The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-16 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVEN LNG. SEPTEMBER l6, 1'
U •

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

I ROM. THE MORNING PAPERS OF TIIIS DAY.
TIMES.—Among the many advantages to be
derived from an improved communication between
nations, we may hope to find a very general and un-
hesitating acquiescence by every civilised people in
the rules of international morality, commonly de-
nominated the law of nations. We belong not indeed
to that sanguine class of politicians, which expects to
see war banished from among the means of human
arbitrament, bat we would fain believe that increased
intelligence will tend to produce rational behaviour,
not only among individuals but among states, that the
dictates of prejudice and passion will have a constantly
decreasing influence upon the policy and conduct of
mankind, and that the rapid means of intercourse be-
tween all parts of the earth, which we now providen-
tially possess, will lead in truth to a real comity cf
nations, making of the different kingdoms and states
into which men are divided one great commonwealth,
in which general opinion will have great sway, and
the unbiassed judgment of disinterested parties will
eventually acquire the force of an almost imperative
rule cf conduct. We entertain these expectations
because we hope that an improvement in the
physical conditicn of mankind will tend materially
to soften manners generally, and conduce to an uni-
versal cultivation of every humanizing art and science.
The constant interchange of thought that is now
going on amid the many communities and states that
have become members of the great civilised common-
wealth of the world must tend to an eradication of
national antipathies, a lowering of national vanity, as
well as to an increased susceptibility on the part of
all to the censures and applause of the great aggregate
of which we all form a portion. Just in proportion
to our increased intelligence, and our improvement in
all the better arts of life, will in future be our obe-
dience, both to the general opinion of civilized nations
and to those rules of international morality to which
an universal assent has given the force of positive law.
The nations who are most strictly bound by, all the
higher sanctions which can alone influence the con-
duct of sovereign communities, to set an example of
the most ready obedience to this exalted morality,
are those upon whom fortune has lavished her
choicest gifts of wealth, power, and intelligence—
and, if we were called upon at this moment to
select that people which, of all others, from their
political and social condition is more especially under
an obligation to obey the dictates of this international
morality, we should, without hesitation, point to the
United States of America. Unlike all other nations,
they have not been condemned to pass through an
ignorant and barbarous infancy. They began their
national existence at the highest point of civilization
to which mankind has yet attained. They enter into
the great commonwealth of nations just when science
and art have almost annihilated time and distance,
and when intelligence can be communicated from one
end of the earth to the other almost with the rapidity
of thought; when, too, the physical wants of man-
kind are satisfied with an ease that, in times past,
would have been deemed miraculous, and when, be-
sides, political science has discovered the means of
uniting into one national community, under the rule
of a law made by themselves, any number of human
beings, spread over any extent of territory. Thus
happy as to the moment of their national birth, they
have been equally fortunate in the territories in which
as a people they are destined to dwell. For ages
these territories will be practically without limit, and
they contain within themselves all that a nation needs
for comfort, luxury, security, and power. The people
are united by the tie of one language and one law ;
and although many different races of men have con-
tributed to make up this population, one nation, viz.,
the English, have so far outnumbered all others in
this contribution as to stamp upon them a national
and peculiar character. It is this people, we say,
united, homogeneous, enjoying every comfort, and all
the luxuries of life, possessed of a boundless and fer-
tile territory, secure against outward aggression, and
safe, as far as a community formed of fallible human
beings can be safe, from internal danger, endowed
with every means of enlightenment, and already in all
the useful arts evincing a wonderful and ever
improving efficiency—it is this people, we say, who
are bound by every obligation of duty to mankind,
every consideration of policy as respects them-
selves, to set an example of willing and ear-
nest obedience to the rules of international law.
In the United States the people govern, and
their resolutions are manifest by law alone. No
despotic will is by the spirit of the Constitution per-
mitted to have sway. The predetermined rule of the
law is supposed to be paramount, and to govern with
its inflexible will and command not merely individuals,
but the whole community. Just as no single man
can, by his mere volition, determine for the commu-
nity, so no body of men, none, in short, but the whole
community, acting according to forms prearranged,
can adopt resolutions for the State. A mob in a
great city—the great city itself—nay, the State of
