The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-29 00:00:00

EVENING, OCTOBER 29, 1851.

WEDNESDAY

GitAND BANQUET TO KOSSUTH

AT SOUTHAMPTON.

SOUTHAMPTON, TUESDAY NIGHT...-.The hero of
Hungary reached this place at a quarter to two o'clock
to-day, by the train from London, where he had
been to consult an eminent physician on account of
his health, accompanied by several friends, amongst
whom we noticed Lord Dudley Stuart, M. Pulzky,
Captain Townsend, M.P. for Tamworth, Mr. Will-
cox, M.P. for Southampton, Hon. H. Walker, late
Secretary to the American Treasury, and other gen-
tlemen. He was received on his arrival by Mr.
Andrews, the Mayor of Southampton, Mr. C. Deacon,
the Town Clerk, Mr. Croskey, the American Consul,
and several other gentlemen. There were about one
hundred ladies and gentlemen on the platform waiting
the arrival of Kossuth, who did not look very well.
The ex-Governor of Hungary, who was received
with loud cheers, which he acknowledged by bowing,
then proceeded in the Mayor's carriage to Mr. Cros-
key's residence, Orchard- place, opposite the platform,
where a (4ieuner was prepared for him.
During the qjeuner, Mr. Alderman Wire, Mr. C.
Gilpin, and other gentlemen from the Corporation of
London arrived, when Mr. Gilpin, on the part of the
Lord Mayor of London, invited Kossuth to a din-
ner at the Egyptian Hall, which he accepted.
It was stated that the Ocean Steam Navigation
Company have, in the kindest manner, offered to con-
vey L. Kossuth and his family to America free of
expense. It is unnecessary to say that the offer has
been most gratefully accepted.
The news of the arrival of Kossuth spread with
rapidity through the town, and the union-jack was
immediately hoisted upon several of the houses in the
High-street, over the Town-hall, and in various other
localities. The Hungarian flag floated conspicuously
over the Mayor's residence, and the street rapidly
filled with persons anxious to witness the arrival of his
Excellency at the Mayor's town house, Above Bars,
where it had been arranged by his Worship, that the
various deputations from several towns should be in-
troduced to Kossuth to present addresses to him.
It ma; expected that the American Minister would
attend the dinner here, but at four o'clock a letter
was received from his Excellency, stating that he was
unable to leave home from indisposition, and that he
was unwillingly obliged to be absent.
At five o'clock Kossuth proceeded to the Mayor's
residence in the High-street, when addresses were
presented to him by the Mayor of Leicester, accom-
panied by Mr. Harris, M.P.; from Sheffield, by Mr.
Isaac Ironsides ; and from Edinburgh, Leeds, and
Sunderland, by the Mayor of Southampton.
Kossuth promised to reply to these addresses at an
early opportunity.
Mr. F. O'Connor came down by a late train, and
hastened to wait on Kossuth, and to pour on him
great professions of friendship and devotion, declaring
ha would die in his cause, shed his blood, &c., and
calling on the people to cheer for " the Great
Citizen," and lending much activity to the appearance
of the apartment. The Hon. Member's blandishments
were not very well received, though they were very
pressing.
At six o'clock Kossuth, escorted by a large assem-
blage of people, who cheered him tremendously, re-
paired to the banquet, which took place at the old
Town-hall, over the Bar-gate. The room was hand-
somely decorated. The name of the guest was
emblazoned in flowers on the wall, the Hungarian
banner from New York was suspended from the ceil-
ing, and the walls were draped with banners—the
standards of England, America, Turkey, and the
municipal flags. A number of ladies, in full dress,
were seated on the benches generally occupied by the
judges, barristers, and attorneys.
About 150 gentlemen sat down to dinner. On the
right of the Mayor were Kossuth, Lord D. Stuart,
the Hon. J. Walker, Mr. Willcox, M.P., Mr.
Wyld, M.P., Mr. Alderman Wire, Mr. Gilpin,
&c. On the left were Colonel J. B. Lawrence
(attache to the United States Legation, son of
the American Minister, who was detained in town
by the indisposition of Mrs. Abbott Lawrence),
Lord C. Fitzroy, Sir J. C. Lillie, Mr. Croskey
(United States Consul, in his Consular
unifuorm), M.
I'ulsky, General Vetter, &c. ; Mr. F. O'Connor, M.P.,
Mr. Harris, M.P., General Klapka, M. Vikovitz,
Minister of Justice; Count Andraschy, Lieut.-Col.
Szulczewski, and many distinguished Hungarians
now in this country.
While the dinner was progressing, Mr. F. O'Con-
nor, who was seated some distance away from the
principal persons, came up and addressed Kossuth,
saying—" I love you. My heart is yours," &c., at
the same time grasping hia hand.
The MAYOR started up and said—" I can't allow
this."
Mr. O'CONNOR—Why, what's the matter ?
