The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-26 00:00:00

:'ARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 25.
The Gravesend Pier Bill was read a third time, and
passed.

- The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a ue-'tition
from the Hon. Alexander Murray, the object of which vre
could not hear.

Lord SUFFIELD presented a petition from the parish
of Binbrooks, praying their Lordships to pass the Bill
befor3 the other House for the abolition of slavery. Th,,
petitioners stated that the Bill was better than nzthing.—
(A laugh.)

A NOBLE LORD—There is no Bill before the House
of Commons.
Lord SUFFIELD said that that certainly Wag the fact,
and be would withdraw the petition.
The Bishop of LINCOLN presented a petition fmm
Great Grimsby, for the better observance of the Sabblth.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished to discharge
the order for the House being summoned on Friday, to con.
eider the resolutions of the renewal of the East India Charter.
If the Noble Lord opposite (Ellenborough) thought it would
be convenient, he would move that the present order be
discharged, and their Lordships be summoned for Friday
sennight.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH said it would be quite eon- I
renient.

WEST INDIA QUESTION,
The Earl of RIPON rose and said, 'ne found himself
'before their Lordships, for the purpose of bringine, before
their House a question which every one acknowledged
Was of the very greatest importance. Ile obeyed
abet duty with feelings of the very greatest anxiety—
greater than any with which he had done any duty during a
period of 30 years' Parliamentary experience. He could
amt but feel that, in dealing' with a subject of such im-
mense importance, he stood very much in need of
their Lordships' indulgence; and, although be might
fed that if he was to ask for that indulgence
an -personal grounds, he might be accused of va-
nity, yet, at all events, he was sure the House
would grant that indulgence to the subject. The House
of Commons, after much discussion, carried on for some
years, and in every variety and shape, had come to certain
resolutions with respect to slavery in the colonies, with
which they desired their Lordships' concurrence. It was
a subject which involved mighty changes, affecting
not merely individuals—it iavolved also considerations
affecting those who were tare masters, the other class
to which he had alluded. It also deeply involved
the whole commercial and political interests—interests of
the greatest anagnitmle, and affecting, perhaps, every into
in rest in the cossntry.—(Hear.) It involved, in the shape whi..ah they had now tea consider it, a proposition to ;
impase upon the people of this country considerable
hoodoos for the purpose of bringing the question to an
isme.—(Hear, bear.) On asking their Lordships to
accede to those resolutions, he would begin by explaining
the motives upon which be did not call upon them to do
so. He did not, in the first place, ask them because the
measure had now any held upon his mind of a wild, or
euthusiastic, or fanatical kind.—(Hear.) It was im-
possible for any man to have considered the ques-
tion without having hie feelings deeply engaged
in the result of the question ; but from his situation,
having for some years been called upon to act as a Mini-
ver in taking those various steps recommended to Parlia-
ment with respect to the measure, he had earnestly, and
he believed he might say successfully, divested himself oral!
those feelings which the nature of the question was likely
'to engender, and could now come to the discussion of the
measure with all that calmness which the subject demanded.
He had been induced to take the part which he had done
on this question, not from any wish or desire to conci-
bate any party in this country. He was well aware that
where was a large body of persons in this country who
had applied their minds and their utmost energies for
years past to produce upon the public mind a deep im-
pression of the necessity and policy of abolishing
slavery, hut he had never wished to pursue that course,
he had never been influenced, nor had his Majesty's Go-
vernment been influenced, by any wish for the mere pur-
pose of conciliating any party, to bring into play the great
changes contemplated in the resolutions.—(Here the Noble
Earl appeared much exhausted, and was for a minute or
two unable to proceed.) Their Lordships indulged him more
than he deserved. He would endeavour to explain the real
'grounds on which he asked the House to accede to the
resolutions. They would by it be doing a great act of
justice as well as humanity and sound policy..—(Hear,
heir.) Though he admitted that the feelings of humanity
ought to go a great way, they ought not to go so far as to
induce the House rashly to adopt these resolutions, unless
consideration. of public policy pressed the necessity of so
doing upon them.—(Here the Noble Lord was so much
exhausted as to be obliged to sit down, and was apparently
on the point of fainting, when)
The Earl of WINCHILSEA rose. He was sure that
the House would agree with him that in consequence of
the indisposition of the Noble Earl, the debate should be
adjourned._( Hear.)
The Earl of RIPON (who had in the mean time re-
covered himself) thanked his Noble Friend, but it was far
from him to wish to postpone the discussion on a question
of so much importance.._( Hear.) The grounds upon
which he asked their Lordships to accede to the resolu-
tions were not founded upon vague, indefinite, or speculative
views of abstract interest, but upon a state of things which
did not admit of being in the condition they now were—
(Hear, hear)—and he wished to satisfy their Lordships
that a course of events, which no human power could
have controlled or changed, had brought this question to
such a point, that if the House did not speedily settle it,
every thing in the colonies would shortly be in a state of
the most irretrievable confusion.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
It was, therefore, not for the mere purpose of indulging
in any sentimental humanity that he begged of the
House to adopt the resolutions, but it was that, by
adopting them, they would take what he be-
lieved was the only course that would save the
colonies from a danger which he could not con.
template without much dread—that that great mart
of property, and all the great interests connected with it,
would be involved in one ; common ruin.—( Hear,
hear.) But the necessity for the present proceeding
arose out of the necessity of the case, and the question now
was whether slavery was or was not to be permanent? He
was confident that it was now too late to contend
that it was. He had never heard or read the opinion
of any one person, that as a principle, slavery was to be
permanently maintained. It bad therefore become a ques-
tion of time, and their Lordships had to consider whether
the time was not now come when they must deal with it.
It was inherent in the nature of the question itself, that
where slavery existed, particularly in a civilized country,
but above all in a free country, the time would arrive
when their Lordships must consider whether it should
exist at all. It was true that slavery was the offspring
of the policy of this country towards its colonies, but
though for a time circumstances might prevent public atten
tion being drawn to the subject, and to the evils which *arose
from it, yet if the mind of the public he once directed to
it, and to the progress made towards its extinction, the
public would proceed first, perhaps, by slow degrees, but
afterwards with an accelerated velocity, until they would
have no choice left but to abandon it altogether. The first
blow that was struck at slavery in the West Indies
was when the public .attention was first directed to
it ; and, although the persons who then brought it forward
disclaimed all idea of connecting the two subjects.
namely, the slave trade and slavery—there were other
circumstances which proved that every argument
in favour of the extinction of the slave trade
applied equally to the extinction of slavery. That was
the opinion of no less a man than Burke, who in 1780
directed the attention of Parliament to the subject.