which it may be the metropolis—is, according to the
law and the spirit of the Constitution, as much with-
out power to act in the name of the people of the
United States as a single individual ; and were the
President to-morrow-, by his single authority, to de-
clare war against a foreign Power, and call out the
armies and fleets of the Republic in support of his
warlike resolves, he would not be guilty of a more
flagrant violation of the law, a more criminal breach
of bis duty than would a band of unauthorised indi-
viduals, no matter bow numerous, powerful, or re-
spected, who should, upon their own mere motion,
commence hostilities upon a neighbouring people.
There is in the United States, as there must be in
all communities assuming to be civilized, and pro-
fessing to be governed by law, a specified authority by
which communications with foreign Powers are
carried on, there is also a rule as to the mode in which
such communications are to be conducted, and any
departure from this mode, any encroachment upon
the defined powers of the constituted authority by
which international intercourse is to be conducted is
not merely a violation of international law, but also of
the Constitution of the United States, and the viola-
tion is as signal and as mischievous when the work of
many as of one. This regulation of the American
Constitution is in accordance with, and is supported
by, the general rules of international morality. War
levied by individuals, and without the authority of a
sovereign state, is by this international law adjudged
to be piracy. They who thus levy war are pi-
rates, are without the pale of law, and are
deemed the enemies not merely of the country they
unjustly attack, but of the whole civilized world.
Those, however, who would more than all others
be bound to repress such a breach of the most
sacred obligations of law and morality, would, in
this case, be the people of America themselves ;
and if we apply there rules to the late proceedings of
the piratical and marauding band who attacked Cuba,
and to the conduct of certain assemblies of American
citizens who met to discuss, to approve, and defend
this outrage upon the civilized world, we shall not be
at a loss as to what judgment we are to form either
with respect to the original piracy, or the subsequent
approval of it ; neither can we be in doubt as to what
will be the course of conduct which the United States
should feel bound to pursue upon the occasion. If,
under circumstances such as those which have oc-
curred, any Government should either be unwilling or
unable to do what the comity of nations demands of
it, such a Government would necessarily incur the
contempt and excite the indignation of every civi-
lized community. We cannot believe, from our
knowledge of the men who compose it, that the
American Government will be unwilling to perform
its duty. We are sure, from what we know of the
constitution of the United States, there is no real lack
of power to enforce in this case the dictates of com-
mon prudence and common honesty upon the nation at
large. Spain and the United States are not merely
allied, they are friendly nations. The wretched
subterfuge to which Mr. Ashbel Smith bad recourse
in our columns some days since, in order to justify
an attack upon Cuba, cannot by possibility be ac-
cepted by the President of the United States and his
Government upon this occasion. There is no quarrel
between the United States and Spain, neither can
any pretext for a quarrel be found in the conduct of
certain Englishmen who choose to advocate the abo-
lition of slavery in Cuba. The circumstances which
, have led to this outrageous aggression have no con-
nexion with slavery or the doings, wise or unwise, cf
English abolitionists. There are in the United
States, more especially towards the south, large bands
of men, desperate in fortune, loose in their morality,
and reckless and daring in conduct. To ruffians of
this description the excitement of a marauding expe-
dition, together with the hope of plunder to result
from it, is absolutely irresistible. fold out to them
a chance of success, and they would join in an expe-
dition against London, Liverpool, or New York, with
the same alacrity as hat which they evinced when
invited to attack Cuba. This buccaneering spirit
was the first moving cause to this unprovoked outrage.
A love of excitement and of plunder moved the at-
tacking bands to action. The circumstances which
have induced an expression of sympathy with these
pirates are, however, of a somewhat different descrip-
tion. We are quite ready to suppose that the execu-
tion in cool blood of fifty gallant, though unprincipled
youths, by the Spanish authorities shocked many who
in no way sympathized with the objects or justified
the conduct of the unfortunate sufferers upon this oc-
casion. Feelings of national vanity were quickly
mixed up with the anger roused by the inhumanity of
the execution; and thus a somewhat generous senti-
ment, and an almost pardonable weakness, contributed
simultaneously to a sudden outburst of passion. There
are also some politicians in the United States
who consider Cuba an exceedingly desirable acqui-
sition for their country, and who view with
undisguised satisfaction any events which may
tend to bring it about. These men join the
sympathizers, end swell the shout which demands re-
venge and seeks to enforce punishment. If to these
we add all who belong to the class of those who suf-
fered, viz., All the idle, reckless buccaneers who 80

