The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING,, MAY 1, 1856.

any prejudice as regards territory being sustained by
either Party.
" For this purpose a Mixed Commission, composed of
two Russian Commissioners, two Ottoman Commission-
ers, one English Commissioner, and one French Com-
missioner, shall be sent to the spot immediately after the
re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the
Court of Russia and the Sublime Porte. Its labours
shall be completed within the period of eight months
after the exchange of the ratifications of the present
Treaty.
The first Plenipotentiary of France says that he arrives
at the Article stipulating for the evacuation of the Otto-
man territory by the armies of the allied Powers. He
remarks that the previous Conventions concluded with
the Porte fix, on this subject, periods which, by reason
of the development assumed by the war, have become
physically insufficient for the evacuation of the troops
and material collected at this time in the Crimea. He
adds that the evacuation will commence immediately
after the conclasion of peace, and that the intention of
France, as well as of all her allies, is to recall her army
within the shortest possible period, but that this opera-
tion will require not less than six months ; that the
allies of the Porte find themselves, consequently, unable,
however great their desire to conform to them, to fulfil,
within the stipulated period, the engagement which
they have taken on this point, and that it is, accordingly,
necessary to come to some understanding.
In consequence of these observations, the Congress
decides that it will meet, immediately after the conclu-
sion of peace, in order to come to an agreement upon
the arrangements to be adopted in order to fix the pe-
riods within which the evacuation shall be accomplished.
The adoption of the last Articles of the General Treaty
is deferred to the next meeting.
The draft of .Convention to be concluded between
Russia and Turkey, and which is annexed to Protocol
No. 10, having been revised, is agreed to, and finally
settled as it is annexed to the present Protocol.
(The signatures follow.)
ANNEX 2 TO PROTOCOL No. 16.
CONVENTION RESPECTING THE STRAITS.
In the Name of Almighty God.

Their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor
of the French, the Queen of the -United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, the King of Prussia, the Em-
peror of all the Russias, signing parties to the Conven-
tion of the 13th day of July, 1841 ; and his Majesty the
King of Sardinia ; wishing to record in common their
unanimous determination to conform to the ancient rule
of the Ottoman Empire, according to which the Straits
of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus are closed to
foreign ships of war so long as the Porte is at peace :
Their said Majesties, on the one part, and his Majesty
the Sultan, on the other, have resolved to renew the
Convention, concluded at London on the 13th day of
July, 1841, with the exception of some modifications of
detail which do not affect the principle upon which it
rests. _ _

In consequence their said Majesties have named for
he purpose their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say, &c.

ARTICLE 1.

His Majesty the Sultan, on the one part, declares that
ho is firmly resolved to maintain for the future the prin-
ciple invariably established as the ancient rule of
his Empire, and in virtue of which it has, at all tithes,
been prohibited f r the ships of war of foreign Powers to
Inter the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus ;
and that, so long as the Porte is at peace, his Majesty
will admit no foreign ship of war into the said Straits.
And their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the Em-
peror of the French, the Queen of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, the King of Pru-sia, the
Emperor of all the Russias, and the King of Sardinia, on
the other part, engage to respect this determination of
the Su!tan, and to conform themselves to the principle
above declared.

most complete approbation of the Sovereigns whom the
Plenipotentiaries have the honour to represent.
The Congress adopts with eager unanimity the propo-
sition of the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain.
Count Walewski thanks the first Plenipotentiary of
Great Britain for the proposition which he has just made,
and does not hesitate to give the assurance that the Em-
peror, his august Sovereign, will be very sensible of the
step suggested by Lord Clarendon, and not less grateful
for the sentiments which have, dictated it than for the
unanimous eagerness with which it has been adopted.
The present Protocol is read and approved.
(The signatures follow.)

responding declaration which they made in the sitting of
the 4th of April, and all the other Plenipotentiaries having
expressed a favourable opinion, the Congress determines
that all the measures, without distinction, adopted at the
commencement or on the prospect of war, and having for
their object to suspend commerce and navigation with the
enemy, shall be abrogated, and that in all that concernseither
commercial transactions, without excepting from them con-
traband of war, or the despatch of merchandise, and the
treatment of merchant-vessels, matters are everywhere re-
placed from this date on the footing on which they were
before they were before the war.
The Plenipotentiaries of Russia announce that have re-
ceived ordersito declare, in reply to the request which had
been made to them on the subject, that the port of Sebas-
topol will be opened to the vessels of the allied Powers, iu
order to accelerate the embarkation of their trcops and of
their material.