If the House looked at all the examinations before the
Privy Council, and at all the arguments in Parliament,
they would perceive_ that those arguments which were
used in favour of the extinction of the slave trade, applied
with equal force to the present question —( Hear, hear.)
At that period public attention was confined to the one
question—their feelings of horror absorbing all attention
to the question of the slave trade. The events of the war
tended to slacken the operations of Parliament, and to
divert public attention from the subject. In 1806 a
very wise resolution was adopted by Parliament,
on which he gave his first vote. The Noble Lord here
made another long pause, en which
The Duke of 13UCKINGHAN1 moved that the ques-
tion be adjourned during pleasure.—(Cries of .‘ No, no.")
The Earl of RIPON, apparently with some diffi-
culty, proceeded. He thought it right, however, to
advert to the earlier stages of the discussion on this
question, as they formed the-basis of all that stoise-
quently occurred, and upon which the resolutions which
their Lordships had now to consider, hung.—(Hear.)
After the peace of 1814, a new part of the question arose,
and although it was not particularly connected
H_t]with. the
proposition he was about to submit to the o, , it
formed an important feature in the concatenation of the
circumstances which had brought the House to time i oint
at which it now stood. The Noble Lord who had then
filled the office of „Foreign Secretary, and to which be
(Lord Ripon) shortly after succeeded, in his negotiations
with the Courts ofaFranee, Spain, 'and Portugal, had
urged the abolition—of the slave' trade upon princip'es
which, if followed up to their legitimate condos on,
would necessarily lead to the abolition of slavery alt. ages
there This being the case, he came necessarily to the 1 re-

tent time. Their Lordekips were all aware 'hoier Much the
interest of the subject had latterly increased. Was it very
extraordinary that the
people hould eel a repugee to the maintenance of a state ofn thingsf which theynan deemed
equally obnoxious to religion and to humanity? It might
he said that great interests were connected with the guts-
tirs, and that great risks might be the consequences of
any change. This Was a reason to proceed with caution,
nhauttirr,
it,coteld be no reason to oppose the feelings of a whole
which looked at the question only in its moral and
religious character. The excited feelings of justice and
humanity on one side, and the feelings of interest on the
other, tended to complitate the question, and to render it
one which sooner or later would come to such a crisie
that nothing but the decision of the Parliament and of
the Government could terminate it. This, in 182:3, had
led to the first great step, or to the first distinct step at
least, which had been taken on the part of Government,
and which had lais! the foundation of a change of system.
In 1823 certain resolutions were come to by the Home of
Common', and although they weir cautiously and judi-
ciously worded, they did, ill the most plain and distinct
terms, receTnise es the object at which Parliament sought
to ain't the ultimate extinction of slavery, it was not for
Parliament to say now that the resolutions were a mere
tat of words, that they were meant to hold out expecta-
tions of ultimate results which Parliament were now deter.
mined, when the crisis had come, to defeat. After the re-
solutions had been carried, a circumstance bad occurred
which had had a great influence on the question. He al-
luded to what had taken place in the colony of Demerara. In
1823 an insurrection had taken place in that colony, and a
missionary of the name of Smith had been taken up, and
was brought to trial on the charge of having fomented
that insurrection. He was sentenced to death, but the
execution of that sentence was postponed upon a reference
to the Government at home. The decision of the Go-
vernment at home was that the sentence ought not to be
carried into effect, but in the mean time the unfortunate
man had died in his prison. This did not appear to him
to have any impression on the ultimate result of the pies-
time, but it formed a sort of crisis, for it produced an ex-
citement throughout the country, and created the strongest
religious feelings in connection with the institution of
slavery. The House of Lords bad not taken any step on
the resolutions of 1823, but in 18213 they were commu-
nicated by the House of Commons to their Lordships, and
their Lordships had unanimously acquiesced in them.
Their Lordships had agreed with the House of Commons ;
to establish a clear and indubitable principle that the time I
must cone when negro slavery in the British colonies
would cease.--(Hear, hear.) That question of time was
one of great difficulty. He could appreciate the argument
that that time had not yet come. He could imagine that
some people might say that the slaves were still too barba-
rous, that they were not yet sufficiently impressed with the
distinctions of a life of freedom, to be rendered capable of
enjoying that freedom. To all such persons lie would at
once reply that if the time were not yet come in which
the slave could enjoy freedom the period had arrived in
which he was unfit for slavery —(Hear.) This was the
most dangerous time that could exist, and in the West
Indies it was a time of peculiar danger. In the ancient
world the freemen bore a very large proportion to the
number of slaves, but throughout the British colonies all
the physical strength and numbers were on the side of
the people of colour. When the slave trade had existed
there was less danger in this disproportion, because the
greater mass of slaves were drawn from Africa. They
were of tribes speaking different languages, having no
common interests, and no notion of any other rela-
tions of life than those in which they were placed ; and,
although the abstract nature of slavery might lead men to
resist its pressure, these imported negroes had no means
of combination, or of organizing resistance, in a manner
which alone could make resistance formidable or danger-
ous. Very different was it with the half civilized slave,
who was nut only sensitive to the moral as well as to
the physical sufferings of shivery, but cello had his mind
thoroughly open to all the degradation of slas-ery, and to
the loss of all those advantages and benefits which he felt
himself fit to enjoy, and which he found were withheld
from him, to be exclusively enjoyed by others. This was
the natural result of the abolition of the slave trade.
The cessation of the trade obliged the owners to treat their
slaves differently, and to alter all the relations between
masters and negroes. They taught them to feel that the
lash was intolerable, and then taught them that the
degradation of the lash was intolerable. What was the
present situation of the slaves ? Look at the evidence of
all who wished to abolish slavery at once, and of all who
maintained that the negroes were not yet fit to be free.
The missionary and the enthusiast would say that the
slave was in such a state that he was perfectly fit to enjoy
and comprehend all the relative duties of civilized life,
and that they wanted nothing to induce them to work
except the:stimula of industry, and the rewards of indus-
try. They would add, that they had endeavoured, to a
great extent, to improve the condition of the slave, so as
to alter his character and disposition, and that their en-
deavours bad been crowned with success. Whether things
had been carried as far by the owners as the resolutions of
Parliament contemplated, he would not undertake to say ;
but take the evidence of either party, and it fully proved
that the negro population was in such a state of intelligence
that, if the negroes were not fit to be free, they were
unfit to be slaves.
