The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-21 00:00:00

bntn /

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 21, 1851.

It is with the deepest regret that we announce the
decease of HENRY Lord LANGDALE, late Master of
the Rolls, who, withi❑ a few weeks after his resigna-
tion of that onerous and important office, died from
the exhaustion and lassitude occasioned by the too
faithful and conscientious discharge of its arduous
and fatiguing duties. He had but just entered
upon the otium cum dignitate which he so
eminently merited. His friends had fondly an-
ticipated that the repose and leisure to which
he bad long looked forward would restore
bis powers, and that he might long be spared with
renovated health and strength to his affectionate fa-
mily. But, unfortunately, the " bow had been too
long bent," the cessation from toil came too late to
preserve his valuable life. While on the bench hi,
not only faithfully and unflinchingly performed all
the laborious duties incidental to his high position,
but he also acted as First Commissioner of the Grcat
Seal during the interval between the resignation of
Lord COTTENHAM and the appointment of Lord
TRURO and in that capacity frequently presided in
the Court of Chancery and also in the House of Lords on
appeal cases. He felt, however, that the almost in-
cessant labour was sapping his vital powers. He
anxiously awaited the expiration of the period when
he might properly retire from the Rolls' Court, and
even refused the highest prize in the professional

lottery—the highest object of profestional ambition,
which was repeatedly tendered for his acceptance b 3
the First Lord of the Treasury. On the 19th of
January the term of fifteen years' judicial service,
which would entitle him to full retiring pension,
was completed. He, however, continued some time
longer in harness, that the Ministerial arrange-
ments with respect to his successor might be fully
carried out, and it was only last month that he bade
farewell to the. practitioners in his court, and receives
in return the tribute of affectionate respect and gra-
titude from that distinguished body. The delay of
even a few weeks may have prevented his recovery.
The moment the excitement produced by his judicial
labours was removed he became seriously indisposed.
A paralytic attack in the early part of last week
excited the greatest alarm among his friends and re-
latives, and their apprehensions were but too fatally
verified, for on Good Friday, the 18th instant, the
lamented nobleman breathed his last, at Tunbridge
Wells, and as he was born on the 18th of June,
1783, be wanted exactly two months of completing
his 68th year.
Mr. BICKERSTETH was a member of a respectable
but not very wealthy family in the north-west of
England. He was horn at Kirkby Lonsdale, in
Westmoreland, in 1783. His earliest intention was
to become a medical practitioner, and he had duly
qualified himself for that position, when he accom-
panied the late Earl of ORFORD, with whose family
he subsequently formed a matrimonial alliance, on a

tour to the continent. The Noble Lord conceived a
high opinion of the abilities of his youthful :protege,
and subsequently prevailed upon him to change his
destination and turn his attention to the bar, for
which he appeared to be eminently fitted. As the
first step towards this career he entered Caius College,
Cambridge, where he became senior wrangler in

1808. In 1811 he was called to the bar at the Inner
Temple, and almost immediately entered upon its
active duties.

Having selected the equity branch of the profession
he seen attracted considerable attention, and after less