remain in the United States, and are eager for a fray,
we shall understand the nature of the cry raised,
and its probable influence upon the sober-minded
Government of the United States. That Government

cannot fail to lament the inadvertence—to give it no
other name—which permitted the expedition against
Cuba to sail, and they ought henceforth to exercise

with proper energy the power which the law gives
them to put down every attempt to renew such an
outrage upon the comity of nations. Themselves en-
lightened, and obeying the dictates of a severe mo-
rality, they should be among the first to acknowledge
that hesitation or weakness on their part would now
be a glaring violation of the sacred duties imposed on
them, alike by their position, by a regard for the true
interests of the United States, and by a worthy con-
sideration of the per9neral welfare of mankind.
ADVERTISER.—The time has at last arrived
when those who wish to see an effective measure of
Reform must bestir them!elycs. Lord John Russell,
it is now known, has at length applied himself to the
task of framing another Reform Bill. He has been
obliged, whether he would or not, to abjure, at least in
practice, his finality notions, and to acknowledge him-
selC a convert to the necessity of popular progress. No
thanks to the Noble Lord for this. It is not of a
hog mind, but of necessity, that be appears on the
political stage as a Reformer. lied he been left to
follow out his own inclinations, he would have clung
to his finality principles till the end of the chapter.
Ile is again in the field as a Reformer, because events
had placed before him the alternative of either resign-
ing office, or bringing forward a new measure of Re-
form to meet the necessities of the times. Ile has
preferred the latter alternative, and is, accordingly,
about to come before the country in the same chm:ac-
ter as that in which he appeared before it precisely c'o
years ago. It depends entirely on the people them-
selves whether the Noble Lord is or is not to benefit

