The Sun.
London, England, 1834-08-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

„„ HOUSE OF LORDS, August 5.
et House met at half-past three o'clock.
WARWICK BOROUGH BILL.
Counsel were called in upon the Borough Bill, when Mr.
RARRISON summed up the evidence that had been given, and
stated that he thought he had made out a sufficient case.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then read over the evidence,
andl stated that his opinion was, the evidence did not support
the preamble of the Bill. The Noble and Learned Lord then
moved that the Bill be read a second time this day six months.
The motion was agreed to, and the Bill is consequently lost.
Counsel were then ordered to withdraw.
HIGHWAYS BILL. •

The Duke of RICHMOND laid upon the table the Report
of the Committee on the Highways Bill.

JUSTICES OF THE PEACE BILL.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the
Justices of the Peace Bill. Counsel were called in, and
Mr. Sergeant Merewether appeared on behalf of the
Vintners Company, against a clause in the Bill which gave
power to Magistrates over those who kept public houses being
members of the Vintners Company within three miles of London.
The Learned Counsel stated that the Company felt themselves
called upon to resist this clause, because it would annihilate their
most ancient privileges. He concluded by stating that he
hoped the House would expunge the clause, and not interfere
with those vested rights 'which had been conferred by the
Crown.

The LORD CHANCELLOR saw no reason why the
clause should be expunged from the Bill. Under the present
system those who were Members of the Company, as far
as regarded their privileges, set the law at defiance.—(Hear.)
The law was most strict with respect to publicans, who could
not have a license from the Magistrates without a certificate,
whereas those who were members of the Company could carry
on their houses and evade the law, because they could do so
without having a license from the Magistrates.—(Hear.)
He trusted their Lordships would not listen to an argument
of the present nature ; if they did, it would be in vain for
them to endeavour to improve the Magistracy of the country,
while certain individuals were exempted from the common law
of the land.

Lord WYNFORD strongly .supported the rights of the
Vintners Company.

Lord DUKCS.NNON was afraid that no clause could be
put in the Bill which would put houses upon a proper footing.
Houses were kept open under the name of vintners, when, in
fact, they were kept by very different persons.
Lord ELL ENBOROUGH thought that houses kept by
free vintners ought to be put upon the same footing as other
houses.

The LORD CHANCELLOR thought that some effectual
check should be imposed; he was as willing as any man to give
to the Vintners Company all the rights and privileges'which
they enjoyed, but he could not allow them to have those pri-
vileges at the expense of the morals of the public. He had
no ojection that the clause should stand over upon the under-
standing, that if something was not proposed in its stead upon
the third reading, the clause should be restored.
Lord WYNFORD had no objection to the clause standing
over, but he thought the Vintners Company had a right to
retain the clause until it was shOwn that they had•acted wrong.
The title and preamble of the Bill were then postponed,
and clauses from 1 to 6 were agreed to.
All the remaining clauses were agreed to except 11 and 18,
which were struck out. The Bill was then reported to the
House, and ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday
next.

„ .
Lord BE RE SFORD presented a petition from Armagh for
protection to the Established Church.

The Duke of GLOUCESTER presented similar petitions
from several places the names of which were not heard in the
gallery.

The Earl of WICKLOW presented petitions from West-
meath and Longford in favour of the Established Church.
Also a petition from the parish of St. James, Liverpool, in
favour of the Insolvent Debtors' Bill:
The Duke of CUMBERLAND presented seventeen peti-
tions, but neither the places from whence they came nor their
objects could be heard.

