The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-16 00:00:00

[ SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We see some of our contemporaries carping
at the appointment of Lord Auckland to the
Auditorship of the Exchequer
.vacant by the
death of Lord Grenville. There may be rea-
sons for disappointment being felt at this nomi-
nation, by some parties, who, as we have heard,
entertained views of a very different character, and
such as the country would certainly not have
sanctioned ; but, in our opinion, the Govern-
ment has most wisely defeated these wishes, and
by the appointment they have made, consulted
at once the security of the public and the dictates
of economy. The principal duties of Auditor
of the Exchequer were discharged by Lord
Grenville by deputy, under a special Act of
Parliament passed for that purpose ; but at his
death the power of appointing a deputy ceases,
and the responsible duties of Auditor must be
performed in person—duties which cannot re-
main undischarged for a single day. By a
Report, however, of the Commission on Public
Accounts, made in 1832, the whole establish-
ment of the Exchequer, with all its dog Latin
and antiquated forms—with its numerous officers
and their salaries, amounting to between 40 and
50,0001. a year—is recommended for abolition,
and in its place the substitution of a simple
office, at a public expense of not more than
5,0001. But to effect this an Act of Parlia-
ment is necessary, which, we understand, was
prepared at the end of last Session, and will be,
of course, submitted at the opening of the next.
As a part of this new establishment, the Audi-
tor (or Comptroller, as he is called, we believe)
is charged with the most responsible duties, and
his salary is recommended to be fixed at 2,0001.
a year, and accordingly the Treasury who are
empowered by an Act passed in 1817 to regulate
the salary of the person appointed after the de-
cease or resignation of the then Auditor Lord
Grenville, have assigned to his successor this sa-
lary. Thus Lord Auckland will, even until the Act
of Parliament regulating the whole establishment
shall pass, only receive the same amount ofemolu-,
ment as he will do afterwards, supposing the re-
commendation of the Commission to be adopted
by Parliament. Nor is this all, for as we under-
stand, he does not relinquish the other offices he
holds at the pleasure of the Crown, until the
Act is passed, whilst but one salary is paid by
the public for the whole—a saving equal to the
whole amount of what Lord Grenville received
is for the present made. Of course, when the
establishment of the Exchequer is finally regu-
lated, the duties of Auditor, which are to check
and control the executive Government, render-
ing the possession of any office under it incom-
patible with the discharge of such high func-
tions, Lord Auckland will cease to hold anv
other.—Morning Chronicle.

In reference to the sudden recall of the fleets
of England and France from the Archipelago,
the Morning Herald contained yesterday the
following passage :—" The disgraceful retreat of
the two fleets is attempted to be covered, by
calling it a retiring into winter quarters ; but it
was not necessary to sail so far as Toulon and
Malta for that purpose ;—besides it was a very
absurd thing to put the country to the expense
of sending out considerable reinforcements to
the Archipelago, merely to recall them." Last
evening the Globe put into something like of-
ficial form the defence of Ministers, which we
anticipated, by making the following announce-
ment :—" We think it right to remark, that the
return of the British squadron in the Mediter-
ranean to the harbour of Malta, to remain there
during the winter months, was not the conse-
quence of any remonstrance from the Porte, but
was simply an arrangement made by the Ad.
miralty upon naval grounds, and with a view to
keep the squadron in a more complete state of
efficiency." It is true our contemporary, who
has often taken us to task for questioning the
honourable intentions of the Russian Autocrat,
or doubting the immediate settlement of the
Belgic question, does not make this announce-
ment " from authority," but it is evident
that he means it to be considered as official.
As, however, an and a true state-
ment are not always convertible terms, we
take the liberty of questioning the vera-
city of the above statement, even though
it emanated from Downing-street, or was tele-
graphed from the Admiralty. We are far,
indeed, from imputing this political fiction to the
lively imagination of our contemporary, who
possibly believes it himself, as we presume he did
believe the numerous official announcements
which he made, from authority, of the speedy
settlement of the Belgico-Dutch question, in
consequence of the removal of all the difficulties
which stood in the way of a final and satisfactory
arrangement. What truth there was in those
repeated official declarations every body knows.
Like the unfinished tower of Babel, the diplo-
matic edifice of the protocol.architects still stands
—a monument of ambitious incapacity, and of
much unavailing jargon, and confusion of tongues.
When Lord Durham returned from that expen-
sive, pompous, and still unexplained mission to
the Court of the Autocrat, which excited so much
political curiosity at the time, the Government
papers announced great things for Belgium and
Poland as the happy result of his Lordship's ener-
getic remonstrances with the haughty Czar. Alas!
the Poleshave been worse treated than ever, and the
debt of gratitude which the Belgians owe the Noble
Lord is, unhappily for them, the smallest debt they
have got to pay. The same Journals, and
irriong them the Globe, expressed their doubts
.of; the existence of the " secret treaty" between
Turkey and Russia when we made it known.
