The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-14 00:00:00

was not less than 60,0001. The smaller burghs nossessid
I a revenue of 8,0001., 2,0001., or 1.500/. Several of
them had considerable tracts of land, and he could mention
a small burgh which had 2,000 acres. There was another,
not a large burgh, which hail 3,000 acres, and tw
fisheries. It might perhaps surprise their Lordships the
some of these buiglis, with that extent of land, could no
boast much revenue—not above 1501. The fact was, tiler
the land was feued out, he did not say by favour, but i
was feued ; and those who held it held it at a perpetu-d
fixed rent, and were possessed of all the Halve of pro.
perty over it. Of the feuars of the 2 000 acres, it did
so happen, and no doubt their Lordships would regard
it as singular, that of the eleven fetters, every one of
them bore the name of some Provost of the Burgh. With
respect to the revenue derived from imposts, it was ma-
naged much in the same way—there was in the disposition
of it that same spirit of favouritism which in other places
was called jobbing. As an illustration of this the Noble
Lord mentioned that in one place a gaol was to be buil ,
for which the deacon of the builders gave in an estimate
which amounted to 600/., and the gaol was to he buil,
three stories high. It was found, however, in the pro-
gresa, that the gaol was not required to be three stories
high—it was built only of one; but as it was lowered the
price was raised, and though it was cut down two-thirds,
the money was raised one-half. Tie worthy deacon re-
ceived 1,000!. for building the gaol of one story.—f A
laugh.) The Noble Lord quoted another case of a man who
offered an estimate which was not accepted because he was
not one of the self-elected body, while they accepted the
offer of one of the body for double the sum. Theme were
but simples of what occurred, and they were the inevitable
results of the system of self-election, which made men
heedless by •setting them above all responsibility and
control. To confirm this, it was only necessary to refer
to the circumstances of the burghs; one of them hail
obtained ae Act of Patliarnent to put its affairs under
trust, and was insolvent. Another had at that moment a
deed of trust :preparing ; and a third was in a state of
bankruptcy. At a meeting of the C inventien of the
nelegates of the Royal Bufghs in 1792, at which 52
delegates were present, a resolution was passed, dec'aring
that it was not possible to obtain any control over the
expenditure as long as the system of self-election contj
nued. A Bill was then brought into Parliament to cor-
rect the vices of self-election, but it did not succeed. The
distaste into which the very name of Reform fell after that
period, in consequence of the French Revolution, extended
itself to Burgh Reform, and it was considered that one was
not likely to be effected till the other was accomplished.
But now that Parliamentary Reform had been carried,
Burgh Reform, which had suffered from the name and
connection, was to be carried into effect—the implied
pledges given to the country on the subject redeemed. The
Nettle and Learned Lied then proceeded to sketch the out-
line of the Bill, which he said was foundel on the 101.
franchise oft' e Reform Bill. Jr was a necessary cons, quence
of the condemnation of the self-elect on %stem that some
other modem election must be adopted; and there was none
so good and convenient as that on which the Reform Bill
was based. The registration had answered all the pur-
poses of the authors of that measure, and would serve as
an edinirable means for taking the poll in burghs. He
had been of opinion that annual elections were too fre-
quent, but he was bound to admit that his opinion had
been changed ; and considering the general—the unani-
mous opinion or the people of Scotland, and that the
election of burgh officers always had been annual, lie had
conic to the conclusion that tory ought to continue to be
annual. It should, however, be observed, that. in order
to preserve identity in the Council, all the officers were
not to be renewed every year. The Bill hail no other ob-
jects in view than to put an end to the self-election ols-
tem, and provide for the proper election of the officers ;
and those who admitted the self-election system to be bait,
could scarcely object to those enactments which were the

