The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-22 00:00:00

Spirit of the Public Journals.

( From the Times of this day.)

Our foreign intelligence still runs in one current.
We learn from Vienna that Russia "simply and
unconditionally" accepted the propositions made by
Austria and the Western Powers as to the funda-
mental conditions of the future treaty of peace. It
may seem ungracious to cavil at so gratifying an
announcement, but still we confess we should have
been better pleased had the terms been offered to
Russia in a shape which would have admitted of
their being made, not into the foundation of a
treaty, but into the substantive treaty itself. It is
very possible that in this we may be quite wrong.
We respect diplomacy much, and should respect it
a great deal more, had we not had such recent and
rueful experience of the errors which it is possible
for the most learned professors of this occult and
intricate science to commit. We have not yet for-
gotten the Vienna Note, which was to have de-
livered Turkey from the interference of Russia,
only that, by the confession of its talented authors,
it happened to have exactly the contrary effect ;
and we are still struggling in the meshes of the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, which, we are told, was
intended to save rights that it does not save, and
has added tenfold perplexity to an already intri-
cate question. There might have been difficulties
which we do not see in tendering to Russia a
treaty for her execution, just as the seller of an
estate tenders a conveyance to an unwilling pur-
chaser; but certainly no good reason could be given
for the intentional circumlocutions and ambiguities
with which the terms are encumbered. Why could
we not say in so many words that English and
French Consuls must be allowed to reside in the
ports of the Black Sea, instead of talking about
" institutions sanctioned by the law of nations ?"
and why could we not demand at once an under-
taking not to fortify the Aland Isles, instead of
veiling it under the pompous periphrasis of reserv-
ing to ourselves the right of proposing ulterior
terms ? These are merely verbal criticisms, but
in such cases words are things, and things of
immense consequence when they serve to retard a
settlement which it is of the last importance should
not be delayed for an unnecessary hour.
The terms are accepted, purely, simply, and un-
conditionally. About them, therefore, if good faith
is to be observed, there ought to be no dispute,
and all that remains to be discussed is the best
method of carrying them most effectively into
execution. If we once depart from this simple
and obvious rule, we shall be involved in intermi-
nable wranglings and discussions, and end by being
either completely mystified, or perhaps cheated by
the pen out of the advantage we have won by the
sword. If we adhere steadily to the conditions
agreed upon the matter can soon be closed ;
at all events, we protest, after our experience of
last year, against the necessity or policy of an
armistice. It is clearly our interest to have the
question of peace or war decided as soon as
possible, and we ought to take care as soon as we
can that Russia shall have the, same interest.
But this she will not have if we once grant an
armistice. Then it will be worth her while to ne-
gotiate fn. the sake of negotiation, and apply all
the wily arts of which she is the mistress to pro-
tract the breathing-time allowed her, and to use
threats, promises, and intrigues, to sow divisions
in the councils of the allies, and among those Ger-
man States whose allegiance to their patron and
protector is beginning perceptibly to waver. To us
it is of no very groat importance whether we have
peace or war, but it is of the very last importance
that our councils should not be distracted nor our
attention diverted by a state of things which is
neither the one nor the other, but the whole ad-
vautage of which is with our enemy and against us.
The best and first proof that we can ask of Russian
sincerity is that the Czar should be content to ne-
eotfate without requiring a suspension of hostili-
ties. This will be a proof that negotiation is not to
him an end, but a means, and that the object he
has in view is peace itself, and not intrigue or de-
lay.
We may express a hope also that the con-
ference may be confined to the belligerent Powers
and to Au tria, through whose good offices it was
brought about. We hear a great deal now about
the immense influence which Prussia has exercised
at the Court of St. Petersburg, and how it is by
her instances, much more than those of Austria,
that the change in the dispositions of the Emperor
was brought about. There are States, as well as
individuals, who will watch a man struggling in
the water without making the slightest endeavour
to save him, and when he has reached the shore
encumber him with superflulus help. If the word
of Prussia be thus all powerful, why has she with-
held it till now ? Why has she been deploring
and making money out of the war, which a single
earnest appeal from her would have been sufficient
to stop? In what capacity could such a Power be
admitted to the conference ? Not as our ally, not
as the ally of Russia, for she disclaims both charac-
ters ; not as impartial, for she has been at no pains
to conceal her predilections ; not as a great Power,
for of a great Power she has deliberately abdicated
the honours and duties. Her presence could only
perplex, mystify, and protract, and give colour
and encouragement to any attempt on the part of
Russia to evade the obligations she has undertaken.
Prussia has mediatised herself, and in the con-
ference of great Powers there is no place for shams.
We may also express a hope that the place of
the conference will not be Vienna, nor any town of
Eastern Germany. If it is to be neither London
nor Paris, let it be some such place as Frankfort.
Frankfort is free from Prussian or Austrian in-
fluences, and is easily accessible to all the contract-
ing parties. We should there breathe a freer at-
mosphere, and escape the Russianising influence
which occasioned so remarkable a transformation
of our Plenipotentiary in the courso.of last spring.
Indeed, as to this point, precautions ought to bo
taken to prevent the country from being a second
time exposed to discredit by the ignorance, the in-
capacity, or the vacillation of its representative.
At a European conference like that now impending
there is but one man who could worthily represent
us—one man in whose hands every Englishman
would feel confident that the destinies of the coun-
try were safe, who could speak with an authority
such as no one else could command, and in the
presence of whose long experience and firm resolu-
tion no diplomatic tour de force would be attempted.
If the negotiation is to be long, it ought not to he
entered into at all ; if it is to be short, no man is
so fit to conduct it as Lord Palmerston. The Prime
Minister of England, the leader of the House of
Commons, is also at this moment the complete re-
presentative of the feeling and spirit of the English
people, and in that, the highest character of the
three, we trust be will not refuse his services to the
nation which he has saved from disgrace and con-
ducted to victory.

REDUCTION fIF POSTAGE ON LETTERS
TO THE EAST INDIES.

On the Ist of February next, and thenceforward, the
postage upon letters forwarded to the East Indies, via
Southampton, will be reduced to a combined British and
',Zan rate of Gd. the half ounce. Letters forwarded via
Marseilles will be liable to the same rate, with the addi-
tion of a French transit rate of sa. per quarter ounce.

Letters for the island of Java will be chargeable, in
this country, with the same rates of postage for their
conveyance as far as Singapore ; but they will afterwards
be subject to a Netherland rate of postage, on account
of the conveyance from Singapore to Java.
The following table shows the rate of progression ac-
cording to which letters will be chargeable :