The Sun.
London, England, 1851-12-06 00:00:00

7

The Waterwitch had taken frota Sierra Leon to Cape
Coast Castle Major Hill, the newly appointed Governor
of the Gold Coast. -
The slave trade is, so to speaks abolished. The last
prize taken by the Flying Fish was in July, and since
then only one vessel, an empty fdlaces, has been cap-
tured; she was captured by the Simeon. Vessels
having the aprearance of slavers are boarded, but
though they are furbished with .ring bolts and other
equipments required for the puCpose of !slaving, yet
their papers are correct, and it is evident they are not
engaged in the hateful traffic; indeed the merchants on
the coast, who were formally so' occupied, have now
abandoned the trade. The Admiralty are lengthening
the commissions of the ships on the stations, appa-
rently with the intention of bringing the affair to a
completion.
The Flying Fish has been upwards of two years in
commission, has taken ten prizes, add released 300 slaves.
Owing to the admirable discipline of Captain Patey her
internal report is of the very highest character, no cor-
poral punishments of any kind have been inflicted; every
petty officer returns to England retaining the same
rating as when he left; and with the exception of one
mate, proinoted, and one midshipman, exchanged, she
brings back the same officers whom she took out. The
ship is in excellent ordei, and the crew in every way
comfortable. Only three men have died since her com-
mission, viz, one marine, one krooman, and one
drummer.
The Flying Fish took an extraqdinary route home,
having come 200 miles to the eastward of the Azores.
She struck soundings on Sunday a ernoon, and would
have arrived here on Tuesday had ci not experienced a
heavy south-east gale, under stor sails,s on Monday,
And a dead calm on Tuesday. 'Tb4 Eddystone was
I
sighted at half-past five yesterday alining, but a thick
fog and calm weather prevented her.entering the Sound
until late in the afternoon.
She spoke, in latitude 23 51 north' 28 west,-
the Vaglish bargee Robert, bound -treittelad; and in
latitude 34.40 north, longitude 24,316 f west, exchanged
numbers with an English barque, ejlowing the second
distinguishing pendant and the number 5,982. She has
landed her passengers—Lieutenant'll. M. Elliott, in-
valided from the Waterwitch; Mr. Fowler, 'late master of
the Niger, on half-pay; and Mr. Russell, late engineer
of the Prometheus.
The Flying Fish will probably ho paid off at Ply-
mouth.
Dispatches for the Admiralty go on by the express
train.
Her Majesty's sloop Fly, 14, Commander Richard A.
Oliver, from the New Zealand station, arrived yesterday
afternoon. She sailed from Auckland on the 29th of
August, at ten A.M.; arrived at the Falkland Islands on
the 28th, and left on the 30th of September at nine
A.M.; reached Rio Janeiro on the 17th of October at
noon, and sailed therefrom at daylight on the 23d of
October. She was off St. Michael's ou the 24th of No-
vember.
She spoke on the 29th of August, at the entrance to
Auckland, the merchant vessel Thames, out 115 days,
from London; 23th of September, latitude 26.20 S.,
lonm'ithde 64.10 W., exchanged numbers with the Eng-
lish brig Halket; 30th of September, lying at Point Wil-
liam, Falkland Islands, the Windsor, of Liverpool, the
Levenside barque, and the Titania schooner; 27th of
October, latitude 15,21 S., longitude 32.28 W., ex-
changed colours with the French ship Harmonic, of
Havre, and spoke the schooner Jane, of Liverpool; No-
vember 5, latitude 5.40 N., longitude 27.23 W., ship
Aaron, of Bangor; November 15, exechringed numbers
with the barque Mandain and ship Chrysolite; Decem-
ber 1, at ten A at., exchanged colours with a Swedish
prig; at one P.M.. with a Danish barque; December 2, at
ten A.m., with a French barque; and at 2.30 N.M., passed
a Swedish brig steering south-west.
The Fly, on the 14th of November, exchanged colours
with her Majesty's ship Havannah, 19, Captain John
E. Erskine, returning from the Australian station.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS:
DAILY NEWS.—In the Conference of Reformers
at Manchester, Lord John Russell will find a standard
of the measure of reform that is likely to satisfy a
very numerous and very influential class of English-
men. The Conference was composed of men more
in earnest, more addicted to plain speaking, than Libe-
rals of that class of society with which the Premier
is most familiar. The Reformers represented at Man-
chester may have conventionalities of their own, but
they are conventionalities which mould and modify
the opinions of a much wider circle than is composed
by the aristocratic Whigs. On the other hand, the
Liberals represented in the Conference cannot with
any propriety of language be called Ultras, if regard
is had to the views generally entertained by those of
their rank in society throughout the tingdem. The
Conference was composed principally of Reformers
from Lancashire and the West *ling. A re-
ference to the list of delegates . show that
there were comparatively few re sentatives of
towns beyond these limits. Nay mo , the resolu-
