The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-11 00:00:00

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LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1831.

We have devoted a considerable portion of
this day's paper to a subject on which, but for
its peculiar character as regards the interests of
this country, the appeal which it makes to the
judgment and the feelings of men generally, and
its importance as connected with the affairs of
Europe, the public would long ere this have
been excited even to lassitude. It is, however,
an undying, an untiring subject. So long as
reason and humanity retain a place in the minds
and hearts of Englishmen,—so long as the bulk
of the community are not at once deaf to reason
and callous to virtue, the word Poland will
continue to excite interest—the eye of the young
and ardent will light up, and old age, grown
cold and indifferent to all else in the world of
politics, will on this topic pour forth the lan-
guage of indignation.
The speech of M. BIGNON, ill the Chamber
of Deputies, in that part of the address to the
KING which has reference to Poland, and to
the designs of Russia on Turkey, which we have
inserted, contains passagea of great importance.
Convinced that they will all be read with in-
terest, we shall not allude here to any other
point than that in which M. BIGNON protests
against the French nation's acknowledging the
right of any Power to dispose of the fate
of a country without the concurrence of
those who were parties to a previous ar-
rangement respecting it. M. BIGNON denies
the right of Russia to make changes in
Poland in violation of treaties to which France
was a party. This is a fair business-like view
of the affair, without reference to the nobler mo-
tives which justify objection on the part of
France (and resistance also) to the atrocious
conduct of the Emperor NICHOLAS in Poland.
If we take our stand on this position alone we
shall require none of the heart-stirring appeals
on behalf of Poland, which it is so easy to
offer. Great Britain as well as France was a
party to the treaty which the Emperor of RUSSIA
has, with equal insult to us and cruelty to the
Poles, so unhesitatingly violated. We have
not yet, however, heard any spirited remonstrance
to Russia on the part of our Government. We
have not heard that those who ought at least to
have made a show
,of regard for our honour

have put upon record any real protest against the
insult offered to the British nation.

M. BIGNON, indignant at a similar want of
r rescue tahl e
d
from
riroemn,chnation
a Government
independence on the part of the French Go-
vernment, has very properly come forward to
re
rt
(ni isl of
con-
sents geits
representativesa
y
participation cr
nit phmae persons
no: this dis-
grace,
to adopt to a great extent the suggestions
of M. BIGNON. Can our House of Commons
Flo less than protest formally against the violation
of the rights of Poland byßusssia after this display
of political integrity in the FrencliChamber ? Will
the British nation submit to an insult Which the
French refuse to tolerate ? Will the British
Government hesitate to adopt the feelings of the
people on so great an occasion, whilst the
French Ministry are forced to express their accor-
dance with those of their own nation ? Three
years ago, when that great outrage upon the
rights of nations—that great insult upon Great
Britain and France—the invasion and spoliation
of Poland, took place,we forewarned the British
Government of the injury which would result
to British commerce if the Emperor of RUSSIA
were permitted to follow up his designs with
impunity. We insisted strongly on the impor-
tance of vindicating the national faith as
regarded the Treaty of Vienna, remember-
ing the infallible maxim, that "an indivi-
dual may sometimes put up with insult with-,
out injury to himself, but a nation never.''
From that time down to the present, we have
unceasingly expressed our regret and apprehen-
sions at the disgrace and folly of the Government
in allowing the dread of war to overcome the
sense of insult. And how does the case now
stand ? Has the prospect of war been averted ?
No I It is more probable now than ever, unless
indeed we are to believe that Russia, emboldened
by success—triumphing in the unwise and
discreditable declarations made by the partisans
of Ministers in and out of Parliament, that
peace was to be preserved at any sacrifice, will
be permitted to prosecute her designs on
Turkey, as the great step towards the humilia-
tion and injury of Great Britain, with as much
ease as she was allowed to violate the Treaty of
Vienna, and trample on the rights of Poland.
The great, but we still hope not the irre-
trievable error of the British Government was,
in not insisting upon the nationality of Poland
at a time when Russia was comparatively weak,
and Great Britain strong—when France and
Belgium flushed with triumph over despotism
at home, and, burning with ardour to assist;
the cause of freedom abroad, were ready to
assist us—when Poland itself had an army of
patriots capable, with the slightest aid, of an-
nihilating the forces of Russia, and crippling
her for at least a century—when Italy was
prepared for revolt, and even Germany anxious
to throw off the yoke of despotism. That
was the proper time for action. The British
Government allowed it to pass, and has suffered
Russia to wax great with successful insolence.
It is not too late, however, to redeem the error,
and to vindicate the national honour. Interest,
indeed, rather than honour, calls upon us to
move now, for the commerce of Great Britain,
and her possessions in the East, are threatened
by Russia. Let them be protected first, and then
for honour If the result of a cause be ever
hastened by its justice, short, indeed, would be
the conflict in behalf of Poland.

