The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-25 00:00:00

TUE FUNDS.

Consols, which left off yesterday at 90i to + for the
Account, opened at the same price this morning, without the
least animation in the market, caused by the great scarcity of
political intelligence. We are anxiously looking for accounts
from Portugal, as it is the general opinion that some important
events have taken place ere this in that quarter. The resigna-
tion of the Recorder gives general satisfaction to the public.
HALF-PAST ONE.
We continue exceedingly dull in the City, with a complete
stagnation in the Funds. . _ _

Consols have been at one price during the whole of the morn.
ing, 90 14 , sellers for the Account.
Up to the present hour we have no arrivals from Portugal.
The Foreign Market also remains inactive, and the prices
may be quoted as per yesterday.
THREE O'CLOCK.
Consols for the Account, 901,4 •
CLOSING PRICES.—FOUR O'CLOCK
Bank Stock 204 India Stock
3 per Cent. Red BB/ Ditto Bonds 3l pm
3 pet Cent. Cons South Sea Stock 99,
31 per Cent. ~6 Ditto Old Ann B6'l
•.11 per Cent. Red 96 Ditto New Ann.......
New 31 per Cent 971 Ex. Bills, 10 41 SI pm.
4 per Cent 102 i Ditto 5001 5l pm
Long. Ann. to expire Ditto Small 5l pm.
Jan. 1800 l7 Bank St. for Ace..... 204
Oct. 1859 16 15-16 Consols for Ace......... 90
Jan. 1860 lndia St. for Ace....... 247
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per cent.
Belgian, 5 per cent ILI Ditto, Reg. scrip 2l
Brazilian Bonds
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent, 25 Russian Bonds, 5 per cent lO4l
Chilian, 6 per cen ~ 2514 Ditto, Metallic
Columbian, 6 per cent 2ll Spanish, 5 per cent l9l
Ditto, 1824 24 Ditto, 1823 l7
Danish 74 French 5 per Cent
Greek, 5 per cent. 825... 39 Exchange 251. 80c.
Mexican, 5 per cent.
Ditto, tt per cent 36 Dutch, 21 per cent 4Ol
Peruvian, 6 per cent.

COURT CIRUCL AR.

The Duke and Duchess of Cumberland had a select party at
inner on Sunday at their residence at Kew.

Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent and t'
Princess Victoria, accompanied by their Royal Highnesses t
Princes Alexander and Ernest of Wirtemberg, and the Princ
of Leiningen, with their suite, visited the Zoological Gardens
in the Regent's-park, yesterday morning.

The Princes Alexander and Charles of Solme dined with the
Prussian Minister and Baroness Bulow on Sunday evening, at his
Excellency's residence in Cumberland-place. There was a
select party to meet their Serene Highnesses.
Mr. Secretary Stanley and Mr. Littleton had interviews
yesterday with Viscount Althorp at the Treasury.
The Prussian and Belgian Ministers visited Viscount Pal.
merston yesterday at the Foreign-office.
The Meeting of the three Choirs of Worcester, Hereford,
and Gloucester, will take place this year in the latter end of
September, at Worcester, under the direction of Mr. Char!es
Clarke, the Organist of the Cathedral in that city. The festival
is to last four days.

THE POOR LA WS.-A LABOUR RATE.

In the month of February last, Lord Althorp arldresse I
some queries to the Poor Law Commissioners, with a view
to ascertain their opinion upon certain palliatives of tem-
porary nature in the Poor Law system. The answer they
have given will show what the queries were, and is so im
portant. that we give it nearly entire :

The Commissioners have been struck by the frequent recur-
rence in the answers to their inquiries of the suggestion of a
labour-rate. Such an expedient is proposed generally to meet
one of the two following cases : . .

1. Where a portion of land in the parish is not cultivated
to the extent that would be profitable, although there are la-
bourers in the parish ready to do the work, and supported in
idleness or unproductive labour, in consequence of the refusal
of the occupiers of the land in question to employ them.
2. Where the labourers in the parish are more than are
wanted for the profitable cultivation of the whole of the land,
and a portion of them, who, if employed in still further culti-
vating the land, would earn, not the whole, but a part of their
maintenance, are supported in rdleness or in comparatively un-
productive labour, in consequence of the refusal of the occu-
piers, or some of the occupiers, to employ them in further cul-
tivation, at a loss indeed, but not at so great a loss as is actually
incurred.

