The Sun.
London, England, 1834-03-21 00:00:00

CORN LAWS-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

Mr. O'REILLY said that he should only occupy the
time of the house for a few minutes. He was anxious
to offer a few observations on the principal ground
upon which the advocates for the present system
of corn laws relied, and he would give precedence to that
argument which was put forward most prominently, as
it was the most popular. The advocates of the present
system asserted, that if the present rate of duties was
taken off, a great body of the agricultural labourers would
be thrown out of employment. Let the house examine
the justice of that p isition. The right hon. baronet the
member for Dundee had asserted, that one of the
great evils under which the country laboured was
the want of profitable employment for its population—he
would not call it a superabundant population. To what
was this owing? Because the landholders could
not obtain for themselves that remunerating price which
wnull enable them to employ a sufficient number of
labourers. If that argument held good, the price of corn
would be raised to a height which would be seriously
injurious to the interests of the country. Capital could
not be equally beneficially employed upon all soils. There
would be less labourand capital necessary on a good soil than
on a poor soil, which would require a greater quantity of
labour, and therefore afford more employment to the poor.
If the corn laws were abolished, the persons employing
capital in agriculture would he enabled to employ a greater
quantity of labour.—(Hear.) In his country (Ireland)
a sufficient supply of grain was produced for two-thirds
of our manufacturing population, and all raised by labour
alone ; for in money capital there was the smallest
possible amount used. -- (Hear.) The improvement
of the land there had been entirely effected by
the labour of the poorer classes, and he was convinced,
that if an alteration were made in the present corn laws,
a greater quantity of labour would be employed. At
present large tracts of land were kept out of cultivation,
because the capitalist was unable to till it, with any
prospect of a remunerating profit. He thought that the
large farm system, in this country, had been proved a
great evil ; and its introduction into Ireland, during the last
fifteen years bail been one of the chief causes of the out-
rages and the insecurity of life and property. In Ireland
there were no poor laws, and if a small farmer were de-
prived of his piece of land to snake room for the large
farmer, he was deprived of the means of support for him-
self and family, and in the moment of desperation he
thought only of revenge against those whom he considered
his oppressors. Most of the burnings and outrages that had
been committed in this country might also be traced to
the same cause. The sooner, therefore, that the corn
laws were abolished, the sooner would peace and tranquil-
lity be restored in both countries. It was said that the
corn laws were necessary for the protection of the landed
interest; but had the high prices protected them ?
The country had been in a state of peace for a period
of nineteen years, and during all that time the
prices had been in a state of transition, and no
adjustment had taken place in them. During the last
three years the prices bad been slowly and gradually de-
creasing, and yet he would ask were those prices during
the list three years remunerating to the farmer? That
decrease could not be attributed to an influx of foreign
corn, a superabundant harvest, or a want of employ by
the manufacturing classes. He maintained that the pre-
sent prices, instead of protecting and fostering the agri-
cultural class, did it a most serious injury.—(Hear, hear.)
It might be said that the arguments drawn from Ireland
were not sound ones, but when he reminded them that the
protection in the other country, not upon corn but upon
the linen trade, bad completely ruined it, he thought
this fact ought to induce them to inquire into the value of
protection in general, that trade flourished not in large
towns or manufactories, but amongst the humble
agriculturists, who sowed their own flax, and made
their own linen ; the Irish landlord called for
protection for their tenants, but it was themselves
they sought to protect, and what was the consequence of
this protection ? The linen trade disappeared, and the
weavers were forced to fly to this country and Scotland
to save themselves from starvation, and the land which
formerly bore fl ax was now planted with corn and other
grain. This continued till a free trade was established,
and the prohibitory duties were taken off. Then
the linen trade returned to the north of Ireland, and it
was now found that it would be profitable to sow flax
where corn and potatoes were lately sown. The land,
too, had the full benefit of this protection, and it ruined
their tenants, but when the trade was thrown open, the
moment it woo relieved it became a prosperous trade in
that country.—(Hear, hear.) If this be the fact,
what deduction was to be drawn from it ? That restric-
tion tended to iniure those whom it professed to protect.
The last argument he would advert to was that if they
took away protection it would throw the land out of culti-
vation, and make them dependant upon foreign coun-
tries for food. But would that be the case ? He
denied that it would, and he grounded his proof upon the
fact that when wheat was at I2os. the quarter, less was
grown in the country than at the present time, when the
price was from 40s. to 60s. He would only remind the
house that the evidence afforded by former years, and
by the present state of Ireland, ought to induce them
to reconsider very carefully this subject of the corn
laws. He was an agriculturist ; his whole property
was dependent upon agriculture; he would therefore natu-
rally advocate any measure that would afford protection to
the agricultural interest ; but so far was he from consider-
ing the present corn laws a protection, that he thought
the agricultural interest and the interest of the people at
large would be greatly benefited by their being relieved
from it.

