The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-17 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 17, 1851.

Fresh illustrations are continually forcing them-
selves on our notice of the inequality with which the
nation remunerates its benefactors. Possibly we
should not have written " remunerates," but rather
recognizes the conduct of those who in any manner
contrive to benefit the community. Within the last
few days, on going over the various items pencilled
out in the Committee of Supplies, the Commons of
England, agreed among other things, to vote no less
an amount than 14,6061. for distinguished services,
and just 88,500/. for the compassionate list of al-
lowances, pensions, and gratuities ! Bearing in
mind that the former sum has, according to the ,

statement of the Right Hon. Fox MAULS, been re-
duced since 1834 from 18,0001., it cannot, of course,
he said that that item is calculated in any way to
stmetkAttpiblic by its magnitude. And considering,
again, that the moneys required for defraying
the allowances made in the compassionate
list are carefully watched in every detail of
their distribution, it can scarcely be said
that they reach a total in any way exorbitant.
' Especially when it is remembered that so many un-
fortunate and deserving applicants for relief through
the intervention of that bounty are dependent upon
the accident of its sufficiency. We are not desirous
of inveighing in any manner against the liberality
thus displayed to the meritorious members of the
military profession. In this liberality we can per-
ceive no reprehensible extravagance. It appears to
us to be only befitting the known wealth and muni-
ficence of the country that regard should be thus be
had for the wants of those individuals who have dedi-
cated their energies to the advantage of the empire.
What we would insist upon, however, as most repre-
hensible, is the inadequacy of the amount set aside
by the nation for the pecuniary assistance of another
class at least equally, we are bold to say, deserving
of the title of public benefactors. For the aid of
authors and scientific philosophers, for the help
of those who have struggled arduously in
the cause whether of art or of literature, the Le-
gislature puts by annually-14,6061., as in the case of
distinguished military services ?—or, 88,5001., as in
the case of the compassionate list of the soldiery ?
No ! but a little, paltry, despicable sum of merely
twelve hundred pounds sterling 1 This is the gene-
rosity of England to her men of genius ! This is the
munificence of Great Britain to those who adorn its
annals by more splendid and less perishable triumphs
than an achievement by the cannon or the bayonet
—the triumphs of art, of science, and of letters, the
fruits of labour at the desk or at the academy, at the
easel or in the laboratory !
No marvel can it be, when we bear in recollection
the miserable pittance set aside for the assistance of
our poets or our experimentalists, that the history of
English science and of English literature is filled
with so many melancholy biographies ! No wonder
now that the fate of so many victims of the lyre have
attested the parsimony of the land they have each
in some way glorified while suffering ! It is easy
of comprehension under this view to trace the origin
of so many woful deaths by suicide or through
inanition. Aided by the light of this reflection, we
can understand how it was that OTWAY was strangled
while swallowing a crust of bread in the rage of star-
vation ; we can see how it was that CRATTERTON
came to destroy his inestimable life by poison in an
attic near Holborn-bars ; we can perceive how it was
that BUDGELL drowned himself in the Thames, that
BLANCHARD cut his throat with a razor, that HAYDON
shot himself through the brain with a pistol ball !
The whole ghastly catalogue of calamities becomes,
when looked at through the lens of our national nig
gardliness, comprehensible at a glance even to the most
unreflecting observer. And what inconsistency in all
this! 88,500/. for the compassionate list of the army,
and 1,2001. for the unfortunate toilers in art,
science, and literature ! 14,606/. for men of
arms, and 1,2001. for men of genius No
wonder the Muses are mere starvelings, and
BELLONA a dame of such jovial proportions. No
wonder MARS is so plump and MINERVA so lantern-
jawed. The sword can reap down, as it were, a
hundred fields of corn, ripened by the sun of glory,
and nourished with the blood of battles, while the
pen is bringing down some wretched little tomtit of
a remuneration. So it has been undoubtedly in all
ages and in all climes, but never so lamentably as in this
our England. A melancholy consideration, when we
remember fhe abundance of the national resources
and the greatness of the achievements of those in-
tellectual benefactors of the country, men who have,
among other things, demonstrated the capacities of
our language by adorning the annals of our litera-
ture. No country, we may aver with safety, has
more reason to feel a generous pride in her authors,
her artists, or her philosophers, than England—a
country that can boast of a BACON, a HoGARTH, and
a SUARESPERE, besides a multitude of other illus-
trious labourers at the pen, the brush, and the cru-
cible. Yet, of all nations, ours is the one which has
most systematically ignored the toil of those chil-
dren of genius, has most consistently shown
towards them a parsimony without excuse as
without parallel, has most pertinaceously and
wilfully overlooked the miseries accruing to so many
of her noblest and bravest benefactors from their en-
deavours to diffuse those benefactions. Assuredly it
is time that this poverty of spirit towards men of
genius in England should be corrected. At first it
may appear to be rather daring to demand an increase
of supplies even in this direction and with this bene-
volent purpose in view, at a period when efforts are
being made to inaugurate a regular system of re-
trenchment. So satisfied, however, are we of the
justice of the great claims we would here advocate,
that we count with all reliance upon those very per-
sons who are the most energetic in requiring a reduc-
tion in the amount of our national expenditure,
as the most certain to coincide with us
in demanding the increase of this particular
disbursement. To those, more than to any other in-
dividuals, perhaps, in the whole Legislature, we look,
most confidently satisfied they are the beat qualified
to appreciate the real economy lurking in this ap-
parent munificence. When next the item referred
to, the miserable item of 1,2001., put by annually
for authors, artists, and philosophers, is brought
under the notice of the House of Commons, we
earnestly trust that some effort may be made for the
removal of this blot of meanness from the national
scutcheon, and we are sanguine that the most con-
spicuous promoters of the effort will be discovered
in the persons of the Financial Reformers.