- -
nee...as:try consequ nce of that admission. The Council.,
he should obseiv-, would have to choose all the officers as
before, but the Councils themselves would be differently
chosen. The silf.election was admitted to be bad, and
the small chance now proposed was not more than suf.
fici• nt to get rid of that. It hail been objected that these
Bills should not be pressed forward till the result of the
Co• p ration inqu'ry were known ; but it appeared to him
that with reference to Scotch burg hs,there was already am-
ple evidence for them to act upon; so much so that the
Scotch people were in a most anxious state of impatience
for the reform of their frightfully vicious corporations ; in
short, if tare session were allowed to pass over without car-
rying this Biil into law, that people would have good
reason to consider the promises held out to them by a re-
formed Parliament not only as utterly unfulfill.d, but as a
mocker) and insult. At the time of passing the Reform
Bill, he had regretted the reservation of these rights to
freemen, and all he had seen or heard of since then taught
him that hi- regrets were well founded, and he sti I bit-
terly regretten that most unwise reservation. Before
Noble Lords talked of admitting burgesses indiscriminately,
they should recollect that, by the petty nature of the qua-
-1 fication, anybody might become a burgess ; for the quali-
fication necessity for the admission of IJurgesses sometimes
went so low as 16.. Bd., and he had even head of some
burgesses being admitted on the strength of ss. This
was all that was requisite for becoming a Scotch bur-
gess, and thus the declaration that all burgesses slacu,tl
be admitted to the franchise became tantamount
to the admission of all persons indiscriminately
to that franchise. In such places as Edinburgh
and Glasgow, where the burgesses were most highly
respectable wen, it would be found that the major part of
them came into their franchise as 10/. householders. In
Glasgow there were not less than 6,000 or 7,000 bur-
.

gess4 is he were 101. householders ; and thus the burgesses
might consider thetnselees fully represented. Tois being
untleni-ibly the case; the only question was, whether it
was desirable that all burgesses should be indiscrinrn itely
admitted to this most responsible franchise, for many
there weie who were only 41. householders, others 31.,
others 21., and more there were who were not house
holders at all. In one town of Scotland, for instanee,
out of 800 burgesses, there were only 100 who were 101.
householders; and the question then was, whether this
100 were to be over whilmed by the other 700 ? Toe
case applied to all Scotland. In conclusion, this Bill was
as loudly called for by the Scorch as the Reform Bill was
by the whole united nation ; it would give him (Lord B.)
and them the most heartfelt satisfaction if their Lordships
would suffer it to pass ; and it would cause in him and
in them most untningled sorrow and bitter disappointmi-nt
if their Lordships should frustrate an object of such ardent
and general desire.

Lord ROS LYN said that all parties were agred as
to the necessity of putting an end to the principle of sell
election, and the abuses which had been so ably and ela-
boratily exposed by the Noble and L-arned Lord. The

question was as to the means of carrying so desirable an
object into eff ct. And here he must observe how very
different the course pursued towards the Sc itch burghs
was to that adopted with reference to English corpora-
tions. In the former, legislation was matde to precede
inquiry, while in the latter, most properly, inquiry pre
ceded legislation, although the Cox►mit.ees appointed by
the other House had recommended the sane plan to be
adopted with regard to both, Timely, that cautious in-
quiry should fist lie midc, in order to enahe Pailiarnen,
to legislate justly and successfully. The N.•bte E,rl ther,
proceeded to observe, that ►n 19 of the Scotch burghs, hi
hick the present system of election was to be done away
with rot the suostitution of a new constituency—in thew
19 burghs the number of the new constituency would b.
less than that of the Councils to be destroyed. Then the)
proposed to restore the ancient free constitution—to whom
then ought this ancient tree constitution to be restored ?
Surely not to the 101. houselit hlers, for this class ha.
nothing to do with this ancient tree constitution, not
icing ►n existence at tie time. No, this ancient free con-
stituton, if restored at ought to be retuned to thos,
who had it before—nain ly, the burgesses—sod to non.
but the burgesses. It was the only constitution that lit
had ever heard of, ,stahlishett, and even professedly est;
blisheil fir a year ; nay, tor less! A greater mockery ha•.
never oceurred in letzisl thin.

The Earl of HADDINGTON felt it impossible to al
low the
to the select
the?ueistii ui
iii ie put, without addressing a trw to
sseinltly (there were ab,ut 16 or It.
Peeta present) m-t to decide tins important question.
and without protesting, in the strongest manner, agains,
that most dangerous in a•ture not submitted to their Lori:.
ships' consideration. With respect to the system of se f
election in the Scotch hurt he did not believe that eiri
man stood up for it. Toe Bill before their Loidshipsgav,
the elective franchise to 101 householders; but these Welt
persons who might have no property hatever; and
utterly denied, therefore, that the stweinent in the preant.
hle—namely, that the Bill was to restore the ancient
Constitution...was well founded ; for by that Constitution