the country by his authorship of a new measure of
Reform. If left to himself; we can easily be-
lieve what sort of affair Lord John Russell
will make of the new measure. It will be worse
than an abortion. It will be a deceptiou. It
will not be what it professes. It will be a delusion, a
mockery, and a snare. The Whig Premier will not
spontaneously do the thing that's right. If he is to
be honest he must be made so. If the new measure
is to be worthy of acceptation, the Noble Lord must
be made to frame it under compulsion. "Your
money or your life," says the footpad. A somewhat
similar alternative must be placed before the Premier.
The people must say to him, in the plainest possible
terms, " A sound sweeping measure of electoral re •
form, or your ejection from office." We know which
alternative the Premier will accept. He will agree to
give us all we ask, and more than is necessary, should
we demand it. As a free agent, Lord John Russell
is one of the most unsatisfactory persons that ever
occupied apartments in Downing-street. As a ser-
vant acting under the authority of the public, there
is nothing which he will not do. As, therefore, the
Premier is now known to be occupied in the prepara-
tion of his new Reform Bill, the people must bestir
themselves, if they wish to see him bring before the
country such a measure as will be worth their
acceptance. If he has begun in earnest to
frame his Bill, the nation ought also to be
at work in furnishing him with an exposition of their
views on the subject. They are bound to let him
know, in a way wnich will leave no room for miscon-
ception, the precise thing they want. If they do not
speak out he will turn round on them, and taunt them
to their faces in Parliament with having themselves
to blame for not having a better measure offered for
their acceptance. And there will be at least a show
of reason in the Noble Lord's reproaches. If the
country does not speak out—if it does not declare
what sort of a reform measure it wants, the Whigs
will certainly be in a position to make out a seeming
case for themselves, in not proposing a more liberal
scheme. If the measure is to be made one which will
meet the exigencies of the case—if it is to be one
which will, in some sense, come up to the require-
ments of the country, there must forthwith be a de-
cided and universal expression of the public voice.
We observe, with pleasure, that in some of the pro-
vincial parts of the country, and more especially in
the Potteries, great public meetings in favour of a
sweeping measure of reform, have already been held.
So far well. But more is required. A movement in
Staffordshire, standing alone, will have little or no
weight with the Premier. Where are the great towns of
Lancashire and Yorkshire ? How happens it that
Manchester has made no sign ? Why is Leeds si-
lent ? Wbat can be the reason that Sheffield is mute ?
Has Birmingham no voice to utter at such a time,
and on such a question ? It was not the wont of that
enterprising place to remain passive at a crisis like
the present. Why does Birmingham give no token
of the interest it takes in the cause of popular pro-
gress now ? We are sure we will not in vain ap-
peal to it to bestir itself without delay. Nor will
Manchester, Leeds, or Sheffield fail to respond to the
call which we make on them, to arise and assert the
right of Englishmen to an ample measure of repre-
sentative reform. But if' we are surprised at the past
apathy of the places we have mentioned, we are still
more astonished that the metropolis has not only not
yet taken any active part in the great question, but
that it is giving no indications of its intention to do
so. We do not hear anywhere, either in the City
or in the metropolitan boroughs, the note of
preparation for a demonstration in favour of
au extensive measure of Parliamentary reform ?
Is, then, the reform feeling in the metropolis dead ?
Have the citizens of London ceased to be reformers ?
Are the metropolitan boroughs no longer the great
strongholds of the popular cause ? It almost seems
as if it were so ; and yet we know it is not. The
reform feeling is asleep, but it is not dead. It has
only to be aroused—only to be awoke, to become as
vigorous and determined as ever. But if it is to
awake from its slumbers, it must do so now,—other-
wise it will lose the only opportunity which may not be
afforded to it for a long time to come, of acting with
effect. A few weeks hence, and it may be too late.
The Premier may by that time have completed his
task. His work may be done. His measure may be
framed, and ready to be brought before the public.
He will not then feel under the same obligations as he
would do now, to regulate the provisions of the Bill
by the generally expressed wishes of the country.
If, therefore, the Noble Lord is expected to bring
forward such a measure as will meet the necessities
of the case, and come up to the expectations of the
people, it is of indispensable importance that they
should bestir themselves without further delay. We
have no doubt they fully mean to do it; but the
danger is of their not moving in the matter until it be
too late. If any movement is to be made, it must be
done at once. Shall we appeal in vain to the City to
take the lead in a great national demonstration in
favour of a sweeping measure of reform ? If so, it
will be the first time for several generations, in which
the City has failed in its duty to the popular cause.
It was always the first and foremost in the field on all
previous occasions, when the case of civil and reli-
gious liberty was to be promoted. 'We cannot believe
it will hesitate any longer in the present emergency.
Let the City only do its duty, and all the metropoli-
tan boroughs will forthwith follow its example. And
the provinces, in that case, will tread in the steps of
the metropolis. To insure a great national demon-
stration in favour of a large and liberal measure of
representative reform, all that is required is, that
London shall take the initiative. Let the metropolis
only do this, and the work will be done. The object
on which all hearts are set will be achieved. Lord
John Russell will make a virtue of necessity—he will
concede that to the omnipotent voice of the public
which he would never have accorded to the abstract
claims of a nation's right.