Mr. COBBETT wished to correct two great errors :
the right hon. member for Manchester said if we do
away witb our corn laws America would send in her corn
and deal more with us for manufactures. But what was
the I xample of America with respect to the duties on the
importation of the necessaries cf life ? The duties were
25 cents per Winchester bushel of wheat, which was ra-
ther more than the average price of wheat in that country.
Then there were 15 cents on the Winchester bushel
of oats, being fully one half the price of the article.
(Hear.) Then as to seeds there was a duty of 25
per cent. ad valorem, including flax and hemp seed
and including even flax itself. There was a duty on
cheese of 3Ad. per lb., on butter 4-.}tl., on hams and bacon
3(1., on pork Id., and opt a wool 50 per cent. ad valorem.
cNow,
ericiat right,whi to which consulted
0e
nsusltl tepar elltehnt on
einterme,ostosi, why
ftible
was there such an outcry on a protection of the land here,
which, however, he agreed with the member for Dun-
dalk, was in reality little or no protection ?—(Heir.)
He held in his hand a penny publicatian called the
Quartern Loaf, published without a stamp, which he
supposed every member had seen. Now there were false-
hoods on the very front of it. There was a picture of a
quartern loaf, with these words—" Flour and baking 3id.,
landlords' taxes sd. ; total 8 1. ; being the price of the
41b. loaf." Now what was the fact? Suppose the bushel
of wheat cost 6s. Stl., that would make about 701bs. of
flour, which would make it come to about Id. a pound,
so that the landlord and farmer altogether took but 4d.
at the utmost out of this 41b. loaf.—(Hear, hear.) 15id
he mean then to charge the millets and b &kers with the
extortion ? Certainly not ; but they did in .ke the ad di
Lion of price. Go back now to the year 1792, wht-n
wheat was quite as low as it is now : what did the
41b. loaf sell for ? Sixpence at the utmost. 'Why, then,
did it now sell for Sid. ? Because of the malt tax and
the house tax ; because then they were paying alit teen
millions of taxes only, and now they were paying fifty
millions.—(Hear, hear.) If the petitioners of Liver-
pool had been rational people, they would not ask
for cheap wheat, but for the removal of th.se taxes
which made bread dear. Wheat was cheap enough al-
ready, selling at 275. per quarter in Scotland, and at 355.
the best in England. What then did they want ?
(Hear.) He did not know that be would not vote for tse

repeal of the corn bill, not on account of its wick edneis
but its foolishness.--(Hear, hear.) He had explained
this to his constituents, and told them not to ask for
cheap wheat, but to go to the government and ask them
to take off the taxes, that the baker might give it them
cheap when he gets it. When the corn bill was passed, in
1815, he (Mr. C.) oppoad it with all his might, not that
it was unjust, but that it exposed the farmer to the feel-
ings that went abroad of laws being passed in his favour.
He should vote fur the repeal of the corn laws,
to prove that its repeal would do great injury for
a little while ; also to compel the landlords to
keep the surplus of rents at home. In the public debt of
Pennsylvania there were many shareholders in England—
aye, and members of both houses of the Legislature, and
of the Privy Council.

