The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIF. PUBLIC JOURNAL

The commission for inquiring into the abuses of corpora-
tions will derive a fresh stimulus to its own activity, and in_
creased importance in the eyes of the country, from the Par-
liamentary report which has just brought to light the proceed.
ings at the last election for Warwick. Mayors, aldermen,
town_clerks, stewards, Peers, and bludgeoners—what treason
to the Constitution, what mortal insult to the honest public
feelings of Englishmen, did the whole management of the elec.
tion for the town of Warwick present, on the part of one and
all of the Earl of Warwick's political tools and understrappers.
The bribery, so far from being concealed, was even ostenta-
tiously carried on by the worshipful aldermen and the trusty
steward of the Noble Earl, and the means were furnished from
the private funds of the Earl of Warwick, as stands demon-
strated in the report, on the evidence of his Lordship's banker.
Are such practices, then, we ask, to be allowed ? Are Mem.
bers of Parliament to be manufactured for the people of this
country by so foul and base a process ? Or is the attempt to lin_
pose such fabricated representatives upon the nation to be merely
defeated, then recorded, and finally passed over with
impunity ? It is true that Sir Charles Greville, the nominee or
faggot candidate of the Earl of Warwick, was ousted from his
seat by an election committee; but, as appears on the face of
the report, that Hon. Baronet was the only individual who bore
no personal share whatever in the criminality of the election.
What, then, was the Earl of Warwick's part of it ? His
Lordship only found the means of bribery, and the minor
agents, who dispensed and administered for that purpose the
proceeds of his deposit at the banker's, were, according to all
human modes of judging, in the employment of the Noble
Earl. Then it gives us pain to add, that the Earl of War.
wick is, and has been for some years, the Tory Lord-Lieu-
tenant of the important county whence he draws his title.
He holds the highest executive station in that county un-
der the Crown. He is at the head of the Magistracy—
the official guardian and enforcer of the laws. He is looked up
to as, ex officio, the discountenancer and corrector of all mis-
conduct in each and every public functionary throughout
the whole of Warwickshire. Yet here stands this man,
declared by a Committee of the House of Commons—he being
Lord Lieutenant of the county, and Recorder—that is, both
civil and criminal judge of the borough, and therefore bound,
in his double capacity, to exercise a twofold watchfulness over
a due observance of the laws—declared, we say, to have vio-
lated the law of Parliament in the resolutions and standing
orders of the House of Commons, and to have unconstitu-
tionally applied 3,0001. and upwards towards " the election ex-
penditure," and promotion of the political interest of Sir
Charles Greville! It behoves Earl Grey's Ministry to announce
at once whether a Peer of the realm, Lord-Lieutenant of a
county, and Judge of a considerable town, having so far violated
his most sacred duties, ought to be suffered any longer to retain
that high and exalted office to which the favour of the Sovereign,
or rather of a Tory Administration, had raised him, and which
he could neither originally have acquired, nor can continue to
hold, but on the responsibilty of King's acknowledged Coun-
sellors : it is, we do not hesitate to declare, the bounden duty
of Earl Grey's Government to dismiss the Earl of Warwick at
once from his Lord-Lieutenantcy, on this formal report
of a Committee of the House of Commons that his conduct in
that high situation has been an outrage against the laws for
selfish objects of political aggrandizement. If the Whig Mi-
nistry delay this virtuous act, they encourage their enemies
throughout the whole kingdom, disappoint and vex, and mortify
their friends. The thing ought to be completed with all pos-
sible speed. A Tory Cabinet had no scruple of delicacy about
t urning out the high-minded and unblemished Earl Fitzwilliam
from his Lieutenancy of the West Biding of Yorkshire for no
crime at all. And the political manes of that excellent Noble-
man are yet—let the Grey Administration bethink itself, yet—
unrevenged to this moment.—Tines.