Since writing the above we have received the
following article from Constantinople. Mark
the insolence with which the Autocrat orders his
poor tool, die SULTAN, to demand explanations
from Great Britain !
CONSTANTINOPLE, DEC. I.—After a full sitting
of the Divan the dragoman of the Porte was
charged to repo:t verbally to the Ambassadors of
France and England the surprise of the Porte at the
reinforcement of the French and English fleets in
the Mediterranean, and to ask for an explanation of
so extraordinary a measure. The reply was not
satisfactory. The French Ambassador declared
that the uncertain position in which the East was
placed, together with recent extraordinary circum-
stances, had made it incumbent on the French
Government to resort to such measures that any
future event might not find them unprepared. The
British Ambassador was much more laconic,
he gave the dragoman to understand that
his Cabinet had thought proper to reinforce the
squadron in the Mediterranean, in consequence of
the Porte having-formed a treaty with Russia. This
announcement has thrown the Divan into much em-
barrassment, and rendered it necessary to confer
with the representatives of the other Powers, in
order to be better informed of the intentions of
England and France. Orders have been despatched
to put the keys of the Dardanelles into a proper
state of defence, and to allow no vessel to
enter the channel without a special permission
No other answer was to be expected, and
the Porte is not at all in a situation either to
threaten or to resort to any other demonstration.
Time must unfold the intentions of the two mari-
time Powers. The Egyptians are also increasing
their troops. The forces of Mehemet Ali are more
numerous than many an European army. The
regular troops under Ibrahim alone are estimated at
70,000 men, and these continue to be augmented.
Foreign counsel is listened to at Alexandria, which
does not come direct from any Cabinet, but front
the spirit of the party. The object of this
Council is to weary out the Porte by forcing
it to the incessantly calling for military force,
thereby to exhaust its finances, and thus create a
reaction in the heart of the Ottoman empire, which
must
the
system
y st
tuermn toAi
ethhee profit o fiatppoef a
rNsMehemeto Abeli.fonTo‘hvlis i
ngs.
s
He has ordered 14,000 troops to march upon
Yemen, as it is said, to enforce the rescue of a fa-
vourite, who had fled thither with a considerable
sum of money from the public treasury; but every
one
amountsupposesof
it
t enough to repay so distant an expedition. The
beautiful fields of Southern Arabia, surrounded by
the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Indian
Ocean, and with a clear sky, are too alluring an
object not to lead the Viceroy to will over to him
theis t o
stolen conquer
u m thatcar i rich
hardly
be province,
larg ase
the
the numerous schieks and emirs of that province,
who now acknowledge the supremacy of the Sultan.
It is said that the preparations for this expedition
are already completed, and that the greater part of
the troops have already set out for Yetnen, while it
was only a few days ago that the Sultan wasin-
formed of it from Alexandria, and his consent to the
enterprise requested. He has no alternative left
but to give his consent, because the artful Me.
hemet acts first and asks leave afterwards. The
Sultan, however, appears to be greatly displeased
at this new arbitrary proceeding. It is thought that
he will intimate his displeasure to the Viceroy by
a diplomatic channel, and we hear that he will get
Mr. Duhamel to undertake the task, he having been

appointed the Consul-General of Russia at Alex•
andria. General Von Butenieff has had his audience
of leave in the Seraglio, and at the same time pre.
sented Mr. Buckmann as Charge d'Affaires.

We are sorry to perceive, by the speech of
the Duke de BROGLIE, the French Minist&V
for Foreign Affairs, in the Chamber of Depty
ties, on Wednesday last, that having taken alarts
at the sensation created by M. BIGNON on the
preceding day, and repenting of his own ge•
nerous adoption of that gentleman's sentiments
respecting Russia, he has declared that the treaty
between Russia and Turkey is of much less im•
portance than it has been considered—from
which we are reluctantly compelled to infer that
Russia is to be permitted to carry it into
execution.

