The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-14 00:00:00

own, 1:c'fr)::: of Que:.n IF, :-..hclia it Madrid—if the
Duke would like to the troops of Holland reoccu-
pying Antwerp and the south and wes shores of the
Scheldt—if, finally, he would rejoice. at any pretext for
breaking the friendly alliance with France, and throw-
ing this country into the arms of the three military Go-
vernments, let us ask the sober people of England,
would their independence and commerce—would their
financial system—would the internal tranquillity of the
United Kingdom, and specifically that of Ireland—
would the peace of Europe be in safe keeping if in-
trusted to the Duke of Wellington, thinking and feel-
ino. (as his Grace avows his thoughts and sentiments
to be) with such utter abhorrence of the policy which
has been pursued by Great Britain for the last four
years, and of the general state of Europe, with which
that policy has been, and must be, inseparably con-
nected. There is nothing to us more obvious than
that, whether embraced by a Conservative Minister as
an instrument for the restoration of Tory sway in Eng-
land, or forced upon him by the general movement
among Foreign Powers, a war throughout Europe
would be the unavoidable, and, indeed, the speedy re-
sult of a Wellington and Peel Administration. The
King, we are sure, must discern this consequence as
clearly and readily as any of his subjects, and has an
interest deeper than that of any one of his subjects in
making it the rule of his own Royal decision.—Tinzes.
We find in the Albion of Saturday the following

paragraph :
" We have just heard a report, to which we attach credit,
that Lord Melbourne, on the part of his Majesty, has been in
communication with the Duke of Wellington, Sir It. Peel,
and Mr. Stanley. A letter from Lord Melbourne was de-
spatched to Mr. Stanley yesterday afternoon, at Tunbridge
Wells. We have not heard whether he has returned to town."
The above statement we acknowledge to be strictly
true, but unfortunately for our sanguine contemporary,
the purpose and object of the " communication" was
to demonstrate beyond all room for cavil the impossi-
bility of any thing like a " coalition" Cabinet, not to
assist in framing one. We may go further, and state
that it is pretty well understood that Mr. Stan-
ley is fully aware of the impossibility, and we do
not see how either the Duke of Wellington or Sir
Robert Peel can at once sacrifice opinions most stre-
nuously and emphatically expressed, for the sake of
coalescing with men who- are on their part con-
scientiously resolved not to make any concession at
all. The King, therefore, will have to decide (it is
probable that his Majesty has already decided) be-
tween an entirely Liberal and an entirely Tory Cabinet.
If we may venture a conjecture, we should say that
under the circumstances the King will give, or has
given, full powers to Lord Melbourne to form a
Liberal Cabinet. In the meantime intrigue and bustle
are at work. Mr. Joseph Hume and his patrols are
out in all directions to get signatures to the following
requisition to Lord Althorp.—[This letter is given in
the Chronicle article above.]—The object of this
address is to prevail upon the Noble ex-Chancellor of
the Exchequer to retain his office—but that he cannot

do, for it is no longer at his own disposal ; or to re-
sume his office—but that step does not, we imagine,
depend upon himself. The King must first recal the
Noble Viscount, an act of favour to which we doubt
whether William IV. will be much induced by the
mandate, for such it will and ought to be regarded, of
Mr. Hume and his round-robin brethren to force a
Minister on the Crown. Respecting Lord Althorp,
we shall merely say that he is a gentleman of amiable
disposition, of honourable intentions, of easy temper,
and popular acceptation with Members of the House
of Commons. An able statesman he does not affect
to be, and is not. As a leader of the House of Coin-

mons, and Minister of the Crown, we affirm frankly
that he .has been guilty of extraordinary indecisions
and blunders, and has entailed serious mischiefs on the

Cabinet of which he formed rather a prominent than an
efficient member. He it was who by his own unlooked-
for and most unfortune caprice (for by what other
name can we call it ?) prevented the revisal of the
abominable Pension List. Is it for such a service as
that that the Humes and the Whittle Harveys are to
pull him back to the Treasury bench ? Is it for such

a service that the country is to be canvassed in his

favour ? Lord Althorp's financial ignorance and vacil-
lations had become a by-word of angry ridicule among
all men who understood that most important branch of
the national interests. His Lordship's languid and
unresisting habit of procedure in the House of Com-
mons, which allowed the crude absurdities of every
babbler, bent on currying favour with his constituents
at the expense of the public business, to supersede the
most urgent and important measures, and to waste the
time of Parliament on idle words, may be fairly con-
sidered the true and chief cause of the late season of