We rejoice to see the altered spirit of the Tory Peers. The
disfranchisement of the ten Bishops has passed by a majority in
the Committee of 90 to 76, and it is generally believed that the
measure will come out of the Committee unmutilated. Whe-
ther the Conservatives, like dissevered worms, will re-unite on
the third reading, remains to be proved. Sufficient for the day
is the evil thereof. We are now inclined to think that the
Lords will scarcely have courage to emasculate or cast out the
Bill. It was observed last night, that a number of the ont-and.
(Jitters went out before the division. Whether this was to mark
their contempt for the insufficiency of the amendment proposed
by the I)uke of Wellington, which fell so far short of their
views, or was a retaliation for his Grace's leaving the House
tefore the division on the second reading, we know not. It is
clear that there are strong and marked differences in the ranks
of the Conservatives ; and we trust that they will continue long
enough to allow the Bill to pass into a law. This will serve the
country, and it will do no disservice to the Peers themselves.
Earl Grey had a sly rap at the nolo.cpiscopari argument of the
Bishop of Exeter, in the debate on Thursday night—" What
had been mentioned by a Right Reverend Prelate," said his
Lordship, " as to the chance of any Bishop refusing an addi.
tional mitre and crosier, was a difficulty which had never oc-
cztrred to him. If, however, it should really occur that any
Prelate objected to the addition to his spiritual charges, such a
difficulty might be remedied by appointing some person to act
with such Prelate in the capacity of Coadjutor, with the pro-
spect of succeeding to the bishopric, when vacant.—Morning
Chronicle.

Mr. Tennyson brought forward last night his motion for
the repeal of the Septennial Act, leaving the duration of Par.
liaraent to be afterwards filled up. We confess we could
have wished that the motion had not been brought forward at
period of the session when no practical result could fellow.
We were not, however, satisfied with the answer of the Right
llon. Gentleman received. Lord John Russell's distinction be-
tween a Republic and a Monarchy would seem to imply
that in a Monarchy the representatives of the people and
their constituents should be of different sentiments. If it be
advisable, as was contended, that the people should have time
to cool down a little before pronouncing on the merits of their
representatives, as the people in a Republic are as apt to
judge hastily as the people in a Monarchy, there can be no
reason for a distinction, as the welfare of the people themselves
is concerned. But it is implied, in the possibility of a Re-
public existing with a triennial or shorter duration, that such
a duration is compatible with the welfare of the people.
AN'hy triennial Parliaments should destroy the Constitution,
except it be maintained that the Constitution would be de-
stroyed if the people be truly represented, we cannot discover.
The reso:ution of Mr. Tennyson was supported by a large mi-
nority—the numbers having been ICA to 213, giving a majority
1,,,f only 49. This ought to be a warning to Ministers that they
are on ticklish ground.—Morning Chronicle.

In our paper of yesterday—constrained by want of room—
we inserted but an extract from the report of the Committee
0)1 the Warwick Election. We this day publish the report
in full, that the public may have before them, on good autho.
ity, a specimen of the working of borough patronage in one
of its remaining depositaries. What a pity that such patro-
nage should have been swept away or reduced by the Reform
Act' The Committee have done themselves great ho-
n gar the uncompromising tone in which they have
described al the delinquencies, and demanded all the de-
linquents. Those persons who remember " the sweet, re-
luctant, amorous delay" with which former Parliaments used
t, shrink—not from the touch of bribery—but from its ex-
posure and punishment, may possibly consider the style of the
present document too rough. Sir Robert Peel, who is a
great stickler for propriety, may not like it, as the precedents
are not numerous nor the practice strictly Ministerial.
There is, however, a growing disposition:in the public mind to
favour the innovation of calling things by their right names, It
is, therefore, more than probable that Sir Robert's mind and
the public mind will think differently upon this as well as
upon some other subjects. Far be it from us to impute to so
sagacious a statesman the folly of defending bribery. All we
would insinuate is, that, as a disciple of the old school, he
may be shocked to see even such a monster as Bribery
knocked down without a due regard to the graces. But the
worst of it is, that the Committee, not satisfied with a blunt,
point-blank description of the offences committed by a Noble
Lord and a Worshipful Corporation against laws and morals,
have stuck them in, every one by name, so that they must go
down to posterity together in the same family piece. No
doubt, as we have already stated, many persons will disapprove
of this ; but the public, who are the judges after all, will not
be so rice in the matter of etiquette, seeing that they have
obtained a respectable if not a delicate substitute in the pre.
sence of truth.—Morning Herald.