What confidence, then, can we place in official
Or quasi-official statements from such quarters,
when it is the interest of Government that truth
should be concealed or misrepresented P In the
present case we do not wonder that Ministers
should be ashamed of the avowal of the truth.
They have done that, of which, in the face of all
England, they have reason to feel ashamed.
They have made a show of resisting the ambi-
tion of Russia in the East, ainied, as it is, at
the annihilation of our political influence and
commercial connections in that part of the
world. But an energetic remonstrance on the
part of the Russianised Government of Turkey
has frightened them from their purpose. They
have copied the glorious example of that heroic
personage whose immortal achievement is cele-
brated in the well-known couplet—
" The King of France, with forty-thousand men,
March'd up the bill and so—march'd down again."
The conduct indeed of which Ministers have
just been guilty is a further proof that the sove-
reignty of Europe is in the Autocrat, and the
duty of vassalage belongs to England. What
has happened with regard to the appointment of
Sir Stratford Canning as Ambassador, is another
instance of our political abasement at the foot-
stool of the Imperial Calmuc. We now tell the
Treasury Journal that the return of the French
and British squadrons was not " simply an ar-

rangement made by the Admiralty upon naval
grounds." It would have been very simple of
Sir James Graham not to know that our fleet
need not sail out of the Archipelago to find
commodious winter-quarters. We presume the
naval ignorance of the Admiralty is not quite
so great. We say the recall of both fleets was,
as stated in the Austrian Observer•, the conse-
quence of « the energetic remonstrances of the
Porte, which had the effect of obtaining the
withdrawal of those squadrons, although they
had of late been considerably reinforced."—Such
policy courts contempt.—Morning Herald.
The war in Portugal continues ; we cannot
say it rages like a fever, but like a cancer, it
eats, and if not at once subjected to some
powerful remedy, it will destroy a kingdom
which under various aspects, and from distant
times, has been the most intimate and certain
ally from which this country ever drew support
to her political preponderance. Portugal, small
as is her territory, and little numerous her (not
unwarlike) people, has by her dependence on
England, and willing connection with her, helped
this Government to maintain the west of Europe
in equipoise against the Bourbon influence, wield-
ing, though it has done, the mighty power of
the French and Spanish monarchies. Spain
has for ages coveted the reconquest of Portu-
gal. France, under the old Bourbons, gave
ready countenance to the wish, which,
if realized, was the only thing necessary
to isolate Great Britain, and to leave her with-
out a single resting-place for her commerce or
her squadrons between Plymouth and the Straits
of Gibraltar. The treaties which have been so
long in existence between England and Portugal,
whereby, under given cases of danger from in-
vasion, the latter country was authorised to
demand military and naval succour of the British
Government, all had a view to that especial
case of aggression upon Portugal by the House
of Bourbon. It was under the recognized
obligation of those treaties that Mr. Canning
supplied within these few years, on the appli-
cation of the Regent acting in the name and
on behalf of the present Queen of Portugal,
a force of some 5,000 or 6,000 men to repel a
real though disguised and treacherous invasion
from the Spanish frontier. Had no such treaties
ever existed, and no such casus fayleris been
established, it becomes a question whether, con-
sidering the immense amount of British property
vested in the Portuguese soil, and of British
commerce, the security of which depended on
the internal peace of Portugal, the Government
of this country would not have been, by reason
and equity, fully borne out in a vigorous inter-
position for the quelling of a disturbance which
compromised such important national interests,
and in setting an example for that subsequent
interference on behalf of Greece, which, for
want of such example, its authors were forced
to justify on the bolder ground of general
principles, since neither the sanction of treaty
nor of precedent could he alleged in its defence.
The circumstances attending the actual state of
Portugal are curious. After an atrocious
usurpation on the part of Miguel, backed by
the monasteries, by a small portion of the
nobility, anti by the gross and degraded boors
throughout the kingdom—that is to say, by all
the despotism, superstition, and ignorance of
the nation—the friends of the Queen, under dis-
advantages incalculable,collected a force, of which
the greater part were Portuguese, and attempted
to reseat her on the throne. Donna Maria had
been long since recognized by this country,
and by the other States of Europe. Miguel
himself swore allegiance to her as his Sove-
reign, and accepted the Regency in trust as
her subject. The effort, then, for this resto-
ration of a Sovereign, whose rights were uni-
versally admitted six or seven years ago, has
been stubbornly resisted by a Prince, to
whose acknowledgment of the succession of his
niece the King of England had been made a
formal party. That man's treason was therefore
an outrage upon the British Government. His
war against the Sovereign, of whom he was the
sworn delegate and subject, has been waged not
only against her person, but against English
commerce and property, both of which have
grievously suffered from this unnatural and de-
structive contest ; so that the question has long
since become a grave one, whether, if that con-
test were permitted to endure, Portugal would
be left in a condition to fulfil the ends, either
European or English, of her political and com-
mercial connexion with this country, and whe.