The first of these cases appears to the Commissioners to be a
subject obviously unfit for legislative interference. The refu-
sal of an ocrupier to employ labour profitably must arise from
the want of capital, in which case it would not be remedied by
a labour-rate, or from a perverseness, so contrary to the ordi-
nary principles of human nature, that it may be safely left to
its own punishment. It cannot be necessary to force men, by
Act of Parliament, to make a profitable use of their capital.

The second case--that of the existence of surplus labourers,
whose services, now wholly or almost wholly wasted, might be
turned to some account, or to better account, is not unfre-
Tient. The Commissioners have met with many cases in
which an agreement among the occupiers to divide among
themselves the surplus labourers has immediately bean benefi-
cial, has diminished the rates, increased the fund for the pay-
ment of labour, and improved the character and condition of
those labourers whom it has taken into farm service from the
roads or the gravel-pit. And they have met with a still
greater number of instances in which one or more individual
occupiers have, by their resistance, either prevented or occa-
sioned such an agreement to be discontinued, or have obtained
an unfair advantage by participating in the reduction of rates,
without contributing to the process by which that reduction
of rates has been effected. Those who have felt, or those
who have seen the immediate benefit of such an agreement,
wish to punish this conduct, and hence the desire of a labour_
rate amongst the honest promoters of such a measure.

But in this, as in much other vicious legislation, the
honest promoters of the measure perceive a very small part
of its consequences, and they are joined by a much larger
Party who do perceive some of its other consequences—conse-
quences in a high degree both unjust and mischievous, and
which on those vet y grounds they are eager to support.
I. A labour-rate extends and aggravates one of the worst
consequences of the existing system—the payment of the wages
of labour by those who are not the employers of that labour.
In country places the principal victim of this fraud is the
tithe.owner ; his demand for labour is very trifling; his tithes
form almost always a large proportion of the rateable property
of the parish.
Next comes the resident gentry (if any) having mere houses
and gardens, and last, the occupiers of grass lands ; the small
farmers employing only the labour of their own families and the
shopkeepers. A heavy poor rate, affecting all these persons,
and expended in snaking up the wages of the great farmers or
the manufacturer's labourers, often enables him to avoid pay-
ing out of his own pocket more than a half or even a quarter
of the ordinary wages of the district. To this fraud and op-
pression, a labour rate adds this additional fraud and oppres-
sion, that the tithe-owner, gentleman, small farmer or shop.
keeper, is not only to pay part of the wages of other people's
labourers in common with the other ratepayers, but also a fur-
ther part as a fine for not being a direct employer of labour—a
fine which, in some cases, would amount to the confiscation of
his property. In the labour rate agreement, lately proposed at
Pullborough in Sussex, the clergyman's tithes were rated at
1,0501. a year, and he was consequently required either to take
thirty-five labourers, or to pay to the parish a sum equal to
what would have been their wages.

2. Another consequence of a labour rate, and a still more
mischievous one, since it affects many more persons, is its inter-
ference with the distribution of labour. In ascertaining how
far each ratepayer employs his quotum of labourers, those la-
bourers only are reckoned who have settlements in the parish.
Tho e who have settlements elsewhere are consequently dis-
charged ; long connexion, fidelity, excellence, all the qualities
that ought to bind the employer to his servant must be disre-
garded.