4 is with pain, indignation, and sorrow that we point the
atrep,tipn of our readers to the vote of the reformed House of
'Commons of last night upon the question of triennial Parlia-
ments, brought forward by Mr. Tennyson, in an able, efficient,
and unanswerable speech. It was opposed by the reformed
Ministry itself, and opposed also by those who had pledged
themselves to their constituents to support it. Va. robis ! is
the only exclamation which is permitted to us. Another nail
in the coffin of the Ministry, if it wanted one, the vote as-
suredly is; but let us wait for the list of the majority an mi-
nority—for there's the rub! Meanwhile there is this consonion
for " hope deferred," the minority of 164, considering the na-
ture and character of the opposition to Mr. Tennyson's motion,
was a glorious one.—Morning Advertiser.

In the House of Lords last night the consideration of the
Irish Church Temporalities Bill was resumed in Committee,
when the Duke of Wellington proposed an important amend.
ment to the nd clause, which enacts the union of certain
bishoprics. The object of this amendment was to leave to the
discretion of the Crown as each see becomes vacant the deci-
sion of the question whether, in the actual circumstances of the
country, its suppression or amalgamation with any other see
is at that time expedient. The Ministerial measure is de-
fended by the assertion that the number of Bishops
in Ireland is disproportionate to the number of the
protestant people. It is far from being certain,
however, we hope indeed that it is not even probable'
(rat in the several sees which are condemned to ex
tinction by Ministers the same disproportion will be found Inva-
riably to exist at the period, uncertain in every case, and remote
in many, when it is intended that this sentence of suppression
'halt take effect. We do not know how numerous a body of
Protestants may be required in the estimation of our liberal
Ministers to vindicate the preservation of their Bishop. But be
the precise number what it may, it seems absurd to de-
termine prospectively that at a future undefined period
such a number shall not be in existence. In addition to every
other objection, the Ministerial measure is liable to the
charge, from which the amendment of the Noble Duke
would have re:ieved it, that it condemns bishoprics to
extinction at a future period, although the main ground
of this condemnation, when the time of execution shall arrive,
may exist. no longer except as a matter of history. The Duke
of Wellington has shown himself more provident of the future,
as well as more ardent in his desire and more sanguine in his

etl.)vJi,---3-41.7k,i-fit,,vag,_,* *tin,

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1833.

Mr. TENNYSON's motion for the repeal of the
Septennial Act, was lost last night in the House of
Commons by a majority of 49. The numbers were
cs follows :—For the motion, 164; against it, 213.
In this minority we discern the herald of future jus-
tice. Still, respectable as it is, it would have been
far more so, had there been no blinking—no backing
out of the question on the part of certain Hon.
Members to whom their constituents had somewhat
incautiously intrusted the charge of pressing for-
ward the principles of Reform. On the other hand,
the thick-and-thin partisans of Government were
all present. There was no evasion among
them. They came down prepared, at all hazards,
to meet the proposition by a flat denial. In this
way it was lost ;—not by the overwhelming moral in-
fluence of the Ministerial supporters, but by the
shuffling—the supineness—the unpardonable ab-
sence of many of the would-be Reformers. How
different would have been the result, had this been
the sixth, instead of the first year of the Re-
formed Parliament ! What courteous references to
" my Constituents" should we not have heard I
How tame would have been the birds that are now
so wild and shy! Triennial Parliaments would then
have been the one thing needful—the Septennial
Act, a blot en the fair face of the Constitution,
which could not be too soon wiped out. But not
a word about" Constituents" did we hear last night.
Votes were given in direct opposition to their
vtishes, just as if no such body existed. The
time was not arrived when it was necessary their
existence should be remembered.