The Paris Papers of Thursday, in which this
speech appears, contain nothing else of impor'
Lance, except some accounts from Spain, which
state; that the insurrection is spreading; '
private letter adds, that Don MIGUEL has ac.
tually placed a body of troops at the disposal of
Don CARLOS, at whose head-quarters in Put'
tugal MERINO and other Spanish Chiefs hail
arrived.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, JAN. 9.
Five per Cents., 105 f.
Three per Cents., 76f sc. 75f. 95c.
Bank Actions, 1,710 f.
Rente de Naples, 9lf. 30c.
Roman Five per Cents., 91 Ti •
Bente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., IS.
Bente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 40%.
!loyal Spanish Loan, 82(.
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 65.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 97%.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 30c.; money, 25f. 25c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 15c.; money, 25f. 15c.
—fours Authentique.

It is impossible for any one, conversant with
the subject, to view, without uneasiness, the late
export of the precious metals, attended with
adverse foreign exchanges, the principle of which
appears to be so little understood, even by those
ho deal in them, that we believe we shall,
render an acceptable service to our readers W
making it intelligible to them.
This country exchanges its commodities(
valued in gold as a commodity (gold being ite
standard of value) for the commodities of other
countries valued in silver as a commoditj
(silver being the standard of value). The medid
of making and settling such exchanges are!,
foreign bills of exchange for the amounts or tho:
balance of the amounts of the commodities ex{
changed so valued.
Different pars of this country exchange cour
modifies with each other, valued in its currenc}',:
which is composed partly of gold, and of silvd:

and copper valued in gold, and partly in inlatu
bills of excLange ; but chiefly in Bank of Eng
land and local bank notes.

Coin in exchange is only of the exchangeable
value of the quantity of the metal contained in
it,—that is, in this country gold coin is of the
same exchangeable value with the quantity of
gold contained in it, as silver . and copper coin
are of the value of the quantity of silver or
copper contained in them valued in gold ; anti
so in other countries gold coin is only of the
same exchangeable value with the quantity of
gold contained in it valued in silver.
We can value a franc against a shilling, and
a napoleon against a sovereign, because we know
the quantity of the metal contained in each coin•
But our standard of value being gold, and the
standard of value in France being silver, we
must go into the bullion market of both coun-
tries in order to arrive at the true rate of the
money exchange between them,—that is, io
France we must ascertain how many francs are
required to purchase a napoleon, which enables
us to ascertain how many francs will be required
to purchase a sovereign, or the quantity of gold
contained in it in France ; or what may be 3
more intelligible way of putting the mattter, ore
are thus enabled to ascertain what would be the
quantity or weight of silver required in France
to purchase au ounce of gold there, and if atl
ounce of gold would purchase the same quantity
of silver in our bullion market, then gold is of
the same exchangeable value in both countries,
and the money exchange between France and
England is then said to he at par. And so in
rcgard to any other country as well as France;
and as between this country and any other
country the money exchange is said to be at
par, favourable, or adverse, as the value of gold
there is equal, or less, or greater, than the value
of gold in England.
Great Britain having greater quantities of
commodities to exchange with every other
country than any other country has to ex-
change with her, she can always command ti
greater supply of gold and silver as com•
modities in exchange for her commodities that'
any other country. The commercial exchange
being thus always in it is leer own
fault if the money exchange is ever against her,
very
ysiwrt e r favour,tune.
par
ticular circuni-
litli'iltieesessibmr a
may create a sudden demand for gold in
any country, but the metal is so easily trans-
ported, and of such universal demand, that the
supply is speedily equalized ; and if gold i 5 of
greater exchangeable value in any other country
beyond a very short time, or if it is of greater
exchangeable value in every other country than
it is in England at the same time, then we must
cause we find in the redundancy of her currency.
lonic to England herself for the cause, and this