They add, that the instructions which have reached them
allow them to give the assurance that the evacuation of the
Ottoman territory in Asia by the Russian army will com-
mence immediately after the exchange of the ratifications;
that as soon as the season and the state of the roads shall
admit of it, the transport of the magazines and of the ma-
terial of war be proceeded with ; and that the general
movements of the Russian army will be effected simultan-
eously with that of the allies, and will be concluded at the
same time and within the periods fixed for the evacuation
of the other territories.

In the name of the Commission charged with the pre-
paration thereof, Baron Bourqueney reads a draft of instruc-
tions intended for the Commisioners who will have to pro-
ceed to the Principalities, according to the terms of Article
XXIII of the Treaty of Peace.
The Earl of. Clarendon remarks that the Congress, in
taking up the question of the Danubian Principalities,
proposed to itself as a primary object to elicit the expres-
sion, freely uttered, of the wishes of the people, and that
this object might possibly not be realized if the Hospodars
remained in possession of the powers now at their command,
and it might possibly be proper to devise some arrange-
ment calculated to ensure complete freedom to the Divans
ad hoc.

The first Plenipotentiary of Austria replies that the ad-
ministration should not be meddled with at a period of tran-
sition such as that through which the Principalities are
about to pass, unless with extreme caution, and that it
would tend to compromise everything if an end were put
to all existing powers before fresh ones had been consti-
tuted; that in any case the Congress should leave to the
Porte the care of adopting the measures which might be
deemed necessary.
Aali Pasha states that possibly the existing administra-
tion does not offer all the guarantees which the Congress
might desire ; but that there would bo danger of anarchy
if any attempt were made to deviate from the legal order.
Lord Clarendon represents that ho by no moans intends
to propose the subversion of the whole of the powers, and,
with other Plenipotentiaries, he remarks that the autho-
rity of the present Hospodars is approaching the term fixed
by the arrangement which entrusted it to thorn, and that
in order to keep within the bonntls of legal order this is
precisely the moment for deliberation.
Several Plenipotentiaries likewise remark that the
Organic Law anticipates the interruption of the power of
the Hospodars.
After these explanations the Congress decides that it
leaves to the Sublime Porte to adopt, if occasion arises, on
the expiration of the powers of the present Hospodars, the
melsures which may be necessary and pioper for fulfilling
the intentions of the Congress, by combining the free ex-
pressicn of the wishes of the Divans with the maintenance
of order and respect for the legal state of things.
On the proposal of the first Plenipotentiaries of Great
Britain and of Franco, and in order to prevent any conflict
or discussions which might give occasion for regret, it is
likewise agreed that the finnan which is to decree the con-
vocation of the Divans ad hoc, shall fix the rules to be ob-
served in tegard. to the presidency over those assemblies,
and the mode of their deliberations.

After having taken these resolutions the Congress adopts,
subject to some modifications which are inserted iu them,
the instructions of which M. le Baron Bourqueney pre-
sented the project, and which aro annexed to the present
Protocol.

Count Walewski says that is desirable that the Plenipo-
tia ries, before they separate, should interchange their ideas
on different subjects which require to be settled, and which
it might be advantageous to take up in older to prevent
fresh complications. Although specially assembled for set-
tling the Ea:.tern question, the Congress, according to the
first Plenipotentiary of France, might reproach itself for
not having taken advantage of the circumstance which
brings together the Representatives of tho principal Powers
of Europe, to clear up certain questions, to lay down cer-
tain principles, to express intentions, in fine to make certai❑
declarations, always and solely with the view of ensuring
the future tranquility of the world, by dispelling the
clouds which aro still seen looming in the political horizon
before they become menacing.
It cannot be denied, he says, that Greece is in an abnor-
mal state. The anarchy to which that country was a prey
has compelled France and England to semi troops to the
Piraeus at a time when their armies, nevertheless, did
not want occupation. The Congress knows iu what state
Greece was; neither is it ignorant that that in which it
now is, is far from being satisfactory. Would it not there-
fore be advantageous that the Powers represented in the
Congress should manifest the wish to see the three protect-
ing Courts take into serious consideration the deplorable
situation of the kingdom which they have created, and de-
vise means to make provision for it?
Count Walewski does not doubt that the Earl of Clarendon
will join with him in declaring that the two Governments
await with impatience the time when they shall bo at
liberty to terminate an occupation to which nevertheless
they are unable without the most serious inconvenience to
put an end, so long as real modifications shall not be in-
troduced into the state of things in Greece.
The first Plenipotentiary of France then observes that
the Pontifical States are equally in an abnormal state;
that the necessity for not leaving the country to
anarchy had decided France as well as Austria to
comply with the demand of the Holy See by causing Rome
to be occupied by her troops, while the Austrian troops
occupied the Legations.