The Septennial Act, as most of our readers know,
vas passed in the year 1716. At that period
the nation was in a high state of ferment, owing to
the intrigues of the Jacobin party, who, though
"scotched" were not yet " killed." MAR'S rebellion
having taken place only the year preceding, and the
PRETENDER actively continuing to intrigue both
here and on tl e ccntinent, it was considered far
from improbable that his party might take advan-
tage of the frequent dissolution of Porliamems, to
smuggle their own partisans into the Legislature.
To prevent this the Septennial Act was passed. It
was a wise, precautionary measure at the time, but
adopted for one express purpose—to guard against
one particular exigeney—and bore upon its
very front the impress of a temporary expe-
dient. It was, in fact, an unconstitutional mea-
sure, justified by necessity, and projected and
carried in a heat, at a season when men's
minds were too much inflamed to allow them
to discuss it rationally.
Is a measure like this, then, so projected,—Eo
passed, which was confessedly unconstitutional,
end intended only to provide against one par-
ticuhr contingency, to bind the country, 'now
that the circumstances which called it forth have
long since • ceased to exist ? As well might the
House insist that the Coercion Bill, with which
they have just blessed Ireland, being once passed,
shall continue in force to all eternity. To
make their case tenable, the advocates of the
Septennial Act are bound to show that the
position of the House of Hanover is just
as precarious now, as it was when that Act was
passed. They are bound to show that its necessity
is as pressing as ever; otherwise it is their first,
most imperative duty to restore the ancient Parlia-
mentary land-markF.
But neither Lord ALTHORP 1141 Mr. STANLVY

attempted this sort of argument. They merely ob-
served that they did not think Triennial Parliaments
would be a change for the better. Lord RUSSELL,
however put forth a more definite objection. His
Lordship observed, "elections being so frequent,
he thought it probable that the deliberate opinion
of the people would not, as it ought, be supreme,
but that they would act under error, inisapprehen-
sion, and delusion, which would place the Constitu-
tion in jeopardy." What an acute reasoner is this
Noble Lord ! So, the oftener constituents canvass
the merits of their candidates ; the oftener they
discuss and decide on their public conduct; the
oftener they endeavour to acquaint themselves
with the pros and the COM of every great question
that comes before Parliament ;—the oftener the peo-
ple do this, the oftener will they be likely to "act
under error, misapprehension, arid delusion !" Here's
logic for you! Why, upon this principle, the
more Lord J. RUSSELL studies the theory of the
Constitution, and familiarises himself with the great
truths of history, the less likely will he be to know
anything of the matter. Till now, we always thought
that " deliberate opinion" was the result of frequent
discussion, and only to be respected when acquired
by such a process. But his Lordship says no. The
fact is just the other way. Popular discussion is
the ruin of popular sagacity, and cannot. fail to
" place the constitution in jeopardy."
His Lordship must have been sadly pressed for
arguments, when he resorted to sophistry like this.
But, indeed, the whole conduct of Ministers,
throughout the night, was marked by jesuistry and
evasion. They had nothing to urge against the
home-thrusts of Dr. LUSHINGTON ; the shrewd re-
marks of Mr. SHELL; or the temperate, conclusive
reasoning of Mr. TENNYSON.
The truth is, the Whigs are now in office, and as
it is many years since they broke their fast on the
Treasury loaves and fishes, they are resolved, coute
qui coute, to have a bellyful. Kick them and they
will not stir. Smite them ms one cheek, and, like
good Christians, they will turn to you the other.
They rep:esent, not so much the country, as them-
selves. They advocate, not so much the in-
terests of the community, as of Whigism.
This is harsh language. Granted. But how
with sincerity can we use other ? Out of
office, the Whigs were all for Triennial Parlia-
ments; in office, they are all for the Septennial Act.
Out of office, " revolution" was a thing to be
blinked at—patted on the back—used discreetly,
and talked to civilly ; in office, it is a thing too hor-
rible to be alluded to,—a monster which it
curdles Whig blood but to think of. Bless-
ings on such delicate fastidiousness! But it
will not do. Ministers, nolens volens, must march
with the country. They must give their quid pro
quo—pay their Just debts to the people, or declare
their Firm a bankrupt. They have gone upon credit
long enough. It is high time that they come down
with the solid cash.