The MAvon—l won't allow this. I have been in
the habit of attending at public dinners, and I cannot
permit any interruption of this kind.—(Loud cheers
and groans for Mr. O'Connor.) I must request you
to resume your seat.
Mr. O'Connor did so, with an attempt at a smile on
his face. Subsequently be rose to speak, but was put
down by a volley of groans, cries of " Order," and
hisses, and was obliged to content himself with calling
for cheers for Kossuth. He left the room in the
course of the evening.

The cloth having been removed,
The MAYOR said—l rise with great pleasure to
which I am sure
propose the first toast of the evening,
will be received 'with enthusiasm
only by every Englishman, but b and affection, not
y every friend of
ours in foreign countries—it is "
beloved
Queen."—(Loud
The health of our
which Mr. Walker exclaimed, cheers,
in the midst of
One cheer more,
from Americans.") "
The MAYOR again rose and said—l rise with much
pleasure to propose the next toast, " The health of
the Consort of our beloved
and if ever fo-
reign nations could acknowledge honours
onours as due to
the Royal Consort, they were this year due to Prince
Albert.—(Hear, hear.) Th
Ex-
hibition emanated from hise Royalconception of the
which England, especially Highness, from
th
already reaped many advantages,
moe working classes, has
and from which we
are likely to reap many I beg therefore to
propose, and I am sure you will drink with all en-
thusiasm, " The healths of Prince Albert and the
Royal Family."—(Loud cheers.)
The MAYOR again rose and said—ln giving you
this toast I feel a little egotistical, as when we last
met in this ancient hall,a festive board, it
was to do honour to some aroundllant admirals and officers
VI ho had come over to England
mission of peace and goodwill.gand from Turkey on a
them our anxious desire wishWe thenthat urged
li o:s
uothn
should be free—(Cheers)—and we informed them
farther, that the Sultan had
the 30th of September
Ic.o spsuaatahed his word that on
should be set at
liberty. They assuredthat if the Soltan had
once passed his word, he us,
would keep it.—(Loud
cheers.) And keep it he did ;
free.—(Loud
honour to
the noble Sultan—Kossuth isree.—(Loud cheers.)
In defiance of the despotic tyrants of Russia and Aus-
tria, he did set him free,although his territory was
threatened to be invaded by the
serfs and Austrian tyrants • but thviordsesu Sultan
aa Russian
serfs ssian
e
'
there was a John Bull, and his sturdy
' son Jonathan,
who were always ready to defend justice, troth, and
liberty. God grant that they may always continue
united, and then there can be no danger of the world's
freedom.— (Cheers.) He concluded by proposing
the " Health of the Turkish Sultan."
The MAYOR, in proposing the next toast, " The
President of the 'United States," expressed the plea-
sure which he felt in seeing present the son of that
distinguished gentleman, Mr. Abbott Lawrence. lie
was not able to be present himself, but by sending
such a substitute he had done everything in his
power to support the cause which they had met to
uphold.— (Cheers.)
" Lord Palmerston and her Majesty's Ministers,"
was the next toast, and was received with much ap-
plause.
The MAYOR said that ho now rose with more plea-
sure to give the health of the two Members for the
borough of Southampton than he had ever done in his
lif®. One of them had taken a very great interest in
the cause of Hungary in the House of Commons, and
he had also shown sufficient interest in it to be pre-
sent that evening. lie had no doubt that, although
their other Member was absent in body, be was
pre-
sent with them in feeling and spirit. He said ad-
visedly that her Mjesty's Attorney-General was
with them in heart, and he believed that if •
iwt would
they
yaughter
consistent with their station and position,
have half the Cabinet Ministers there.—
and cheers.) God grant that the whole of the
boroughs of England might return two such men, and
then liberty would be gained, not onlyHe
for Hungary,
hut for other parts of the world. e gave them ~Tfie
1 Health of the two Members for the borough of South-
ampton."
Mr. B. M. WILLcox returned thanks. Though
his llonourable Colleague was absent he had given
abundant proof of his attachment to the cause of
Hungary in that most eloquent speech which he made
in the House of Commons when Lord Palmerston
was put on his trial. The Hon. Member then read
the following extract :—" Are your sympathies with
that noble people who
Austria against Huegary—
possessed a constitution as ancient as your own,whose
nationality was secured to them by treaty upon
treaty, who saved Austria at a time when the empire
was almost prostrate under a combieation of the
powers that sought its dismemberment, but who are
now sought to be absolutely submerged in the Aus-
trian empire, and to become a subordinate portion of
the Austrian people ? They said, we htve our own
laws and constitution ; we have sworn to preserve
them
inviolate; we have before drawn out swords for
you in the time of national peril ; we must now draw
them people whom
Austria in our own defence. This was the b
Austria attempted to put down, but she had power
nocal
to put down that gallant population. But theredid
at
last occur the intervention of the barbarous hordes
of Russia; and your sympathies are for the hutch.