Mr. LAMBERT said that in discussing the question of
corn laws, they had proceeded generally upon abstract
theoretical principles, rather than reasoning upon the
events that were passing before them. He thought that
the position in which the country was placed, proceeding
daily from bad to worse, on the eve of a bankruptcy, and
descending gradually in the scale to the rank of a fourth or
fifth rate nation, should point out the necessity of some
speedy change. The agricultural interest was in a most
deplorable state, and although he (Mr. L.) had voted
for the Corn Bill, he thought it perfectly inoperative, so
far as the protection of the agricultural interest was con-
cerned ; but he did so from a conviction, that if something
was not done a convulsion would ensue. They should
recollect the evidence given by Mr. Jacob on the corn.
tnittee last session, when he had stated that if another
summer like that of 1816 had followed, all the corn in
the world would not be sufficient to save the people of
England from starvation.—(Hear.) The hon. member
then proceeded to observe upon the currency question,
which he denominated a species of robbery.
Mr. D. W. HARVEY said that the house had been
for the last three days deliberating upon a question which
was well understood outside of the house, but upon which
hon. members appeared to have been but very lately en
lightened. A great deal had been said about the difficul-
ties in which the country was placed, but there was
not a word said about the 281,000 persons who were
the public creditors. It was the fashion to rail at the debt
of five or six hundred millions, but had they not pre-
served by this immense expenditure the blessings of church
and state, and should not that be a sufficient reward to
them for that immense debt, and an annual expenditure
of thirty
millions?-_(A laugh.) It was said, that if the
poor rate was got rid of, it would afford great relief to
the people, but the poor rate bore no proportion
to the rent—the one was only five millions, while
the other was 30 millions ; therefore, taking off the poor
rate would be only relieving them from a small portion or
their burdens. In his opinion the interests of the land-
lord
and tenant were the same, and the whole soil of the
country, all that was above and below the soil, was mort-
gaged to the fundholder, and if they were unable to pay
the interest of that debt any longer, they would either
give up possession, or come to an equitable adjustment.
The nation owed more than it could pay, and therefore
there must be a meeting of creditors.—(A laugh.) If the
discussion lasted but a few days longer, it would be asto-
nishing what an effect it would have all over the country.
—(Hear, hear.) This was but inoculating the country,
and in a few days longer the mania on the subject
would be spread over the whole mass of the community,
whose eyes would then be open to the importance of the
subject. At present there was a mere delusion respecting
it ; landlords were telling their tenants, that although
one year might be bad, the next would be better, and
then graciously giving back 5 per cent. on the rents,
taking care that such an act of liberality should appear in
the country papers. But no persons were so alive to
their own interests as the landlords were ; and it was only
through the radicals of the country that the aristocracy
was to he saved.—(A laugh.) He had on a former night
voted fbr an inquiry into the corn laws, to have the sub-
ject examined, and not in order to abolish them. It
there were a free trade in coin, all existing covenants
would be abolished in the country. The result to the
little landlords, whose rentals varied to the amount of
2,0001. a year, a large part of which was perhaps antici•
pated, would be a total extinction of them.—(Hear.)
As to the large landlords their incomes would be a little
deranged, but they would afterwards adapt themselves to
circumstances. At all events a day of reckoning was
coming, and he warned the landed interest to be aware
of it, and prepare in time.
Mr. BAINES said as it appeared to him that the corn
laws had not produced the benefit that was anticipated,
they ought to be eras-d from the statute-book. He admired
many of the topics in the speech of the right hon. member
for Tamworth (Sir R. Peel). As to his assertion that
we should not lose sight of Ireland, he (Mr. B.) entirely
concurred in it; but he did not agree that the malt tax was a
charge on the land—it was a tax upon the consumer.
Instead of a free trade in corn being injurious to the
landed interest, it would be greatly beneficial. If they
looked to the period when there were no corn laws,
it would be found the agricultural class was prosperous,
whereas it was now in a state of great depression. As
to the public debt, he thought there was a national ob-
ligation on the people to pay ira—(Hear, hear,)—No man
was more opposed to its being incurred than he was, but
now that it was contracted, it ought to be honourably
paid.—(Hear, hear.) The real evil was not in the effect
of a change of currency, but in the cause of it, and of
departing from the fixed state of currency. Until they
enjoyed the sound principles of a metallic currency, and a
free trade in corn, this country, he believed, could never
be prosperous.—(Hear, hear.) If they had any duty
upon corn, it ought to be a permanent duty; but he felt
fully satisfied that the principle of free trade contained in
the Liverpool petition were those which would bring
back this country to a wholesome state, and make all its
interests prosper.