The discharged labourers, almost always the very best, re_
turn to their parishes, and it is just after this has taken place,
that the rates of the labour-rate parish are most relieved. But
the neighbouring parishes are forced, in self-defence, to adopt
the same system. They send back their non-parishioners, and
the result is, that the greater part of the immediate benefit
expires, that all the industry of the district is dislocated, and
the labourers are distributed, not according to their habits or
connexions,or the demand for their labour, but according to
the chances of settlement, or the accidental boundaries of
parishes. In this respect, as in the former, a labour-rate ex-
tends and aggravates some of he worst of the existing evils.
3. But the great fault of a labour-rate is that it destroys the
distinction between pauperism and independence. The in-
quiries of the commissioners have convinced them that it is
only by keeping these things separated, and separated by as
broad and as distinct a demarkation as possible, and by making
relief in all cases less agreeable than wages, that any thing de-
serving the name of improvement can be hoped for. But un-
der the labour-rate system, relief and wages are utterly con-
founded. All the wages partake of relief, and all the relief
partakes of wages. The labourer is employed, not because he
is a good workman, but because he is a parishioner. He re-
ceives a certain sum, not because that sum is the value of his
services, but because it is what the vestry has ordered to be
paid. Good conduct, diligence, skill, all become valueless.
Can it be supposed that they will be preserved ? We deplore
the misconception of the poor in thinking that wages are not
a matter of contract but of right ; that any diminution of their
comforts, occasioned by an increase of their numbers, with-
out an equal increase of the fund for their subsistence, is an
evil to be remedied not by themselves, but by the magistrate
--not an error, or even a misfortune, but an injustice. But
can we more effectually maintain this state of feeling, than by
proclaiming, that at the expense of the landlord, the tithe-
owner, the small farmer and the shopkeeper, all the labour-
ers in the parish are to be kept at the ordinary wages of the
district, however great their numbers—however little their
diligence--or however reckless their profligacy or their impro-
vidence r

4. A fourth objection to the labour.rate system is the great
additional difficulty which it will create in the already arduous
task of Poor Law Amendment. When the direct employers
of labour for some time have extorted from others the pay-
ment of a still greater part of the wages of their labourers ;
when the best glass of labourers, those who are not settled in
the place of their employment, have disappeared; when what
now remains of repugnance to relief, or of degradation in ac.
cepting it, has been destroyed by its being merged in wages;
when all the labourers have been converted into a semi-servile
populace (ascripti glebx), without fear but without hope—
where can we look for the materials of improvement ?

On these grounds, the commissioners believe that the labour.
rate system purchases, at the expense of enormous and per.
manent mischief and injustice, whatever immediate advantages
it may appear to afford, and as all the proposed enactments
are intended to facilitate and extend that mischief and injus-
tice, the commissioners disapprove of them in Coto.

(Signed) G. J. LONDON.
J. B. CHESTER.
NASSAU W. SENIOR.
HENRY BISHOP.
HENRY GAWLER.
March, 1833. WALTER COULSON.

LEGACY DUTY ARREARS.—A return of
the amount received under Prosecutions by the Legacy
Duty Office, for Arrears of Duty, or any other Cause, in
each of the past Five Years ; distinguishing each Year:-
182 S, 65,3661. 19s. 7d.-1829, 10,2591. 15e. 104.-
1830, 38.1011. 20.-1831, 44,2261. 14a ld.-1832,
36 340/. 3s. 641.

CARLISLE HOUSE ASSESSMENTS.-RC-
turn to an Order of the Honourable House of Commons,
dated 6•h June, 1833;—for, an Account of the Number
of Pefeons resilient within the City and Borough of Carlisle,
who, between the sth of April, 1832, and the sth of April,
1833, have been Assessed to the House Duty for Premises
of the Yearly Value of between 101. and 151. both inclu-
sive, and who were not so rated previous to the first-named
period— 139 Persons.

At the late Bath races speculation ran high,
and was not confined to the race ground ; the ply at
night was heavy, and a gallant Colonel nibbled upwards
of a thousand at by dint of a cool head and superior
skill. Those who play at this difficult game would do
well to hear in mind the words of the Greek philosopher,
water is the best thing."