eries of Haynau—for his military executions—for his
scourging of women. Your sympathies are for these
things, because you say that order is restored." For
himself he could only say, that having been a constant
supporter of the principles of civil and religious
liberty, he wanted words to express how deeply gra-
tified he felt that evening at seeing the welcome they
had given to their illustrious guest, who, struggling
for the liberties of his country, had lost all except his
honour.—(Loud cheers.)
The MAYOR said that, in proposing the next toast,
he felt how inadequate he was to the duty of prefacing
it in a proper manner. Seeing how many happy
faces there were there, he was almost overwhelmed
when he thought of the honour which their illustrious
guest had done them by landing on their shores.
Who went out to meet him ? Why, the working
classes, the wealth of the nation. He was told that
no gentlemen went out to meet him ; but his answer
was, that he thought they were all gentlemen.—
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) When the brute liayuau
came to England, what a contrast his reception af-
forded. When ho went to taste the ale at a great
brewery in London, the dray men of the establish-
ment drove him out, and he was obliged to hide him-
self in the dusthole of a pot-house. The Kaiser and
the Czar had heard of the disgrace of Haynau, and
they might depend upon it that they would hear of
the triumph of Kossuth.—(Cheers.) He was told
that a courier had started for Vienna the very mo-
ment the news reached London of Kossuth's landing
at Southampton. He was deeply gratified at their
presence there tonight, and if ever he was over-
powered with joy, it was at the present moment. " It
overflows with joy," continued the worthy chairman,
addressing Kossuth, " to see you, sir, emancipated
from thraldom, and to see the sons of liberty rallying
around you from every town and every hamlet, and
giving you a hearty welcome. I can only assure you,
sir, in the presence of this assembly, that what we
have done is only a simple foretaste of what the peo-
ple of England will do for you. I give you, gentle-
men, " Our illustrious guest, Louis Kossuth.'
The announcement of the toast was received with
enthusiastic acclamations, the cheering being renewed
again and again, while the ladies stood up and waved
their handkerchiefs. The cheering having subsided,
KOSSUTH rose to reply, and was received with
renewed applause. Ile said—Mr. Mayor, my Lords,
and gentlemen, this is the second festive occasion on
which I have the honour to express my must sincere
thanks .to the Mayor and Corporation of Southamp-
ton, for the generous welcome with which they
honour me, and to you for the noble sympathy with
which you have joined this demonstration. God has
awarded two blessings to those he has elected—bliss
in heaven, and freedom on earth.—(Cheers.) May
you, may the English nation, be blessed for ever with
both of these blessings. No man who is aware of the
value of his destiny can live satisfied without freedom,
but he to whom God has granted freedom, he has
gained all that is requisite for the development of his
own excellence, which is the state in which the con-
sistent exertions of the English nation have placed
them. That is the basis upon which England has
become like a Paradise on earth, and the operation
of that basis will convert other parts of the world
into a Paradise like England. During all my life I
have had a single leading idea—liberty. The aim of
my life was to secure the blessings of this liberty to
my people, though I know this blessing but instinc-
tively. Now, when I behold England, and when I
see how liberty ennobles a man and beautifies a
nation, how should I not feel double my deter-
mination to renew my struggle, and, if it must be, to
die, that my people may become free—my people,
than whom I can say no people on earth are better
deserving to be free ?—(Cheers.) But, besides the
blessing of freedom, there is also a glory allotted to
you—that is, the proud position which 'the English
hold, that they not only bear goodwill, but that they
also have a brother's hand to give to those who are
less fortunate.—(Hear, hear.) You apply to other
countries that Divine doctrine of our Saviour,
" Thou shilt love thy neighbour as thyself."—
(Cheers.) It is only thus I can explain the grand
phenomenon that so many nobleminded men, different
in rank, but united in their love and enjoyment of
liberty, join to express their sympathy for the prin-
ciple of liberty, of which they choose to consider me
to be a humble representative. It is only thus I can
explain the great phenomenon that those honourable
classes whose entire capital consists of their honest
labour and their time, those classes before whose ma-
jesty every rank must bow, that they left their labour
and gave up their time to express their sympathy for
the principle of liberty. And well may the work-
ing classes express their sympathy for liberty, be-
cause without it there is no lasting security for so-
cial order, which is indispensable, that every one may
enjoy the fruits of his honest labour. Without liberty
there is no obedience to the law, because when a ty-
rant is the lawgiver, the law is obeyed only from
fear; but when the lawgiver is the people themselves,
they respect what they themselves have enacted.
Therefore, I say, without liberty there is no obedience
to the law. Without liberty, again, there is no field
for productive labour, so as to benefit those who
work. Without liberty there is no security for
person or property, and if it is not the aim of
human society to grant security for person
and property, and so to ennoble man's heart
and develop his mind, if this be not the aim of
human society, then I do not know what aim it has.