Sir J. TYRRELL thought the house must agree that
the hon. member for Leeds had wholly fai'ed in answer-
ing the speech of the right hon. baronet, the member
for Tamworth. The agricultural interest had never
sought to deprive the manufacturers of their protective
duties, but if they took away protection from agricul-
ture, the manufacturers must come into that house with
clean hands, and give up all the protection they now
enjoyed. If that were the case, and the parties placed
on an equal footing, he had no doubt but that the agri-
culturists would survive the struggle. With respect to
the equitable adjustment proposed by the hon. member
for Colchester, be (Sir J. Tyrrell) was glad to find that
it had not found an advocate in the hon. member for
Leeds, as he (Sir J. Tyrrell) considered it a most
iniquitous adjustment. He hoped the house would
not be led away by the false but specious unreasonings of
the political economists, so as to sanction any change, the
effect of which there was so much reason to dread. He
would not go into the question at present, but when it
came before the house in such a state that something de-
fenite might be done with respect to it, he would be
prepared to maintain that the aepeal of the corn laws
would be productive of serious, very serious conse-
quences to the people of this country, and tothe
agricultural interest in particular.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Mr. H. L. BULWER depreeated•the continuance of
this debate, when there was no possibility of coming to a
decision on the question ; and while many gentlemen were
waiting to present important petitions.
Lord HENNIKER said he did not wish to prolong
the discussion, but to correct an error respecting the ad-
journment of a meeting at Ipswich, by a shoemaker, who
was a very respectable man, and had in fact signed a
petition agreed to at that very meeting.

Mr. PEASE was satisfied his constituents had as much
interest in cheap bread as any part of the community, but
they were well satisfied that bread to be sold cheap must be
growncheap,but it could not be grown cheap until the national
burdens were removed. WLat would be the consequence
of throwing the agricultural population upon the manu-
facturing interests? The manufacturers had too many
hands already, and every day machinery was in-
troduced which threw thousands out of employ.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) They did not want those labourers
which political economists wished to present to them. He
was satisfied that the renewal of the corn laws would de-
stroy the landed interests, and to destroy them would be to
destroy the whole political economy of the country.
Mr. MAXWELL thought no argument would satisfy
the people on the necessity of keeping up the corn laws.
If the grower of corn was given a monopoly when the
manufacturer was not, discontent would be theconsequence.
He hoped his Majesty's government would give this subject
its most serious attention in the course of the next
session.—(Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to the
question of the currency that had been adverted to,
lie Inust.sly that it was the difference of opinion that had
existed on the subject that had caused the great distress
that at present existed in the country.
Mr. T. ATTWOOD observed that unless the monied sys-
tem of the country was altered and improved, it would
sink beneath the frightful fabric it had itself raised. His
Majesty's Government bad, he must say, wickedly refused
to inquire into the subject for the last twenty years,
and the consequence. was the country was now la-
bouring under the, continental measure of prices.—
(Hear.) The'madufacturer had a pleasure in degrading
the agricultural interest, and that interest felt equal de-
light in degrading the manufacturing interest, and to
this principle he attributed the Money Bill of 1819.
(Hear, hear.) If laud and labour were to be pulled

down to the continental level, taxes ought in his opintrii
to be equally so. He agreed with the hon. lOW to
for Liverpool in the necessity for abolishing the ethe
laws, feeling confident that their abolition would have t
effect of abolishing the existing money laws, se 61 tn,:eirl
bath live and die together. The corn laws Were pain e
in 1815 ; it was well known that when the pesee cpra;
the action of it would be injurious to the landev;;h
and, therefore, they created an artificial famine.
'O.)
proceeding was unjust.—(Cries of " Hear, eon
The present rate of prices caused by increased consunaPoii,
indicated prr sperity ; but that rise of price, caused by red
just and artificial corn laws, was ingurious, and jai ,
no prosperity. The corn laws had scattered discordr_
caused much ill will, and would he thoughtbring about f
worst effects to the landed interest ; therefore be shot:
if be were a landed proprietor, advise the abolition of the
he
As soon as the corn liws shall be abolished, the
money
repeal. He denied that the fundhollers should be 011
Lord Liverpool
money laws should also b 2 d,)ne away with genii the farmer
will have the benefit that must inevitably result from t
by the prent standard of
ownsmony.
urged the country to its ruin, by proposing
and •
carrying the most disastrous measure
introduced. Then he established a metallic currency.
It was his (Mr.llA.'s) dui to express himself as be
and to offs( his opinions to the house, becalm he con-
sidered they con •and were worthy of
tam arguments,
being adapted.
Mr. EWART replied. He disavowed that there Was
any feelimg
of hostility to the landed interest in the re-
monstrance of his constituents. He thanked the right
. baronet the member for Tamworth for the assist
"
e ile had given to the question by his able
aHned
winoopldroosafyo,finth
riseprleyadtosotriee
speech. Every argon ent he had used was in favour of
free trade. The hon, member said the petition did
thst ever was
not pray against one monopoly, but against all monopoliee,
used in favour of the landed interests by some hon. Inee3;
bets, ti at " the land has bubbles as well es the water, and
these are of them." arguments
tfsrowmhiothhehpaedtitbioeeno.
Mr. °CONNELL addressed the louse in favour of
the system of fire trade, and contended that the bole
had been for three days labouring to put additional profits
into the pockets of the landlords at the expense of the