ABD-EL-KADER has in no heart excited a more
generous sympathy than in that of Louis NAPOLEON.
The fact has been rendered apparent by a correspon-
dence of the most interesting character which has re-
cently taken place between the PRESIDENT and the
Marquis of LONDONDERRY. The latter personage
having been admitted to an interview with the illus-
trious ex -EMIR in his prison at the Chateau d'Amboise,
experienced emotions so poignantsasattoe
of the French
inducehimto
Magistrate appeal directly to the Chief gitr
Republic in behalf of an illustrious warrior, pining
away the best years of his life in a bootless
captivity. In acting thus Lord LONDONDERRY
only presumed on a personal friendship with
the PRESIDENT which during the time of
the latter's incarceration at Ham induced him to for-
ward a similar application to the then master of France,
the now discrowned and departed LOUIS PHILIPPE
D'ORLEANS ! But that these occurrences have re-
ference to the historic records of the land of revolu-
tions, but that they relate to one who has been a cap-
tive, a ruler, and a refugee, an imperial pretender
and a republican chieftain, we should feel disposed to
marvel over those astounding fluctuations of fortune
which memory in his instance relieves from being
a mere matter of amazement. "It is a
sufficiently remarkable circumstance," says the
Marquis of LONDONDERRY in his letter to Louis
NAPOLEON, " that the person who now presents him-
self before you, to obtain some solace and considera-
tion for this illustrious prisoner, is he who addressed,
in favour of the present PRESIDENT of the Republic,
the same demand to the King Louis PHILIPPE,
whilst the PRESIDENT was a prisoner in the fortress
of Ham." The reminder thus delicately and grace-
fully made
to Louis NAPOLEON must have had a
touching emphasis for him in every syllable ; and
appreciating,as we do, to the fullest extent, the many
qualities of the Prince, we can estimate the
noble
sen-
timents inspired by recollections in the heart of the

PRESIDENT. .
it does upon the
Future annalists will reververt tolivtehleycoarrnedspponecduelniacr
interest, casting e
here alluded to with a v
a light as
benevolence of the Marquis Of o
L N , and
upon
LONDONDERRY,
upon the generoity of Loves NA
the exalted and heroic resignationTpon of the
imprisoned warrior ABD-EL-KADER• the Llast
mentioned subject, his English visitor has fortunately
been explicit
even to a Boswellian minuteness.
Aware of the respect felt by all persons indiscrimi-
nately for the fallen leader of the Arabs, Lord Lox-
DONDERRY has indulged in details of a really delight-
ful minuteness. Speaking of
the personal aspect of
the ex-EMIR, he observes—m His bournous is as
white iv) the driven snow.--his beard as black as jet—