Where there is productive labour, and if a country
produces more than it can consume, such a country
must have free intercourse and an uninterrupted com-
munication with the world, that the redundant fruits
of its production may be ensured to it, and that
no plethora may exist. This free intercourse is
contained in the words free trade.—(Loud cheers.)
Now, I beg to ask the question, whether this idea of
free trade is realised by this exportation from
England ? I believe there is another part of the
world which wishes to enjoy free trade also, but free
exportation has no meaning if that which is exported
cannot be imported. It is therefore I say that the
people of England sympathise with liberty, because
without liberty there is no free trade. Commerce is
the most powerful means tor the development of
civilization. I hope I did not do wrong in touching
on this question of the material interests of England.
—(No, no.) It was fortunate, it was glorious, when
the interests of a great nation were identified with
the freedom of the world. The principle of all evil
on the continent of Europe is the despotic and en-
croaching spirit of the Russian Power.—(Cheers.)
There is the pillar which supports everybody who
wishes to establish despotism in a nation, raising him-
self upon the ruins of liberty. There is the rock
which breaks every sigh for liberty. It was not
without reason, then, that I said the principle of all
evil on the continent of Europe is Russia.
This is so true that even Jesuitism, which
within these last times, has commenced a
second time to raise its head in Europe,
is supported by the power of Russia. We are in the
neighbourhood of a great nation which has suffered
enough not to enjoy the fruits of its sorrowful times,
because it has within it a party called—l know not
how rightly—the Jesuitical party—a party which
threatens the existence of the French Constitution.
And even here—in this glorious country—not long
ago, there was a topic—a question—which agitated as
well the public opinion as the debates in Parliament.
—(Cheers.) I know what is convenient to me in
this place and due to you. I will not enter into this
question, but I shall only speak of one curious coin-
cidence. I myself am a Protestant—(Loud cheers)
—not only a Protestant by birth, but a Protestant
by conviction—(Prolonged cheers)—but I am the
humble representative of a nation the majority of
which is composed of Catholics. Now, it is not one
of the least of the glories of my poor nation, that at
all times, in present days as well as in former times,
when my forefathers bled for freedom of conscience,
there were in Hungary Catholics who were
ready to fight and to struggle, by peaceful means
as well as in the field, for freedom of conscience
and religious liberty. In the establishment of free-
dom, the rights of Protestants have been always op-
posed by the halls of Hapsburgh ; and even iu his-
tory they have been strongly united with the prin-
ciples of Jesuitism—(Cheers.) The freedom of the
Protestants in Hungary was established by treaties, by
pacifications—which were carried by the victorious
swords of Hungary, fighting for freedom of con-
science.—(Cheers.) To be sure, Hungary was ge-
nerous enough, the moment that victory was gained,
to sheathe its sword, because while Hungary loved
liberty it was also true to its loyalty. It may be
sufficient to say that the freedom of the Protestants
in Hungary was secured by laws and pacifications on
which the existence of the house of Hapsburgh re-
poses, and that part which was wanting to the full en-
joyment of our rights we carried in 1848, between
and among our other reforms.—(Cheers.) Sir, when
Russia raised the fallen house of Austria by putting
its foot upon the neck of Hungary, the first deed of
the house of Hapsburgh was to give the noblest
blood of Hungary to the hangman, and her second
was to destroy the free rights of the Protestant reli-
gion of Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) There was 3 at
connected another fact with respect to the Catholic
Church. The Kings of Hungary were always in
former times anxious not to allow much to meddle
and chiefly not to allow the Court of Rome to meddle
with the temporal affairs of Hungary,
so that our
glorious King, Matthias Corvonus, an Hungarian by
birth, seeing tho encroachments of the Rowan Court
to be such that he could scarcely act as King of
Hungary, answered the Pope in these words
May your Holiness remember that Hungary,
which bears two crosses on her ensign, would rather
cross with three spears than endure ist the Papal
Government should 'mix itself with the liberties of the
Hungarian Church."—(Cheers.)
Sothe liberties of Hungary by its kingsinweforremceornsteimrveesd,
who were anxious to conserve its independence; and
now that Russia has planted to vegetate for a few
months the halls of Hapsburg, he abandons the rights
of conscience, and gives a full field for Jesuitism,

much to the discontent of many Catholics themselves,
and he has united with the Jesuits for the destruction
of the guarantees of the Protestant Church.—(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear.") These are the precedent
things which carried the agitation into this country.