1M PERIALPARLIAMENT

THIS DAY. TUESDAY, JUNE 25.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

At a quarter past twelve o'clock, when the gallery was
,pened, we found about 30 Members in the Rause.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD presented s petition from the
freeholders, leaseholders, and others of Birmingham, pr ty •
,ng for an alteration in the law of ejectment.
Mr. FAITHFUL presented, among other petitions, ene
'rem the Political Union of Brighton, praying for the abo-
lition of ti hes, and that the sale of Chu-ch property mi,elat
be roipropriated to the public expenditure.
Mr. ROEBUCK presented petitions from Hammer-
smith, praying for the release of the Rev. Robert
Taylnr ; and from the city of Bristol, praying for
large reduction in taxation, and especially for the
reduction of the house and winch w and in alt taxes. On
the presentation of the late r, the Hon. Member said he
was surprised that the petitioners should continue to expect
any positive alleviation from the burden of taxation from
That House, after the sample of legislation it had
given to the coturry ; whilst be wished there
was any chance of their wish being attended to.
(lie Hon. Member then presented a petition from John
Jardine, of Chichester, observing that be did not make
himself answerable for the truth of its allegations. The
petitioner stated that in the year 1826 his wife was im-
prisoned by the local magistrates because she refused to
affiliate a child which had not become chargeable to the
parish. For not doing what the magistrates could not
I. golly compel her to do, she was thus imprisoned for five
months It would only hate been legally in the power of the
magistrates to have committed her when the child became
actually chargeable to the parish. The petitioner went on to
state that his wife was eventually released by an order of the
Court of King's Bench. That in 1827, he brought an
action for damages against the committing magistrates, but
in consequence of the treachery of the counsel, and the
partiality of the judge, be only recovered partial damages.
Then the Hon. Member said that he could not himself
believe these allegatious, but they went to show hew
strongly the man's feelings must have been excited under
a sense of injury. It appeared by the petition that the
magistrates pail 201. into Court, and as the jury only
found a verdict for that sum, the petitioner then be-
came liable to pay double costs to the magis-
trates. For these costs, at the close of the year 1827,
he was taken in execution at the suit of the very m rgis-
crates who had committed the original error upon which
all the proceedings had been founded. Tee originators of
the mischief became the punishers of the man, who ap-
pea'ed against the legality of their proceedings. The pe-
titioner further stated that the loss of time, expense, and
injury to his reputation, occasioned by the proceedings,
had effected his ruin, and be prayed the Reuse to order
an inquiry into the case. The Hon. Member said if such
arbitrary and unjust conduct were to be permitted with
impunity, it would be said with truth that in this country
of England there was one law for the rich and another for
the poor.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD thought the House would be
neglectful of its duty, if :t did not inquire into the case
of the petitioner Jardine.
Lord ARTHUR LENNOX said, that as one of the
Members for Chichester, and a county magistrate, he
begged to state one or two facts connected with this
case, not mentioned by the petitioner'. A young
woman, named Sarah Martin, was in 1824 delivered
of an ilegitimate child, which she swore to the
petitioner Jardine. In 1826, she was delivered of
another child, but she refused to swear it when brought
before the Chichester bench of magistrates for that pur-
pose. Seven magistrates *ere on the bench, who all
agreed that she should be committed for her refusal to
swear the child. One Magistrate, however, only signed
the committal, and that informality rendered it illegal.
When Jardine afterwards married the young woman, he
was offered 201. as compensation, but that he refused to
take, and failing in his action to recover more, tie of
course subjected himsef to the payment of double costs.
He was imprisoned for non payment, but after a time
was released by the leniency of tee magistrate, end the
costs remained unpaid to this day.
Mr. J. A. SMITH also bore testimony to the leniency
and good character of the magistrate.
Mr. ROEBUCK believed that the magistrates had no
right to commit the woman at all till ti e child became
chargeable to the parish.

Aft. GRANVILLE VERNON said th it an unmarried
woman bring with child ipso facto beanme eLargecile on
the parish. For this informal error, there'ore, the Ma-
gistrates had paid very dearly, and it was Jardine's own
fault in not accepting the 201. if be had since suffered in
consequence of his unsuccessful action.

After some observations from Mr. LLOYD, in the
course of which that Hon. M-naber stated that he dif-
fered with the law laid down by t} Hon. Member op-
pi.site, the petition was laid on the table.

Col. TORRENS presented a petition from the nye!,
lookers in the cotton factories of Bolton is favour of tt.e
Factories Bill.