The Church Temporalities (Ireland) Bill made
some progress in the Lords' Committee last night,
their Lordships sitting till past twelve o'clock, and
passing all the clauses up to the 48th, with the ex-
ception of the 41st and 42d. No amendments were
made except of a verbal nature, although, to speak
in sporting language, one of an important descrip-
tion was " tried on" with no small skill by the
Duke of WELLINGTON. On the clause providing
for the union of bishoprics, as their present holders
die off being read, his Grace proposed as an
amendment, that " in case his MAJESTY, his heirs
or successors, shall be minded to grant in com-
mendain the bishopric of Waterford," &c., he shall
be able to do so. If it be desirable that these bi-
shoprics should be united, why not do it at once?
But the fact is, that the Duke of WELLINGTON
does not wish it to be done, and as the KING
would not "be minded" to do any thing of the
kind, in the event of a Tory Administration again
getting into power, his Grace calculated upon
rendering the Bill inoperative, for it is evident
he has not yet given up the fond hope of
returning to power. The amendment was, of
course, supported by the whole Conservative
clique; but the chance of success depending
upon discretion, their arguments did not take a very
extensive range. One of its supporters (the Earl
of RossE) gave a curious reason for the course he
took. He said that "he had arrived at a time of
life when he was only inclined to advocate measures
which were just, wise, and honest." Are we to
infer from this, that bad as the Noble Earl thinks
the Bill, he would have voted for it if he had been
a little younger ? It is a curious sort of morality
that, which is regulated, in the rise and fall of its
tone, by the near or distant approach of death.
Should the question of the repeal of the Septennial
Act come before the House of Lords next se,sion, we
shall expect the Noble Earl to support the affirmative,
for he, at least, cannot resist the force of the argu-
ment, that as Parliaments draw near their end they
are anxious only to, do that which is "just, wise, and
bona st." The amendment was negatived by a ma-
jority of 90 to 76.
Before their Lordships went into Committee, a
petition was presented, which gave rise to some ob-
servations worthy of note. It was presented by the
Earl of RADNOR, from the Political Union of
Glasgow, praying for a repeal of the Act of
CHARLES 11., under which the Bishops sit in the '
House of Lords. The Earl of HADDINGTON
contended that it was impossible to listen to the
prayer of the petition for a moment, and the Earl
of ABERDEEN followed up this round assertion by
putting, in answer to some observations of the
CHANCELLOR, the case of a petition praying for the
dethronement of the King, as if cutting off a man's
head and cutting off his hair—"superfluous excres-
cences," as the oil advertisers have it—were the
same thing. The Bishop of CutoDEST,,En called the
prayer absurd. Government contractors are ex-
cluded from the Legislature—it is not thought ab-
surd ; a petition to exclude Recorders from the
House of Commons would not be thought absurd; and
why a petition to exclude from the House of Lords the
Bishops,who unite in their own persons the objections
arising from being subject to the influence of the
Crown, and having important duties to attend to,
should be thought absurd, we cannot imagine. That
the evils of their presence in the House of Lords to
the Constitution, and to the establishment they are
appointed to superintend, are not merely theoretical,
is abundantly proved by their truckling subserviency
to the Tory Administrations of the last fifty years,
and the vast increase of Dissenters. It is impossible
to deny that many have been made Dissenters by
the neglect of their duty by the parochial clergy;
and that their negligence arises from the want
want of a proper regard being paid to their duty by
the Bishops. History shows the truth of our other
assertion, that the Bishops have been the tools of
Ministers, and such they will continue as long as
subserviency or independence makes all the diffe-
rence between 3,0001. per annum and 20,0001. or
30,0001. per annum. The opposition they have
given to the Whigs has arisen from fear of their not
continuing in power, and also perhaps of their in-
clination to prune the establishment at the first
convenient opportunity; but already some of
the more sagacious among them begin to see
that the reign of Toryism cannot return, and that it
is worth while to speculate upon the archbishopric
of Canterbury, or the bishopric of Durham, be-
ing left, for years to come, with princely incomes.
The fact, therefore, of the Bishop
stslahohopttraitet t LONDON turn-
ingiim)raey
wrill of against his colleagues, and supporting this Bill,
is only an additional argument in support of our po-
sition, that the Bishops are an unfit body to be in
the Housersee o
of of
cLiourcdisi
.ESTAERve:

The official accounts from Lisbon state that Don
MIGUEL reckoned confidently on the taking of
Oporto under the auspices of General BOURMONT,
and that, in order to concert with his new General
the plan of future operations, arrangements had been
made for an interview, which was to take place

within a few hours of BOURMONT'S debarkation.
These accounts state that, although Dun MANUEL
MARTINI had been forced to evacuate Somar almost
as hastily as he had entered it, and to make a move-
ment very different from what he at first intended,
owing to the movement of troops in the vicinity of
his band, his retreat bad been productive of
the effect of increasing his numbers very mate-
rially, and making his co-operation of great value
to the Duke of TERCEIRA, whose progress
had not been so rapid as the friends of
Donna MARIA in Lisbon could have wished. The
news of the capture of MIGUEL'S fleet does not
appear to have been generally known in Lisbon up
to the 9th inst., although many persons connected
with the Government were aware of the fact on
the 6th, when it was also known at Oporto, al-
though it would appear, from the letters in the
Morning Papers, that it did not reach Oporto till
the 9th. Our readers, however, %%ill remember
that, on Saturday last, we stated, on the authority
of a letter from Oporto dated the 7th inst., that the
news had arrived there,and had produced great effect.
The accounts from Oporto which we have seen
are cheering, hut they do not confirm the statements
made by a Morning Contemporary as to the
Pedroite forces in that place. Instead of 14,000
men of all arms, the force little exceeds 10,000, in-
cluding the National Guard. But it should be re-
marked, that for the purposes of defence the Na-
tional Guard is quite equal to the regular troops.
In the affair of the 5 h they behaved with such gal-
lantry and steadiness that the French Colonel,
DUYERGIER, said they reminded him of the heroes
of July. With these 10,000 men there is reason to
believe Gen. SALDANIIA and Sir T. STUBBS will be
able to hold their ground against the 18,000
whom BOURMONT may be able to bring against

them ; but it will require great tact to counteract
the plans of that General, who is considered by
persons who are competent to form a correct judg-
ment, one of the best Generals BONAPARTE had.
Should SALDANHA be able to retain Oporto until
NAPIER has entered the Tagus, and, in conjunction
with the Duke of TERCEIRA, obtained possession of
St. Übes, there can be no doubt of the declaration
of the inhabitants of Lisbon immediately following
such a demonstration; but should Oporto fall, the
character of the contest will be again changed.
Lisbon will remain in the power of the Usurper,
and the contest on Dan PEDRo's side will be
confined to maritime operations and guerilla warfare.
The possession of Oporto would not, however, de-
feat the chance of ultimate success to PEDRO—it
would protract the contest, and delay the recogni-
tion of Donna MARIA as Q teen de facto of Por-
tugal, by this country and France. On this ground,
therefore, the friends of constitutional freedom must
feel anxious for the security of Oporto. It is
worthy of note that on the sth inst. one of the
Miguelite Generals was on board an English ship
of war, and declared that the Miguelite troops were
much dispirited, having no confidence in the Com-
mander-in-Chief, and that unless some immediate
change were to take place, he regarded the triumph
of Don PEDRO as sure. Whether the arrival of
lot RMONT will effect this change remains to be seen.

It was reported in the City that an extraordinary
express has arrived from Paris, bringing intelli-
gence that the French Government received a
telegraphic despatch yesterday morning from
Bayonne, announcing that Marshal POURMONT
made a desperate attack upon Oporto on the 16th,
and was obliged to retire on the road to Braga
with a considerable loss,

The election for Common-Sergeant comes on
to-morrow. The City of London will do itself
honour, by appointing Mr. HILL to this high office,
who is every way qualified for it by his profound
legal acquirements, his liberal public principles, and
un,potted private character.

We regret to learn that accounts have been re-
ceived in town this clay, announcing the death of
his Grace the Duke of SUTHERLAND, which took
place at Dunrobin Castle. His Grace (formerly
Marquis of STAFFORD) was recently raised to the
Dukedom along with the Marquis of CLEVELAND.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK.

Up to the present hour we are without any arrivals of con-
sequence. Letters have been delivered by the Lisbon and
Oporto mails this morning, by which it appears that the public
at Lisbon, on the oth inst., were still ignorant of Admiral
IsLipier's victory. Some remonstrances on the part of our Ad-
miral had taken place with Don Miguel's Minister, respecting
one of our vessels having been fired at.

The Chambers of the kingdom of Saxony have unanimously
passed a law for the full emancipation of the Jews in that
kingdom.