The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-22 00:00:00

would seriously impress them with the roareorahle advloa
of " putting their houses in order," The Bishops may
be assured tbat they cannot so much gratify the " Move-
ment" as by a rank opposition to the most beneficial parts
of the Irish Bill, and that Mr. O'Connell will infallibly
become the head of the Irish Church, if the small measure
of ecclesiastical reform now before them be out-voted by
their aid. We call upon them, therefore, to re-peruse
his Majesty's most opportune and judicious letter of
advice to their " Order." It becomes not them to
meddle in political strife; and delicacy, if they have any,
might dictate to them not to interfere with questions of
Church reform, on which they are interested and partial
Legislators. The Duke of Wellington will use them as
marines, and order them to a foreign land whenever pro-
visions become scarce. The Catholic question should be
a lesson that the ambitious Field Marshal, attached to
command, will not stick at trifles when his camp is in
danger. But this fearful difference between the two
Houses of Parliament cannot much longer continue ; the
two hostile corps of Legislators are in sight of each other
waiting to give battle. No Administration can go on in
such a degrading state of sufferance and lordly permission.
The change must come, and probably the Tory Peers will
precipitate it. We wait anxiously and with no little ap-
prehension the political moves of till next fortnight.—
Morning Chronicle.
The Peers of England have pronounced their verdict,
and allowed the Whig Ministry to prolong for another
brief interval its precarious and distracted existence.
Whatever our own opinion may have been, and we do not
deny that we held a decided opinion, upon the course that
might have been pursued, our principles require of us to
submit without a murmur to a determination from which
the Constitution admits of no appeal. Upon the Peers
devolved, on the recent occasion as in former analogous
instances, a large discretional power, and a corresponding
moral and political responsibility. They acted upon the
whole, we doubt not, from the most exalted motives with
reference to the general and permanent good of the country,
and it only remains for us to acquiesce calmly in the result,
and to hope that they may not be deceived in their calcu•
lations. We believe that the present unworthy Ministry
might have been safely dismissed with open scorn
and defiance, and a liberal Tory Administration
formed at the late crisis or at any period during the
last three years, not excepting the time when the
reform mania was in its most desperate state of frenzy.
The country, we said and still say, might be more or less
exciteable, as a free country allowing fair scope to the
democratic principle ought to be, yet was never at any
moment either Whig, Radical, or Revolutionary, hut
always essentially Conservative, as much so as when
George the Third and Mr. Pitt called forth its gigantic
energies against the principles and the arms alike of foreign
and domestic enemies. But a nation is in some respects
like an army, and cannot be expected to achieve enterprises
of great pith and moment unless commanded by resolute
chiefs who have confidence in their cause, and a generous
reliance upon the zeal and courage of their followers.
England waited long for the signal, and would un-
doubtedly have done what she did before, but the
signal was not given. The troops rested upon their
arms, but only because they were not permitted to use
them. We will not say that this Fabian policy was
on the whole unwise, or that it will not ultimately
prove successful ; but we do think that, in looking
at the state of the country generally, the Conserva-
tive leaders have exaggerated the power of the enemy
and underrated their own. Upon the merits of the par-
ticular measure, the partial success of which has suggested
these remarks, we propose not at present to raise a length-
ened discussion. We console ourselves with the reflection
that though in Committee the Bill is not yet law. Its
most obvious and direct tendency appears undoubtedly to
be to restrict and weaken the Protestant Established
Church, which, on the contrary, ought to have addi-
tional support in every parish, and encourage the antago-
nist Popish Church in a corresponding degree. Its pre-
sumed ultimate tendency to strengthen the Establishment
is a mere Whig hypothesis. In a purely civil point of
view the whole measure goes to enfeeble the Protestant,
which is the English interest, and to strengthen the
Popish or the Repeal faction. No decent argument
was advanced on the Ministerial side save that under the
present circumstances the evils of rejecting the disgusting
thing wouid be greater than those of letting it, or some-
thing like it, pass. But the Whigs are the authors of the
circumstances thus pleaded in behalf of one more step in
that course of legislation the natural termination of which
is the ascendancy of the bigotted Repealer., and the separa-
tion of Ireland from England. Earl Grey pledged him-
self to resist repeal, and he throws sway one by one all
the weapons by which he might resist it with success.
The alleged necessity of this attack upon British interests
is Ireland (for such practically it is, grows out of the
tampering of the Whigs with the Repeaters in order to get
their support for the Reform Bill. Truly "we might
have thought what fruit would spring from such a tree."
Let no man suppose for a moment that these changes in
the framework of the Church are either intended or
adapted to increase its spiritual efficiency. No ; they are
mere concessions to a political party, that party which de-
mands the establishment of Popery in Ireland and the repeal
of the Union. Such ate the boasted results of Whig Irish
policy, of the extension of what Earl Grey has still
the infatuated assurance to call reform ; and legis-
lating in this manner is what the sophists of the Cabinet
call following the age, or marching with the age, or some
such exquisite cant. If they were really competent to the
business of Government, they would be able to lead the
enlightened opinion of the country; as it is, they only fol-
low the corrupt bias communicated to the mob by the
subtle promoters of revolution. Mr. Stanley and the bet-
ter part of the Administration are understood to allege
that they only yield a little to the Movement in this in-
stance, the better to resist it at a later period. Wearisome
have been the years during which we have listened to re-
presentations of this kind, but we have never by any
accident once seen them made good. Unfortunately the
time never conies at which the first agents of Political
convulsion can make up their minds to resist until the
power to make an effectual resistance has been wrested
from their bands. The problem is yet unsolved at what
point all the Conservative interests of the country should
unite in one compact mass to resist at any cost the rapid
and still unchecked progress of democratic revolution. We
are so presumptuous as again to suggest that the sooner
that point can be ascertained, the better for every family
and every individual in the community.—MorningPost.