tions adopted by the meeting appe4r to have been
canvassed and prepared at a preliminary meeting of
Leeds and Manchester delegates. The ioredominating
influence at the Conference was, in shot, that which
made and kept the Anti-Corn-law League a " mid-
dle-class" movement. Mr. Cobden and Mr. Baines
have had as much to say in decididg the tone and
temper of the resolutions, as they had to say in the pre-
paration of the manifestoes of Anti- Corn-law delegates
before they assumed the designation of " the League."
If anything, the composition of the Conference was
more decidedly " middle class "—less tinged by a de-
mocratic spirit—than was that of the conferences in
which the Anti-Corn-law League originated. In the
latter Mr. Cobden had, as now, the drag-ohain of Mr.
Edward Baines upon him ; but, on the other, hand,
he had ;be support of Mr. Joseph Sturge
(Birmingham) and Mr. Johnstone (Glasgow).
Birmingham appears to have stood aloof altogether
from the Reform Conference; and the
Whiggish
Edinburgh was substituted for the more radical
Glasgow. If anything, the leaders of the new Re-
form movement are less peremptory and resolute than
were the leaders of the Anti-Corn-law
movement.
Why do we dwell on these circumstances ? In no
spirit of disparagement ; out of no desire to play the
Marplot, and awaken sectional jealousies, but simply
for the purpose of impressing upon Lord John
Russell, and Reformers of his stamp, the conviction
that such a measure of reform as has found favour in
the eyes of the Manchester Conference, is the very
least that has any chance of awakening interest in,
or receiving support from, the great body of the in-
dustrial, middle, classes. Had the Conference 'been
held in Birmingham or London, the resolutions would
have been of a more thoroughgoing, a more sternly
uncompromising cast. Mr. Thompson and Sir
Joshua Walmsley would have found more supporters
in either of those places than they did in Manchester.
It is very likely that our Conservative contempo-
raries may waste a great quantity of very indifferent
wit about the rather sharp debate that took place in
the Conference between Mr. Thompson and Sir
Joshua Walmsley on the one hand, and Mr.
Bright, with his numerous supporters, on the other.
Nay, it would in no way surprise us were "Conser-
vative Reformers," as the phrase is, to indulge in grave
and dull arguments and groundless inferences on the
subject. This bickering need not in truth disconcert
the friendi of reform. On the contrary, the show
of temper on one or both sides affords a guarantee
that both were in earnest; while the cordiality that
was afterwards manifested gave evidence that the
ebullition was transient; that the out-voted party was
inclined to acquiesce in the resolutions of the majority ;
that these resolutions, though scarcely so strong or
decided as many Reformers (even of the middle class)
could have wished, may command general assent and
support, if men can only be convinced that there is a
chance of having them carried into effect. ,Of the
scope and tendency of the resolutions we are disposed
to approve. We cannot, indeed, in conscience say
that they are very felicitously worded. They are
ear minute in their de-
tails,elaborately
withoutand b
being
gn tediously
ververy
c. This was perhaps
unavoidable. In literary composition, •as in
matters gastronomic, " too many cooks spoil the
broth." When a sentence must be added to please
one gentleman, and a parenthetical phrase thrown
in to please another, verbiage and circumlocutiOn is
the inevitable result. And when these additions and
interpolations are made, not to render a definition
more explicit, or the expression of a principle more
lucid, but to reconcile a timid critic to one phrase, or
an impeteous critic to another, nothing can well come
of such tinkering but lumbering obscurity. • 'Doubt-
less the resolutions as they emanated from Mr.
Bright were much more terse and clear than after
they had undergone the diluting process of Mr.
Baines's revision. If the resolutions mean anything
they mean that that the Reform Bill contemplated by
Lord John ought to embrace triennial Parliaments, a
rate-paying suffrage, a re-distribution of the elec-
toral districts, vote by ballot, and no property qua-
lifications for Members. This was Mr. Cobden's
exposition of the somewhat prolix and obscure
text, and we confess we prefer his abridgment to
the tedious prolixity of the original. Without
saying that the resolutions of the Conference, as
explained by Mr. Cobden, embrace all that
we could desire, or that they are the very least
we should regard as acceptable, we may freely state
that they constitute a measure of reform we should be
right glad to see carried. On the necessity of doing
away with small constituencies—adopting some me-
thod by which the voter will be disenabled to show how
he has voted—and rendering general elections more
frequent—we have repeatedly had occasion to express
our opinions. As to the extension of the franchise, there
are various considerations to be taken into account.
The extension ought to be a real, not a mere nominal