Mens agitat molem et inagno se corpore miscet.
The catastrophe could only be prevented by dealing in the
decisive mariner of the resolutions now before Parliament.
The real state of the question was, that it was impossible
to go hack or to stand still—(Hear, hear)—and if the
House could go back be did not think it ought. If Mi-
nisters were charged with the responsibility of preserving
the colonies as useful appendages to the Crown, and as a
beneficial property to the country, it could not be denied
that they would have grossly abandoned their duty if, on
account of the difficulties, they had agreed to leave the
question to chance, without placing themselves in front,
and calling upon Parliament to aid them. Such being
the duty and the motives of his Majesty's Ministers, it
became his duty to state to their Lordships the n iture of
the propositions which his Majesty's G ivernment had re-
commended to the other House of Parliament, and which
that House had adopted, and to which it now invited
their Lordships' ecquieecence.—(llere the Noble Lord
read the resolutions, which have already been laid before
the public in the discussion upon them in the House of
Commons.) He thought that no man could deny that if
slavery could he abolished it ought to be abolished under
such provisions as would at once combine the welfare of
the negroes and the interests of the owners. It was quite
clear that if any thing were done to establish the freedom
of those who were above the age of childhood, the same
principle would extend the same advantages to those who
were under that age, or who were to be born afterwards.
He had always felt that the resolution of ]823, which had
declared that al children born after a certain day should
be free, would produce a difference of feeling among the
different classes of negroes, and endanger the tranquillity
of the colonies. The present resolutions, therefore,
established a probationary step for all the slaves, which,
whilst it relieved the negro from the pressure of the worst
parts of slavery, would net deprive the planter of the value
of his services for such a time as it was necessary to make
the requisite arrangements for the negro's perfect safety of
freedom. It would not have been at all impossible to
have devised a scheme by which all persons might at
once have been made free at an early period. He totally
disregarded the notion that the negro was indolent and
indisposed to work by nature. He was idle only be-
cause he had nothing to excite the moral or physical
disposition to labour. The negroes in the colonies
were always ready to exert themselves during the time
alto wed them for their enjoyment. In Trinidad and
America there were many negroes that maintained them-
selves by extreme hard labour, and no persons toiled more
steadily than the negroes when they had the ordinary mo-
tives of toil. He was aware that other persons were of a
different opinion, and upon the whole he thought that it
was prudent to establish some sort of a probationary state,
by which the negroes might be under a sort of qualified
compensation for a limited term. The proposition was
that the negroes should be registered after a given date as
apprenticed labourers, and that during a period of twelve
years they should labour for their present owners during
forty-five hours per week, or seven hours and a half each
day. The remainder of the time was to be left for them-
selves, to be employed in a way most advantageous to their
own welfare. The next proposition was of importance
on account of the manner in which it might affect the
minds of people in this country. He would maintain
that it would be unjust to produce such changes without
considering the losses of those for whom they were about
to legislate. This, he believed, constituted the principal
difficulty of the subject. Although Parliament had a
clear abstract right to alter the relations of slaves and pro-
prietors, he did not think it entitled to alter those rela-
tions without making the owners a just consideration for
the loss of their property. The people of this country
had expressed over and over again their extreme anxiety
for the extinction of slavery ; 'but he could not bring
himself to believe that they would urge such changes,
without being prepared to bear their share of the loss
which would otherwise fall exclusively on the owners. It
was reasonable for Ministers therefore to call upon P.a.-
!lament to place at their disposal a large sum of money in
order to effect the object. He knew that there were per-
eons who, arguing upon abstract principles, maintained
that to compensate an owner for the loss of a
slave, was as sinful as making a fellow-creature the

nbjeci'-of barter and of property. if be were to admit the
proposition in the abstract, it was still impossible for him
to forget that the country had for a long period encou-
raged the possession of the property of slaves, and that
therefore justice, reason, and common sense demanded
that the country, in taking away that property, should
bear a part of the loss. The Noble Earl proceeded to con-
tend that the grant would be made for as noble and
honourable as it would be a charitable object. The sum
proposed to be granted was 20,000,000/. That sum,
when apportioned, he slid not mean to say would give to
each of the colonies an adequate compensation for the risk
they were called upon to run ; but he would contend that
it would, taking into consideration the peculiar circum-
stances of the case, enable justice to be done, and give to
each of the islands a fair proportion; and that was all
that Parliament could at the present moment be expected
to accomplish. The last resolution which he had to pro-
pose went to impose upon the revenue of the country the
expense attendant upon the introduction of the contem-
plated plan. It was scarcely necessary for him to observe
that a great change like the present could not be effected
without the institution of many internal precautions as to
police and such like matters, the expense of which it would
not be fair to impose on the colonies. It was therefore
proposed to send from this country persons unconnected
with the party or political feelings of the colonies, and
unimbued with partiality in favour of the slave system, to
supply the places of the ordinary magistracy of the islands
in cases arising out and connected with the new regula-
tions. With regard to the necessity of affording to the
slave the benefit of moral and religious instruction, he had
now one or two observations to offer. At present the
religion of the islands, founded on the principle of the
established church of England, was tolerably strictly
attended to ; and although the country was not to be
put to the expense of prying teachers, with a view to
the diffusion of knowledge, it was necessary that some
alterations should take place in the law upon the
subject, and that consequently some little expense
would be imposed for a short time. He believed he had
now directed their Lordships' attention to the different
resolutions to which he had to ask their assent. He
brought them forward from no motives on his part but that
great one of public good. If they passed, the fame would
not rest with him, but with the Parliament ; and if their
adoption, and the adoption of the measure which would be
their consequence, should bring the great, the momentous,
the inexpressibly important question of colonial slavery to
a safe and salutary issue, confident he was that Parliament
could hereafter boast of having achieved one of the greatest
triumphs in the cause of justice, humanity, and sound
policy which the history of any country at any period pre-
sented.—(Hear.) The Noble Earl concluded by moving
the first resolution.
The Duke of WELLINGTON commenced by ob-
serving that he fully shared with the Noble E irl in
feelings of diffidence at rising to address their Lordships
upon the present question. Without further preface, he
would at once proceed, as nearly as he could in their
proper order, to comment upon different points in the
Noble Earl's speech. In the first place he nad to observe
that he fully concurred with him in thinking that the first
blow given to the system of slavery took place when the
vote was passed by the British Legislature for the abolition
of the slave trade ; but it did not, he contended, follow
that because that first blow was given in 1808, since which
period other measures on the subject were adopted, it was
therefore necessary in 1833 to come to such resolutions as
those which had been that night proposed for their Lord-
ships' adoption.—(llear, hear.) In the first place he
begged to remind him (the Earl of Ripon) that on thedis-
cussion of the abolition of the slave trade it was more than I
once denied by those who advocated that measure that
there was any intention on their parts to follow it up by
any proposition for the abolition of slavery.—(Hear.)