Mr. BANNERMAN presented a petition from the sur-
geons of the city of Cork, in favour of the Aputhe-
caries Act.

Mr. BELL presented a petition from the Archdeaconry
of Northumberland, against the Itish Church Tempo-
ralities Bill.

Mr. G. VERNON presented a petition from the Arch-
deacon and Clergy of Nottingham far the better observance
of the Lord's Day.
Sir G. STAUNTON presented a pe ition from the
Clergy and Officers of the Nivy, on behalf of the Fisher-
men of Emsworth, praying for the protection of the Oyster
FiTheries of that place.

Sir GREY SKIPWITH presented a petition from 750
of the inhabitants of Leamington Priors, rated at 101.,
stating that they had heard with regret of the intended
introduction of a Bill to join that place with the borough
of Warwick, and praying that the House would avert to
the petitioners so grievous an evil.
Au Hort Minutia, in supporting the prayer of the
petition, observed, that for the last year or two nothing had
been heard of but complaints against the conduct of the
electors of Warwick, which might well make the peti-
tioners anxious not to have any connection with them.
Mr. RUTHVEN here rose and moved the counting of
the House, which having been done, and there being only
25 Members present, the House adjourned to five o'clock.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.

DEAL, JUNE 24.—Wind W.S.W.—Arrived the Mary,
from Havannah.

PORTSMOUTH, JULY 24.—Wind W.N.W.—Arrived off port
the Borodino, Packard, from Savannah. Sailed his Majesty's
ship Volage, for the Mediterranean.
FALMOUTH, JUNE 23.—Wind W.N.W. to W.S.W., strong
breezes and squally.—Sailed his Majesty's ship Speedy, for
Oporto and Lisbon with nails.
DOVER, JUxg 24.—Arrived off port the Nederland Koning,
Vos, from Batavia.

BRISTOL, JUNE 24.—Arrived the Beaver, Hughes, from
Trinidad.

DaocilED►, JUNR 2:l—Arrived the John and Thomas.
Wirer, from Drontheim.
WEXFORD, JUNK 22.—Arrived the Albion

~ front

Memel.

LIVERPOOL, JUNE 23.—Arrived the Harvest, Prince, from
Mobile; Selina, Stone, and Erol, Trapraan, from Palermo;
and Betsey, Weatherston, from Riga. Off port the Norvel,
Walson, from Antigua.
LIMERICK, JUNE 22.—Arrived the Ann, Oak, from London.
ABERDEEN, JUNE 22. Arrived the James, Largie, from Riga.
DUNDEE, JUNE 22.—Arrived the Verdant, grown, and Flora,
Hardy, from Riga.
GREENOCK, JUNE 22.—Arrived the Belmont, Simpson.
from Trinidad; Gulnure, George, from Barbadoes ; Union,
Alexander, from Sicily; Clyde, M'Queen,trom St.Petersburgh;
and Christian, Steadman, from Riga.

ABERDEEN, JUNE 22.—The Dumelin Castle, Bailey, was to.
tally wrecked at Lossiemouth on the 12th instant. The Re.
becca, from hence to London, has been towed back with loss of
foremast, &c.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S..

ljTehieefarlonwdinangcode yesterday was full, and the betting very brisk j

NEWMARKET JULT STAKES.
11 to 2 agst Sir Mark Wood's Louisa colt (taken
7 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Musquito (taken)
7 to 1 agst Mr. Sowerby's Malcolm (taken)
10 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Legend colt (taken)
10 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Stays colt (taken)
10 to 1 agst Thke of Rutland's Jerboa colt (taken)
10 to 1 agst Mr. Greatrex's Trulla colt (offered)
11 to 1 agst Mr. Rtdsdale's Vidocq (taken)
7 to 4 on Louisa agst Malcolm (taken)
3 to 1 agst Louisa and Malcolm (taken)
8 to 1 agst Harum Scarum and Trull& (taken)
uoirnwoon STAN ICS, P.P.
8 to 1 agst Mr. Robinson's Windcliffe (taken)
8 to 1 agst Mr. B ggs's Pounce (taken)
en)
10 to I agst Lord t hestertield's Tourist (taken)
10 to I agst Lord Tavistock's Taurus (offered)
toto aaggsstt Mr.
Mr. HBiospuld.ruortttlhe's Red
Rover k (taken)
10 10)
12 to 1 agst Mr. Kent's Balline (taken)
100 even on Galopade and Little Red Rover
50 even on Lady Fry and Protocol
DOKCASTEK ST. LEGER.
11 to 2 agst Duke of Clevelar.d's Muley Moloch (taken)
7 to 1 agst Mr. Watts's Belshazzar (taken)
13 to 1 agst Mr. Watts's Rockingham (taken)
13 to 1 agst Mr. Walker's .Mussohnan (taken)
14 to 1 agst Colonel Crawford's The Mole (taken
13 to I agst Mr. Wisla's Connoisseur (taken)