tiler, in the sight of God and man, the King of
England would not have been justified in making
common cause with his harassed and perse-
cuted ally. But a fresh series of conse-
quences has arisen. The Queen has regained
possession of her capital, and the recognition
of her de facto sovereignty has been in the
most formal and authentic mannerrenewed by this
Government and others. Is Portugal, therefore, to
derive no benefit from these events ? Is she to
be reduced to a desert ? And is such to be the
fruit of British alliance and protection ? A
still further and more curious occurrence has
taken place in Portugal. The Usurper has re-
ceived into the Portuguese territory a pretender
to the Spanish Crown, contrary to the will of
the lawful Queen of Portugal. In peril of her
most serious interests, a foreign traitor has been
sheltered within her dominions—not merely
sheltered, but enabled to surround himself with
troops—to assume an aspect of defiance and
menace towards another ally of the British Go-
vernment, the lawful and acknowledged Queen
of Spain—against whom this insurgent Carlos
has organized, and directed from within the
Portuguese frontier, a rebellion which has
burst forth in several piovinces of her kingdom.
Now this presence in Portugal of the Spanish Pre-
tender who has there established his head-quarters
is a direct provocation on the part of his protector
Miguel to the march of a Spanish army into
Portugal. And is that a measure on which
England ought to look with indifference ?
Ought England, in common prudence, to en-
courage the precedent, or to permit the practice
of foreign, above all of Spanish, operations upon
the soil of Portugal ? Ought England to feel
no jealousy on such a subject ? But there is
more behind. Suppose the Government of the
Queen of Portugal should demand in the name
of the alliance between these countries military
protection against that unprincipled Power—
the Power of the Portuguese Usurper—who has
by his reception and encouragement of the Spa-
nish Pretender justified an invasion of the
Portuguese territory, and exposed the dominions
of the Queen Donna Maria and her subjects
to the positive danger of a foreign invasion.
Would no casus fcederis be established
in this instance, binding Great Britain to
defend Portugal, as a whole, from the violation
of her territory by a foreign army ? In the
case of Mr. Canning's expedition there were
many appearances to be arbitrarily (however
justly) set aside, and many facts to be assumed.

Here there are neither. Carlos has pitched his
camp in Portugal. He openly communicates
with and directs a large Spanish force in arms
against the succession of the Infant Queen of
Spain, and scattered over many of her provinces.
This, we say, the Queen of Spain has a right
to punish as an aggression committed by Donna
Maria, Sovereign of Portugal, against her ; and
for the sake of delivering herself from such a
predicament, we aver that the Queen of Portugal
has an undoubted right to call upon her ally the
King of England, who, so long as there is
reality in treaties, must feel himself bound by
honour and good faith to grant her, without de-
lay, the required and stipulated succour. This
is our sincere conviction upon a question of
deep importance to the character and welfare of
this great country—to the restoration of national
prosperity in Portugal—and to the repose and
confidence of every part of Europe.— Times.
We consider Sir Stratford Canning, and we
believe Sir Stratford Canning considers himself,
to be a most ill-used person. The position of
this diplomatist at the present moment is, to say
the least of it, most extraordinary. To-day he
is marked out as an object of envy to his pro-
fession and to every one, by the high honour
conferred upon him by his Sovereign ; to-morrow
he is looked upon as an object of pity to all the
world, from the insult brought upon him by Lord
Palmerston. To-day he is officially gazetted as
the Ambassador from the King of England to
the Court of Russia ; to-morrow it is publicly
known that he will not be received at the Court
to which he has been accredited. No attempt is
made to deny this either upon the part of his
friends or of himself. We stated some days
back that Sir Stratford Canning had, in conse-
quence of his own knowledge of this fact, re-
signed his appointment. We have reason to
think that we were premature in this announce-
ment, and that Sir S. Canning has not re-
signed his appointment, nor relieved his friends
from their difficulty by so doing ; for this
course, mast decidedly, would be the only way
(if indeed there be any way) to withdraw Lord
Palmerston from the ridiculous dilemma in
which he stands. We are not surprised that
Sir S. Canning should hesitate to do the Noble
Lord this favour, considering the manner in
which he has been treated by him. Sir S.
Canning is held up, through the inconceivable
imbecility of our Foreign Secretary, as a Mi-
nister who has made himself so odious by his
conduct that a Sovereign in amity with this
country refuses to receive him at his Court.
