The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Colonel Torrens, who several years ago wrote
by far the ablest pamphlet which has yet appeared
on the corn laws and corn trade, has just pub-
lished a short volume or pamphlet On Wages
and Combination," being, as he tells us, a frag-
ment of a larger unpublished work on the finan-
cial and commercial resources of the country.
In giving to the world this acute and ingenious
publication, in present circumstances, Colonel
Torrens has conferred a real benefit on the
working classes, and through them on the corn-
inunity at large. Though it contains nothing
particularly new in point of doctrine or illustra-
tion, it subjects some received opinions to a
more rigorous analysis than any through which
they have vet passed, and establishes acknow-
ledged principles on a surer basis of reasoning
anti demonstration. At the same time its lan-
guage, though rigidly strict and scientific, is so
perspicuous as to be generally intelligible, and
if extensively read and understood in the
manufacturing districts, or among the Trade's
Unions to which it seems more particularly
addressed, it cannot fail to produce extensive
good. We need scarcely remind persons ob-
servant of " the signs of the times," that the
great body of the operative or manufacturing
classes of this country are (thanks to the diffu-
sion of education and the spread of independent
principles) not so likely as formerly to be led
by mere authority, or to abandon their own
judgment or prejudices at the command of their
superiors in station, rank, or fortune. They are
accustomed to read, reason, and examine for
themselves; they form extensive local associa-
tions, in which their own peculiar interests and
their relation to their employers form the topics
of intense, if not of passionate discussion;
they must have principles to which they can ap-
peal, in these discussions, whether these princi-
ples be right or wrong,—whether they tend to the
consolidation of order or to the disorganization of
society; and it is therefore of extreme importance
that on questions which involve their welfare they
should he guided by enlightened men, who con-
sult their real advantage without flattering their
errors, ar.d who can ultimately put them in the
way of walking safely and surely without a
guide. Nor is it so difficult as is sometimes
represented to make these principles perfectly
intelligible to the active and inquiring minds
which take the lead in these unions, or to state
them in such a way as to command their general
assent or conviction. Though often overlaid
with pedantic jargon, and mixed with exploded
sophistry by pretended philosophers, they are
seized upon with effect by the strong intellects
of the working classes, as would be seen by the
letter from the able workmen of Sheffield to Mr.
Owen, which we lately published. A great de-
sideratum in the literature of the workshop
and the factory at the present crisis has been
supplied by Colonel Torrens in this short
manual of the principles which regulate wages,
and in this examination of the effects of com-
binations to raise or depress them. The
application of these principles to the policy
of Mr. Fielden's plan for limiting the time of
adult as well as infant labour to eight hours
a-day, and to the disastrous results of the corn
monopoly, show what powerful aid the rigorous
demonstrations of science can always lend to the
dictates of good sense, and how flimsy the
sophistry of interest or of prejudice appears
when opposed to the penetrating scrutiny of real
knowledge. In examining the effect of combi-
nations on wages, our author first discuss-es the
alleged or supposed conspiracies of employers to
reduce wages, and shows nearly to demonstra-
tion the impossibility of such an enterprise on
any considerable scale, or its total impractica-
bility if attempted. In speaking of the Derby
Unions, it will be remembered that we ad-
vanced the same principle, without having had
room to develop the train of reasoning from
which it is deduced. The demonstration is
plain and simple. If such a combination to
depress wages were established, and were
successful, it is clear that it must be fol-
lowed by an immediate rise of profits. These
profits, then, must be employed by the masters,
not in adding to their capital, hut in increasing
their unproductive consumption, for this obvious
reason—that if the increased profits were added
to the capital employed in business, the masters
must bid against each other for labourers, and
the combination would be instantly broken up.
The existence of the combination would thus
depend on a condition to be agreed to by all the
employers of labour to devote the whole of their
increased profits to immediate enjoyment. Co-
lonel Torrens shows the moral impossibility of
this among the whole employers of labour in a
country, as it would involve the necessity of no
farmer extending his cultivation, and of no
manufacturer increasing his transaction, with
his enhanced profits ; as it would, moreover,
presuppose that no moneyd capitalists, bankers,
or merchants, traders, annuitants, or landed
proprietors, should employ their resources in
paying for additional labour, but should like-
wise combine to oppress the labourer, and to
injure themselves; and, lastly, as it would in-
volve the condition that no foreign capital was
introduced to take advantage of higher profits
and to bid for more labour. It is satisfactory,
therefore, to think, and it cannot be ;oo oilen
brought before the attention of the working
classes as a consolatory fact, that such an abo-
minable conspiracy to oppress tie. more nu-
merous body of society, and to extend human
misery, is totally impossible, or, at any rate,
.ac. ally impracticable. On the other hand,
combinations to raise wages, if they could be
effectual, would be a great blessing, as they
would promote the well-being and happiness of
the most numerous classes of the community.
