheers,) But if they were
never prepared to act, and public opinion was left to
operate only by its moral power, neither the Czar or the
Emperor of Austria would care for it.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought that although desirous for peace, the nature
and terms upon which they enjoyed that peace must de-
pflui upon the nations with whom they had to deal; and
though he would have peace with all the nations of Eu-
rope, ho would have peace and not imprisonment; he
would have peace consonant with the true dignity of
man and the sacred ties of humanity. Nations could
aim be free so long as the people were called upon to obey
and attend to soldiers and spies in the interest of certain
iamilies, and he, therefore, declared that there could be
no peace in the world until the chains were struck off
from the people, and the people were entirely tree, God
not having made this world for a prison. Peace,
to be permanent, must be founded on contentment,
and contentment was a fruit which grew only in the gar-
den of liberty. With regard to pecuniary assistance,
Kossuth stated that many generous offers had been made
to himself, but he had accepted nothing, and would ac-
cept nothing. He would rather starve than do so. Fur
the triumph of liberty, however, he would not be asatned
to beg from door to door. As regards the friends of
Hungary, ho hoped their motto would nut to the words
of Falstaff, " Would it were bed-time, and all well;" he
thethewtword woocuhlvdiobtecou"sawnewraerdrel;uhilheeowhO,
again
uvvldi
hr
eopPeeadt
rule of law, the principle of order, and the free
sion of public opinion; but as regarded Hungary, Iprehse-
was certain she would never be satisfied with a
monarchy,
seeing that she had completely lost confidence in the
monarchical, principle. And here, continued Kos-
suth, I will end. The general attention I have met with
in England and here makes me believe that you have
expected to see in me something worthy of your at-
tention. Now the spell is broken which destiny has
associated with my name.—(Cries of "No, no.")
The halo of expectation has died away, and here I
stand a plain common man, like thousands upon thou-
sands of your own countrymen. But, ladies and
gentlemen, however deep I may have fallen in your
estimation— d
(No, no)—let me hope that the present day
will not vanish without some benefit toi my poor
un-
happy country, and of suffering hum asnalY
he
Let not the world say—iet not his ter Y
say --that on the
espotism ,
eve of the last struggle beyseen the
princ.p.e
aud
i 1
of frelibertey.
you bad no benefit to r
on d
Gun er
more than the mere compassion of a tender -heart.
People of Manchester and
doneof
Eoglanci, shout out with
manly resolution that the world shall be free, and with
that shout freedom will be given to the world.—(Great
cheering,
which continued for some time.)
ro proposed a vote of thanks to the Go-
Dr. VAUGHAN p p
and people of the United States. The motion
vernment
was seconded by Mr. ABSALOM WALKER, and carried
with acclamation.
Mr. Thous BAZLEY proposed the thanks of the
meeting to the Sultan of Turkey, which being seconded
by Mr- HENRY RAWSON, was carried unanimously.
After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was
moved by Kossurru, the proceedings terminated at a
quarter past ten.

After the meeting la4t night, Kossuth and suite were
to return to Woodlands, the seat of Mr. Henry, M.P.,
but no fe tur g ers were to accompany him, the reception
heingsimply from Mr. Henry's family,
This morning, at nine o'clock, there was to be a recep-
tion at Mr. Henry's house of about 200 persons, who
ha'' received invitations to meet Kossuth.
It was expected that Kossuth would leave Woodland?,
en i (Me for Birmingham, at about half-past eleven this
morning.

SENTIMENTAL MoMENTs.—A young gentleman, in
describing the effects of his first waltz, says that for fifteen
minutes he appeared to be swimming in a sea of rose leaves,
with a blue angel. This soon changed, he says, to a delirium
of peacock-feathers, in which his brain got so mixed up with
low-necked frocks, musk. and melody, that he hall fed on
flutes, ever eince,--Nets rork Literary World.