poor.
After a few words from Mr. WALKER, the petitioa
was laid on the table.
Mr. EWART presented a petition from Liverpool
against climbing boys.
On the motion of Mr. TAYLEURE, the Bridgewater
Gaslight Bill was read a third time and pawed.
Sir H. PARNELL brought in a bill to erect a VA
court-house, and public offices in Dundee.--Read a first
.•

time.
hrayio
foerrAstitior
tSand.emß ilasCi
oE senaten poofrfetsphe nei
stesuednntiaevrespr
seitttoiyt
that
fromacat mbi
vrceiedorgtaiet,iyop. ;
e
At three o'clock the SPEAKIII left the chair.

COURT FOR THE RELIEF OF INS°:

VENT DEBTORS.

are appointed to be heard at the Court-house, in
The matters of the Petitions and Schedules of the Prisoners
hereinafter named (the same having been filed in the Courati!
street, Lincoln's Inn-fields, on Monday, the 24th of Marc
1834, at Nine o'clock in the Forenoon.
Johnson, A. B , baker, Upper Whitecross-street, St. Luke's.
Dentith, J., cattle-dealer, New.market, Liverpool•
round•
Swallow, R. L., silk-manufacturer, Fort-street, Artillery gr
Pitkin, J., silk-weaver, Brick-lane, Bethnal-green'
uPrznondsey.
Cutting, A., master mariner, Covington-terrace, --- beth.
Davidson, F., shoemaker, John-street, Cornwall.road, Latm
Kimpton, D., greengrocer, Gilbert-street, Oxford-stree
_as,.
Pittman, J. T., York-street, traveller, Cominercial.road,
Robins, W., butcher, Shoreditch. • I.road,
Barnett, G., watch-maker, Nottingham-place, Comm
Warden, J. H., Tower yeoman warder, Union-
Mills, 8., baker, Hamilton-row, Bagnigge.wells-road-
On TUESDAY, March 25.—Same Hour and Place.
May, B. W., Luke.street, Grosvenor.square, builder.
Rider, P., victualler, Bath's-buildings, City-road.
Kilburn.
Simpson, G., stage.coachman, Sidmouth Cottage,
Richardson, J., flock-manufacturer, St. Ann's-road, Brixton.
Johnson, 8., builder, Henrietta-street, Cavendish-square.
Hawkins, S., upholder, Castle-street East.
Konig, G. L. W., tailor, Oxendon-street, Haymarket.
Waistell, R., licensed-victualler, Curtain.road, Shoreditch.
Morris, T. W., clerk, Pleasant row, Pentonville.
Peddie, D., baker, Charles-street, Berkeley-square.
Brown, J., rigger, Bird and Bush-terrace, Litnabouse.
Long, G. K., brazier, King-street, Bath-street, St. Luke
Portug h

on Another stock-jobbing trick was
THE FUNDS.—(THIS .1911--Ir')
O'CL OCR'
CITY, T wEL YE
an ono of the most respectable houses in the city, who recet edr
express from Falmouth, stating that the sliguelite all!
routed. This in-
an r action before Santarem, were completely
mation was said to have come by the Carron steamer, which
has arrived from Lisbon with a mail of the 10th inst., andtl.7
Oporto on the 11th; but according to the inforrasol t‘ii
Published this morning, received by the above conveyancee,
, p be-
the private letters, it appears that no battle has taken place
...,,
ore Santare, an the contending armies were in the
.rrae
previou positions; the Pedroites had certainly obtained„ws,
advantages in the south of Portugal, and according to at! .L.
pearance both parties were preparing for some important
rboelup';
again played off yester.dvay_
The Miguelites have been reinforcing themselves bY t,,,d,
quartersinfom
ar i
or reinforcements nifso, r crehma
re
Donntg
P fromedr
oLisbon. e
dTrhoe
from the North, and the Pedroites have sent to their head
his General, and made friends with them; and we are in
Saldanha • there'
that he has given a carte blanche to General Saldatin"' some
fore, we have no doubt that ere a few days we shall We
important events trom that quarter. Spain still
By ,
th, express from Paris, the information from on
continues of a meagre description. It states that the o:her,
Aegent and her sister are reconciled, and have dined l°goon De
strong government in Spain, it was expected, vi°l,ld 41 old--
established, and that Count Toreno would be at 1,, I Per
French funds, 7Sf. 75c. Spanish Stock has iraproved .
cent.-28 lA. trrieostdeirantapernodrosseief