On the contrary, it was frequently stated by those who
argued most strenuously for the measure that it was not
intended the abolition of the slave trade should be fol.
lowed by a measure for the abolition of slavery. The in-
tent at that time was, by the abolition of the slave trade,
to ameliorate the condition of the slave and improve the
general frame of society throughout the colonies. But he
(the Duke of Wellington) could not, from all he had ever
heard or read, believe that it was, even by those who on
general grounds contended in favour of the abolition of the
slave trade, intended to follow up the est iblishment of such
a system as might lead to those desirable results by the
abolition of slavery itself.—(Hear.) Neither did the
question which was that evening brought to discussion
arise from any thing that had taken place in Parliament
in 1814, nor, he would contend, from what passed on
the subject in the Session of 1822-3. There was, it was
true, something of an opinion expressed at that time that
the improvement in the condition of the alive, and of the
state of society in the colonies, was likely, at some period
or other, to lead to the abolition of slavery; but be again
asserted that the probability of any such event never was
stated as a reason for the abolition of the slave trade. He
came then to speak of the proceedings on the subject
during the Session 1822-3. Many of their Lordships
would doubtless recollect that during that Session the in-
dividual (Mr. Canning) who was conducting the affairs
of his Majesty's then Government in the House of Com-
mons, proposed certain resolutions which had for their
object the ulterior abolition of slavery in the colonies. Now
that, he contended, was the first occasion on which the
question of the abolition of slavery was mentioned on
authority in either House of Parliament.—(Year, hear.)
And what, he asked, did Mr. Canning say upon that occa-
sion? What were the resolutions which he then pm-
posed? The Noble Earl (Ripon) it was evident had not
read those resolution, or he would never have instanced
them as making out a case for those which he had that
night moved. The resolutions of Mr. Canning stated a
distant period for the abolition of slavery. They stated
that if the emancipation of the slaves was to take place
at all, it should take place only at that period when they
had been civilized, after measures had been taken to
enable them to better their own conditions, and, in short,
after they were found to be in a state of society in which,
for their own interests, as well as for the interests of
the slave proprietor himself, emancipation should become
desirable. Such was the nature of Mr. Canning's resolm
tions ; and all the measures which were founded upon those
resolutions tended first to ameliorate the condition of the
slave, next to educate him in some degree, and, in short,
to make him fit for the situation in which it was the in-
tention, according to the resolutions of 1523, that he
should be placed. In 1824, it would be recollected,
measures were taken from time to time by the Govern.
meat, and also by several of the Colonial Legislatures, to
whose exertions the Noble Earl had very properly done
justice on the present occasion, having all those objects in
view. While alluding to the Colonial Legislatures, he felt
called upon to do them the justice to say that, if they had
not done all that was required of them by the Government
of the day, they did do so much that there was no Colo-
nial Secretary from 1823 to 1830 who (lid not pass an
approval on the conduct of those legislatures.—(Hear.)
He then came to 1830, in which year an order in council
was issued for the purpose of regulating the crown colo-
nies. In that order of council certain very important
matters were ordered. First of all there was the appoint-
ment of protectors of slaves; secondly, Sunday markets
were prohibited, and each Governor was directed to ap-
point a fixed market day; thirdly, Sunday labour was
prohibited ; fourthly, the whip was not to be carried at
work ; fifthly, females were not to be punished by whip-
ping; sixthly, a registry of punishments was required;
seventbly, slaves were declared competent to marry;
eighthly, slaves might acquire property; ninthly, in certain
cases slaves were not to be separated from their families;
tenthly, fees on manumission in certain cases were
abolished ; eleventhly, slaves might effect their manumis-
sion in certain cases; and twelfthly, the evidence of slaves
was made admissible on the forfeiture of slaves in cases of
slavery. Such was the state to which affairs were brought
in 1830 when his Majesty's present Administration took
office. On that occasion is hat, he begged to ask,
was the course pursued by the new Administration ?
Instead of adopting the orders in council sent out
by their predecessors, the effect of which would have been,
by gradual degrees, that change in the condition of the
slave which would eventually have made him worthy of
emancipation, they all at once applied themselves to the
subject for no other reason that he could see than to rush
forward precipitately that which the orders in council
would, by slow and sure degrees, effect. The business of
the Government on their taking office in 1830 should have
been, instead of sending out another order in council, to
enforce by all the means in their power the execution of
the first order in council in all the crown colonies, and,
having effected their purpose in that regard, to have urged
on the Legislative Colonies the adoption of the same mea-
sure. But what did they do? Instead of adopting the
course chalked out for them in February, 1830, they first
of all issued an order in council of their own concocting,
which it was absolutely impossible could be carried into
operation by any of the colonies, whether Crown or Le-
gislative, and not only did they send it out to the clown
colonies, but they ordered in the most peremptory manner
that it should be enacted as a law in the precise state in
which it was sent out by the Legislatures of the Legisla-
tive Colonies. The consequence of all this was that the
order in Council was found to be impracticable, and was
ultimately withdrawn not only from the Legislative but
even from the Crown Colonies. On the question of
emancipation there were some important points on which
the Noble Earl had said very little, which little lie felt
bound to say was inconaiateut not only with some of his

(the Earl of Ripon's) sentiments as they had been pub-
lished, but with the general acts of the Government to
which he belonged, and even to some of their acts as they
appeared detailed in the very resolutions before the House.
The Noble Earl had told their Lordships to show that
the slave, when emancipated, would ❑ot work for hire. He
(the Duke of Wellington), was more inclined to imagine,
taking into consideration the sway of human nature, taking
into his consideration also that on all occasions in all coun-
tries where bodies of slaves had been freemen, the contrary
was the case, and that, so far from manumitted slaves
feeling an inclination to work for hire, experience went to
prove their disposition to be quite the reverse.—(Hear.)
