The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-09 00:00:00

THE KING'S SPEECH.

COMMENTS OF THE IRISH PRESS.
(From the Dublin Morning Register of Thursday.)
The first session of the Reformed Parliament has com-
menced with, perhaps, the worst King's speech that has ever
been delivered. The Whig Administration have made King
William the Fourth the mouthpiece of a speech which is as
anti-Irish and illiberal—as regardless of the intolerable griev-
ances under which the people of Ireland labour, and as sen.
sitive to the preservation of the system which has reduced this
country to its present deplorable condition, as any of the
Royal speeches which have mocked and insulted this
country whilst the Tory faction ruled the destinies
of the empire. • The Tories were openly hostile, and nothing
was expected from them—the Whigs have been professing
friends ; they have used the people as a stepping-stone to power
—they appealed to them when in adversity, and were sus-
tained by the popular voice ; and now, when the holding of
their places requires a truckling concession to their opponents,
they basely abandon principle, and repay the people by a
reckless display of hollow treachery. As far as regards
this country, a more Tory speech than that delivered by
the King on Tuesday could not have been concocted in the
Conservative parlour at Tiros's. Upon subjects of relief or
amelioration, it is completely indistinct and unsatisfac-
tory—respecting measures of coercion it is perfectly distinct
and intelligible. It speaks of " punishing the disturbers of the
public peace, and the preserving and strengthening the Legis-
lative Union" in the same sentence, and calls for the aid of
Divine Providence whilst it couples outrage and repeal, as if
an appeal to the Deity required that two matters, which are
the antipodes of each other, should, on so solemn an occasion,
be linked together. The Whigs have already talked in
both Houses of civil war in relation to repeal—they
now call upon the Reformed Parliament for " addi-
tional powers," whilst they are either silent or delur
sive about relief. The old system of coercion withou
amelioration, is, it appears, to be persevcted in. Let it not be
the fault and the misfortune of the Irish people, if their claims
shall continue disregarded and unredressed—let them lose not
an hour in laying before the Legislature their wrongs and op
pressions—our cry is, petition—petition—petition—from every
parish in Ireland, before the close of the week—let petitions
be forwarded for the only measure which can raise this
afflicted land from her degraded and prostrate condition—♦
REPEAL OF THE LEGISLATIVE UNION.

(From the Freeman's Journal of Thursday.)
By an extraordinary effort of the Evening Mail, the King's
speech on the opening of Parliament was received in town at
half-past six yesterday evening, and reached our office about
eight o'clock. It is only due to our contemporary to express
our acknowledgment of his courtesy for the handsome manner
in which we have been favoured with an early impression. It
is difficult to say whether the " speech" itself has exceeded or
disappointed public expectation. One inference, at least,
which will set the public mind completely at rest as to Wil-
liam the Fourth's feelings on the principle of Reform, may be
collected from the speech. His Majesty did not, in the re-
motest degree, allude to the measure, nor deign to congratulate
the country on the late accession to its political privileges. The
following summary contains the heads of his Majesty's address :
1. He laments the continuance of the civil war in Portugal.
2. He regrets that his efforts for an arrangement between
Belgium and Holland have hitherto been unsuccessful.
3. He relies on the wisdom of Parliament in revising the
charters of the Bank of England, and the East India Company.
The affairs of Ireland engross the remainder, and by far the
most important part of the royal speech. On the subject of the
Church it recommends a change of system for the support of
the Protestant parsons, without, however, "diminishing the
means of maintaining the established clergy in respectability
and usefulness." In relation to the tithe system, it
advises such a commutation as may throw the present
charge upon the landowners, in the shape of a gross
composition, in lieu of an annual payment ; and lastly—
his gracious Majesty confides in the loyalty and
patriotism of his faithful Commons to enable him to
put down " the spirit of insubordination and revolution in Ire-
land !" And thus ends our summary.—With regard to the
three first heads of this royal manifesto we will say not a
word, because not a word of what we could say would in the
slightest degree concern or interest our readers. But availing
ourselves of the constitutional right of considering this to be
strictly the speech of the Minister, we can designate it in no other
terms than (as far as regards Ireland) a series of wild and insolent
absairdities. If, by the " respectability and usefulness" of the
Protestant Church, the Minister means the present dignified
and valuable occupations of that esteemed body, and the
means of maintaining them in the high sphere of those
elevated avocations, be not diminished, we certainly agree with
the "speech," that the sooner the landowners undertake the
payment of the tithe-tax the better. We told the Irish pro.
prietors last year, that matters would come to this, but they
would not believe us. As long as a shilling could be rung
from the peasant and the corn acre man, the Irish gentry with
few exceptions, were the most devoutedly attached adherents
to the champions of the Church, and the most ardent admirers
of Mr. Stanley. Even on the recovery of the penny arrears they
have looked with calm and philosophic indifference; but now
that is discovered that penny and farthing decrees can scarcely sa-
tisfy the habitual necessities of these apostolic teachers, when
something more substantial than parchment must be procured
for their support, we fancy the Irish squires will learn the ad-
vantages of the tithe system by some more impressive lesson
than evangelical preaching. A mortgage on their estates, or
a Chancery Receiver over their rents, will furnish no slight
memento of the " usefulness" of the establishment. Of the
concluding part of this Ministerial document, we can scarcely
trust ourselves in speaking as it deserves. " Revolution" in
Ireland, forsooth ! Atrocious calumny—but we trust the
result of the debate on the address will teach Ministers the
consequence of thus wantonly insulting the loyalty and out.
raging the feelings of an ill.treated, oppressed, but still
a spirited people. But, then, the Minister asks for
additional powers to strengthen the Legislative Union ;
in other words, he seeks to stifle public opinion in Ire.
land, by means of coercion. We know what little weight
generally belongs to such impotent demonstrations, and, there-
fore, we will not seriously inquire into the nature or practi-
cability of those contemplated measures. We have been long
since told by two Ministers of the Crown that the Union should
be maintained, even with the sword; and, yet, it is already
half repealed. We only notice this late menace to show the
animus of the Cabinet. One thing is remarkable, as demon-
strating the ignorance of the " wait-a-whiles" in Ireland. We
were promised, no later than two days since, by their paid or-
gan, " lenitives, with stout tonics." The tonics ate certainly
prescribed, though we question much if they can ever be ad-
ministered ; as for the lenilives, we must, of course, " wait a
while."