-Upon the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the
Insolvent Debtors' Bill was read a second time.
The Excise Acts Amendment Bill wa's read a third time and
passed.
The Irish Roads Bill went through Committee.
Several other Bills were forwarded a stage, but the pro-
ceedings on them could not be heard in the gallery.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY rose for the purpose
of bringing the state of our foreign relations under the consi-
deration of their Lordships. He had the very high authority
of a Noble Earl, whose opinions would, he was sure, be treated
with the greatest respect by Noble Lords opposite, for saying
that the foreign relations of this country were of an import-
ance too paramount to be postponed for mere personal consi-
derations. The Noble Earl had said " I hold that whatever
may be the situation of our internal interests as to the manu-
facturing, financial, and commercial, agricultural, or other do-
mestic questions ; and however these subjects may press upon
the attention of the Legislature, it is •no less necessary that
our foreign relations, the position we occupy abroad, and the
honour of this country among the States of Europe, should
occupy the anxious attention of Parliament." The Noble Earl
lately at the head of his Majesty's Government, had, in an
address which no one could forget, taken to himself the
greatest credit for the foreign policy of his administration,
and for preserving the peace of Europe under circumstances
of a peculiarly threatening character. He differed very
widely from the Noble Earl in his estimate of his foreign
policy. He did not wish to say anything discourteous of the
Noble Earl whom he regretted not to see in his place, nor of
his speech. He could not forget that that speech was uttered
under very painful circumstances. The Noble Earl was
evidently struggling with his feelings ; he seemed anxious not
to breathe a word of reproach upon his late colleagues ; but
his noble mind was broken down and writhing under the smart
of political treachery, and he might have exclaimed with
Marc. Antony, that " ingratitude more strong than traitor's
AIM had vanquished him." The Noble and Learned Lord on
the Woolsack bad said that if any other Government could
preserve the peace of Europe for three years and a half longer,
lie would give them greater credit than he had given to the
Noble Earl's administration. But to what was this owing but
to the foreign policy of the present Foreign Secretary ? It was
the late Administration which, by their partial, incomplete
measures, stopping a gap here and a gap there, never finishing
what they had begun, never acting on a large and comprehen-
sive system, had thus entirely overset and changed the esta-
blishment of Europe as settled in 1814, 1815. Well might
it be said that no Government could follow that of the
Noble Earl in a similar course, and yet preserve amity with
foreign States. What was it they had done ? What had they
accomplished? Could it be said that the settlement of Bel-
gium was now accomplished ? After the endless protocols and
mismanagement of his Majesty's Government, could they at-
tempt to take credit for conducting their foreign policy in a
statesman-like manner ? Had they acted with decision on the
first protocol to whieh Holland consented, and which they de-
clared irrevocable, the whole arrangement might have been
completed in six weeks. But the eternal protocolling and va-
cillation of his Majesty's Government had alone led to the la-
mentable seige of Antwerp, and all the evils which followed.
Again, let their Lordships look to Ancona and Algiers. His
Majesty's Ministers might perhaps have succeeded
.in preserv-
ing peace; but he would ask whether it had not, in these in-
stances, been preserved at the expense of our national honour?
.it did not even appear that any explanation had been demanded
