The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-05 00:00:00

would determine to sit through the debate and bring it to
a close.

bk. O'CONNELL concurred in the Noble Lord's wish
to bring the debate to a close to-morrow, but observed
that there might be circumstances, there might 1%-; inter-
ruptions, which rendered it impossible for any one at the
present moment to be answerable that P.cli should be the case.
The motion for adjournmert was then put and agreed to.
DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.
_ _

Mr. ATTWOOD pestponedllis—MOtion on the distress
of the country from the sth to the 14th of Mirch.
Adjourned at one o'clock this morning.

IRISH COERCIVE BILL.

LEICESTER, MARCH 4.

A pub!ic meeting was held at the New Hall, this day,
in pursuance of a numerously signed requisition, inviting
the inhabitants to meet to consider the propriety of peti-
tioning against the Bill now in progress through Parlia-
ment, with reference to Ireland, and "deprecating most
decidedly the provisions which it contains."
THOMAS PAGET, E.q., the late Member for the County,
was called to the Chair; and, in opening the business of
the day, entered at some length into the nature of the
Bill which bad been brought forward to coerce the Irish,
lamenting that men whom he had been looking up to for
the last thirty years should have introduced a Bill which,
for its despotic enactments, exceeded any thing known in
the days of either Pitt, Castlereagh, or Sidmouth.
Messrs. Browne, Berry, Stokes, Bigg., &c., then pro-
posed or seconded various resolutions condemnatory of
the measure, which, being put to the vote, were carried
with only one dissenting voice.
Thanks were afterwards unanimously voted to Lord
Teynham, for his opposition to the Bill in its progress
through the House of Lords.

A petition, founded upon the resolutions, was then adopted,
and ordered to he sent to the Borough Members, request-
ing them to present it ; and, in case of refusal, desiring
them to put it into the hariis of L. Bulwer, E.g., for that
purpose. The meeting, which had been occupied in the
business before it fr't three hours, then separated.

IRISH COERCIVE BILL.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,-If you think the following remarks worthy of a
place in your excellent Journal, I shall feel obliged by
their insertion. They relate to the proposed measure of
coercion for Ireland—a measure which, in my view, is
fraught with the most impending danger, not only to the
sister kingdom, but to the interests of freedom in Great
Britain. Allow me to ask, what is the grand and per-
vading cause of the poverty, misery, and demoralizition
of Ireland? Is it not to be found in this—the accumu.
lated mass of landed property in the hands of a few indi-
viduals, which evil is carried to its extreme point by the
circumstance that those who possess the land reside out of
the kingdom, thereby draining its resources and contri-
buting nothing in return ? The want of poor laws is
of course another auxiliary cause in promoting crime ; for
as no body of men will voluntarily starve, they are neces-
sarily driven to rob, where there is no other mode of pro-
curing the means of existence. If this view of the subject
be correct, it follows, that tranquillity and happiness can-
not be restored in Ireland by martial law. While its pres-
sure remains, there may certainly he some appearance of
calm ; but will there be no secret conspiracies, and will
not the evils break forth with increased violence when the
pressure is removed ? I have only to refer to the history
of Ireland, where it will be seen that the experiment has
been tried over and over again, and always with the same
results. Will, then, the people of England consent to
be further taxed to increase and maintain a large standing
army which cannot possibly effect the desired object, and
which afterwards may be employed against themselves? It
is really, Sir, alarming to observe the eager haste with
which the Bill has passed the House of Lords, Whigs and
Tories cordially uniting to lay a whole people under mili-
tary despotism. Surely the people of England are sleep-
ing on a precipice when they imagine the Whigs to be
sincere in their attachment to popular principles ! I look,
Sir, on the destinctions of Whig and Tory, among the
aristocracy, as a political farce. I regard only the social
position of the men and their actual interests ; and when
I find these to resemble in all points, and alike opposed to
the interests of the commonwealth—when, I say, I find
the interests of the aristocracy, whether delighting in the
appellation of Whig er Tory, closely connected with the
wealthier clergy (who are, for the most part, their nomi-
nees), and that it is impossible to invade the privileges of
the Church without at the same time trenching on the
hitherto Tights and privileges of the aristocratic landlords,
—I regard this eager baste and coalition of parties to in-
crease the military force of the empire with suspicion and
alarm. It requires no extraordinary portion of sagacity
to perceive that certain of our existing institutions which
have sprung from the system of feudal tyranny, must ere
long undergo considerable modifications to suit the temper
and circumstances of the times. It is equally certain that
the majority of those win se interests be in maintaining
the present order of things will be opposed to the change;
but how cm some five or six hundred individuals oppose
the will of twenty-five millions? How? By the arm o
the military !

If, Mr. Editor, you think the opinions expre,sed in
this letter not altogether visionary, 1 trust you will not
fail to sound the note of alarm wherever your valuable
paper is read. I remain, Sir,
_