than the ordinary probation to which candidates for
forensic honours must make up their minds,
he became one of the most eminent coun-
sel and eventually the recognized leader
of the court over which he subsequently so worthily
presided. As an advocate, he exhibited the same
conscientious desire to perform his duties in the most
efficient manner, for which, as a judge, he afterwards
became so distinguished. Painstaking and laborious,
he invariably made himself master of his cases. How-
ever urgenC the press of business, he never entered
court without full preparation ; and it was, perhsps,
this habit of mature consideration, and distrust of
every argument until he had examined it in
all its bearings, that gave him an ap-
pearance of unreadiness, when surprised by
an unexpected course of proceeding or line of argu-
ment by his opponent. A little time and reflection,
however, invariably restored his equanimity, and
enabled him to maintain the high reputation he had
acquired.
I❑ 1828 he was made a bencher of the Inner
Temple, and eight years afterwards, in January,
1836, he was promoted to the Mastership of the
Rolls, just vacated by the elevation of Lord COTTEN-
HAM, then Sir CHRISTOPHER CHARLES PEPYS, to the
Woolsack. He was at the same time called to the
Upper House by the style and title of Baron
LANGDALE, with remainder to his first and other
sons. The peerage, however, becomes extinct, the
deceased nobleman having left an only daughter,
born in 1836, and now in her fifteenth year, by the
marriage which he contracted at rather an advanced
period of life with Lady JANE HARLEY, eldest
daughter of his early patron, the late Earl of ORFORD.
Lord LANGDALE, at the bar and on the bench, was
ever the consistent advocate of liberal opinions. He
never, however, took any very active part in
politics. As a barrister he devoted himself
entirely to the duties of his profession. He
never obtained a seat in the Commons House of
Parliament, or sought the suffrages of any consti-
tuency, although many would doubtless have gladly
availed themselves of his services. His opinicns,
however, as a zealous reformer, were well known.
As one of the Bentbamite school he had desired the
purification of the Augean stable of Chancery, and
thought deeply on the subject. He clearly perceived
the propriety—nay, more—the necessity of the
separation of the political and judicial functions of
the Lord Chancellorship. And although his views have
not hitherto been carried out—although they have
been deliberately rejected by Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
who desired to relieve the highest judge in the king-
dom by confiscating his ecclesiastical patronage—we
have no doubt that the good seed has been sown that
will produce fruit in due season. _ _ _

It was possibly bis reputation as a legal reformer
that led to the promotion of Mr. BICKERSTETH to one
of the highest offices in the profession, ranking only
after the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chief Justice of
the Queen's Bench, and with the handsome
salary of 7,0001. per annum, without having
Passed through the situations of Attorney
or Solicitor-General, or rendered any Parlia-
mentary services whatsoever to the party in
power. Such a proceeding was, to say the least of it,
very unusual, if not unparalleled. All persons,
however, felt that Lord LANGDALE was worthy
of the honour thus conferred upon him.
He did not, indeed, succeed to the full extent of his
desires, in reforming the Court of Chancery, but he
unquestionably introduced many ameliorations in
practice for diminishing the delays and expenses to
which the suitors were exposed. His decisions were
considered, and will continue leading
b
oritie
s.ln private life he maintained the highest
jaenduveter carefullypendence of character, cter, refusing to t
soanecxteirocn.ss
legitimatee
any-
thing that savoured of
byjobbing,asking
or even
we might
migkhi nt g
furnishan
yfavaosutrrownghatsoever,
illustra-
asuhjtion. He has now passed from this world, and we
ec to f influence
which
than
can never hope to find a manofthe first more sterling honour
and unblemished integrity
Lord La.tiuDaLS.

A revision of the Constitution of the French Re-
public, long
looked for by some, andlong dreaded
by others, is very shortly to be adventured upon by
the present or by
some subsequent Administration..
Upon the quiet introduction of this great measure of
improvement the fate of France and the peace of
Christendom are dependent. It is probable, therefore,
chat no step in the de fired direction will be advert=
cured upon precipitately. Louis NAPOLEON will not
jeopardize the popularity he has deservedly ac-
quired by three years of calm and prospe

rolls government by any wanton experiments
upon the charter which, with all its blemishes,
must be respected as the fir3t faik:kul: the (.I:triocrtic
revolution. His sagacity is not likely, we feel secure,
to forsake him at this the most momentous of all the
crises of his rule as PRESIDENT. It must not, con-
sequently, be imagined that he is about to submit his
judgment wholly to the very small amount of dis-
cretion perceivable ;in: the character of M. LEON
FAUCHER. The Prince has already shown sufficient
energy to release himself from the ministerial bondage
of much more able and authoritative statesmen.
He has remained imperturbable under the influences
dike of persuasion and intimidation. He has set at
nought the cajoleries of one aspirant fur the formation
if a Cabinet and the sinister threats of another. The
-themes of TRIERS have failed when confronted with
the earnest and conscientious policy of Louis NA-
POLEON. The arguments of MOLE have proved in-
,ffectual to warp his understanding. The induce-
ments of an extension of sway held out to him by
ODILON BARROT have been scornfully rejected ; and
he efforts made in an opposite direction by
BERRYER and his associates have turned out
to be equally futile and immeasurably more
ridiculous. Very little cause for anxiety re-
mains therefore in reference to M. LEON FAUCHER.
We regard him in his actual, and not in his suppositi-
tious position. We must see him as he is, not as he
.magine.s himself to be in the flight of his very
c.xaggerated fancy. We must look upon him as
merely Minister on sufferance—an administrator of a
,ort of patented transition—a makeshift in a period
of prolonged embarrassment—a warming-pan for
s more stable and practicable Government.
Viewed in this light, we cannot but con-
'icier his appointment as one of a most
judicious character, an appointment calculated to
afford the PRESIDENT a prolongation of time for the
better adjustment of Ministerial difficulties.