of France, why she had not fulfilled her express pledge that she
would not continue in occupation of Algiers. He would not
travel into the East, though our position there appeared to be
of a most delicate tenure ; but in reference to Russia he would
say, there had been lately a want of courtesy and conciliation
towards that Power which was to him perfectly inexplicable.
) A special mission was undertaken to that country
by a Noble Earl whom he did not see in his place, which he
presumed had for its object the conciliation of some existing
differences. What had been the success of that mission ?No
explanation whatever had been given ; but this was clear, that
as far as any matters of courtesy with which the Noble Earl
was charged were concerned, he had entirely failed. An ap-
pointment, quite contrary to our usual practice with foreign
powers, was forced upon Russia, notwithstanding the sove-
reign of that country intimated his personal objections; and the
pertinacity with which this had been persevered in, had led to
this extraordinary circumstance, that Russia, ewe of the first
powers of Europe, was only represented in this country by a
Charge d'Affaires, and would probably so continue to be repre-
sented whilst the present Foreign Secretary retained his situ-
ation. With respect to the existing transactions between
Russia and Turkey, no information has been laid upon the
table ; but this he would say, that if England thought proper
to depart from the treaties of Vienna and Paris, and make se-
parate distinct alliances, surely Russia might be in some mea-
sure justified in adopting the line of conduct which she had
pursued towards Turkey, without making those communica-
tions which under other circumstances we had a right to ex-
pect. These circumstances, together with our interference to
an extent scarcely justifiable on behalf of the subjects of Rus-
sia.(the Poles) had, lie very much feared, alienated Russia
from us, and materially destroyed that good understanding
which followed the peace. Great Britain had lost much of her
estimation with the great powers of Europe. She was no longer
regarded as that moral conservative bien-faisant power,
which she was formerly looked up to as. Nor was the jealousy
with which the state of affairs in England was watched con-
fined to Russia,. Austria and Prussia partook in her senti-
ments; and as they perceived this country to be actuated by a
spirit of revolutionary liberty inimical to their interests, it was
but natural that they should withdraw from our alliance, and
unite more closely with each other. If these three great
'powers were to separate themselves from us, where, he would
ask, should we supply their place ? We had certainly one
great and powerful ally—Louis Philippe, and there was the
Don whom we had chosen to recognize as Regent of Portugal,
and-King Leopold, and King Otho, and the propagandists of
• Germany, and the liberals of Belgium ; but could they be put
'in Competition with the various great powers to whom he had
alluded? As to the alliance with France, far be it from him
to mention that it was not at all times highly desirable that
we should be on terms of the closest and most friendly inti-
macy with that country ; but he did not think it right to give
any peculiar preference to that country over all others, nor
could he concur in all those encomiums which had been so
often lavished on the Three Days of July. Louis Philippe
governed on the principle of force. He had filled the capital
and the provinces with his troops. His ordinances and his
conduct generally had been to the full as arbitrary as that of
Charles XJ, only Louis Philippe had managed more cleverly,
or perhaps more discreetly. With respect to the base
upar-
tite treaty, he really could conceive nothing so base or so
atrocious' as the course- pursued towards Portugal in nego-
.