Their Lordships, it was true, had heard of the beneficial
results of manumission in the case of the province of Co-
lumbia; but he put it then, even supposing the good
effects of slave emancipation in that case had been more
than transient, whether a disposition on the part of
100,000 emancipated slaves to work for hire gave any
reasonable assurance that the entire slave population of the
British colonies, amounting to 800,000, would he pos-
sessed of a similar spirit. The case, however, of the pro-
vince of Columbia was any thing but satisfactory, for
within a year after emancipation took place they had it
on the authority of a person of very considerable eminence
who had written on the subject, that the arrangement was
a most dangerous one, and that scarcely one of the manu-
mitted slaves could be got to work at all.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Earl had instanced the case of Africa as a proof
that the freed slave could he brought to labour for hire,
but he seemed altogether to forget that the African slave
had not so to labour in tropical and low grounds. If the
West Indian slave could be got to work at all he would
work only for his food, and that being secured,
he would seek nothing but repose in the shade. Indeed,
unless be was much mistaken, the plan of emancipation
which the Noble Earl had himself originally proposed—
and, although the plan was not before Parliament, as it
had reached the public through the Press, he thought he
had a right to allude to it—he fully admitted that, unless
some very strong measures were taken, it was not to be
expected that the manumitted slave population would la
boor for hire, and had proposed that, in order to induce
them to labour, there should be a measure of coercion in
the shape of a tax on the import of provisions. Now he
should be glad to know how, if the negro were not
likely to work as an apprentice, it was to be expected
that he would work after the period of his apprentice.
ship had expired, and, consequently, after all the means
with which at present the planter was armed to compel
that work were at an end,—(Hear, hear.) He could not
indeed conceal from himself the fear that the consequence
of the removal of all control would be a total ana com-
plete cessation mf the valuable produce of the colonies.
(Hear.) He next came to speak of the proposed loan or
grant of fiftee❑ millions, as it was originally proposed.
Supposing the emancipated slave to work for hire, he
wished to know what the grant of fifteen millions was
for?—(Hear, hear.) Why, he asked, was England to
give or to lend fifteen millions to the colonies if the people
would work? It might indeed be necessary to afford
compensation to the planters fur the difference they would
experience between paying labourer, and having slaves;
but he would wish clearly to understand the precise prin-
ciple on which that loan of fifteen millions was proposed.
If it were true that the freed slave would work, for what
reason were they to give compensation ? It was proposed
that all infant children master six years of age were at
once to be deemed free; and, by the way, it did not
appear by whom those children were to be taken care of
from the passing of the Bill. Was it to remunerate the
Planters for the loss of those infant slaves that the sum of
twenty millions was to be granted ? Again, the slave
apprentice was to be entitled to one-fourth of his day for
his own private purposes. Was the compensation to be
given to remunerate the master for the loss of so much
labour ? The slave apprentice might not work even the
time that his labour was allotted to his master. 'Yas it
to compensate for that probability that the sum of twenty
millions was to be granted ? Then at the expiration of
twelve years the master was to lose all rights to his
slaves' labour. Was it to compensate him for that loss
that England should pay twenty millions ? These were
shades in the transaction which bad not been explained
by the Noble Earl, but which he (the Duke of Wel-
lington) thought well worthy of such explanation._
(Hear, hear, hear.) He believed that great loss
would be sustained by the planters; indeed he felt confi-
dent that the twenty millions would not be compensation
for that loss, nor any thing like it.--(Hear.) There was
another part of the subject to which the Noble Earl had
not adverted at all, and that was the probable state of the
commerce between Great Britain and her Colonies. Sup.
posing it to be true, anti he put the case hypothetically,
that the slaves would not work, would not there be an
end to all that commerce which bad for so many years
been carried on as much to the advantage of the naviga •
ties and political influence of Great Britain as for the
advantage of her commercial pursuits and character ? He
would now look at the measure on the score of revenue.
On the article of sugar there was a tax of twenty-four
shillings the cwt., producing several millions to the
State. But, supposing ;:he emancipated slaves would net
work, that thus was hereafter only half production, or
perhaps ❑o production at all, he should like to know from
the Learned Lord on the Woolsack how they were to pro-
vhle the five millions sterling, now supplied by the colo-
nies. He would request the Noble and Learned Lord to
look at the question in that view. The revenue lutist
fall ; that w; s his argument. Then there was another
point, he would put it hypothetically (it was well worth
consideration) that if production did fail, where were we to
get our sugar from but from other Slave Colonies ?
Though he was one who considered that the Government
of the country might, nay ought to have prevented the
question from ever coming to this state, he felt
that it was impossible to reject the resolutions,
more particularly as they were intended to go out to
the Colonies as the ground-work of other measures.
He believed, however, that a recommendation from
this country was the mode most likely to induce the
Colonies to carry the spirit of them into effect.—(Hear.)
It was a favourable circumstance that there were in this
country agents for the various colonies from whom his
Majesty's Government might obtain information as to the
wishes and intentions of the colonies themselves. By those
agents it had been distinctly stated that the colonies
considered themselves bound in justice to themselves to
require compensation for the substitution of free la-
bour for slavery ; but that as his Majesty's Govern-
ment were disposed to give them compensation for the
loss and risk which they must sustain, and to provide
an adequate police in the colonies, for the purpose of
carrying the new system into execution, the colonies on
their part were ready to consent to the arrangement, and
to give every aid in their power to its successful comple-
tion. If Parliament were to force the plats on the colonies,
by at once making it a law, or if they were to adopt any
other mode of proceeding but one of conciliation and per.
suasion, it was manifest that they would degrade the
Colonial Legislatures in the eyes of those whom they were
called upon to govern. Nor was it to be expected that
men who found themselves in the situation of Legislators
would quietly submit to have laws of such a descrip-
tion imperatively imposed upon them. It was not
in the nature of man not to resist such a proceed.
ing. What would be the consequence ? That a contest
would take place between his Majesty's Government and
his Majesty's troops and the white inhabitants of the
colonies, for whose protection it was our duty to provide,
a contest which must end in the total destruction of all
the colonies themselves. The beet course, therefore, to
avoid such mischief would be to send these resolutions to
the colonies, but in the shape of resolutions only ; to urge
the colonies to adopt them, and to carry them into effect ;
to use every means of persuasion and conciliation, but not
to make the resolutions a matter of law or force except as
a last resource. Indeed, what he would most earnestly
recommend to his Majesty's Government would be to send
out a commissioner to the colonies, armed with full au-
thority to settle the whole question. With resptct to the
resolutions which related :to the moral improvement of
the negro, he had an amendment to propose, namely, to
omit the words " a liberal and comprehensive system of
education." No man could be more desirous than he was
that when the negro became free he should receive every
moral improvement which could be communicated to
him; but those who were aware that the words in ques
tion were introduced into the resolutions as they were
originally proposed by his Majesty's Government were
aware that they pointed to the toleration and encourage-
ment of missionaries; and there could be no doubt that if
they were adopted, society in the West Indies would con-
tinue to be, as it had been, greatly distracted. Having
said so much he would nut trouble their Lordship
further than by declaring that the plan had his best
wishes for its success, although lie avowed that he had his
doubts upon the subject.