What requires alteration in a Republican Constitu-
ion more cobspiououay perheps than anything else,
is the antagonistic position in which the two great
powers of the democracy have been placed in immediate
reference to each other. So long as this remains un-
iltered, so long must the affairs of the country be per-
petually liable to fall into a state of involvement.
Until the administrative powers and the legislative
p mers of the Republic are rendered more compatible
in regard to their relative operation, it is altogether idle
to look for anything like a permanent establishment
of tranquillity. While the PRESIDENT and the As-
sembly are so situated as to be necessarily inimical
to the interests of each other, the affairs of the Re-
public must be continually blundering into some con-
tusion. Let them be differently placed and the ad-
vantage of the change will be very speedily apparent.
A. consciousness of this seems to be very generally
recognized just now throughout all classes and sec-
tions of the French multitude both in the capital and
in the departments.

Latterly, moreover, the Legitimatists have so far
recognized the folly of persisti❑g in their hopes for a
Restoration as to consent to an almost indefinite delay
of their conspiracies. Driven rather reluctantly to
this conclusion, they have been compelled to acknow-
ledge the wisdom of those individuals who are en-
deavouring at this particular moment to remove the ob-
stacles lying in the way of the Republican system of ad-
ministration. To this end the more reasonable and more
patriotic amongst them have evinced a readiness to
co-operate with the modern Republicans in the labours
of emendations. It is not irrational, therefore, to
anticipate some beneficial proceeding in reference to
the revisal of the Constitution before the close of the
present session of the Legislative Assembly, unless
some unexpected obstacle in the way starts
forth from the most unexpected faithlessness of one
or other of the contracting parties. That the
moderate Republicans themselves are not
unwilling to aid in amending the Consti-
tution, we feel sufficiently satisfied, watching, as
we have done, the incidental expression of opinion
upon the matter extorted from them during the last
few months. They must, nevertheless, prove a whole-
:l(ms counterpoise to those more ardent reformers who
would plu❑ge the country into a tremendous agitation
by sweeping proposals of improvement. Be-
tween the endeavours of the conflicting parties
in the Assembly we may for these rea-
sons expect that the faulty portions of the
Constitution may be eradicated from it without any
fear of provoking an insurrection. All of them drag-
ging in opposition of some sort to each other, but still
the majority of them towards one direction, the evil
may be drawn down steadily without fear of jerk or
rupture. In these hopes we rest to a certain extent
confidently, for while LEON FAUCHER is Prime
Minister, Lours NAPOLEON is still both de jure and
de facto President of the French Republic.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and of yesterday.
The Fusionists make no progress; they are attacked
at the same time by the Legitimatists and the Thiers'
section of the Orleanists, and are quarrelling among
themselves. The Ordre, the organ of MM. TRIERS and
BARROT, addresses some most unpalatable truths to
MM. GIJIZOT, DUCHATEL, SALVANDY, MOLE, and
the other Orleanists who have " ratted" over to
Legitimacy.
" We shall not (it says) address to them reproaches,
nor shall we repeat as just or well-founded the expres-
sion attributed to one of their old colleagues, that having
ruined the Orlean3 dynasty, it only remained for them
to betray it. We know that they could reply that thri
owed themselves above all to the interests of their coun-