ciating that treaty. This country was pledged to n distinct
and positive neutralitk_ So long as that neutrality was
continued there was sufficient encouragement for the sup-
porters of Don Miguel to expend their last resources on
his behalf ; and who would venture to say that had it not
been for the interference of Great Britain, Don Miguel might
not at this moment have reigned in Portugal ? But under the
mask of neutrality, the Government was all the while con-
templating and arranging an armed intervention in concert
with a powerful ally. He really thought that for a great na-
tion to act in this manner was atrocious. If the Government
meant to establish Don Pedro, and not allow Don Miguel to
remain, why did they not declare it at once, instead of suffer-
ing such an amount of blood and treasure to be wasted in the
dispute. And what had we gained by it ? Don Miguel was
always most desirous to meet the views of England, whilst
Don Pedro, the moment he got over to Portugal, put himself
in hostility to us. The King of France, in his speech, treated
the Portuguese question as completely settled ; but it appeared
by various letters that were received from Portugal, and the
terrific statement of murders and riots that were committed,
that the Government had not power to preserve public order,
and that Portugal was in a greater state of insurrection and
commotion than when the two armies were actually in the field
against each other. Permitting Rodil and his troops to in-
vade the Portuguese territory for the purpose of seizing on the
person of Don Carlos, was as gross a breach of neutrality and
as gross a piece of favouritism as was ever known. He
should mat ask his' Majesty's Ministers if they had duly con-
sidered the question, whether Don Carlos was or was not the
legitimate Sovereign of Spain ? It really appeared to him
to be a serious question. He had lately read a pamphlet pub-
lished by Mr. Walton, which strongly convinced his mind
that the arrangements which placed Isabella on the throne
of Spain were accomplished by fraud. If we were bound with
France to an armed intervention, it would involve us in diffi-
culties with the other powers of Europe greater by far than
any we had hitherto known. The policy of former times, too,
was altogether opposed to the policy now pursued by his Ma-
jesty's Government. It had ever been esteemed an object of
the greatest importance to prevent the possibility of the union
of the Crowns of France and Spain. The settlement of Eu-
rope in 1713, scaled by a law for the exclusion of females, as
the best means to prevent the union of the French and Spanish
Crowns, the very object for which Queen Anne undertook a
;long and disastrous war, rendered it imperative upon us to
ascertain that the said law had been legally abolished. If it
were merely defeated by means of a fraud plotted for the pur-
pose of supporting the Princess Isabel, it would follow that we
have been the abettors of that fraud; and should it appear that
the law of Philip V. is still in force, it will equally follow that
we have been upholding an usurper, and are therefore partly
answerable for the blood and desolation which have attended
an unjust contest. As a memento of the leading part which
we took in the settlement of Europe, effected by the peace of
Utrecht, it might be stated that, at the close of a twelve
years' war, Queen Anne, on the 6th of June, 1712, went
to the House, and in her memorable speech the fol-
lowing passages occur, in allusion to the difficulties
which she had experienced in negotiating a peace :
" Nothing, however, has moved I,ne from steadily pur-
suing, in the first place, the true interest of my own
kingdoms ; and I have not omitted anything which might
procure to all our allies what is due to them by treaties,
and what is necessary for their security. The assuring of
the Protestant succession, as by law established, in the
House of Hanover, to these kingdoms, being what I have
nearest at heart, particular care is taken, not only to have that
acknowledged in the strongest terms, but to have an addi-
tional security, by the removal of that person out of the domi-
nions of France who has pretended to disturb this settlement.
The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be
united to France, was the chief inducement to begin this war;
and the effectual preventing of such an union was the principle
I laid down at the commencement of this treaty. Former
examples, and the late negotiations, sufficiently show how
difficult it is to find-means to accomplish this work. I would
not content myself with such as are speculative, or depend
upon treaties only ; I insisted on what is solid, and to have at
hand the power of executing what should be agreed. I can,
therefore, now tell you, that France is at last brought to offer,
that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants,
renounce for ever all claim to the crown of France : and that
this important article may be exposed to no hazard, the per-
formance is to accompany the promise. At the same time the
succession to the crown of France is to be declared, after the
present Dauphin and his sons, to be in the Duke of Berry and
his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons ; and, so on to
the rest of the house of Bourbon. As to Spain and the
Indies, the succession to those dominions, after the Duke
of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince as
shall be agreed upon at the treaty ; for ever excluding the
rest of the house of Bourbon. For confirming the renun-
ciations and settlements before-mentioned, it is farther
offered, that they shall be ratified in the most strong and so-
lemn manner, both in France and Spain ; and that those king-
doms, as well as all the other powers engaged in the present
war, shall be guarantee to the same. The nature of this pro-
posal is such, that it executes itself: the interest of Spain is
to support it ; and in France the persons to whom that succes-
sion is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to vindi-
cate their own right. France and Spain are now more effec-
tually divided than ever : and thus, by the blessing of God,
will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe, and remain
liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exempted
from." If tie, it should appear that Don Carlos was the
rightful Mor'ffreli of Spain, this treaty would go to upset all
that had been established for the last 120 years. This being
the state of Europe, he trusted we were not committed to
Spain in a manner that might perhaps plunge.u.., in a tedious
and ruinous war. It was necessary, therefore, under the cir-
cumstances, that as much light as possible should be thrown
upon the treaty which had just been laid upon the table ; and
he could not but remark it as a most extraordinary thing, that
so important a treaty was laid on the table unaccompanied by
any documents, or by an official explanation from any member
of the Government. He called on the Noble Viscount to state
what the views of the Government were as to the effects of
this treaty. The Noble Viscount had said, the principle of
his Government was non-intervention. If that were the case,
he should like to ask whether this treaty bore out the prin-
ciple. A great deal had been said about the economy of the
present Administration. Now, what was the fact ? It would
be recollected that, if ever there was a demand for foreign se-
cret service money it was during the time of war, and not of
profound peace. During three years of the Duke of Welling-
ton's Government, the following were the expenses of special
missions :