DECEMBER;

one. The qualification' ought to • sucli' as wili
facilitate registration, and render it' less expensive'
A rateable. qualification might be made to possess bet
of these requisites. In the first place, if every page
of a direct tax, general or local, were entitled to vote;
the constituency Would, receive numerous additions
and, in the second place, while the tax-gatherers would
take care that no person liable to pay rates escaped
-enrolment in the rate-book, few would wish to see their
names reoorded there merely for the sake of obtaining
a vote. The rate-book would be a self-adjusting re-
gister of voters. Bat we see no necessity for making
the payment of rates a 'condition of the exercise of
the franchise ; nor do we see that the arguments at
Manchester quite settled the question of how long
a. residence should be necessary to qualify. On
the whole we think Reformers might go further and,
fare worse than by taking up with the programme
of the Manchester Conference; and still more de-
cidedly
are we of opinion that no measure of reform
short of that which politicians like Mr. Baines, of
Leeds, and the balk of the manufacturers of Manches-
ter, are prepared to demand, has the slightest chance
of meeting with that unanimous and enthusiastic sup-
port requisite to carry throngh I:3arliament a Reform
Bill—even though introduced by a Minister.
TIMES.—In this country anything whatever in the
shape of a convention or. caucus,' any organization
which appears to compote with the Legislature, and to
rob it of its freedom or its initiative, is still the object of
just suspicion and dislike. They who feel a general
confidence in the Legislature, and aro themselves con-
tent with the ordinary means of influencing its delibe-
rations, feel it a sort of invasion on their own liberty,
and a limitation of their just personal voice, when an
irregular combination rises up and threatens to remove
the question altogether from the constitutional arena.
We are describing a sentiment-rather than a principle,
but it is a sentiment which is felt by many a loyal
citizen and many a constitutional reformer. Now it can-
not be denied that such a conference as that which met
on Wednesday at Manchester, attended by delegates
from many parts of the country, and of which one of
the speakers observed that probably never were the
masters of so many men assembled before in ono room,
is such a combination as we have described. It is a
Parliament in the north proscribing terms to the Par-
liament in. Westminster. As such, we confess, we
do not like it. Having said this, however,
by way of protest, and to satisfy a proper
jealousy for the independence of the Legislature, we
admit that, like many other anomalies, such combina-
tions may be found necessary. It may be that the Legis-
lature is so overborne by other organized influences, by
oligarchical families, by conspiring classes, by compact
interests, and strong professional phalanxes, that some
league in the general ipterest of tho people may be
necessary to balance those other particular forces. It
may be that the Government of the day is too compro-
mised with vested interests and obstructive classes to be
quite free to follow its own bias, and therefore requires
an extreme pressure from without to enable it to do what
it wishes. The use, then, of such combinations as we
have referred to above—of such, in fact, as that which
met at Manchester on Wednesday, is a matter of discre-
tion. They should not be resorted to unnecessarily, any
more than a revolution or a coup d'etat. Considering
the organization employed, and the prevailiag character
of the delegates, the scheme of Parliamentary Reform
they have almost unanimously adopted is not so theo-
rectioal, sweeping, and subversive as might
have been expected. Such moderation deserves
respect, and even success. But there is one
important question which no degree of sympathy or
respect should prevent us from asking. How will the
scheme work? Will its moderate appearance tend to
safe results? Will it help us a little further on the track
of the old Reform Bill, or will it lead us on the verge of
revolution? We have considered the scheme clause by
clause, and we must say that we think it would take this
nation a little out of its depth. We believe that in the
great majority of cases the cottage of the agricultural
labourer is not rated to the poor, whereas the cottage of
the artisan is so rated. A measure, therefore, extending
the suffrage to every person liable to the poor-rate would
enfranchise the towns, and, by comparison, disfranchise
the country; and in all arrangements tending towards a
territorial adjustment of the constituency the rural popu-
lation would have the worst of it. The Manchester
Reformers leave open the question of requiring payment
previous to registration, but, if we are not mistaken,
they are in favour of such a requirement, but would
rather leave to the Legislature the odium of insisting
upon it. Whichever way that may be decided, the quali-
fication of liability to the rates is much more exclusive in
villages than in towns. In the village the squire, the
clergyman, the farmers, the shopkeepers, and a few
tradesmen are on the rate-book, but scarcely one
of the labourers ; in the town, on the other
hand, every man employed in a factory will pro-
bably be liable. Were no other change to be made,
the numbers of each existing constituency would
4e a matter of less consequence; but as it is proposed to
make the new franchise the basis of still.further changes,
a qualification that would be more liberal in the towns
than in the country would be more injudicious and un-
fair. As soon as the Manchester Reformers come to dis-
tribute this new electoral power, as they call it, a new
element of unfairness is introduced. They propose that,
where practicable and convenient, small and neighbour-
ing boroughs shall be united and form one borough, and
Where it is not so convenient their constituencies shall
Merge in that of the county. Now, the former of these
two processes is enfranchisement, and the latter dis-
franchisement, and the former is evidently the process
that would be applied to small manufacturing boroughs,
which lie in clusters; and the latter to small agricultu-
ral boroughs which lie apart, seldom less than twelve or
fifteen miles from one another. It is scarcely necessary
to observe that such a minimum as 5,000 electors would
make a wide sweep of agricultural boroughs. If any
qhalification at all were required, that number of
electors would not be found in any population' short of
30,000, so that the greater part of our county
towns, hitherto thought places of importance, would
by forthwith merged in the constituency of the county.
As to some of the other points of the scheme—
the ballot, the non-property qualification of Members,
and triennial Parliaments, we need not repeat what has
been said a thousand times on those much-vexed ques-
tions. Putting aside these minor questions, and taking
a general view of the scheme, there is little reason to
ch;llibt that it would leave the agricultural class and the
landed interest inn fearful minority of the 'representa-
tion. Their boroughs would be disfranchiied, and their
counties swamped, while they would see the electoral
power transferred to the metropolis, and; in _general, to
towns and manufacturing districts with more than
30,000 inhabitants. We aro not sure that the actual
result would bo less adverse to the old interests and old
institutions of the country than the charter itself. How-
ever, we cannot but de justice to the strong, and we
have no doubt sincere constitutional professions, of the
Reformers. If those professions are indeed sincere, then
we are afraid their scheme would go beyond their in-
tentions. Of course they expect, and have a perfect
right to expect, that every new. Parliamentary reform
shall transform more power to the increasing population
Plli to extinguish the
and to the comparatively new interests of manufacture and
roprietary and of
agriculture.
commerce;Parliamentary influence
itnhfleayccnacnonoofttwheishlawudheodllyp