his projecting huge eye-brows of the same hue—with
teeth like ivory—and most expressive dark eyes,
showing peculiarly the white liquid tinge surround-
ing the pupils. His stature is tall and commanding—
his gesture, softness and amiability of expression
almost inexplicable." He does not fail even to notice
the " large, bony, and deep brown hand,"
which ABD..EL-KADER extended to his grasp.
The empressenzent, or as we should say
less emphatically, the fervour of his greeting is
L noticed further on, where the Marquis says, with an
o almost ludicrous air of remembrance—" During the
whole period of our stay he had my band grasped
between his two large skinny palms, and on my
o departure he gave me two such affectionate hugs that
• my neck and shoulders ached for some time after."
These observations occur in the course of his general
narrative of the interview. In his communication,
addressed to the PRESIDENT, he is less explicit, but
• not a jot less emphatic. Among other things, he
remarks, in his letter to Louis NAPOLEON, that the
interesting and distinguished prisoner offered him a
small cup of tea ; " this offering," says he, " and his
conversation were full of an inexpressible grace and
grandeur." In reality, the captive seems to have
fairly captivated the visitor of his captivity.
Nothing by possbility could be more honourable
to himself in every respect than the response which
has since been forwarded to the Marquis of LONDON-
DERRY by the President Louis NAPOLEON. His
letter to the full justifies the encomium since pro-
nounced upon the Chief Magistrate of the Republic
by his friend the English nobleman, to effect that
his character proves " the same in prosperity as in
adversity, frank, noble, benevolent, chivalric, mag-
nanimous." He avers in words, the simple sound of
which bears in it the resonance of veracity,
that he has thought since the first moment
of his triumphal entry into the Elyse
Nationale of the valiant prisoner pining within the
walls of the Chateau d'Amboise. " I confess to you,"
says he, " that from the first day of my election, the
captivity of ABD-EL-KADER has not ceased to occupy
me, and to weigh like a burden on my heart." It
could scarcely, in truth, have been under any circum-
stance otherwise. Louis NAPOLEON, unless his na-
ture had been callous to every generous emotion,
which it is not, must perforce have sympa-
thised with this illustrious victim of imprison-
ment. He who had for six years expe-
rienced the miseries of incarceration in the
fortress of Ham, would not fail to appreciate the
pangs of that solitary existence which the fortunes of
war have forced upon the Captain of the Desert—
not the fortunes of war moreover : we are wrong
in applying that epithet to the confinement of AISD..EL.
KADER, we should rather have said, the most
shameless breach of good faith ever recorded in the
history of a civilized and Christain nation. But the
PRESIDENT of the French Republic does not in any way
content himself with the articulation of these general
expressions of sympathy. " I have also often been
occupied in seeking for the means that could permit
me to place him at liberty without risking a compro-
mise of the repose of Algeria, and the security of our
soldiers and colonists. To-day, even, the new am-
bassador, who is about to repair to Constantinople, is
charged by me to study this question, and believe me
my dear Marquis," he adds, "no person will be more
happy than I, when it will be permitted to me to
render liberty to ABD•EL-KADER. Seeing as yet,
however, no distinct indication of the time when, ac-
cording to the views of his government, he can, with
perfect safety to the interests of the Republican
colony of Algeria, emancipate the heroic ex-Emin
from his irksome and protracted thraldom, the Prince
thus gracefully] evades compliance with the demand
for an interview with ABD-EL-KADER. " I shall
always be very glad to see the Emus, but I can only
see him to announce good news ; I am, therefore,
until that period arrives, deprived of the possi-
bility of granting his request." Those who may
feel disposed to pronounce a hasty or petulant con-
demnation of this delay on the part of Louis NAPO-
LEON, must bear in mind that the enormous respon-
sibilities devolving upon him its his position as
President of the French Republic, a responsibility
requiring him to prefer the safety of Algeria to the
performance of an act which, while it would be one
of justice, would, at the same time most unquestion-
ably, be an act also, of magnanimity. In obeying this
soleinst duty—a duty devolving upon him as Chief
Magistrate of the French Republic—Louis NA-
POLEON is manifestly doing violence to the dictates
of his own noble and generous disposition. We
must content ourselves, therefore, with looking for-
ward to the time which must, we are satisfied, sooner
or later arrive, when his duty and.his inclination will
prove in no way incompatible. He should bear in
recollection, meanwhile, that the same palace which
is now the prison of the Arab 'AnD-EL-KADER was
formerly the home of the Italian LEONARDO DA
VINCI. He should remember that the identical
walls which yielded i❑ an earlier age hospitality to a
great artist, the hospitality, recollect, of the French '
nation, are now inflicting sorrow upon a great
warrior to the disgrace of the French Republic. He
should consider that as FRANCIS I. did not disdain to
visit LEONARDO DA VINCI, neither should Louis NA-
POLEON shrink from according a similarly graceful
evidence of respect for another kind of heroism by
visiting the ex-Emir ABD-EL-KADER in the same
palace of the Chateau d'Amboise.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