It is, therefore, of immense importance, and of
great practical utility, to ascertain whether they
can produce such an effect on the permanent re-
muneration of the labourer and the artisan. The
principles which our author establishes on this
point appear to us to be equally just and lo-
gically deduced. The minimum of wages
being the lowest remuneration on which
the labourer can support his strength and
continue
climate
o rt
er accue of lab s
tomsoort' labourers,
country according
in which
Itvoh
che
h
he resides, and the maximum of wages being
that which
N.,id theici me
absorbsie theprelos‘ vrystli,oe him,
productionsntne:etoss
arerypto replace
ay hisem-
ployer
or hcis
i t st r beyol
capital
Ih
his advances, and to yield the least profit
on which the latter could continue his business,
e
the i
it follows that where these two points do not ac-
tually coincide (which they might do, were
profits and wages both at their lowest ebb), and
where the existing rate of wages occupies .a place
on the scale between them, that acombmation
of workmen might raise wages to their maximum,
provided the supply of labour did not increase,
d provided the country did not depend on
foreign markets. But the great peculiarity of

England is its dependence upon foreigners for
the disposal of its manufactured commodities,
and the consequent competition to which the
produce of its skill and labour is exposed in fo-
reign markets from foreign rivals. Combination',
therefore, to raise wages, or, in other words, the
cost of production beyond the limits fixed by
foreign competition, would necessarily have the
effect, not of permanently raising wages, but of
reducing them, by depriving the manufacturer
of his foreign customers, and consequently of
his power of employing labour. This principle,
which we stated and illustrated before as applied
to the Derby and the Leeds' Trades' Unions,
Colonel Torrens demonstrates in a manner so
plain and forcible as no President of Trades'
Unions could deny or resist it. We can do no
more than recommend this part of the work to
all the master manufacturers and members of
the Trades' combinations. The scheme of Mr.
Fielden and Mr. Owen, which, under the colour
of benevolence, would amount to the most dan-
gerous conspiracy against the industry and pros-
perity of the country which was ever formed or
conceived, is exposed and put down by our
author with triumphant success. We have only
room for the following passage (which we insert
from seeing the impression which the scheme is
making in the manufacturing districts), and
regret that we could not insert the whole chap-
ter, as well as that on the frightful operation of
the corn laws, in lessening the rewards of
industry :
" Mr. Fielden, the Member for Oldham, in conjunc-
t;on with the benevolent mono•maniac Robert Owen, has
propounded a plan for the benefit of the working classes,
which it may not be improper or unuseful to examine.
The plan is, that a universal combination shall be 'ormed
for limiting the hours of labour for adults, as well as for
chi'dren, to eight hours a-day ; and for securing to the
work•people, after the time of labour shall be thus re-
duced, the same wages which they now receive.
"In explaining this plan, Mr. Fielden states, that
' if the change were general, the lesser quantity produced
would command as much money as the greater quantity
now does;' and that 'those employed in factories, in
making cloth, &c., would only be able to procure three
garments, or three other things, after the advance, where
they now purchase four.'
" Here we have a singular inconsistency—nay, a pal-
pable contradiction. The operatives are to receive the
same wages as at present, while their wages are reduced
one-fourth. The benefits they are to derive from the
proposed combination amount to this—that when the
change becomes general they shall get three garments and
three other things where the now get four.
" Mr. Fielden states, and states most correctly, that
' our foreign trade resolves itself into barter ;' and that,
after the proposed plan shall be carried into effect, ' the
manufacturer will give to the foreigner and others the
same quantity of his manufactures for the same quart-
tity of raw materials as he now gives; which quan-
tity the foreigner will have, or not- continue to trade
with him.' Mr. Fielden states these facts, to show that
under the change he proposes 'we should not lose our
foreign trade.' But the facts, as he has himself stated
them, lead to a directly opposite conclusion. It can be
proved by the strictest demonstration—nay, it amounts
very nearly to a self-evident proposition—that were the
circumstances assumed by Mr. Fielden really to occur, the
foreign trade of England must be instantly suspended.
• • * • • • *
" All Mr. Fielden's arguments in support of his plan
turn upon the assumption that prices will rise in the pro-
portion in which production is diminished ; but be has
brought forward neither fact nor argument to prove that
foreign consumers would consent to purchase Be itish ma-
nufactures, were 25 per cent. added to their present price.