FEARFUL COLLISION ON THE GREAT
WESTERN RAIL WAY.

- -
STROUD, FRlDAY.—An.anicleut happened yesterday
on the Great Western Railway, Cheltenham branch,
which has caused much consternation in this neighbour-
hood, the accident having arisen from a collision be-
tween the Parliamentary down train and a portion of a
heavy goods train left, on the line. The circumstances
are as follow:

A down goods train from London left the Swindon
station for Gloucester, Cheltenham, and Stroud, about
midday yesterday. Having arrived at Tetbury, it was
found, on ascending a rattier steep incline there, that
the train, which was a very heavy one, could not be
pr polled up the line for want of suffieient power in the
enine. Accordingly a portion of the train (some eight
or' ine trucks, heavily laden) was left on the main line
in the care of a policeman, the whole having been
" scotched," which it was calculated would hold the
bracks in their place until an engine could be sent
to I bring them on to the train, which proceeded on
towards Stroud, The weight of the train, however,
overcame the scotches, and the train immediately began
to decend the incline, and now attained a speed of some
twenty miles an hour. It ran on in this way between
two and three miles, passing the Tetbury-road station,
to the great alarm of the officials there, who were aware
that the Parliamentary train from London was. then
due. That train was due at Tetbury-road, and snortly
after the runaway trucks had passed it the passenger
train came in sight. The driver of the passenger train
immediately shut off his steam, and reversed his en-
gine, but a collision was unavoidable, and in a moment
the passenger train dashed into the trucks, smashing
them literally to pieces, and scattering the goods on
the roads in all directions. The engine of the passenger
train was also completely disabled, bat the driver
(Ribble) and the stoker escaped with a few severe
bruises. .Tlie passengers in the Parliamentary train
were thrown together with great violence. Several of
them rebeived very severe bruises and lacerations. In
about two hours and a half the line was sufficiently
cleared to permit of the traffic being continued.

INTERESTING FACT.—The following singular and
authentic ease of restoration of the human hair is worthy of
observation, more particularly as it relates to an article of
high and universal repute during the last half century. Mr.
A. Herrmann, of Queen-street, Soho, had been quite bald for
some time past, and had tried various preparations for tke
recovery of his hair, but without any beneficial result. He
was then induced to try the effects of " Rowlands' Macassar
Oil," and after daily applying it for about two months, he,
much to his gratification, bad his hair quite restored, and
now possesses a beautiful head of hair. This fact speaks too
strongly for itself to require comment.—Bell's Weekly Mes-
senger.

CONSUMPTION or TOBACCO.—It appears from the
official accounts yesterday published that in the ten months
ending the sth ult. there was an increase of 24,1631 b. of to-
bacco entered for home consumption compared with the ten
months in the preceding year,