Wo have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Assembler National has an article, signed by
M. RABOU, the new editor, recommending a fusion of
Orleanists and Legitimatists, and the restoration of
the Bourbon Monarchy. The article concludes as
follows :

" What did France ask for just before 1789? Was it
that French society should be broken into pieces, and
that the monarchy should fall? No; France demanded
just rights for all, and a free Government. The errors
and passions of all produced a revolution, but revolu-
tion was not the wish of France. It was conciliation,
fusion between all classes in the midst of a monarchy,
become constitutional, which France desired at that
time. Have we not suffered enough to be now cured of
the passions and errors which caused us to fail in effect-
ing that object? Has not experience spoken loud
enough to enable France to obtain now what she asked
for sixty-five years ago?"
The Pays has a crushing critique of M. ROMIEU'S
Spectre Rouge; it is from the pen of M. DE LAMAR.-
TINE, who considers the safety of the country will
be found in the determination of the great majority
of the people to maintain the moderate Republic alike
against Monarchists and Reds.

-The .Natioßal declares that if any attempt is made
to revise the Constitution illegally, the mass of the
people, both in Paris and in the departments, will resist
it, and that they will insist upon the restoration of
universal suffrage.

M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN, in the Presse, hurls a
defiance at all who may attempt to bring about a re-
revision by means which are at variance with the
letter of the Constitution. The article concludes as
follows :

" The later of the Constitution! It is enough for
1852 to restore to public liberties and to universal suf-
frage all that was taken from them in 1849, 1850, and
1851. The game is a good one for the people, for, to
win, they have only to abstain from staking anything--
only to wait with the arms folded. The advantage of
numbers is the least which the defenders of the Republic
possess over their adversaries: let our readers reflect—
the latter have everything, the former nothing to risk.
How then can the result be doubtful? This inevitable
result can only be compromised, if representatives of the
people, misled by perfidious suggestions, deceived by
false information, were to commit the unpardonable fault
of allowing themselves to be dragged into a snare under
the name of a secret society, or it' the pressure exercised
by the proscribed of London on some men of violent
character or empty stomachs were sufficiently strong to
cause an explosion, which the enemies of the Republic
ardently wish for. But this double danger is not to be
feared; every one is warned and upon his guard, for it
is known that the police has its ears at the keyhole of
every place in which there are more than two Republi-
cans, and the eyes open on all letters written, by any
channel, from London to Paris and Paris to London.
"tli'ohnTusshoetth.stehireeeernii;:an end of these three things—revision,
prorogation_her of powers, re-election of the President.
r
thatques-
tions
e.f
oßizoric communi-
catedchearstai
n papers
relating to the proceedings of the French refugees in
onstituti
favourableoneiin
dLe
Thene
Tdd London.
nae
s
situation of the public revenue may be consi-
dered says:--
"itswensenible. Nevertheless, in
d icati examiningon s
of i t ina feietlsi
feeling
details,uneasiness
atvhoeidapnporteihceinngsioinns-
see in these returns the first effectss
otfhtehecofu.antatrlyd.ateWoof
which are inspired by the approach of
May, 1852. Will these warnings be neglected? or
will the crisis be waited for before it is thought of adopt-
ing some decided step?"
We find the following in the Evenenzent:—
" Today one of the national guards, forming the lino