the year at which we are now arrived, without any one
act of the least value to the country to show for it—
no, not even a Coercion Bill I To merits like these
it must be added, that Lord Althorp's communication
to Mr. Littleton, who was not in the Cabinet, of a
Cabinet secret which ought not to have passed
his lips, and his permission to make the sub-
stance of the same secret known to Mr. O'Connell,
the sworn enemy of the Government, was the im-
mediate. cause of all that followed—his own resig-
nation, that of Lord Grey, the break-up of the
Government, the extreme difficulty of forming another,
and the cruel interruption and stoppage at this late
period of every branch of the national business ; so
that how the session is to close before Michaelmas or
Christmas, he is a wise man that can inform us. This,
we state broadly, and in perfect goodwill towards Lord
Althorp, is the real catalogue of his merits as a Mi-
nister in the House of oommons ; and who they are
that wish him back again it is very strange to think.
As for the difficulty, or " impossibility I" for we have
heard of such folly, about getting another leader, pray
what would happen if Lord Althorp should, in the
course of nature, be forced into the House of Lords ?
Would not all England produce " another leader ?"
We beg to be understood as meaning no shadow of
offence by any of the foregoing observations. They
have been wrung from us. We see the Government
and Parliament a prey to weaknesses the most incre7

dible ; and, admitting that Lord Althorp is what all
men report him, as upright, and estimable, and worthy
a nobleman as ever did honour to the respectable name
of Spencer, we cannot see the country sacrificed to
personal and puerile predilections. A Cabinet may be
formed with Lord Althorp as one of it, but it may also
be very well formed without him. The country does
not want Lord Althorp, though the House of Com-
mons, for reasons which of course we must not express,
may still be anxious to be under the protection of so
enlightened and infallible a leader.—Tint s.

CONSERVATIVE LIBERALITY.—We understand
that a certain unsuccessful candidate for the representation of
a burgh not fifty miles from Edinburgh, has been
" Deserted in his utmost need,
By those his former bounty fed,"
. . _

and left to pay the whole of his electioneering expenses, which
may probably amount to more than 3,000/.1 This is really
" too bad," considering that the honourable gentleman alluded
to came forward solely to support the Conservative interest,
and from no desire to flatter his own pride, or advance his own
interests, by receiving the addition of M. P. to his cognomen.
The boldness and alacrity which the gentleman referred to
displayed in the Tory cause, certainly deserved better acknow-
ledgment from the rank, wealth, and intelligence," of a
great city ; but there is no accounting for some instances of
human peccability ; and here stands the champion of the Con-
servative interest alone and unrewarded for his gallant services,
" sighing to the south winds" for very grief of Tory ingrati-
tude.—,Scotsman.

HISTORY OF THE COMMONERS OF ENGLAND.
—The 7th Part of this interesting work by Mr. Burke, form-
ing a Companion to the Peerage and Baronetage, is now pub-
lished. It comprises among other eminent families those of
Lane Fox of Bramham Park, Stonor of Stonor, Whitmores of
Apley and Dudmaston, Spencer of Bramley Grange, Myttons
of Halston, Garth and Penylan, Gough of Perry Hall, Wither
of Manydown and Tangier Park, Tregonwell of Anderson,
Guthrie of Guthrie, Anguish of Somerleyton Hall, Streat-
field of Chiddingstone, Dyott of Freeford Hall, Bramston
of Skreens, Cartwrights of Aynho and Norwell, Spearman of
Thornley, Parker of Whiteway, Barry of Lemlara, Elwes of
Great Billing, Isted of Ecton, Thornton of Brockall, Huntley
of Boxwell, Repington of Amington, Wingfields of Tieken-
cote and of Onslow, Bruce of Kennet. Tate of Delapre and
Burleigh Park, Owens of Tedsmore, Betws, Woodhouse and
Condover, Lloyd of Gloster, Winter of Ayer, Coulson of Bien-
kinsopp Castle, Blundel of Crosby, Hunter of Hunterston,
Pennefather of New Park, Scott of Betton and Peniarth Ucha,
Walronds of Bradfield and Dulforp, Cookson of Whitehill,
Moore of Moorefield, Fortescues of Fallapit and Buckland
Filleigh, O'Connell of Derrynane Abbey, Greame of Sewerby
House, Swetenham of Somerford Booths, Harvey of Rolls
Parks, Kelso of Dankeith, Patrick of Treaine, Cunninghtune
of Caddell and Thornton, Ettrick of High Barnes, &c. &c.