THE SARDINIAN WORKMEN•
The following address has been presented by the
Sardinian workmen now visiting the Exhibition :

LECTURE 01,1 BLOOMERISM BY A
BLOOMER.
Yesterday evening, Mrs. C. 11. Dexter delirered a
lecture on Bloemerism, in the Literary Institution,
John-street, Fitzroy-square, immortalized as the
locality where the Chartist Convention held its cede-
runt. The lady having publicly announced that she
" would gratify her friends and admirers by appearing
o n thi▪ s occasion in the modern female costume, an
immense crowd was attracted to the place, which
speedi▪ ly became filled almost to suffocation. A con-
siderable number of females of the middle class were
present, many of them evincing their sympathy with
"the dress movement" by occupying conspicuous
seats on the platform, but the male element prepon-
derated in the audience. The price of admission was
twopence to " the hall," and threepence to the gal-
lery; but so great was the rush when the doors
opened that the crowd completely carried away the
men stationed to collect the halfpence., and hundreds
gained access without payment.
At half-past eight Mrs. Dexter, a lady about 33
year s of Ewe made her appearance on the platform
intiabitech the Bloomer costume. She was received
with slight manifestations of applause. Herattire,
which was wholly composed of black satin, consisted
of a jacket ordinarily worn by ladies iu walking dress,
a skirt below that, scarcely reaching down to the knee,
and a pair of exceedingly wide trousers, tied at the
aukle. She proceeded at once with her lecture, which
she commenced by adverting to a slight degree of
difficulty and emharraesment she felt in appearing
publicly to advocate a change of female costume. She
felt there was something wrong in the state of things
which rendered it necessary for a woman to appear
in public to vindicate such a change. Yet that the
female dress came within the especial province of
females no reasonable being would dispute. Not-
withstanding, it was certain that the mass of the
people, end especially the female sex, were in most
cases so completely under the trammels of fashion that
any deviation from the prevailing mode was regarded
with suspicion. No improvement, however undeniable,
was sure of adoption, and no absurdity, however glar-
ing, was sure to be rejected. Fashion, in the article of
dress, had most power among those nations which
arrogated to themselves a high degree of civilisation.
In our own country, at one period, no lady was con-
sidered in full dress who had not a castle piled some
twenty inches high upon her head. At another pe-
riod, ladies consented to have their natural circum-
ference expanded by hoops, so contrived that it re-
quired much manceuvering on their parts to pass an
ordinary doorway.—(Laughter.) It had been re-
served to the English nation to curry to the extreme
of absurdity a custom by which thousands of the
loveliest of nature's lovely works were annually mas-
sacred. She referred, of course, to the infernal con-
trivance of tight stays.—(Hear, hear.) She (Mrs.
Dexter) lifted up her voice against that, as the pre-
eminent and deadly evil incident to the present sys-
tem of female costume. She acknowledged no au-
thority which sought to prevent her from deviating
from the usual style of dress to such an extent as she
thought desirable on the grounds of health, conveni-
ence, and comfort.—(Cheers.) On that matter she
insisted on the right to judge for herself; and for
those who demanded from her an implicit submission
to the vagaries of fashion she had no respect. Many of
the most remarkable revolutions in fashion had been
introduced to conceal defects in the human form ; and
there had been those whose pride it was to ape their
superiors even to the extent of imitating their de-
formities. She contended that she was at liberty to
adopt what dress she pleased, provided it offered no
violence to health or modesty. If her costume satis-
fied those conditions, she demanded to be left at perfect
liberty to consult her own taste in the matter of de-
coration, and her own feelings with regard to conve-
nience and comfort.—(Applause.) She had long felt
the inconvenience arising from long petticoats ; yet
she never thought of adopting the Oriental costume
until she learnt that one lady across the Atlantic had
actually walked abroad in trousers, to the amusement
of fastidious fault-finders. Let her remind her
audience of a common exhibition—a lady's dress on
a rainy day; it was a moving panorama, and really
gave her more trouble than a baby.—(Laughter.) If
that was not a pitiable and ludicrous spectacle, she
(Mrs. Dexter) was much mistaken. The long petti-
coats, too, were equally inconvenient in fine as in
dirty weather. When a lady, on a beautiful summer's
day, attired herself in a dress of rich material, she
forgot that the pavement would be wiped with it as
it trailed magnificently along, enveloped in clouds of
dust. What, she would ask, prevented women enjoys
tng the vigorous exercise of their limbs ? Let
ladies ask their wardrobes and they would find an
answer. Women, from time immemorial, had been
cheated out of many a sweet summer's ramble in the
open country. Was not a woman able to get
over a stile without the care and assistance of
her husband or her lover ?—(Laughter.) There was
elasticity enough in her constitution—(Renewed
laughter)--but she was the slave to the foolish and
too general impression that there was something of