II; states that Franca had a twofold motive for complying
without hesitation with the demand of the Holy See, as a
Catholic Power and as an European Power. The title of
eldest son of the Church, which is the boast of the Sove-
reign of France, makes it a duty for the Emperor to afford
aid and support to the Sovereign Pontiff; the tranquillity
of the Roman States and that of the whole of Italy affects
too closely the maintenance of social order in Europe for
France not to have an overbearing interest in securing it by
all the means in her power. But, on the other hand, it is
impossible to overlook the abnormal condition of a Power
which, in order to maintain itself, requires to be supported
by foreign troops.
Count Walewski does not hesitate to declare and he
trusts that Count Buol will join in the declaration, that
not only is France ready to withdraw her troops, but that
she earnestly desires to recall them so soon as that can be
done without inconvenience as regards the internal tran-
quility of the country and the authority of the Pontifical
Government, in the prosperity of which the Emperor, his
august Sovereign, takes the most lively interest.
The first Plenipotentiary of France represents hew desir-
able it is for the balance of power in Europe that the Ro-
man Government should be consolidated in sufficient
strength for the French and Austrian troops to be able,
I without inconvenience, to evacuate the Pontificial States,
and he considers that a wish expressed in this sense rsight
not be without advantage. In any case he does not doubt
that the assurances which might be given by France and
Austria as to their real intentions in this respect would
have a salutary influence.
Following up the same order of ideas, Count Walewski
asks himself if it is not to be desired thst certain Govern-
ments of the Italian Peninsula, by well-devised acts of
clemency, and by rallying to themselves minds gone astray
and not perverted, should put an end to a system which is
directly opposed to its object, and which, instead of reach-
ing the enemies of public order, has the effect of weaken-
ing the Governments, and of furnishing partizans to popu-
lar faction. In his opinion it would render a signal service
to the Government of the Two Sicilies, as well as to the
cause of order in the Italian Peninsula, to enlighten that
Government as to the false course in which it is engaged.
He is of opinion that warnings conceived in this sense, and
proceeding from the Powers represented in the Congress,
would bo the better received by the Neapolitan Govern-
ment, as that Government could not doubt the motives
which dictated them.
The first Plenipotentiary of France then says that he
must call the attention of the Congress to a subject which,
although more particularly affecting France, is not the less
of graa t interest for all the Powers of Europe. He con-
siders it superfluous to state that there are every day
printed in Belgium publications the most insulting,
the most hostile against France and her Government •
that revolt and assassination are openly advocated'
in them ; he remarks that quite recently Belgian news-
papers have ventured to extol the society called "La
Marianne," the tendencies and object of which are
known ; ithat all these publications are so many imple-
ments of war war directed against the repose and tran-
quility of France by the enemies of social order, who, rely-
ing on the impunity which they find under the shelter of
the Belgian legislation, retain the hopo of eventually
realising their culpable designs.
Count Walewski declares that the intention and sole de-
sire of the Government of the Empire is to maintain the
best relations with Belgium • he readily adds that France
has reason to bo satisfied with the Belgian Government,
and with its efforts to mitigate a state of things which it is
unable to alter, its legislation not allowing it either to re-
strain the excesses of the press, or to take the initiative in
a reform which has become absolutely indispensable. We
should regret, he says. to be obliged ourselves to make Bel-
gium comprehend the strict necessity for modifying a legis-
lation which does not allow its Government to fulfil the
first of international duties—that of not assailing, or
allowing to be assailed, the internal tranquillity of the
neighbouring States. Representations addressed by the
stronger to the less strong have too much the appearance of
menace, and that is what we desire to avoid. But if the
Representatives of the Great Powers of Europe, viewing in
the same light with ourselves this necessity, should find it
useful to express their opinion in this respect, it is more
than probable that the Belgian Government, relying upon
all reasonable persons in Belgium, would be able to put an
end to a state of things which cannot fail sooner or later to
give rise to difficulties, and even real dangers, which it is
the interest of Belgium to avert beforehand.
Count Walewski proposes to the Congress to conclude its
work by a declaration which would constitute a remarkable
advance in international law, and which would be received
by the whole world with a sentiment of lively gratitude.
The Congress of Westphalia, be adds, sanctioned liberty
of conscience ; the Congress of Vienna the abolition of the
Slave Trade and the freedom of the navigation of rivers.
It would be truly worthy of the Congress of Paris to lay
down the basis of an uniform maritime law in time of war
as regards neutrals. The four following principles would
completely effect that object:-
1. The abolition of privateering ;
2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods except contra-
band of war ;
Neutral goods, except contraband of war, are not liable
to capture even under enemy's flag ;
4. Blockades are not binding except in so far as they are
effective.