try, and so many have their own share of blame for the
crisis i❑ which France has been involved, that no one is
entitled to take upon himself the part of accuser of
those whose avowed object is to make an attempt,
which may prove vain, to unite together par-
ties which have been too long divided.
Yet we cannot help sae ing, that if the Constitutional
Monarchy did contain within itself the elements of du-
ration and of force, and if it could have been kept alive
by wise measures, then a great share of responsibility
must tall upon those men who alluwed that monarchy
to perish. If, however, it fell not by their fault, but
from its own inherent vices, then we confess they are
right in proclaiming themselves Legitimatists. They
have by doing so disavowed twenty years of their
political life—they have with their own life condemned
all the speeches and writings by which they pro
tested against the doctrine to which they now rally.
If they act from a sense of duty, their conduct cannot
be treated as a crime ; but they prove at the same time
that they never could have acted on fixed and certain
principles."
The Opinion Publique and the Gazette de France
are equally severe in their denunciations of the
schemes of the Fusionists. In the meanwhile, the
disputes between the Legitimatist and the Orleanist
members of the editorial committee of the Assem-
bles National have become so serious that M. RA•
BOU, the new editor, threatens to retire in disgust,
and M. GUIZOT declares that he has ceased to take any
part in the conduct of that journal.
The Siècle is now the organ of General CAVAIG..
SAC, who has. been elected one of the editorial com-
mittee by a large majority of the proprietary.
, We read in the Bulletin de Paris :

'' The rumours of a reconciliation between the Presi-
dent of the Republic and General Changarnier have been
much exaggerated. At the time when the revocation of
the general was resolved upon there was a meeting of
the mend): rs of the majority at the hOuse of the Duke
de Broglie, to discuss the course to be pursued. M. Leon
Faucher, who was present, spoke against the revocation,
and advised a Parliamentary manifestation, but without
any appearance of hostility towards the President of the
P.epublic. It is nwural to suppose that AL Ltyn Faucher,
after having expressed his regret at the dismissal of
General Changsruier, should be desirous cf effecting on
proper grounds a reconciliation with the President; but
we have reason to believe that nothing beyond the
expression of this desire, which has been duly appre-
ciated by the general, has taken place."
The National has the following on the subject of
the revision of the Constitution :
To put the question of the revision of the Constitu-
tion before Republicans is to solve it. None of them
can, in fact, admit that the work of universal suffrage
can be submitted to the judgment of restricted suffrage.
Previous to any discussion, the law of May 31st must be
repealed. When once that work of justice and wise po-
licy is accomplished, we will willingly accept a discus-
sion, which we now decline solely out of respect for the
it
is 1
0 j oiler wh at
to avail
principle of the sovereignty of the people. It la, more-
over, good in such a case to avoid throwing confusion
1.50 the public mind, andl i sing time in useless wordy
he
qu ,21 anrorte Is .is it
Constitution,
R
flow
:eefrom
whether
unrepealed.revise the
the avowal ofsit ,-publicans that examination cannot
lead to any result so long as the law of May 31st re-
mainsT re-establishment cf universal
claim
suffrage is what we claim, such is our object. We
an
r, main on that ground,
circumscribe our efforts in
such a manner, that the power of our disposal will be
to
entirely employed in restoring four millions of citizens
the rights which have been taken
from them."
The PRESIDENT has ordered a ship of war to pro-
cced to Lisbon.

The crowd at Longcharnps on Friday was enor-
mous.

The Five per Cents. were done at the Casino at
92f, 25c.

SPAIN.
Madrid journals of the 15th have arrived.
The ratification of the Concordat bad been sent off

to Rome.

MADRID BOLSA, APRIL 15.—The Three per Cents.,
35 9-16 ; Five per Cents. 154. Exchange on London,
51 30 money

PORT UGAL.

The following telegraphic dispatches have been re-
ceived in Paris from Madrid :
(TELEGRAPHIC DISPATCH.)
" Madrid, April 17, Five o'clock, P.M.
" The insurrection in Portugal does not increase.
General Saldanha has not been able to enter Santaree,
at which place the King and the Duke do Terceira have
arrived.

" The troops remain faithful to the Queen."
(TELEGRAPHIC DISPATCH.)
" Madrid, April 17, Six o'clock, P.m.
" The news from Lisbon received by the Cabinet of
Madrid, and at the Portuguese Embassy, does not an-
nounce positively the termination of the insurrection,
but gives reason to hope for it. Nevertheless, authentic
details have not yet arrived."