Lord SUFFIELD expressed his satisfaction that this
important subject bad at length been brought under their
Lordships' consideration, although he confessed that he
should have been better pleased if the Noble Earl had taken
a higher tone upon it. It had been argued at the present
period, as it had been argued at all former periods, that
the slave was not yet tit for freedom. The answer was,
that the slave was prepared to take hie freedom but you
did not give it him. It was impossible longer to keep
the negio in a state of slavery. The two points to which
he wished particularly to cal the attention of then- Lord-
ships were the third and fourth resolutions. The third
resolution provided that the slave should verve an appreu-

ticeellip for a certain term of years before he became en ti•
tied to his freedom. He would not complain of that as an
injustice to the slave. He would not contend that the
slave had an abstract right to immediate emancipation.
He most heartily wished that the question was settled--
first for the benefit of the slaves, then for the welfare 0
the West India Proprietors, and lastly for the prospori
of the parent state. He had another and a paramount
reason for wishing the success of the present proposition.
He looked upon it as a great example ; and that if i!
proved successful, it would lead to the termination of sae
very throughout the world. The proposition to which he
.
had just adverted, however, was calculated to defeat the
object in view. That it would undergo qualifications
both in that and in the other House of Parliament he had
not the slightest doubt. But he should be very glad to
get rid of it altogether ; or if that could not be accom-
plished, to fix the term of apprenticeship at the shortest
possible period. He confessed he should wish to see the
adoption of a proposition made by a Member of the other
House of Parliament—namely, that only a part of the
compensation money should be paid to the planters in the
first instance ; and that tr:e remainder should be withheld
until the termination of all the apprenticeships. He was
persuaded that these apprenticeships would be found be-
neficial to the planters. When the proposition los these
apprenticeships was introduced, it was accompanied by
that most unwarrantable proposition, that the slave should
work out his own freedom. Thank God ! the gross in-
justice of the latter proposition had been got rid of ; and
that being the case, he could not see the necessity of re-
taining the system of apprenticeship as all. One word
as to the compensation. He was not disposed to quarrel
with it if it accomplished the object in view—
complete emancipation.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble
Duke had adverted at some length to the proceed-
ings of Color-1;11 Legislatures with reference to the
slaves; and had asserted, that from those proceedings the
slaves had derived much benefit. On that point he dif-
fered from the Noble Duke in toto. He did not think
that the slave proprietors had done any good whatever
for the slaves. On another point he entirely differed from
the Noble Duke. The Noble Duke was of opinion that
when the negro was emancipated, lie would not be found
disposed to labour. Against that opinion he (Lord Suf
field) appealed to the evidence taken before the Committees
of both Houses of Parliament. It had been argued by
the Noble Duke, that by the abolition of slavery in our
colonies, we should encourage the slave trade in places
not within his Majesty's dominions. He (Lord Suffield)
maintained the direct reverse. If we proceeded, as we
ought, we should show the world how much more cheaply
sugar could be produced by free than by compulsory labour.
With respect to the words " liberal and comprehensive
system of education," which the Noble Duke wished to
strike out of the resolutions, he must observe that they
were words to which a great portion of the people in this
country attached the greatest weight; and surely it ought
to be a part of the object of Parliament in this measure to
satisfy the people of this country. He anxiously hoped
that the prejudices which at present existed against cer-
tain religious sects in the colonies would subside; and
that, under a better system, they would become wholly
extinct. It was an abominable falsehood that the mis-
sionaries were to be considered the instigators of the in-
surrection in Jiniaica.
The Duke of WELLINGTON bed made no insinuation
of the kind supposed by the Noble Lord.
Lord SUFFIELD had understood that some people
supposed that the missionaries had instigated the negroes
to commit the outrages to which lie had referred.
The Earl of HAREWOOD said, the Noble Lord, in
the course of his argument, had mentioned something
about the labour of free negroes in raising sugar, and had
referred for proofs of his assertions upon that subject to
the reports of this House and the other House of Parlia-
ment. He (the Earl of Harewood) would defy him to
point out a single instance of the successful cultiva•ion of
sugar by free negro labour.
Lord SUFFIELD—AdmiraI Fleming.
The Earl of HAREWOOD asked whether Admiral
Fleming said that he had seen free labourers cultivating
sugar in the West Indies ? He (the Earl of Harewood)
might be in error in so far; that might be an instance of
free labour employed in raising sugar ; but it was the
only one. There was no other instance of the kind. As
a proof of the loose way in which the whole of the pro-
ceedings on this most important subject had been con-
ducted by his Majesty's Ministers, their Lordships need
only observe that the proposed measure had been agreed
upon without any reference to the interests of the colo-
nies whatever, without reference to any consideration
hut the freedom of the slaves; and he would state, in
confirmation of his assertion., that up to this moment
the West India body had never bad any commu-
nication with the Government about matters which
related so essenti illy to the preservation or destruction of
their property. With regard to these resolutions, all the
information which they received was received at a very
late period, and appeared contemporaneously in the
public prints of the same evening. He (the Earl of
Harewood) had had opportunities of knowing the senti-
ments of that body, as well from his knowledge of indivie
duals, as from the expressions of their opinions at public
meetings ; and he would then state, on his own responsi-
bility, that there was no clause whatever for entertaining
those suspicions which were indulged in by some Noble
Lords—that they were not disposed cordially to cones',
;n the measures of Government for the amelioration of the
condition of the slaves. On the contrary, he could assure
the Noble E al that there existed among them a determined
desire to carry the measures of Government into execu-
tion, because they were sensible that the mere agitation of
this question bad already produced a state of the utmost
danger among that population. He was aware that there
were certain details which were to be left entirely to the
Colonial Legislatures; but what was the effect of this ar-
rangement ? The Imperial Parliament was to enact the
freedom of the negro ; but was to leave to the Colonial
Legislatures the odium of enacting the penalties and
punishments which must be appointed in order to carry
the plan into effect. He was sure that it must be the
wish of his Majesty's Ministers to uphold the authority of
the Colonial Legislatures, and he would therefore implore
them to take into their consideration the propriety of leaving
the matter more to these assemblies. He was persuaded that
they were determined to meet these resolutions with their
best endeavours for the good of the slaves. He took this
opportunity to suggest in as strong terms as he could, that
the West India Body felt that they had no interest which
could induce them to act in opposition to the wishes of the
British Parliament. He had used all the means in his
power to bring them to that conclusion, and he bad suc-
ceeded.