This would indeed be a glorious result, to which none of
us could be indifferent.
The Earl of Clarendon sharing the opinions expressed by
Count IValewski, declares that, like France, England pro-
poses to recall the troops which she was obliged to send to
Greece so soon as she shall be able to do so without incon-
venience to the public tranquillity ; but that it is neces-
sary, in the first instance, to provide solid guarantees for
the maintenance of a satisfactory state of things. Accord-
ing to him the Protecting Powers may agree among them-
selves upon the remedy which it is indispensable to apply
to a system injurious to the country, and which has alto.
Bother departed from the object which they had proposed
to themselves, when establishing there an independent mo-
narchy, for the well-being and the prosperity of the Greek
people.
The first Plenipotentiary of Groat Britain remarks that
the Treaty of March 30 opens a new era ; that as the Em.
peror had said to the Congress on receiving it after the sig-
nature of the Treaty, this era is that of peace; but

der to be consistent, nothing should be omitted to render
that peace solid and lasting; that representing the principal
Powers of Europe, the Congress would fad in its duty if,
on separating, it sanctioned by its silence a state of things
which is injurious to the political equilibrium, and which
is far from securing peace from all danger in one of the
most interesting countries of Europe.
We have just provided, continues the Earl of Clarendon,
for the evacuation of the different territories occupied by
foreign armies during the war ; we have just taken the so-
lemn engagement to effect the evacuation within the
shortest period ; how would it be possible for us not seri-
ously to advert to occupations which took place bofore the
war, and to abstain from devising meansfor putting an end
to them ?

The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain does not con-
sider it of any use to inquire as to the causes which have
brought in foreign armies upon various points of Italy,
but he considers that even admitting that those causes
were legitimate, it is not the less true, he says, that the re-
sult is an abnormal and irregular state of things, which can
be justified only by extreme necessity, and which should
come to an end as soon as that necessity is no longer impe-
riously felt ; that nevertheless, if endeavours are not made
to put an end to that necessity, it will continue to exist ;
that if we are content to depend upon the armed force in-
stead of seeking to apply a remedy to the just causes of
discontent, it is certain that a system little honourable for
the Governments, and lamentable for the people, will be
perpetuated. He conceives that the administration of the
Roman States presents inconveniences from whence dangers
may arise which the Congress has the right to attempt to
avert ; that to neglect them would be to run the risk of
labouring for the benefit of the revolution which all the Go-
vernments condemn and wish to prevent. The problem
which it is a matter of urgency to solve, consists, he con-
ceives, in combining the retreat of the foreign troops with
the maintenance oetranquillity, and the solution depends
on the organisation of an administration which by reviving
confidence would render the Government independent of
foreign support; that support never succeeding in main-
taining a Government to which the public sentiment is hos•
tile, and there would result from it, in his opinion, a part
which France and Austria would not wish their armies to
perform. For the well-being of the Pontifical States, as also
for the interest of the sovereign authority of the Pope, it
would, therefore, in his opinion, be advantageous to re-
commend the secularisation of the Government, and the
organisation of an administrative system in harmony with
the spirit of the age, and having for its object the happiness
of the people. He admits that this reform might perhaps
offer in Rome itself, at the present moment, certain diffi-
culties, but he thinks that it might easily be accomplished
in the Legations.
The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain observes that
for the last eight years Bologna has been in a state of siege,
and that the rural districts aro harrassod by brigands : it
may be hoped, he thinks, that by establishing in this part
of the Roman States an administrative and judicial sys-
tem, at once secular and distinct, and that by organising
there a national armed force, security and confidence wculd
rapidly be restored, and the Austrian troops might shortly
Withdraw without having to apprehend the return of fresh
troubles ; it is at least an experiment which, in his opi-
nion, ought to be attempted, and this remedy proposed for
indisputable evils ought to be submitted by the Congress to
the serious consideration of the Pope.
As regards the Neapolitan Government, the first Pleni-
potentiary of Great Britain is desirous of imitating the ex-
ample given him by Count Walewski by passing over in
silence acts which have obtained such grievous notoriety.
He is of opinion that it must doubtless be admitted in prin-
ciple that no Government has the right to interfere in the
internal affairs of other States, but he considers there are
cases in which the exception to this rule becomes equally a
right and a duty. The Neapolitan Government seems to
him to have conferred this right, and to have imposed this
duty upon Europe ; and as the Governments represented in
the Congress are all equally desirous to support the mo-
narchical principle and to repel revolution, it is a duty to
lift' up the voice against a system which keeps up revolu-
tionary ferment among the masses instead of seeking to
moderate it. "We do not wish," he says, " that peace
should be disturbed, and there is no peace without justice,
we ought then to make known t 3 the Kim, of Naples the
wish of the Congress for the amelioration of his system of
Government—a wish which cannot remain without effect
—and require of him an amnesty in favour of the persons
who have been condemned or who are imprisoned without
trial for political offences,"
As regards the observations offered by Count Walewski
on the excesses of the Belgian press, and the dangers which
result therefrom for the adjoining countries, the Plenipo-
tentiaries of England admit their importance ; but, as the
representatives of a country in which a free and indepen-
dent preis is, so to say, one of the fundamental institutions,
they cannot associate themtelvos to measures of coercion