,SPIRIT/OPlTtipt FV.l3ltlc JOURNALS.
•
One-of the ; most 9-rpnrtent and pressing oubjects of
solicitude in the pretseni state of 'the' icoUntry" has been
that of corporationregetii. "The most active spring of
election-bribery anti villanlr eVeiir vetere ,ii.,known to be
the corporation setiteue, • The members of corporations
throughout England. are for thi.moet. part self-elected,
and wholly irresponsible but tutbemselvee atone. They
have contrived by a dexterous series of manoeuvres to
oust the town inhabitants, for whose benefit the charters
were originally granted, of all right of succession, elec-
tion,,
and control. They have abused for base purposes
the patronage which they usurped, and confiscated to;
their own benefit the. funds of which they were
lawfully but trustees. There is scarcely an instance of;
any town sending representatives to Parliament where!
the Mayor, Aldermen, &c., have sot regularlyt
seized upon, or . clutched at, the nomination of thel
Members; and if induced to it by opposition, where
they have not without ,scruple mortgaged the town's
estate, or wasted the capital, to find means for the
most iniquitous and barefaced corruption of voters. The
fact is, that Parliamentary reform, if it were not to in-'
elude corporation reform likewise, would have been Ii
teratly a dead letter except in so far as the county repre-
sentation be concerned. With regard to cities, towns,
&c., the mayors, aldermen, common-councilmen, bur-i
genes, freemen, &c., by whatever denomination the con-1
stituency of these chartered hogsties might be known,t
were but so many component atoms of one great mass of
political baseness and pollution. It was time to look after,
such things, and a Parliamentary Committee was ap
pointed not long ago to inquire into the state of the ron.!
nicipat corporations. The report of the Committee wa4
published in yesterday's Times, and although it results
practically in nothing more than a recommendation to
substitute a Royal commission for a Committee of the
House of Commons, as a more effective instrument of a
searching and complete inquiry, some of the remarks which
precede or accompany the above suggestion are of conside-
sable worth.Thejurisdiction of municipal bodies is described
to be defective or.excessive, from causes hinted at by the
Committee. Self-election, or the choice of the many by
the few, is in pointed language condemned, as productive
of exclusiveness, factious discord, secrecy, distrust, at hi-
tary power, and its consequences—irresponsible fraud
and peculation. Most of the corporations, from the
licensed mystery of their proceedings, are therefore over
the ears in debt. The judicial administration under these
bodies answers but imperfectly the ends of justice, from
the unsuitable choice of local judges, and the irregular
and indiscreet manner in which jurymen are summoned.
The exclusive privileges of freemen in respect of toile,
dues, &c., secures to them a monopoly unfair and injuri-
ous as against the inhabitants at large, in the arrange-
ments of commerce, and in the ordinary affairs of life.
Members of the elective body ought surely not to enjoy, as
such, any other advantages than that of the franchise it-
self over the rest of their countrymen. The Corporation
of Dublin, as a sectarian tyranny, and that of Belfast,
as a perfectly useless incumbrance, are condemned by
the Committee—the first to death, the last to a thorough
purgation. Popular election of officers, and full publicity
of proceedings, are strongly recommended by the report,
as necessary principles in any plan of corporate reform
which may be established by Parliament. Much of the
efficacy and usefulness of the inquiry about to he proceeded
in must depend, of course, upon the upright and judicious
choice of the parties by whom it is to be conducted. They
ought to be gentlemen not merely acquainted with the
principles and working of the present system, but ansieus
to develop, expose, and rectify them. A correspondent
suggests that, to avoid the least suspicion of lukewat trITIe9S
towards the cause, or of unfairness towards the ceuntry,
the conduct of the Royal commissioners should he inva-
riably open to the observation of the whole world, and
that, as an essential precaution, they should avoid all ac-
ceptance of civilities from corporations, or even inhabi-
tants of the places which they may be called upon to exa-
mine. Certainly we should be disappointed it the com-
missioners were to invalidate their reports by any contra-
vention of " the Treating Act." The people will look
with anxiety to the issue of this great endeavour at cot po-
rate and local reform, without which every other must be
an empty name.— Times.