1829....
1830....

£3,965
4,500
104

£8,569
They had only returns of two years of Earl Grey's Govern-
ment, which were, in
1831 £6,396
1839

£22,064
being in two years 13,0001. more than the Duke of Welling-
ton's in three years. The secret service money expended in
the war time was between 70,0001. and 80,0001., which was
infinitely greater than during the Duke of Wellington's Ad-
ministration. He should like to know how much Don Pedro
had of these large issues. When so much boast was
made about economy, it was right the public should know
in what that economy consisted. He would not detain their
Lordships longer, but, thanking them for their attention, should
at once move that an humble address be presented to his Ma-
jesty, praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to
give directions that there should be laid before that House
copies of all such correspondence and information as had led
to the negotiation and conclusion of the treaty between his
Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain, the King of the French,
and the Duke of Braganza, Regent of Portugal, signed at
London on the 22d of April, 1834.
Viscount MELBOURNE gave the Noble Marquis full
credit for the interest which he took in the honour and welfare
of this country ; and he certainly gave him credit that he bad
brought his motion forward without any concert, combination,
or understanding with any other Member of that House. The
Noble Marquis had taken the opportunity of paying a high and
deserved compliment to the Noble Duke ( Wellington) ; but
did it not strike him that when the Noble Duke who had at
least an equal attachment to the honour and interests
of_the empire, had a better knowledge of the subject,
and greater weight in their Lordships' House, did not
feel it necessary to bring forward such a motion,—did it
not, he repeated, strike the Noble Marquis that his
motion might, by possibility, especially under present circum-
stances, be neither wise, timely, nor discreet ?—( Hear. )
The Noble Marquis had divided his speech into several parts.
He had made a long rambling statement as to the general af-
fairs of Europe, and had concluded with the quadrupartite
treaty. But really the speech was so desultory, the various
subjects were treated in so superficial a manner, tam negli-
genter, that he appealed to their Lordships whether it was fair
or decent to enter, on such a challenge, into a detailed expo-
sition of our relations with the various countries enumerated.
The Noble Marquis had asked whether Belgium was settled ?
why France kept Algiers ?..--whether there was any probabi-
lity that a Minister would be appointed by the Court of Rus•
sia ?—all which he thought the Noble Marquis could answer,
and knew he could answer, just as well as himself. The No-
ble Marquis had spoken with much vehemence on our relations
with France. The Noble Marquis was for the freest intimacy,
but yet denounced any unfair preference. In this he would
entirely agree with the Noble Marquis, though, perhaps, he did
not express himself with so much warmth. He did not feel
himself under any necessity to follow the Noble Marquis
through his strictures on the Government of France, which
did not appear to have gained much favour in his eyes. He
did not feel himself called upon to follow the Noble' Marquis
through the observations which he had entered into with regard
to the preceding Government of this country, nor, indeed,
througb all the observations which the Noble Marquis had
made. The Noble Marquis had asked whether Portugal was
now in a settled state, and had referred to letters which he
stated had been received from that country, to show that it was
in a worse and more unsettled state than it had been during the
time it was engaged in a civil war. He (Lord Melbourne)
trusted that it soon would be in a settled state., He knew
it was progressing to that state ; but it was very hard to expect
that a country which had so lately been in a state of civil war
should at once settle down into tranquillity. The Noble Mar-
quis complained of this country having permitted the violation
of the Portuguese territory by Spain, but by our non-interfe-
rence at that period we adhered to the main ground of the
treaty. The claimant of the throne of Spain had entered into
the Portuguese territories, where he found supporters of that
claim. His claim to the throne was denied by the government
of Spain, and if ever a. nation had a right to enter into the
territories of another country, Spain, under these eireunistances,
possessed that right. Was it not, then, the duty of Great Bri.

tain, matters standing thus, to take care that any intervention
to which she may be driven under the treaty, should be only
to the extent necessary for carrying the treaty into effect ?
The Noble Marquis had asked if he (Lord. Melbourne) consi-
dered Don Carlos the rightful claimant of the throne ? It was
not for him to enter upon, or undertake to decide, so delicate
a question, the more especially as it was one which had already
been decided on by the Cortes and people of Spain.—( Hear,
hear.) Nor was he called upon to discuss the principle of the
salique law. It was sufficient that the question was settled by
those most interested, and that the Queen of Spain was ac-
knowledged by the authorities of that country. With reference
to what had been said of the law of succession, and the allusion
to the speech of Queen Anne, he confessed he did not under-
stand the drift of the argument, though he attended to it
closely, nor did he perceive how the extract which had been
read was connected with the present discussion. Neither did
he see the force of the arguments upon which the Noble Mar-
quis founded his dread of the union of the crowns of France
and Spain. He did not feel himself called upon to accede to
the motion of the Noble Marquis for the production of these
papers, nor was he now prepared to enter upon the subject of
the secret service money, upon which the Noble Marquis had
been misinformed ; for though ,the accounts were not imme-
diately at hand, he was satisfied that there was a great dimi-
nution in the amount.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY here handed some
papers across the table, which .
Lord MELBOURNE said he would be happy to consider
hereafter. The motion of the Noble Marquis was an extremely
large one, but papers could be produced which would fully bear
out all that the Government alleged with regard to the treaty.
In the sort of communications sought for, there was always
matter involving the feelings of other powers, which it would
not be pleasant to produce, and it would, be also difficult to
furnish extracts, as their meaning would be destroyed for want
of the context. He did not refuse to produce the documents ;
but in his opinion the Noble Marquis had not made out a case,
or shown any reason for their production. The treaty did not
stand on correspondence or negociations. It was based upon
the circumstance by which it was rendered necessary, and by
those circumstances was it also justified.—( Hcar, hear.) -If
the treaty were deficient in clearness--if it were found based
on a wrong principle—if it had failed of its effect--then, in-
deed, there might be grounds upon which to call for these do-
cuments ' • but the treaty was clear beyond example ; its prin-
ciple had been well maintained ; and, above all other treaties
which had been entered into, it had proved most splendidly
effective.—( Cheers.) On these grounds he felt himself
warranted in saying not content to the motion of the Noble
Marquis.