Earl GREY said no one felt more deeply and more
strongly than he did all the importance of the question,
all its difficulties, he would almost say, all its dangers.
They had applied a remedy to evils which could not be
concealed under the pressure of a strong necessity, which
could no longer be avoided. They had arrived at a state
when they were :to longer free to inquire, but were com-
pelled to act. Preparatory measures were contemplated
previous to the emancipation of the slaves, to render them
fit gradually for the enjoyment of freedom ; but, unhap-
pily, those preparatory measures had not led to the conse-
quences which were anticipated. He would venture to
say that those preparatory measures had been but very
partially carried into effect. Be that as it may, the ques-
tion was now forced immediately upon them in the West
Indies, by the state of things in which the colonies were
left by the agitation of the question—at home by the over-
whelming force of public opinion. Under thesecircum.
stances Government had endeavoured to perform its duty,
by applying itself in the beat way that it could to the con-
sideration of the subject. He could not see upon what
grounds the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Harewood)
founded his complaints of the hard maneer in which the
West India planters were treated. He could say, that
during the whole period of the discussion 'lima the
question of slavery, and in every measure that had
been proposed for bettering the condition of the
slaves, it had been the anxious, the earnest desire and
endeavour of the Government to conciliate them
by every means in their power. But how had the West
India body received the advances of the Government ? It
had met with nothing from them but difficulties and ob-
structions. They had uniformly stated, when applied to
for advice, that they had nothing to propose. Govern-
ment had therefore endeavoured, by the best lights which
it possessed, to settle the question. With respect to the
observations of the Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington),
looking at the immensity of the bearings of this question,
at the numerous and important interests, both at home
and abroad, which were involved in the consideration of
it, he might find some excuse for the circumstance of
which he complained—that measures of different kinds
were proposed at different times. He believed that this
would be found to be usually the case in all complicated
affairs. With respect to the specific charge, that so little
attention bad been paid to the West India body, that this
plan had only been announced to them on the same day as
it was published in the public papers, how that happened
lie (Earl Grey) could not tell ; but all he could say was,
that it was not published by Government. It appeared in
a print which was so far from communicating with the
Government, that it uniformly opposed it. The plan
appeared first in the Standard. The Noble Earl also
argued that the resolutions would be carried into effect las
the Colonial Legislatures; but remembering how little had
yet been done by these bodies, remembering how willing they
had al ways shown themselves to add to the difficulties which

surrounded the question, he did not think tbctprlis, oil
would be doing its duty if it did not take ete4thell
suri s for securing tl e execution of its wisher' oiet
Earl (we understood Fail Grey to say) ht3tior"tt
that Parliament wished to throw the odium
penalties upon the Colonial Legislatures.
The Earl of HAREWOOD explained. lore°
Earl GREY understood the Noble Earl t° arse it
that the course which it was proposed to 11, efe
have a tendency to lower the Legislature in 010
the colonists. But in what did the meaeureeliffsit
differ from the propositions of the Noble Earl?
fell
that the plan should be sent out to the eoldniell,o
the Colonial Legislatures should be allowed °)di,,
Now, if that course were pursued, he (Earl G'e Pi iry
we how it could escape the same objections s' effct
sterial measure ; it would have just the saipe,iatal
throwing the odium upon the Colonial he' it
and keeping the credit of grace and fass,°riq re,
Imperial Parliament; for, if the resolutleY,'
taken out to the West Indies, would anybody',
the colonies adopted them, and took measures fd!tli
lug slavery, that the resolutions themselves tio°,Pi
be the operating cause ? He was of opinion 01
sors of security was necessary, in order to o°,li
people that the measure would be carried i°';4ol
Ile could not help expre'sing his surprise at tbeoel
of the Noble Doke, that ever since the passing 'id tso'
solutions of 1823, the condition of the slaves has4i
a constant course of improvement, that the ries,
had uniformly acted with good faith in conforo.
these resolutions, and that every seccessive Colo i
ild
tj
tary, from 1823 to 1830, hail expressed his '3llto
at the time when the Legislatures complied Wit d
junctions contained in these resolutions. Ile e(lbP
assent to th it. Al'houph he had not taken muss
in the discussions upon this subject, he had s 1 ,
/t
trop of particulars that were not consistent with °al
affirmed by the Noble Duke ; and indeed, altbey:d
had not taken an active part in these proceedingsLS
not deny that he ever felt a deep interest on the
subiiiri
slavery ; for the abolition of the slave trade w 013,1
the first measures brought into Parliament after
tamed a seat in the other II
;est., needy half a cent° 4 lie then voted with Pitt and Fox for i!ie measurer
~,,
could not forget that the measure could never be 'I, $
plished by that Ministry, the most powerful, perll,o
this country ever saw ; but was left to be carried )
Ministry of which he had the honour to form 40
under Fox and Grenville—he himself having intreds
the successful measure into the House of COny,
Under these circumstances, the question of slawilo
to him (Earl Grey) a subject
of the deepest it
and he should feel both pride and satisfaction i",
having introduced the measure for the abolition of tbel,
trade into the House of Commons, he should also Oro
of the Administration by which slavery is abolished,
revert to the subject of the assertions of the Noble
that the conduct of the Colonial Legislatures had bees'
firmly approved of by the Government. Mr. OS'
in 1826 and 1827, complained loudly of the Colon'
gislatures—affirming that they had done nothing '
carrying into effect the resolutions of the Imperi•
went. But something more, perhaps, may have
since. He was doubly surprised at the assert
Noble Duke, when he remembered that, in
few months before the termination of the :s
Administration, Sir Robert Peel, so far from
the condition of the slaves was in a state of
/movement, made use of the following remarkabi
(speaking of the little effect which had been
the motions upon the subject, and the increat
public opinion, which had grown stronger opal
pet ever since 1823)—" He trusted that the'
stances would he a warning to the Colonial
and would induce them to begin to improve and
the condition of the slave population." They
in 1830, declared not to have made a beginnin
carrying into effect the resolutions of 1823, and
therefore, very much surprised to find the Noble
serting that the slaves had been in a state of
puovement since that date. In not one of the
colonies had compulsory manumission been i.
and it bad been introduced under very great lit
the Bahama., although the statements on the
those last islands were made in such a way a,
appear to be general there. The Colonial .