After the Jesuitism of the Court of Rome had been
founded in Hungary
.by that satellite of Russia, the
halls of Hapsburg, he stretched forth his hand to go
farther.—(Cheers.) Therefore in that respect lam
entitled to say that the principle of every ill in Europe
is the despotic and encroaching power of Russia, on
which leans every man who is doing wrong to huma-
nity.—(Cheers.) Now, it is that very power of
Russia which England meets in its way in every
part of the world—in Herat, on the Bosphorus, in
'spatla in the Archipelago, all over Europe, and
everywhere. It is the identification of the inte-
rests of England with the interests of the freedom
of Europe that makes me hope that the generous
sympathies which I have met with here will not
remain an empty sound—(Cheers)—that it will not
remain without some practical result in favour of my
country and of humanity. I have a confident hope
that there is no party in England which will deny
that the armed interference of Russia in Hungary has
increased beyond measure the power and influence of
Russia in Europe, at the same time that it has vio-
lated the principle of the independence of nations to
dispose of their own domestic concerns. If this be
true, it cannot be denied that, so long as the indepen-
dence of Hungary is not restored, the preponderance
of Russia in Europe will not retire—it will not sub-
side—but will increase. What is it then that I re-
quire in the name of my poor country, and in the in-
terests of all oppressed Europe, from great and mighty
England ? Is it that England should draw the sword
to restore Hungary ? No, gentlemen. All that I
humbly request, and wish, and hope is, that England
would not abandon Hungary and Europe to oppres-
sion—that England would not grant a charter to the
Czar to dispose of the destinies of Europe. Public
opinion in England can make it a leading principle
to acknowledge the natural rights of every nation to
dispose of herself and not to allow the Czar to inter-
fere with the domestic concerns of whatever nation in
Europe it pleases.—(Cheers.) People of the mighty
Albion, that is all and nothing else which oppressed
humanity expects, entreats, and hopes for. All
the rest that is to do, leave the nations
of Europe to do for themselves.—(Loud cheers.)
Austria—but, no, not Austria—l love, I esteem the
people of Austria as brothers. I feel its sufferings as
keenly as the sufferings of my own people. I have
my wishes and my hopes for the future of the people
of Austria as fervently as for my own people. I have
a right to say so. My life is an open book.—(Loud
cheering.) It is history which must pronounce its
judgment upon it, and neither Austrian hirelings nor
party spirit, nor blind oppression, nor those base,
absurd calumnies which in my position could not fail
to have been aimed at me, though now I must say
that I am surprised to see them find their way—these
calumnies—into quarters which I could not otherwise
have expected.—(Cheers.) It may be that, relying
on the fact that my people are a moral people, who
have never, in any one example or instance, given his
confidence, given his love to a man who was not an
honest man—it may be that, relying on the testimony
of that people, I shall not further consider these
calumnies ; but it may also be, that I shall entreat
against them the protection of the laws of England.—
(Cheers.) I shall consider the matter so soon as the
duties which I owe to my fatherland will leave me a
moment to sacrifice to myself.—(Prolonged cheering.)
But still, I say, I regret to see these calumnies
spread here in England—not for myself, because
I believe they will but enhance the generous affec-
tions of generous men, with whom it is so natural
to feel indignation against those attempts ; but I
regret it, because it is no consolatary aspect of hu-
manity to see our fellow-creatures behave in such a
base manner. Still history will pronounce upon my
public life. I had a public life once, and perhaps I
may have a public life yet once again.—(Cheers.)
Therefore in respect of Austria I have a right to say
what I said, because I look back to facts when I state
that the people of Austria have never had nor can
have a more faithful friend than myself. Therefore,
it is not in respect of the people of Austria, but of the
halls of Hapsburgh, that I am willing to say a few
words ' • and all I say is this, that the halls of Haps-
burgh having violated :by its perjury every right of
every of its nations is doomed. As there is a God in
heaven so there is justice on earth.—(Cheers.) The
halls of Austria having forfeited for ever the love and
affections of a nation, there is no basis more for its
existence. Bayonets do not make a basis, because
the soldier also belongs to the people. The soldier
also is a citizen. We had a great example of this in
the past struggles of Hungary, and may be again, if
God should grant a future to Hungary, every citizen
will be a soldier and every soldier will be a citizen.