The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the present intro-
duction of the question an untimely one, as it was a subject
which the public did not now consider important, being just
now more anxious in matters relating to internal government.
The anxiety with regard to the situation of this country, and
of Ireland, had in a great degree deprived of its interest a
subject which, some years since, would have attracted atten-
tion. He should possibly not at all have addressed their Lord-
ships, had it not been for the concluding words of the. Noble
Viscount. In addressing their Lordships, he would omit all
the topics, however interesting, to which his Noble Friend
(Londonderry) had referred, confining himself to the treaty in
reference to which the papers had been moved for, and to
which the Noble Viscount replied. What was the object of
this treaty ? The policy of Great Britain, her most important
policy, should be to keep the two powers of the Peninsula in-
dependent of each other, and to preserve both independent of
France. The object of this treaty appeared to be to render
Spain and Portugal dependent on each other, and both de-
pendent on France--( Hear, hear, hear)—to effect a conse-
quence the most contrary of any other to that which it should
be the sound policy of this country to aim at. In fact, its ten-
dency and effect was to introduce foreign armies into Spain
and Portugal for the purpose of interfering with the internal
government of both—not a casual or temporary, but a per-
fect system of, interference with the internal affairs of
these two countries.—( Hear, hear.) Non-interference had
ever been one of the great principles of the British Govern-
ment. It had been acted on in the disputes between Brazil
and Portugal. It was an acknowledged principle of the
British Government, and one than which no other had been
more clearly laid down. Yet, in defiance of this principle,
Great Britain interfered in 'the internal affairs of Portugal,
and was aided in that interference by two allies, notwithstand-
ing her declared resolution to the contrary. The Noble Lord
opposite stated that the treaty was made to prevent the en-
trance of Don Carlos into Portugal, but by a reference to the
dates, it would be seen that he was, in Portugal six months
before the treaty was signed. The preamble of the treaty
contained a large number of the considerations for which it
was made, and embraced an extraordinary number of objects,
and the principal object of both powers appeared to be to
settle the government of Spain and Portugal. He had listened
attentively to the speech of the Noble Viscount, which, as he
understood it, went to show that the object of the treaty was
the expulsion of Don Carlos from Portugal ; but notwith-
standing that this was stated, the treaty went beyond this ex-
pulsion. The Noble Duke here entered into a history of the
treaty, to show that in consequence of the ratification returned
by the Regent of Portugal having omitted the preamble, and
the treaty having been sent back again, being previously rati-
fied here, his Majesty was bound by it one month before it
became binding on Don Pedro. He contended that the proper
course would have been to ask for a month, and then to ex-
change the ratifications in London. It was not by any means
desirable that France and England should enter into treaties for
the purpose of regulating the internal affairs of those coun-
tries. It gave uneasiness to other Powers of Europe, who were
our ancient Allies, who should not be rendered thus dissatis-
fied.—( Cheers.) The consequence was, that the European
Powers not only withheld their diplomatic agents from those
countries, but the same jealousy was also extending itself here.
—( Cheers.) This country was daily losing the great influ-
ence of its former position, and the power of giving that advice
which had so much weight hitherto in maintaining the peace
of Europe. On that ground, also, he objected to this treaty,
which he would be sorry to see carried into execution, as he
feared it would have the effect of disturbing the peace of Europe.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would not follow the
Noble Mover through his review of Europe, but rather confine
himself to the view of the question taken by the Noble Duke.
The Noble Duke had attributed to this treaty an object the
very reverse of that entertained by those who had concluded
it—quite different from its own construction, and not borne
out by the events which had preceded it. What better prin-
ciple could be laid down than that upon which it was founded,
namely—to avoid, as much as possible, all interference, and
when that interference was unhappily rendered necessary, to
