The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The arrival of M. Pozzo di Borgo in London
is a confirmation or violation of the Horatian
maxim, " Neu Deus intersit nisi dignus yin-
dice nodus ;" but arrive be did on Wednesday
night,:. and was seen on his way to Downing-
street yesterday, to pay the customary marks of
attention. His visit, it is asserted, has no poli-
tical object in view. It is mere aassement.
He wishes to look about him. London, per-
haps, where he has not got to make a speech to
the King, is more agreeable than Paris, where
lie would have been obliged to make one, either
touching upon delicate subjects or vet more
suspiciously avoiding them. So observant a
person as this statesman really is will have to
report useful facts to his Imperial Master with
respect to the issue of the late elections, and the as-
sured state of parties consequent upon them in the
new Parliament. lie will have to tell his master
that he has found a country where the King and
the highest nobility are as stanch and zealous
Reformers as the humblest classes,—where,
though the Tory spirit "still lingering haunts"
the wastes of Old Sarum or Dunwich, the Tory
party is annihilated for ever,—where, from one
extremity of the empire to the other, notwith-
standing the noisy jargon of a nick-named Con-
servative press, there is not even a Tory who
would dare.to lend a farthing or lift a hand in
favour of the principles of the Holy Alliance ;
that, in one word, as far as Great Britain is con-
cerned, liberal opinion has achieved a victory
which has given the death-blow to despotism at
home, and eventually abroad ! ! A very short
time will enable his Excellency to arrive at this
conclusion ; meantime we bid him hearty wel-
come to the British shores.—Times.

In calling attention yesterday to the Message
of the President of the United States, and
alluding particularly to that part of it which
described the present commercial antipathies
and political exasperation existing between the
southern and northern, or between the planta-
tion and manufacturing, sections of the Union,
we expressed satisfaction at the hope which it
held out that a reasonable compromise would
soon be effected, calculated to allay existing
dissension and to prevent a future appeal to
arms. The President seems to feel the whole
force of the arguments arrayed by the advocates
of the southern states against the policy and

justice of the existing tariff, while, as the Chief
Magistrate of the Union, he cannot abet their

preparations for a civil war. He is evidently
an enemy of the present high protecting duties
on imports, which have driven South Carolina to
the verge of rebellion, but he cannot approve of
that resistance which would lead to a dissolution
of the greatest confederacy of free republics
which the world ever saw. He knows that
the object of the General Government, as
described in the federal constitution, is
not to grant advantages to one state at
the expense of another, or to sacrifice a parti-
cular member of the Union for the benefit of

the whole, but to protect and to defend the safety
and the interests of all at the same proportional
rate of charge, and with the same impartial vigi-
lance. The Bth section of the federal constitu-
tion, which defines the powers of the General
Congress, allows " taxes, dutiel, imposts, and
excises to be collected, to pay the debts and to
provide fir the common defence and general
welfare of the United States," but declares that
" all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uni•
f )rm throughout the United States." Neither in
this article nor in any other provision of that im-
portant document is there the slightest allusion
to the principle of " protecting" duties, or duties
not required for "the common defence or general
welfare," but imposed to promote the interests
of particular States or classes. The principle
of levying a revenue for the defraying of expenses
common to all the States, and not the imposition
of prohibitive or protecting duties for the benefit
of any, is written in the text and breathes in the
spirit of the great -act which assembles the Fe-
deral Legislature at Washington. This question
has been so long and so ably discussed, that no
man in the United States can now he ignorant of

its bearings; and is so immediately con•
fleeted with the peaceable permanence of the
Union, that no man can be indifferent to its
importance. The commercial interests of
the northern and southern States, are as
distinct as those of a mother country and her
colonies. The former possess a comparatively
crowded population,—have established various
branches of manufactures,—and nearly engross
the whole shipping of the Union ; the latter are
chiefly employed in cultivating their lands b‘
slave labour, and depend upon foreign markets
for the disposal of their products, and for their
supply of manufactured articles in return. More
than two-thirds of all the exports of the
United States consist in the landed produce of
those southern members of the Union, or, in
other words, out of about 61,000,000 dollars
in value of native productions exported from
North America in 1831, nearly 40,000,000
dollars consisted of cotton, tobacco, rice, and
other f roduce of the southern States. In 1829
the exports of this kind from Virginia amounted
to 4,788.804 dollars ; from South Carolina to
7,580,821 dollars ; from Georgia to 5,336,626
dollars ; from Alabama to 2,291,825 dollars ;
and from Louisiana t 013,04.2,740 dollars, without
alluding to North Carolina and some of the other
plantation States. In all these cases the planters,
by direct and unrestricted communication with
foreign markets, or by receiving the domestic
manufactures of their own country at the prices
for which foreigners could supply the same ar-
ticles without a protecting duty, would get the
fullest return for their labour and capital. The
duties of 20, of 25, of 35, or of even 50 per
cent., imposed at different times on foreign ma.
nufactured articles, therefore, fell chiefly upon
them in diminishing the returns for their pro.
ducts. The immense pressure of this burden
may be easily conceived when it is recollected
that, with the exception of the small revenue
arising from the sale of the public lands, and
some other insignificant items, the Treasury of
the United States is supplied solely with the
produce of Custom-house duties. Last year the
amount of these duties exceeded 24,000,000
dollars, of which the southern states allege that
they paid two thirds, and of which the Con-
vention of South Carolina assure their fellow-
citizens they contributed more than 3,000,000
dollars. The Carolinians, therefore, in their
manifesto declare, with some appearance of
truth, that they are gill in colonial bond-
age, if not to Old England at least to
New England ;—tat they cannot resort to
the markets which their interests point out.,
for exchanging profitably their commodities,—.
and that revolutionary America had less cause