against the press of another State. The first Plenipoten-
tiary of Groat Britain, while deploring the violence in
which certain organs of the Belgian press indulge, does
not hesitate to declare that the authors of the execrable
doctrines to which Count Walewski alludes, the men who
preach assassination as the means of attaining a political
object, are undeserving of the protection which guarantees
to the press its liberty and its independence.
In concluding, the Earl of Clarendon observes that, like
France, England at the commencement of the war sought
by every means to mitigate its effects, and that with this
view she renounced, for the' benefit of neutrals during
the struggle which has now come to an end, principles
which up to that time she hod invariably maintained.
He adds, that England is disposed to renounce them
definitely, provided that privateering is equally abolished
for ever; that privateering is nothing else than an organised
and legal piracy, and that privateers are one of the greatest
scourges of war, and our condition of civilization and hu-
manity requires that an end should be put to a system
which is no longer suitable to the present day. If the
whole of the Congress were to adopt the proposition of
Count Walewski, it should be well understood that it would
only be binding in regard to the Powers who may accede
to it, and that it could not be appealed to by Governments
who may refuse their acceptance.
Count Orloff observes that the powers with which he is
furnished having for their sole object the restoration of
peace, he does not consider himself authorized to take part
in a discussion which his instructions had not provided for
Count Buol congratulates himself on seeing the Govern-.
ments of France and England disposed to put an end,
as speedily as possible, to the occupation of Greece. Aus-
tria, he gives the assurance, wishes moat sincerely for the
prosperity of that kingdom, and is equally desirous with
Erance that all the States of Europe should enjoy, under
the protection of public law, their political independence
and complete prosperity. He does not doubt that one of
the essential conditions of so desirable a state of things
exists in the wisdom of a legislation so combined as to
prevent or repress the excesses of the press which Count
Walewski, with so much reason, has blamed, when speak-
ing of a neighbouring State, and the repression of which
must be considered as an European necessity He hopes
that in all the States of the Continent where the press pre-
sents the same dangers, the Governments will be able to
find in their legislation the means of restraining it within
proper limits, and that they will thus be enabled to secure
peace against fresh international complications.
As regards the principles of maritime law which the
first Plenipotentiary of France has proposed for adoption,
Count Buol declares that he appreciates their spit it and
bearing, but that not being authorised by his instructions
to express an opinion upon a matter of such importance. he
must for the time confine himself to announcing to the Con-
gress that he is prepared to request the orders of his Sove-
reign.
But here, ho says, his task must end. It would be im-
possible indeed to discuss the internal situation of inde-
pendent States which are not represented at the Congress.
The Plenipotentiaries have received no other commission
than to apply themselves to the affairs of the Levant, and
they have not been convened for the purpose of making
known to independent Sovereigns wishes in regard to the
internal organisation of their State= ; the full powers de
posited among the acts of the Congress prove this. The
instructions of the Austrian Plenipotentiaries, at all events,
having defined the object of the mission which has been
intrusted to them, they would not be at liberty to take part
in a discussion which those instructions have not antici-
pated.
For the same reasons, Count Buol conceives that he must
abstain from entering into the order of ideas adverted to by
the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, and from giving
explanations upon the duration of the occupation of the
Roman ,States hy the Austrian troops, although adhering
entirely and completely to the words uttered by the first
Plenipotentiary of France on this subject.
Count Walewski observes that there is no question either
of adopting definitive resolutions or of entering into en-
gagements, still less of interfering directly with the inter-
nal affairs of Governments represented or not represented
at the Congress, but merely of consolidating, of completing
the work of peace, by taking into serious consideration
beforehand the fresh complications which might arise,
either from the indefinite and unjustifiable prolongation of
certain foreign occupations, or from an unseasonable and
impolitic system of severity, or from a turbulent licentious-
ness at variance with international duties.
Baron Hubner replies that the Plenipotentiaries of Aus
tria are not authorised either to give an assurance or to
express wishes • the reduction of the Austrian army in the
Legations sufficiently shows, in his opinion, that the Im-
perial Cabinet intends to withdraw its troops as soon as
such a measure shall be considered opportune.
Baron Manteuffel declares that he knows enough of the
intentions of the King, his augast Master, not to hesitate
to express his opinion on the questions on which the Con-
gress is engaged, although he has no instructions on the
subject.