vulgarity in the gentler sex depending on their own
resources. She (Mrs. Dexter) would not forgive
herself if she did not advert again to the practice of
tight-lacing. Human beings must have been under
some kind of infatuation when they adopted that
fashion. Woman was not sent into this working
world merely to be admired as an image, but to per-
form an honourable and a holy part. The early edu-
cation of both sexes principally devolved on her. The
happiness of the human family was greatly dependent
on the right fulfilment of a woman's arduous duties.
—(Hear, hear.) She (Mrs. Dexter) believed that
nature would eventually assert her supremacy in this
matter. "Beauty, when unadorned, is adorned the
most ;" and she did not despair of seeing a form of
dress adopted in this country which would not injure
health and enfeeble intellect. Only conceive a Venus
held up to the admiration of man supported by slips
of whalebone.—(Laughter.) Men of taste and genius
could never have formed their conceptions of beauty
from such a mockery of well-developed form. Half
the women of fashion were more or less deformed.
Deformity, indeed, was almost the peculiarity of
the civilised portion of mankind. The Greek
women of the present day wore trousers, and the
Italian women attired themselves in short petticoats.
She (Mrs. Dexter) believed much mischief had arisen
from the habit of blindly following the practices of
even the most polished nations of antiquity. We had
almost always limited our inquiries in matters of taste
to the ancient Greeks, and their inferior imitators, the
Romans. With respect to the charge of novelty
brought against the new dress, was novelty an objec-
tion in this age ? Novelty ! Why, novelty, espe-
cially in matters of fashion, was the great object of '
one-half of society. In the name of conscience, let
not a thing be degraded for its novelty. Would it not
be wiser to inquire whether a thing was meritorious
or useful, leaving the question of novelty to idlers and
simple folk ? She would remind them that there were
at the present time millions of women who had never
seen any other female dress than trousers and short
petticoats ; so that their lords and masters in this
country must not look on the new dress as an illegal
encroachment. The women of Georgia, Circassia,
the Burman empire —in a word, one-half of the
human race—had from time immemorial worn trou-
sers ; so that there would be no danger of her (Mrs.
Dexter) standing a solitary monument of trousers.—
(Laughter.) She was quite sure there would be more
difficulty in convincing the ladies that their errors in
dress demanded reform than in convincing the gen-
tlemen that it was their duty to persuade them to as-
sent to the change.—(Laughter.) She was also quite
sure that such views as she desired to convey would
be embraced only by those who had good hearts and
happy dispositions.—(Hear, hear.) The question in
America was, what right had men to wear trousers
at all ?.—(Great laughter.) In China the men now
wore petticoats and the women trousers.—(Renewed
laughter.) In the dress in which she was now endea-
vouring to enlist their interest there was nothing in-
convenient, unbecoming, or unsightly.—(Cheers.) Of
its comfort she could speak from experience, and with
regard to its appearance she would leave the audience
to contrast it with its competitors.—(Hear, bear.)
Some ladies thought she had taken a bold stand in en-
deavouring to introduce so indelicate a fashion. She
allowed she had taken a bold stand. She was the first,
she believed, who ventured to appear in London in
the reformed costume, and whether it was adopted or
not by the ladies in general, she intended to continue
it.—(Applause.) But she had yet to learn that bold-
ness was necessarily criminal. She felt, on the con-
trary, that she had done nothing unfeminine in adopt-
ing or in advocating the change of dress. She had felt
the advantages of it, and she should have considered her-
self as deserting her duty if she bad refused, when re-
quested, to appear publicly in its favour. That the fashion
was an indelicate one, she altogether denied—on the
contrary, the great recommemdation of the costume
in question was its peculiar modesty. Persons who
strained at a gnat would often swallow a camel. She
appealed to any gentleman who had had occasion to
walk behind a lady caught in a summer shower in the
streets of this metropolis, whether the present style
of dress had any claim to regard on the score of de-
cency?—(Bear.) Up to the age of fourteen, the fe-
male dress which was celled immodest was worn with
impunity ; but, arrived at that age, the dress which
was worn on one day was characterised as unbecom-
ing on the next. She (Mrs. Dexter) thought it was
high time that the investigating spirit of philosophy
which marked the present day should be applied to
the principles of dress, both male and female. It
would be easy to show that the male costume in-
volved many absurdities.—(A laugh.) The dress she
(Mrs. Dexter) wore would soon cease to be singular.
She was the first who bud dared publicly to call at-
tention to it in this metropolis. She had, therefore,
been subject to many jeers. A young mani for in-
stance, unaware of her presence, had asked whether
she would complete the outrage on masculine
attire by appearing at the lecture in whiskers.—
(A laugh.) Another had offered to present her
with a box of cigars. She thanked hiro7 bgt she