The Whig journals have been for some time past de-
precating the union which they say has taken place be-
tween the Tories and the Radicals. The Whig journals
have treated the subject as if the Tories and Radicals had
entered into a treaty offensive and defensive—as if they
had each compromised certain points in their respective
political creeds, in order to amalgamate their peculiar
tenets into one system which both could support—in short,
as if they had formed kjunetion of sentiment and prin-
ciple, instead of a mere junction of convenience for a
particular purpose—the expulsion of the Whigs from
office. This statement of the case enables them to call
the union of the two extreme parties unnatural, and to
give it a number of hard names, which saves a greet deal
of trouble in the way of argument. But every body
knows how the fact stands after all. They know that
the Tories and Radicals have compromised nothing,though
they have suspended their immediate hostilities, in order
to turn their force against a common enemy. Such is the
nature of their present union, if union it can be called ;
and, being such, it is idle to charge either of them with
inconsistency merely because they happen both to be of
opinion that the Whigs would benefit the country much
more by going out of office than by remaining in it. Now
without giving any opinion upon this delicate question our-
selves, we claim for the parties alluded to, and fir all
other p arties, the right of agreeing as to the pro-
riety of removing any set of Ministers, and still
Iteepng their own opinions upon other subjects as distinct
es befois. If any such compromise had taken place as
the Whigs assume, the present Ministry could not stand
half an hour, As it is, they are completely at the mercy
of the Tories, who can turn them out whenever they
please, and who have already, on the question of Portugal
(an injudicious selection we allow), served them with
notice to quit. That the Ministry exist by the mere tole-
oeence of the Tories is obvious. The Tories have them
art the toils. How long they will play the part of Gri-
nalkin, and sport with the mouse which cannot escape
their claws, time must determine; but the probable issue
pf their gambols is plain enough. It is vain for Ministers
to pretend that they have not lost ground with the public
in the affair of the assessed taxes, which we mention be-
f-ause we are per.uaded that it has done more than any
single question to deprive them of public support. Other
questions might adtnit of doubt, or difficulty, or mystifica-
tion, hut the scandalous impartiality of the assessment is
a question of figures, and there is no mystery in honest
Cocker. If Ministers would hold office upon more cre-
ditable terms than they can flatter themselves they do at
present, they must endeavour to win back a portion of the
opinion which they have sacrificed by their own folly.
If, on the contrary, they are satisfied to hold office upon
the present terms, they must not be surprised to find that
?parties who differ on all other subjects agree in opposing
rthei:r continuance in power under circumstances so un-
fayoprable to its beneficial exercise.—Morning Herald.
The proa.P.edings of the House of Lords list night are
well deserving of attention. Though it was understood
on the late discussion that the Local Courts Bill should go
into # Committee, Lord Eldon, on the question for the
House resolving itself into a Committee, moved, as an
amendment, that the Bill be committed on that day six
.pshriths. The speech with which the Noble and Learned
!Aid introduced his amendment was quite characteristic.
It is swell a speech as might have been delivered by a sage
of the lave in Turkey fifty years ago. " If (said his
Lordship) there was one thing of more importance than
another, it was that the habits and opinions of the people,
as to the laws and their administration, should not be
elistorbed. This measure tended to disturb there must
,essentially, and was, therefore, pregnant with danger."
Then came an appeal to their Lordships' fears. " It (said
}fie) their Lordships chose to piss this Bill, let them do it;
hot they would then, indeed, stand some-chance of shor-
tening that existence which was now, in certain quar-
ters, threatened." Wl.y should there be a Legisla-
ture, if we are not to have such alterations and im-
provements in our laws as are called for by the wants
pf the people and the spirit of the age ? The Bill
has, hitherto, been opposed on the most narrow and
illiberal grounds. The whole people of England must,
forsooth, be dragged to London for every little
dispute they may have, because, forsooth, the London
Judges are more skilful than country Judges can he ; and
by withdrawing business from London, the bar of Lon-
don might be less respectable than at present. The in-
convenience and unnecessary expense to which suitors
are exposed, by having trials conducted at London or
at the assizes, go for nothing. The experience of every
country in Europe also goes for nothing with Iris Lord-
ship. He attached much importance to the hostility of
the bar to the change. " It was well known to their
Lordships (said the Noble and Learned Lord) that the
Bill had been submitted to the Judges and to the princi-
pal members of the profession, and their opinion was ad-
verse to it. This he mentioned with the less
knowing that the House would not be unwilling to give
the profession that full credit which their conduct always
entitled them to, for aiding any alteration in the law
that tended to its improvement." This reference to the
profession of the bar, and its peculiar disinterestedness on
all occasions, drew some excellent remarks !rem the
Lord Chancellor. " He (the Lord Chancellor) egged to