—(Loud cheers.) Even from English soldiers I
have received the expression of the most ge-
nerous sentiments—at Gibraltar especially I re-
ceived from soldiers expressions and sentiments of
the warmest generosity. Therefore I say that bayonets
alone are no basis for the existence of a despotic
power; continental loans afford no basis, for they
land a nation in bankruptcy. On what then rests the
existence of Austria ? On the will of his master the
Czar, and so long as there is complete obedience on
the part of his satellite. But while the halls of
Austria has no future, the people of Hungary has a
future. It has a future because it deserved to live—

it has a future because of its vitality—it has a future
because its independence is necessary to the liberties
of Europe.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, to me every oc-
casion is in the highest degree valuable where my
feeble words, without the power of eloquence—you
see I designedly employ no eloquence, but adhere
to the logical effect of a common understanding—to
me every moment is valuable where I may discuss
the matters of my poor native land, and I know you
would be so generous as to hear me ; but I am suffer-
ing, and I feel that I am not capable to speak long
without consequences, and, therefore, I shall beg
leave at once to thank you for believing in the glories
of the future of my country, to which I shall devote en-
tirely that life that has been rescued and liberated from
the bondage of Austria. My liberation, in the
first place, is due to the noble sentiments of the
Sultan—(Cheers)—who, at the beginning, in spite
of all the threats and menaces of Russia and Austria,
conserved and protected my life, and the lives of my
companions. Afterwards, but with sorrow, he yielded
to the pressure of circumstances, which forced him
for a time to imprison us, though, with a noble in-
spiration and respect for the rights of humanity, in
defiance of all the threats of the despots, to restore
me to liberty. I give myself to you as I am; might
I live a thousand years, I should never forget any
wrong that is done to my people—my country ; but,
as to myself, it is a part of my nature that I do not
like to look upon past griefs but only as instructions
for the future; and partly by this consideration,
partly because I have a knowledge, a conviction
that the people of Turkey have vitality yet—l have
a conviction that the future of the Turkish empire is
not contrary whatever to the political interests of
Europe, but is rather strongly and intimately con-
nected with the interests of England and Hungary,
and, therefore, out of this consideration, and also
considering the conduct I met with there, I left Turkey
with the sentiment that I had no remembrance of the
sufferings of my captivity, but only of the benefits
which I have received. I declare that Turkey will
find in me ever a faithful friend, so I acknowledge the
conduct of the Sultan. I must also return my deep-
felt thanks for the warm interest that was taken in
my liberation by the Governments of Great Britain
and the United States—(Cheers)—which was in so
high and generous a manner supported by public
opinion in both countries, and was even sanctioned
by the Congress of the United States. It is there
fore with broken strength, but with the deepest feel-
ings of my heart, that I propose the toast—" Eng-
land, the United States, and Turkey."—(Cheers.)
Colonel LAWRENCE said—l thank you for the kind
sentiment, so far as the United States are concerned,
which you have just drank ; but I feel embarrass-
ment, mingled with regret, that the American
Minister himself is not present to respond, in a much
abler manner than I can pretend to do, to the senti-
ment expressed, as well as to partake in the hospitality
which you have afforded to our illustrious friend. I
-I
shall not venture to occupy your time with any
lengthened remarks ; but as a member of the Ameri-
can legation, and as an American citizen, Icannot
but give some expression to the f *se ings which rise
instinctively to my heart on the present. occasion.
Our illustrious guest is
tat.ect by the same
feelings which animated the pa riots a my native
land—men who dared all, who endured all, who suf-
fered all, for their country's good, and to excite the
country to hold aloft the banner of constitutional law
and independence. And he finds himself present
among an assemblage of Englishmen, defenders of the
same liberties for which Hampden died and Sydney
bled.—(Cheers.) With regard to my own country,
I can say that America is too young to have forgotten
her own struggles, or to refuse to feel a generous
sympathy for the constitutional struggles of another
nation. And I can well remember the gloom which
spread over the countenance of every American when
the news reached them of the surrender of Comorn
and all its disastrous consequences, as they felt thit
the cause of despotism was about to triumph and to
ride rough shod over the liberties of a nation, though
they still hoped that right and justice would ultimately
triumph.—(Cheers.) I shall not say more thantt
hto
assure your illustrious guest of the welcome h
will meet with in my country ; throughout the
whole
of the United States there is but one heart,
illusttiousart, and that
beats with sympathy for the name
of
will be ex.
Kossuth. The right hand of fello.wship
tended to him from Maine to Louisiana, from Georgia
I shall conclude by biny
Hun-
gary, to Wisconsin.—(Cheers.)
ing this sentiment—May the star of
gary, though now dim in the horizon, yet culminata
and shine in its zenith; and may Hungarians be a

_ r

free and happy people, victorious in the land of their
STUARTbirth.—
rose—He could scarcely
(Cheers,)
Lord DUDLEY
express his feelings in rising on the present occasion,
but those feelings must be common to every bosom in
this company, to almost every bosom in this
country, and to all lovers of liberty over the
world. The toast which, in common with Mr. Law-
rence, he had the honour to respond to formed a sub-
lime subject, and one which, would require a master
to handle as it deserved; but, inadequate as he felt
to do justice to it, be felt proud to respond to it.,
(Cheers.) England, America, Turkey—that was the
toast to which they had done honour. How noble it
was to think of these two countries, inhabited by the
Anglo-Saxon race, and of another country in the
East, not free, but on the road to be so—how noble
it was to think of these countries being brought into
close alliance, not by material interests, but by the,
principle of independence. But he was satisfied that
sound principles were connected even with material
interests, as they had just heard from their illustrious
guest. He was proud that his country was associated
with America and Turkey in the preservation of Kos-
suth; hut for the support which a spirited English
Minister gave to the Sultan, it was to be feared that
the latter would have been compelled to give up his
guest, and so to have incurred everlasting shame. Not
less true was it that his illustrious friend would have
been kept still in captivity but for the united remon-
strances of England and America. He hoped the
three nations would long act together in such a noble
cause, and
might that other nation in whose cause
they had united be soon restored again to liberty and
independence.—(Cheers.) And he trusted their
Hun-
gary alone, but to all the nations of Europe..