confine themselves as closely as they could to the specific ob-
ject-for which the treaty was entered into. Such was the prin-
ciple, and it had been acted upon systematically, carefully, and
consistently. The Noble Duke seemed to say that the ob-
ject of this treaty was to have Portugal invaded by Spain
but it should be remembered that the person alluded to
was in Portugal at the time, and was likely to prodtice
that state of things which the Noble Duke appeared to
dread, namely—the destruction of the independence of the
two kingdoms, which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) was
as much opposed to as the Noble Duke.--( Hear, hear.)
When the person claiming to be King of Spain entered into
Portugal, and united with a person, by some said to be enti-
tled to the throne of Portugal, and by others called an usurper,
could an objection be made because the lawful Government
of Spain interfered to avert the awful portent which hung over
it, and was threatened by such a conjunction.—( Hear, hear. )
Had not Spain a right to act thus, under such circumstances ?
The Noble Duke had referred to dates. His (Lord L.'s) an-
swer would also look to dates ; and by these it would appear
that the object of the treaty was effected, though the treaty
itself had been described as useless. It was finally concluded
on the 24th of May, and on the 26th, Don Miguel surren-
dered Santarem.--( Hear, hear. )' Whatever difference of
opinion might exist as to the utility of the treaty, that was its
consequence. With regard to the informality alluded to by
the Noble Duke, he was ready to admit it ; but he could
state on authority, that it was purely accidental, and that the
omission of the preamble did not arise, on the part of Portugal,
from any disinclination to be a party to the treaty. The
Noble Duke appeared to attach blame to the Noble Secretary
for Foreign Affairs for committing this Government to what
may have been the niala fides of another state ; but the
charge did not lie, for the persons here authorised by
that State had pledged themselves to the fulfilment of
the treaty. In answer to the Noble Duke who, ad-
verting to the state of Europe, said that we wern nn
longer in a position to maintain the peace of Europe, he would
only say, " It is maintained."—(Loud cheers.) All the pro-
phecies upon this subject which had been ventured within the
last four years were falsified. The Noble Marquis had alluded
to France, and it was difficult to say whether, in the allusion,
he satirised or complimented the Government of this country;
but it should be remembered that we never interfered in the
internal Government of either Charles or Philippe. It would
be well at the same time to remind the Noble Marquis, who
saw no difference between them, that one carried on his Go-
vernment in violation of the law, without the sanction of the
Chambers, and in opposition to the Constitution, whilst the
other acted on the existing ordinances, with the sanction of the
law, in concurrence with the Chambers, and agreeably to the
Constitution.-_( Cheers. )
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in reply said, that
since our connection with France, we had always played a se-
condary part to that country.
The question being then put,was negatived without a division.
Mr. BERNAL and others, Members of the House of Com-
mons, brought up the Norfolk' Island Bill, the House of Com-
mons' Officers Bill, the Militia Bill, and some private Bills.
LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK.
The Marquis of BUTE, considering the advanced period of
the Session, was anxious to know from the Noble Viscount,
with reference to his bringing forward the London and West-
minster Bank Bill, whether it was now open to their Lord-
ships to consider that Bill -on the construction of the charter
of the Bank of 'England and other Acts of Parliament?
Viscount MELBOURNE said that the question was, no
doubt, open to their Lordships ; but he certainly considered
the Bill inconsistent with the rights and privileges of the
Bank of England, and whenever the measure might be brought
forward he should feel himself bound to oppose it.
The Marquis of BUTE wished to know if he was to under-
stand that the Noble Viscount would oppose the Bill simply
because he considered it inconsistent with the privileges of the
Bank of England under the existing charter, and on no other
grounds?
Viscount MELBOURNE.—Yes, certainly.
Lord BERE SFORD presented a petition from Armagh,
in favour of the Established Church.

Their Lordships adjourned at half-past Eight o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, August 5.
The SPEAKER resumed the chair et twenty-five minutes
past five. -
A -meosegG from the Lords announced that their Lordships