had no desire te, commit an outrage cn nature; she
wished rather to strengthen than to debilitate her
nerves. Through a foolish servility to the dictates
of fashion, women had been deprived of choice in
matters of dress, and in order to maintain their
rights it had consequently become necessary to set
on foot an agitation as active as any political one.
If ladies chose to wear long dresses indoors or in car-
riages, where they were protected from mud and
mire, it was not her business to interfere. What she
asked was, that she might not be subjected to annoy-
ance or insulting remarks because she differed from
those about her in matters of costume. From the
male sex she had never been treated with insult when
she had appeared in the reformed costume. On the
contrary, they had ever received her with respect and
I dignified politeness.—(A. laugh.) She could not say
as much of her own sex. She called on men, in con-
elusion, as the natural protectors of women in time of
need, to shield those of her sex who might follow her
example in adopting the costume she then wore from
gratuitous and vulgar insult.
Mrs. Dexter then withdrew, amid expressions of
general applause, mingled with some faint laughter.

COURT CIRCULAR.
BALMOiAL, SUNDAT.

Her Majesty and his 11;3:
al Highness Prince Albert
returned to adinoral yeEterday evening from
Giuthsach. The Hon. Miss Byng was in attendance
on her Mejesty.
The Right Hon. Fox Maule arrived at BAltnelal
yesterday.
The dinner party yesterday included her Royal
Highness the Duchess of Kent, Lady Augusta and
Lady Frances Bruce, and the Eight Hon. Fox Maule.

Lord and Lady John Russell and family left Pem-
broke Lodge, Richmond Park, yesterday morning, for
Bangor.
Mr. James Stewart, from Canada, had an interview
with Earl Grey yesterday, at the Colonial-office. Mr.
Henry Currie had also an interview with the Noble
Earl.

Dispatches were sent off yesterday from the Colo-
nial•ofce to the Governor of the Cape of Good
Ilope. Dispatches were also sent to the Governors
of the North American Colonies, the Governor of St.
Helens, and the Governor of Natal.
Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-
office from the Governor of the Gold Coast and the
Governor of Gibraltar.