4inhgecosfuasecoutinietry
union would be productive ofadvantage, not to
was another country—he should not be chagedriteirthe
identifiedegot i m i nhsi speaking
countries were inseparably co
So it is.] So it was, said his •
connected. [Ko
ustrious friend; and
no doubt the Czar, when heinterests of iliofchthhee twohad
knew the truth of this as
much interfered Hungary,
as any one. The
Czar said that the Hungarian urm
Poles, but the truth was that of 200,000 was
200
()composed of
, 00 men, of
whom the Hungarian army was composed,
_ there were
lan
only 4,000 Polish auxil. •
es. But the truth was that
they had many distinguished Polish g rals
had the immortal Bern, Dembinski,-eannedGena
Wysocki, and the nephew of Prince Czartorisky,.e
Count Zamoyski,while the agents of Prince Czartorisky
did what they could to smooth down differences be-
tween contending races—between Sclavonian and the
Magyar, the Magyar and Roumar, and other races.
—(Cheers.) Now it was said that the Poles were the
enemies of every Government in Europe ; but the
reason was that every Government in the east of
Europe was the enemy of the Poles. He apologised
for this digression; but he could not help feeling
proud of his position on the present occasion. On one
side of him was a man who had been governor of
Hungary, and who, he hoped, would soon be governor
again ; and, by a remarkable coincidence, on his
other side was a man (Mr. Walker) who was likely
soon to become the President of the United States.—
(Loud cheers.) He trusted that these demonstrations
would not be considered empty smoke, and that per-
sons high in power, seeing what the wishes of the
people were, would, in any future crisis that might
arise in Hungary, prove by their actions that they
were the true exponents of the will of the people of.
England.—(Cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. Wren, a Dissenting minster, and
brother of the Member for Bodmin, rose to propose,
as the next toast, " The Constitutional Governments
of England and the United States." He reminded
the company that when present at a meeting held in
that hall, for the purpose of calling upon the Govern-
ment to interfere and procure the release of Kossuth,
he bad prophesied that the day would come when they
should have the pleasure of welcoming him under
the shadow of that flag (pointing to the borough
standard, which was suspended over the ladies' gal-
lery). He rejoiced that his prophecy had turned out
true, and that this illustrious man had met a recep-
tion worthy of himself.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Wyld
then made a brief allusion to the subject of his toast,
and concluded by emphatically assuring Kossuth that
there was not in the three kingdoms a true man's
heart that was not his—an assertion which appeared
to meet the assent of the majority present.
The Hon. R. J. WALKER, of the United States,
responded to the toast in a speech of some length, in
the course of which he said that if England and
America were united there was no reason why they
should fear the world in arms. Was not the ocean
theirs ? It was a fact that nine-tenths of the commer-
cial marine of the world belonged to those two great
Powers ; but he would not boast of their maritime
strength. In the United States there were 4,000,000
militia; and if ever a conflict should arise between
liberty and despotism, and the time, perhaps, was not
far distant, there would not be ships enough to carry
those who would rush to the assistance of England.
The people of the United States loved the illustrious
exile Kossuth, and they would give him such a re-
ception as they never gave to any man before but
Lafayette. And the reception would be even more
tender, because he came as an exile, and had suffered,
like Lafayette, in an Austrian dungeon. He begged
to conclude with this sentsment—" Louis Kossuth,
an exile without wealth or office, but more feared by
the despots of the world than an army with banners.
Mr. Grerns proposed " Municipal Institutions the
bulwarks of national independence."—(Cheers.)
Turning to to the eulogy of the guest of the evening.,
he said he hoped the time would come when Austri,
and its immeasurable infamies would exist only in the
pages of hiAory ; the liberation of millions of serf s
would make him, all Protestant as he was, the patrol
saint of the hearths and hearts of his countrymen .
lie was going across the Atlantic, to a country the •
only one which had sent a vessel for his liberation. It
was a noble and a generous act, and when he reached I
that country he trusted the people there would re-
member that his proudest motto was—he bid his coun-
try's slaves be free.—(Loud cheers.) He concluded
an eloquent speech by proposing the toast, which was
drank with loud cheers.
Mr. FALVEY, of the Hampshire independent, re -
turned thanks.
The following toasts were then proposed :
"The Mayor and Corporation of Southampton; ."
by M. Pulzky.
"A closer union between the Nations that have it ,-
herited the traditions end practice of Free Institl
tions ;" by Mr. Willcox, M.P.
" The Corporation of London, and the Municipal
Institutions of England ;" by Alderman 'Wire.
" The Press, the power by which the knowled.
ad
and practice of free institutions may be spread far a,
ad
wide ;" by Captain Mangles.
" The Magistrates of the Borough ;" by b
Harman.
" The Town Clerk ;" by the Mayor.