We have no other arrivals
his morning
poreas
from Paris a d e SO'
n the French mail, whh have brought thw...h
nish st
it
has
improvedhigher;
in the English market to 3114 %•
Although the reported defeat of the Miguelites before
: hhing
tarem is not confirmed, and which no doubt was a stoc-J— ,
owing
the price of the Portuguese Stock was at 611 t,
the Lisbon malt;
to the favourable accounts received by
f, may 0 presencth;
onsols, which left offyesterday at 911 than the - -
quoted at the same price, with little doing as Yet' as the
h
speculations are in Spanish and Portuguese Stocks in t e
Foreign Market.

'eare without T ONE•
HALF-PAS
quarter,l\ ' relates to the
The general topic of conversation in the c,LY -
ts are rl°t
information from Portugal, and although the accounts
se t.ocir,
so favourable as anticipated yesterday, the Portugue '
remains steady at 64 ; Spanish 31.
li 34 (of
Consols have been the whole of the morning at 9 eon'
the Account, and little doing, as the chief specoaticalah w
tinue in the Foreign Market, in Portuguese and Spanish
curities. any fresh arrivals at present from ant

voitea

~.....,...,.
It appears that a great deal of specie is going t° the
States. -

ON DIT.-That the declaration for the convoki"
Cortes has been read by the Spanish Ambassador• n
THREE

Consols for the Account, 911
CLOSING PRICES.
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Red
3 pet Cent. Cons 9ll
3! per Ccnt.
:4 per Cc nt. Red 941
New 3' p.r. Cent -08
4 per(cnt lO3l
Long. Ann. to expire
Jan. 1860
Oct. 1859..

g•
—FOUR O'CLOCK.
ndlia Stock ..... ...........
D-tto ........... r.
South Sea Stock ....... IC
Ditto Old Ann ..........
Ditto New Anr. ......
Ex. Bills, 53 Pol'
53 Pill'
Ditto 5ma11......... 53 Pns •
Bank S. for
Consols for Op .......... 9lf
- for Opg. ..... .957

India St. •
VI
es
Portugnese, 5 Per ••• I
;61
tto n Bonds .........
Di
Prussian eg.,
5 per ant. Apt. .I°4
Russian 8011433, 5r%: ... Ili
Ditto, met.lii. .... ~..
...... „.
Spanish, 5 per cee'' .... ~-r
Ditto, 1823 ... , .......... vo,
...,e.
French 5 per Cen' 25t r.
....... ~.8(.....50.
Exchange ........ . i 1
French 3 per
__lol,' ... .... get
Dutch, 2e per et"— .. •••••• '
Ditto, 5 per CCU 16 •.'".
Aneumarmeeepoome
diocese.--Carlisle Ciraorillisilse Patriot. tipport of
The Declaration of the Laitv In 60",;03erouglY
the Church of England has been. veil i h in tyre
and respectably signed in almost every Par 5
remote station, went to the
Works, Merthyr, than in any other single estAbli
_633......
made in I
Europe. Upwards of 35,000 tons were
Welshman. • e on t;
An officer °Ltiflactured at the rio°:ntii:
appointed to the coast servile toe
nearest sea-port, to consult upon a suitable eupplY of
terature for his hours of leisure. " I read for inlarniligbt
rather than amusement, therefore send me nothing sot
or frivolous ; none but works of standard merit.' Nrol•
of tbeee were enumerated, as Flume's Distoly of ._Tng 00,
13Iackstone's Co • •, w ith of 1'413: i
Commentaries, Smith i ea rtllle '
Delolme on the Constitution " S
, try, S " -a1 the ma .
~i
OW
" leave out that, if you please ; I Lever read 111
hooks." principal bookeller. at i ii,

Jan. 1860 l7;
FOREIGN
Austrian, b per cent lO2
Belgian, 5 per cent 994
Brazilian Bonds
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent 25
Chilian, 6 per cent. 251
Columbian, 6 per cent, 2'2
Ditto, 18:24 2s}
Danish 7si
Greek, 5 per cent 2B!
Mexican 5 per Cents, MI 314
Ditto 6 per Cent., 1625 3B
Peruvian 6 per Cant. 2Ol