had constantly disregarded every admonition
remonstrance.—(Hear.) The recommendatii
tioned by the vote of both Hi uses in 1825, w'
sent out by Mr. Canning, were equally ineffectr
by that StatesmanNaLiodt
complained
the
b.h eeg been
refractoryh
the particulars of the oppressions so eloquently
practice of inflicting corporeal punishment upon
ittalhitseucroreenseoihnl
auudtei dons,
beenaddonoftieben:c
everytadi nyodn conduct in
t ht
of:
Colonsetl
tary, not excepting Sir George Murray, who hat
two circular letters on the subject. This being
he considered himself bound to look at these
stances, and to take such measures as would seci
against similar conduct in future. The Noble Di
said that it was always understood that measures
be taken to prepare the negroes for freedom. Tht
paratory measures had been begun, and what had I
result? Not that they had made any progress,
at this moment they were as fir from having a,
of the speedy abolition of slavery under the present cysts ,
as they had ever been. Under all the circumstances o'r 4
case, and considering the increase of intelligence alli4git
the negroes themselves, he contetnpl ited with no stilt
degree of apprehension their continuance in their precept
state. It was, therefore, considered by his Majesty's i
vernasent, that a progressive measure, combining,
preparatory state of restriction and a certain deg!''
of freedom, was the safest course of proceeding. Wi te
regard to 4the ;negro himself, it was to be hoped tl'eli
a certain degree of compulsion would secure for him h3hl*
of industry, and that the advantages derived by him ft°o
0
the portion of time allotted for his own emolument, Wcies
by degrees open his eyes to the advantages of that free
(
labour which would prove so beneficial to both the peg
and the West Indian proprietor. Under all the circani;:,
stances of the case, he agreed with the Noble Lord, th! :
no other course could have been pursued, which promised
,e) well to secure the ultimate object they had in vieW*/
the complete extinction of slavery in all parts of his Mi.
jesty's dominions—as that proposed by the present Govern'
co :b sathat down,
alhleenwfroounld, stble
.'No' nnfe)ebno; er—llt w(uolikeew.aor'"l4:lelieanrNr)eofherlßeeneDfcoeurke lied said, that when the
slave trade was abolished, the abolition of slavery was not;
contemplated. Now, he remembered, it was said bi
Mr. Fox, that he abolished the slave trade only merely I
because it was not in his power to abolish slavery; and i!
was considered, not only by Mr. Fox, but by
Mr. lii. 1 and Lord Grenville, that the abolition of slavery was the 1
necessary ultimate consequence of the abolition of the
slave trade. The measures since adopted had produced 4 1
considerable change in the habits and character of the
slaves, and had raised them to that condition, that i"
as his Noble Friend said, they were not fit for freedom'
they were, at least, not fit for slavery.—(Hear, hear.)
In answer to one observation which had been made, he
agreed with his Noble Friend, that if the British Parlirf
went thought it right to abolish slavery, the interests 0
those persona who had become possessors of slaves in con.
sequence of the encouragement held out to them, and the
security offered to them by the laws of the British empire'
had a right to be considered, sad to demand that this Fres',
measure of national benevolence should not be at their e%'
pense._(Hear.) He therefore considered it just that the/
should have something in the shape of compensation'
Whether the sum proposed was too large or too small, be
should not pretend to say; but in his opinion, if by means,
of this payment they succeeded in abolishing that hatefils
condition—a condition particularly hateful to Englishmen-
it was money well applied, and money which, ardent as WI
the desire of the public on this point, he believed they would
nut grudge.—(Hear.) They had been called on for ms°Y,
years for sums much larger than this, in order to supPrd
the honour and interest of the country ; those sums Is;
even granted cheerfully, though be was sorry to add, the.,
honour and interest had been supported by means that were
much to be regretted; and often, when exulting in the
glories to which that expenditure led, his exultation bad bo°
checked by a consideration of the miseries which followed'
If it was necessary to resist foreign encroachment, to de-
fend the honour and interest of the country by war, was it
less necessary to uphold the honour and character of the
country by abolishing frond every portion of the Brit°i, -
dominions the odious condition of slavery, so abhorrent t°,
the principles of the Constitation, as
well as to the breast
of every Englishman?—(Hear, hear.) He for one, en" ,
tertaining, as he did, a hope that this great measure
would be successful, did not grudge the
payment of eye/ I
20,000,000/. The Noble Duke wished to know by
To'; 1,
means the amount of compensation had been fixed ?
.`
was raised on an estimate of the value of the entire
Is"°-
Imre of the al ryes, which was calculated at 30,000,000 h 1
One fourth of the slave's tune was to be immediately
taken from the planters, and ultimately the whole of it;
‘nri according to the best calculations which Ministers
had been able to make, they thought that 20,000,0001.:
would be a fair compensation to the proprietors for all
the loss and injury to which they might be subjected by
the adcption of the Government plan. Wsile on this
object lie legged to infirm the Noble Duke that it was
he intention of Government to propose compensation
.t°
the owners of every description of slaves. The Noble Du°
had objected to curtain rond4 is vac of Co foglulitPlP

yr planter,
'1 41. Any
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r g
e to be
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kable Isce, Itis,..N°ble I
1
n product 4 teve" by hi
reared force tte„:" of tl
upon tbe , th' Pt' He I
these Circe' p, Pt 11,
~,, asill . we
egisletrottl, bon,,
ind amebas Alt °thers
ey were tl; 4ltunt.hey mi
tning tose‘otliiti—t dang
and he '''. !iy: He I,
,ble Dulte!,,fr'tv,;giiren tt
constant ''''.l'hor only I,
ie West letflklt "ions ,
introucr,ll'kout°4 in a
A 1
imitatioci t43eof Col
he subject:, tte, the Min
V as twill,' heti than an
Leg,,,daietr )1)6,,')g of th
t wught forw
a and eeeiAllto 'enee o
itions Oakrwhich 0% ttht of (
dual. 11011441!' had ,
lv rieecribekw4L"tre, th
* wo etbeiron;;;ationi
Pon fttl'a°ol(ool4, teen n
he spirit, lowed`e gift_
the briber great
finial 50,,,,,the sun
had writtel Is —all) or
Oov
ig the ca° therna
le eircutf 1 e di
secure be they. no
t,s4 3elv ?
Duke '' tini4 ea
ires shasiii ti,e Apri
These pre. the dutyvery ti
d been tilt, , Ic Iv(
but 041' 'etsie-sulembei
a proriftw t. that: the
-.rsvatelit 1 t it v