The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-01 00:00:00

tailing his principles, Mr. Poulett Thomson
did not certainly name the ballot, but when he
spoke of giving " to the principle of representa-
tion that which it ought to have—that which he
trusted it had, but which if it had not, it ought to
have—the liberty of every man to give his vote
conscientiously—(Vehement cheering)" he de-
scribed what can alone be given to the ballot.
We may observe, that it is curious enough, that
the very dependent circumstances of most of the
voters, are made an argument against affording
them protection. Because tenants dare not re-
fuse to tell their landlords how they shall vote, and
consequently dare not refuse to vote as their land-
lords shall order them, therefore they are to be left
entirely in the power of their landlords, without
even an endeavour to shield them. But then how
immoral to promise to vote for one, and yet vote
for another. But is there no immorality in
voting contrary to conscience ? Is there no im-
morality in returning to Parliament a man
whose principles you believe fraught with ruin
to the country ? But it is forgotten all the while,
that if the ballot be efficient to secure secrecy,
the immorality of breaking promises will be of
short date, for the best of all reasons, that they
would cease to be exacted. If the ballot do not
secure secrecy, then the dependent and drunken
voter (for great stress is laid on the circum-
stance that an Englishman can keep nothing in
his cups from his cronies) will not dare to vio-
late his promise even with the ballot. We hold
every opponent of the ballot an enemy of Re-
form in his heart—we hold him to be dishonest
in his intentions in giving the franchise, or weak
in his understanding—for if he meant that they
to whom the franchise is given should exercise
it independently, he must have known very little
of England, if he was not aware that from the
unequal distribution of property and a variety of
other circumstances, placing the great body of
electors in dependent circumstances, the fran-
chise could not be exercised fairly. 'Without
the ballot, the counties would become as foul as
rotten boroughs in a short time. In this elec-
tion, the hope of protection from the ballot has
induced electors to continue the struggle which
was made for the Reform Bill ; but it cannot be
expected that men should be constantly ex-
posing themselves to loss of business, and a va-
riety of persecutions to which a conscientious
vote now subjects them. The opponent of the
ballot, be he who he may, is either a hollow
Reformer and a trickster, or a wretched rea-
soner. Though we have extended our observa-
tions beyond what we intended, we cannot avoid
noticing the able manner in which Mr. P.
Thomson exposed the absurdity of the language
used in speaking of the Reform Bill ;
" These (he said) are the principles upon which I be-
lieve the Reform Bill to have been founded, and for which
I believe it will he the end and the means.—(Hear, hear.)
I believe, also, that by the operation of that Bill, as it now
stands, we may obtain all these great ends.—(Hear.)
But if there be defects or deformities which obscure
that great measure, we say, let them he examined—
(Hear)—let them be looked into, let them be amended.
—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I know that much misrepre-
sentation has gone abroad about final measures.—(Hear,
and cheers.) But Ic in only attribute the circumstance
to that watchful jealousy with which the conduct of pub-
lic men is justly scrutinized. I know not what is the
meaning of final measures.—(Loud and reiterated cheers.)
I know of no bound to the march of human improvement.
—(Applause.) I know of no limits which the course of
human intelligence has to meet with—l know of no power
to send back the tide of civilization—(Loud applause)—
or to make the springs of human improvement stagnateiat
their very source.—(Cheers.) And I feel satisfid, that
if the course of years rolls on—if human wants and human
intelligence requires changes in any course of legislature
which may have been entered upon, it will be fur human
wisdom and for human sagacity—assembled as it ought
to be, legitimately and orderly, in the Great Council of
the Nation—to proclaim its wants, its wishes, and its re-
solves.—(Loud cheers.) But, Gentlemen, although I say
this, I should he the first to regret that unnecessary
changes were introdnced into any legislative measures, or
that we should waste time that can be so much better
engaged in cavilling about what after all, but a means
to an end.—(Hear.)"
But, though Mr. Thomson throws overboard,
with very little ceremony, the doctrine delivered in
an evil hour by Mr. Stanley, yet, in the language
he uses with respect to the measures to which
Parliament ought first to apply itself, we do not
think he appears to be sufficiently aware how
much secret voting goes to the very marrow of
the question of the power of Parliament to do
good :
" Upon one of the great subjects (he says) connected, I
may say—for it is not a part of it—with the system of
representation—l mean the subject of secret voting—you
all know my opinions. I was one of a few who, in
early times, when it was unfashionable to be a Reformer
—( Hear, and cheers)—and when it was banishment almost
to be a ballotist, advocated in my place in Parliament that
principle.—(Hear.) In my regard to that I remEtin
un-
changed.—(Loud cheers.) But, at the same time, lam
not prepared to say, that unless a strong case be made out
—unless circumstances be shown requiring its immediate
adoption, I, for one, would be willing to employ my
time and the time of the Legislature, in endeavouring to
introduce the system, whilst I conceive we have in our
hands at present an instrument sufficient to effeet greater
and much more substantial good.—(Loud cheers.) lam
not one of those who would not even be prepared to resist
the principle, however good I may admit it to be, if it be
put forward, in my opinion, without necessity, or so as
to interfere with greater and more pressing objects.—
(Hear, and great applause.)"
This is all, no doubt, very ingenious ; but, as
the Indian observed with respect to his beaver-
merchants, they all sing really one song. Now,
we admit that in this Parliament the Reformers
of various grades are strong; but the warfare
they are about to wage is one of tremendous
difficulty. All the forces of corruption will be
arrayed against them. There are such things,
too, as dissolutions. Are we certain that with a
Tory Ministry, and the whole influence of the
Crown arrayed ag.ainstaeform„ should be
equally successful in returning Reformers in an-
, other Parliament ? It is with great difficulty
that the electors have been brought to
make the exertions which have thrown out the
Conservatives in this election. We are not war-
ranted, considering the slavish habits of the
tenantry of England, in counting on a continua-
tion of such exertions. We look on the ballot
as of the very essence of free election in this
country. It would have been folly to have re-
fused the measure of Reform we have obtained,
because unaccompanied with the ballot ; but,
being now better able to struggle for it, it would
be equal folly not to make the struggle, when
we are best able to make it with hopes of sue-
cess.—fi lorning Chronicle.
The extraordinary unanimity which prevails
among the members of the present Administra-
tion has received a new illustration in the speech
of Mr. Poulett Thomson at his election dinner
at iVlanchester, some of the more important pas-
sages of which we this clay publish. The Right
Hon. Mr. Stanley, on a similar occasion, de-
clared, but the other day, his determination, and
that of the whole of his colleagues, that the Re-
form Bill should be a final measure. And here
we have one of Mr. Stanley's Right Hon. Col-
leagues not only declaring that it shall riot be
so, and that he for one is an advocate of the
ballot, but politely intimating his opinion
that the Right Honourable Secretary for Ire-
land, on the occasion alluded to, talked non-
sense. The Right Hon. Lord Althorp told