The continent of Europe, and the United States of North
America, can now manufacture nearly as cheap as
England, and could manufacture much cheaper were the
prices of British goods increased by 25 per cent. Grant
Mr. Fielden his assumption, that his plan would have the
effect of raring the prices of British goods by 25 per cent.,
and it follows as a necessary consequence, that on the
adoption of his plan England must cease to be a manufac-
turing country. Deny his assumption, respecting the
increase of i riccs, and equal ruin will be wrought, though
in a somewhat different way. The merchant may in this
case continue to sell British goods in the foreign market,
until the destruction of the manufacturer puts an end to
their production. This destruction, as we have already
seen, would follow certainly and rapidly upon the adoption
of a plan for compelling the manufacturer to pay the same
money-wages as at present for winking up a diminished
quantity of goods, which he could not sell at advanced
money-prices. Whether Mr. Fielden's assumption re-
specting the rise of prices be admitted or denied, his pro-
ject for diminishing production will be found equally im-
practicable and equally ruinous.
" Mr. Fielden tells us, and tells us most truly, that the
foreigner will not continue to trade with us unless we
give him the same quantity of manufactures for the same
quantity of raw material. But gold is a material pro-
duced in a foreign country; and on Mr. Fielden's own
principle, the foreigner will not continue to deal with us
unless we give him the same quantity of manufactured
goods for the same quantity of gold. Now, if goods and
gold exchange in the same proportions as before, prices
will be the same as before. Mr. Fielden, therefore, as•
I Imes two facts, which are at variance witb,and destructive
of each other. If the foreigner will not continue to give
ua a greater quantity of material for the same quantity of
goods, be will not give us a greater quantity of gold for
the same quantity of goods, and prices will not rise ; and
if he will continue to give a greater quantity of gold for
the same quantity of goods, so as to make prices rise, he
will give a greater quantity of material for the same
quantity of goods. Thus Mr. Fielden answers, and over-
throws his own argument. When be tells us, and tells
ns truly, that foreign trade resolves itself into barter, and
that the foreigner will not continue to deal with us unless
he obtain the same quantity of manufactures for the same
quantity of material ; he, by a necessary inference, al-o
tells us, and tells us truly, that his assumption respecting
the rise of prices is erroneous. • * *
" The operatives of England may obtain, under judicious
arrangement, either a superior rate of wages, or a reduc-
tion in the hours of labour within the limits of the supe-
riority, natural and acquired, which England possesses in
supplying manufactured go, ds for the foreign market.
This superiority consists in the greater quantity of work
which an Englishman performs in a day or year, tied in
tie greater cheapness of machinery, of fuel, and of car-
riage; and this superiority is counteracted and limited by
the comparative dearness
.of food. No plan for improving
the condition of the people can by possibility be effectual,
unless it increases the quantity of work which can be
executed in a day or a year, or the comparative cheapness
of machinery, fuel, and carriage, or diminishes the
comparative dearness of food. All projects for increasing
wages, or for diminishing the hours of labour, which do
;apt contain efficient provisions for accomplishing one or
wore of these objects, are founded in ignorance and in
delusion, and must terminate in disappointment, and in
aggravated distress. The first step towards improvement
must be the abolition of the corn laws."— Times.
The next session of Parliament will teem
with events most vitally important to the Bri-
tish empire; and, if we may judge from the
demi-official intimations which have very lately
been put forth by those of our contemporaries
who assume the character of Government or-
gans, we may suppose that Ministers intend to
propose some alterations in the corn lasts, and
that the shipping interests also will have a des-
perate struggle to maintain the few privileges
that are left to them. We select these two
mighty subjects as the object of our present
remarks, because we feel that they are paramount
in vitality to the other national interests ; and
we trust that the representatives of the people
will not lose sight of their importance. Modern
political economists have long desired to inter-
fere with the protection which has been justly
afforded to our agricultural interests. They
have long been anxious to level with the dust
thbsOuterests upon which, under the existing
7 -c*ufristaiib6 4 the State, we shall presume to
it* ‘ainfair4 are b2astl every other interest of the
tr.1'ht1',(:,,r,,,,,,-,
,e - be" iheij manufacturing, commer-
..e_t ..,-_-.- r- 7' i ~ --- _ ,
c_PlV__,_,\--...nr__ • SlilpplOgi These political theo-
.'
,\'-'-st,s," ':. in their ia/ixious haste to force their
13r... 'cr litiesl economy upon the . com-
left
..trav\-'
1, - rely lost sight of the circum-
sta esNifigiiiir country. They appear to us to