Whatever cause the Emperor of Russia may
have for this objection; it was the bounden
duty of Lord Palmerston, in the first instance,
to take care that his Sovereign should not
be placed in the position in which the King of
England is placed at this moment, namely, of
having hisgazetted Ambassador publicly rejected.
In the second place, it was undoubtedly due to
Sir S. Canning that he should have been made
acquainted with the very plain hint given by the
Russian Ambassador, at the time when the
nomination about to be made was first notified
to that functionary, and it would then have been
for his judgment (if Lord Palmerston's was too
obtuse to perceive the alternative) to consider,
from this knowledge of his repute at the Court
of Russia, if he would place his Sovereign and
himself in the position so plainly presented by
Prince Lieven. When Sir S. Canning saw
himself gazetted, however ill he might have
before felt that he stood with the Cabinet of St.
Petersburgh, he could not, of course, suppose
that this step was taken in defiance of the very
plainly-expressed disinclination of his Court,
upon the part of the Russian Ambassador.
No ; Lord Palmerston never mentions a syllable
of what had taken place ; and Sir S. Canning is,
doubtless, fully justified in feeling greatly irri-
tated at the insult thus so gratuitously brought
upon him. Still we have no doubt that his
feelings for himself are altogether secondary to
those which he must entertain at the position in
which his Sovereign is placed by this specimen
of diplomacy. But a fate seems to hang over
every thing in which Lord Palmerston is con•
cerned. He promotes civil war in the country
of one ally, by supplying troops to her ene-
mies, in defiance of the law of England. He
destroys the commerce of another ally by
taking her ships, in defiance of the law of
nations. He sends the fleets of England to
cannonade in the ports of Holland, when they
should have been cruising in the Straits of
the Dardanelles. We are negotiating a treaty
of reciprocity with France, through Mr. Pou-
lett Thomson, while Russia is negotiating a
treaty of reciprocity with the Porte, through
Count Nesselrode. Lord Palmerston is writing
long letters to our Vice-President in Paris, while
Count Nesselrode is addressing short notes to
our Ambassador at St. Petersburgh. Lord Pal-
merston attempts a modification of a tariff—
Count Nesselrode effects possession of an em-
pire. Lord Palmerston tells Count Nesselrode
that he will send a fleet to the Dardanelles—
Count Nesselrode suggests that it would be
better to send them to Malta. Lord Palmerston
tells Prince Lieven that he will send Sir S.
Canning to St. Petersburgh—Prince Lieven re-
plies that he might as well send him to Coventry.
Lord Palmerston is an able negotiator !
Morning Post.

On Sunday evening tile sth inst. the congre-
gation of St. Leonard's church, in Bridgnorth, were put
to great consternation by the following circumstance. As
the Rev. H. Dalton (who, it is said, acknowleeges him-
self to be of Mr. Irving's principles) was delivering his
evening lecture, and near its conclusion, when all were
paying the most minute attention to the discourse, a per-
son in the body of the church arose and in a loud voice
exclaimed, " The Spirit ! the Spirit ! the Spirit is within
—is within !" or words to this effect, as near as could be
collected, which expressions were followed by a long deep
groan. To convey an accurate idea of the confusion and
uproar which ensued would be difficult ; females in every
direction swooning away and being removed by their
friends, whilst several individuals left the church in dis-
gust, although exhorted to the contrary by their pastor.
The name of the man who excited this uproar is Crad-
dock, residing at Wolverhampton ; be is by trade a wood
turner, and is the same person who, a short time since,
disturbed the congregation in a similar way, when appli-
cation was made to the Rev. John Storer, principal of
cial, by the churchwardens, for his instructions how to
act, and they received orders, upon a renewal of such
conduct, to take the offending party before the Magistrates.
In consequence of this advice, one of the churchwardens
instantly proceeded to the pew where the person sat, but
permitted him to remain there, in consequence of a gen-
tleman giving his undertaking for his appearance next
morning before the Bailiffs. At the appointed time,
Craddock, with the minister, attended, and upon being
interrogated as to the cause of his disturbing the congre-
gation in such an unusual way, Craddock replied, "My
mouth was opened by some unknown power within me,
not t f my own." On a further question being put to him,
as to whether he had premeditated such an occurrence,
and done it with the intention of disturbing the congrega-
tion, he said, " No, I had no idea or intention, a quarter
of a minute before, of doing so, nor do I know how I did
it, for I did not do it of myself." No proof having been
given of any malicious intent of disturbing the congrega-
tion, the Magistrates were of opinion the case did not come
under their jurisdiction, and be was recommended not to
act in the same way in future, as it would subject him to
be ejected from the church by any individual present.—
ShrewsSitry Chronicle.