Bankl
tli country 1 of s
e 0 f
England, and local bank notes, would
always be of the same exchangeable value with
gold, and gold coin would always be of the
same exchangeable value with the quantity of
gold contained in it, if there were no more of
such notes in circulation than there would be o
gold if there were no such notes. But every
ounce of gold used in coin being a loss to the
eof
of
by being withdrawn from the general
purposes
its industry and commerce, the
lagold is supplied as far as possible
by
notes, and the quantity of
notes circulating %N i t It the coin, as cur-
rency, being much greater than the quantity
of coin so circulating, the exchangeable value of
the coin is brought down with the exchangeable
value of the notes.
The effect of such lowering of the exchange-
able value of the currency has the effect of raising
twine prices, the exchangeable value of commo-
dities exchanged at home being estimated in the

home currency, but no effect being thereby pro-
duced upon foreign prices, which are estimated
in bullion, or upon the exchangeable value of
goods abroad, the necessary consequence of this
state of things is that the foreign exchanges
become adverse, and continue adverse to Eng-
land, until the Bank of England, and local notes
in circulation, be so reduced in amount as to
bring up the coin to the exchangeable value of
the gold which it contains, and the notes which
represent it to the same exchangeable value with it.
Adverse foreign exchange, therefore, are sure
indications of an over-issue of paper.

German Papers to the sth inst. arrived this
morning. They contain no news of interest.

VIENNA, DEC. 31.—Five per Cent. Nletalliques,
94 3.5 ; Four per Cents., 84 17-32 ; Bank Shares,
1,2261.

We copy the following from the Morning
Post of this day :
We stated yesterday that Sir Stratford Canning had
declined the Embassy to St. Petersburgh heciuse the
Emperor of Russia had expressed a disinclination to re-
ceive him.

A curious story is told at the clubs upon this affair,
which we give as we hem, it.

Lord Palmerston is said to have mentioned to Prince
Lieven the name of Sir Stratford Canning as the intended
Ambassador to the Russian Court.

Prince Lieven is said to have remonstrated against the
selection, and to have assured his Lordship that the choice
would be a most distasteful one to the Emperor.
Lord Palmerston is said to have shown his love for
embarrassment, and his greediness of difficulty, by imme-
diately directing the inauspicious appointment to be
gazetted.

Prince Lieven is said to have thereupon explained the
hint which be had vainly given, by producing his authority
for the assurance that the Emperor of Russia would not,
under any circumstances, receive Sir Stratford Canning
at his Court.

, Another man would have taken some pains to avoid
tio mortification. Lord Palmerston has taken some
to subject himself to it. Long practice bas made
rn`urnelY and insult necessary to his comfort or his
repose. He is as fond of buffets as Bessus in the play :--
" For these are all familiar things to me,
Familiar as my sleep, or want of money ;
All MY whole body's but one bruise with beating.
I think I have been cudgelled with all nations,
And almost all religions."
In The Sun of yesterday we were unfortu-
nately compelled to admit the truth of the
statement of the Post as to the abandonment
of the intention of sending Sir STRATFORD
CANNING to Russia, and the cause of the
change. For the details which are now given
by our Contemporary, we have no other au-
thority than the Post, and we hope thy are
unfounded. The main fact, however, that Sir
STRATFORD CANNING is not to go to St.
Petersburgh, and that the reason of his not
going is the dislike of the Emperor is indisputable
—we wish we could add—not disgraceful.
When was it the custom of British 'Ministers to
allow foreign Sovereigns to dictate as to who
should and should not be sent to them as Am-
bassadors ? If such dictation be permitted,
the next thing may be an order from Russia to
send, as our Ambassador, that great eulogist of
Russia, the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, or
that indefatigable factotum of the Tories, Mr.
WILLIAM HOLMES, the late whipper-in to the
Treasury. Really this is carrying diplomatic
courtesy too far. It is pushing the conciliatory
feeling to an extreme which is past endurance.
And on what is the dislike of the Auto-
crat for Sir STRATFORD CANNING founded ?
Is he such a firebrand that NICHOLAS is
in dread of personal insult from him ? No ; the
plain truth isthatSir STRATFORD CANNING is a
man of ability, and has resided a long time in
Turkey. He is too well acquainted with the
views of NICHOLAS in that part of the world
and with the means of defeating them. This
is the secret of the dislike, and we are weak
enough to yield to it. NICHOLAS must, it seems,
have an ambassador from England whose principles
are favourable to him, or whose ignorance and
weakness are so great as to make principles a
matter of no importance.