"The Ladies ;" by Mr. Alderman Palk.
The company separated at a late hour.

MANSION-HousE.—Yesterday the Lord Mayor E 11.
tertained a select party of the Protestant Dissenting mh tia-
steixrst3a,
adnindnaerm.onegotvheersiwzne,rietealsigduesints twhee.DriLet.,oe_vnlg:Je. ParlourLlieointe.
th
udcrt,
Rev. Baptist Noel, Rev. Dr. Collyer, D.D., Rev. Dr. Cu pi-
ney. Thor aas
Archer,mingD 'DD.:I).R, RevTe.hvo.lm'rHasar.'c}iii'soisntAenre.yß,Ct?Drxd:epri),., D. a, Rev. Jilt nea
Sherman, Rev.
D. D. Rev. J. Bennet,
j.i teivuD.l. :splo)t.ri ~,
Rev.AR ledve. r Alexander,Dßr.evß.
ujnotihnag,AlL'nl e;tve-j.
Rev. Thomas Jaßßemjrvee.vees.vyn.D,
rl.lerryi.dnal tilnr.,
..
jois.i‘owiihrra.n.rdßGAllrolc:
ci
13. k aits-:
Johnjc ha ne rie, :D,
Campbell,.iD t
e.,v.rhep
rlD.Zeivi),Ll.r,ris,
Jefferson,R„,tiol,eeinnv:,Rev. Mr.
R TitteiheNr,vo.. n.
Rll
jlitaals.tvhtp.eAnnr:Bb.
uaeuulmtir,rnynegi
ts,,Rtetivie,l:.a:
imvii.)eli
rly.t.m.olhAn,:he,.
Beaumont
l.uDißpins.
kc., &c. :Dtogelnian'ten;v:R.

SIR WILLIAM CUBITT.—Not many years since be
was in the employ of the Messrs. Ransome, of this town. The
first steam-engine in Ipswich was erected 'by him ; and the
gas works of the town were constructed under his direct son.lie invented the patent windmill sails, now almost univ er...4
ally adopted ; and many an incorrigible rogue has done t MT-
thing but bless him for contriving the treadmills
sons. He was the engineer who was employed
present Stoke bridge, after the old structure h
0_
this s
Tor_
away by the floods. Soon after the completion tilo)neeelreucsrti
reptic;he
et tfilhe
had
he left this town for the metropolis, but n
given evidence of the possession ofa very
en-
gineering talent. In London he hads , placed h high
under
orderhis coif.
n g eEoaysetre,manht
to
was
subsequently chosen engineer
the task of removing Shaksperoef'
electeda member of the Royal Sot lety
railway. Having been
a position he still worthily i ills.
as to be elected its president,s p theel Cliff,
tthp-
ir William Cubitt also planned the
of Civil Engineers, he subsequently so distinguished hin Melt'
- Ipswich Express. [
great landing stage at Liverpool.]
1 CHERCH-STRI ItET
eS NT AT THEm
yEN
—Yesterday evening r. N . Baker held an :in-
FATAL ACCIDENT ,
ureslit'ia°ihe London Hospital, respecting the death pf Ja
tt e‘s
Powell,tN aged 16 years. The deceased on Friday aftern aon
last was a passenger in a second-class carriage from Bla C. k-
wall, and when the train reached the platform at the F, a-
church-street station he opened the door. A guard WY Uhe
deceased getting out, when he shouted to him to wait, b ut
the deceased fell out under the door, and was dragged do' ig
the rails several yards. The train being stopped, it le as
discovered that the deceased had received a severe lacerati on
of the left arm. He was placed in a cab and conveyed to
the hospital, where he expired on Saturday last from 1 he
effects of the injuries. Several of the servants were ex-
mined, and said that there were placards posted on e v't iry
platform, cautioning the passengers not to get out before,' the
train stopped, but many persons did not heed the bills. 1 'he
jury returned a verdict of " Accidental death."
THE MERCHANT AND NAVAL SERVICE.—A "'I,
useful Act of Parliament was passed in the late session, 5j0,133,
it
extend the benefits of certain provisions of the til*
of the -poor
Merchant Seamen's Act relating to apprentices bouind to
the sea service by boards of guardiatnos
h geable to unions
1 in Ireland, and to enabled such guardian:
chargeable in the naval service. By this Act, Y place out 'boys
b°-:ovided, and boss in
be I olaced
may be apprenticed and their outfiet 12
the receipt of parish relief, who a
out by the guardians in the naval
fis of the union.
their outfit provided by the reendiecseiroofushernrailajest y and
LIE CHIJRcH.—It
f the Puseyite clergymen in his
of Canterbury's me)Ultions
h de.ired effect, and that the 'whole
served
e dotnonae l
sorfg
et the
mAhrcerhebiosis hsoaid that the prompt and
p
Grace's diocese has had t
of the gentlemen alluded to
practices objected to.
intention of discontinuing
thehave signified to his Grace their