SECOND EDITION.

S UN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

1M PERIALPARLIAMENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
BURGLARY BILL.

On the order of the day being read for the second read
ing of the Bill, . . . .

Lord SUFFIELD said that since the Bill had been
committed to bis charge a very important amendment had
been suggested to him, which he was to introduce into the
Bill. lie wished that the Bill should then be read a2d
time, that he should to-morrow move its commitment, in
order that the amendment be should propose be printed.
The amendment would not at all be at variance with the
principle, but would tend rather to the extension of the
powers given by the Bill. The Bill was entitled "An
Act to Repeal so much of tie 7th and Bth Geo. IV. as
inflicts the punishment of death upon persons entering and
stealing in dwelling houses." It only related to the
crime of simple housebreaking, and left untouched
those cases where it was accompanied by personal
violence or intimidation. The complaint against the law
as it at preseat stood, was that it did not insure the
secure of property, and that it was in fact perfectly
obselete, the state of public feeling rendering it almost im-
possible to do so. It was mina:liable that the Bill, after ample
discussion in the House of Commons, was sent up to their
Lordships without a division. lie did not mean to say
that because it had the unanimous vote of the Commons
their Lordships must of course give it their approbation,
but that it required from them their serious attention and
favourable consideration.
Lord WYNFORD would not object to the second read-
ing, as the Bill would be fully considered in Committe.
After a few words from Lord SUFFIELD in reply,
The Bill was read a second time.

The Duke of CLEVELAND presented a petition from
the select vestry of &nth Shields, against the Sea Ap-
prentice Bill. . . .

The Ebr; of ROSEBERRY presented several petitions
from the trades of Edinburgh and Stirling, against certain
parts of the Burgh (Scotland) Bill.
Earl GREY said across the table, that he hoped the
Noble Earl (Vane) would offer no opposition to the pro-
duction of the papers of which he had given notice of his
intention to move.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he was relieved
from considerable embarrassment by what bad fallen from
the Noble Lord. He confessed it was not what he ex-
pected a few days ago, when tie Noble Earl appeared
tvh oily ignorant on the subject. lie had before asked the
question, and out of courtesy he did not press it then, as the
Noble Earl stated that be was not prepared yet on the very