The maritime principles, says the first Plenipotentiary
of Prussia, which the Congress is invited to adopt have
always been professed by Prussia, who has constantly ex•
orted herself to obtain their recognition ; and he considers
himself authorised to take part iu the signature of any Act
having forits object their definitive admission into the pub-
lic law of Europe. He expresses his conviction that Lis
Sovereign would not withhold his approval from the agree-
ment which might be established in this sense among the
Plenipotentiaries.
Baron Manteuffel by no means overlooks the great im-
portance of the other questions which have been discussed,
bat he observes that an affair of the utmost interest for his
Court and for Europe has been passed over in silence ; ho
refers to the present situation of Neufchatel. He remarks
that this Principality is, perhaps, the only point in Europe
where, in contradiction to Treaties and to what has been
formally recognised by all the great Powers, a revolution-
ary power which disregards the rights of the sovereign,
holds sway. Baron Manteuffel demands that this question
should be included in the number of those to be inquired
into. He adds that the King, his Sovereign, anxiously
wishes for the prosperity of the Kingdom of Greece, aud
that he ardently desires to witness the disappearance of
the causes which have produced the abnormal state of
things occasioned by the presence of foreign troops ; he
admits, however, that it might be proper to examine into
circumstances calculated to present this matter in its truo
light.
As for the steps which it might be considered advan-
tageous to take, iu what relates to the state of affairs in
the Kingdom of the Two Sicilios, Baron Manteuffel observes
that such steps might present various ineworeeiences. He
says that it might be well to ask one's self whether admo-
nitions such as those which have been proposal, would not
excite in the country a spirit of opposition and revolutionary
movements, instead of answering to the ideas which it had
been contemplated to carry out, certainly with a benevo-
lent intention. lie does not deers it proper to enter upon
an examination of the actual situation of the Pontifical
States. He confines himself to expressing the desire that
it may be possible to place the Government in a condition
which would henceforth render superfluous the occup•ttiou
of foreign troops. Baron Manteuffel concludes by declaring
that the Prnssiala Cabinet fully admits the pei.eicious
in-
fluence exercised by the press, subversive of all regular or-
der, and the dangers which it propogates by preaching
up regicide and revolt ; the adds, hat Prussia would volun-
tarily take part in the inquiry into the measures which
might be be deemed suitable for putting an end to such
practices. •
Count Cavour does not mein to question the right of
each Plenipotentiary not to take part ie the discussion of
a question which is not contemplated by his instructions ;
it is nevertheless, he thinks, of theutmost importance 'that
the opinion manifoted by certai4 Powers, in, regard to the