inform the Noble and Learned Lord, that he was as sincerely
and warmly attached. to the-profession of the law as any other'
man; but he maintained, nevertheless, that the members
of that profession, living and flourishing upon the existing
system, were very naturally, and he would even add pro-
perly, opposed to any change. He did not blame them
for it; but they could not help being influenced by their
interests. If he commended them thus far, it did not,
however, follow that he should yield to them. They
throve upon the abuses of the law, and made the suitors
their prey ; the system compelled it ; so that suitors
were not in fact so much the prey of practitioners as of
the abuses. From them he appealed to calm, dispas.
sionate, disinterested men, and be hoped that their Lord-
ships would show their regard for the interests of the
public, and their disregard for the interests of mere
lawyers." If the waterman of the Thames had had their
will, no bridge would ever have been thrown across the
Thames. The watermen at Gravesend, who have thrown
down the new pier, act in the spirit of all trades and
professions, where the interest of the trade and the
interest of the public are at issue. We would fear-
lessly challenge the judgment of any man of plain,
sound understanding, unbiassed by real or supposed
interest, as to gain to the public from the having justice
brought home to their doors. The man who doubts
that this would be an advantage to the people, would
doubt the proposition that two and two are equal to four.
We have no doubt that the arguments of the opponents of
this Bill will be looked back to with astonishment after
the Bill has been carried into execution a few years. Nut
that anything in Lord Eldon, in particular, ought to ex-
cite astonishment ; for he has opposed all changes
either in the civil or criminal law of the country. When
the criminal law of the country was held in abhorrence
by all Europe, and Sir Samuel Rotnilly endeavoured to de-
prive it of its ferocious and sanguinary character, Lord
Eldon was its warm panegyrist. He will die as he has.,
lived, the enemy of all improvement. On a division the
numbers were 52 to SS, a majority of 14 in favour of
going into Committee now. The Duke of Wellington,
Lord Rosalyn, Lord Camden, Lord Harrowby, Lord Had-
dington, and about twenty other of the Tories, to whom
the passing events of the last week had read a lesson of
discretion, went away before the division, and graciously
allowed the Government for once to have a majority in
the House of Peers. The Duke of Cumberland, Lord
Eldon, Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Wynford, and the more
obtuse Tories insisted upon a division. We scarcely know
what to think of this split in the party. We fear it augurs
no good ; and some of the more eager observers
of the proceedings of their Lordships rather look
upon the whole as a farce, and as a certain indication of
their intention to throw the Ministers off their guard,
to render their ultimate defeat more eel tain. Certainly
things are in a moat unsatisfactory state ; and much as we
desire, and much as we are disposed, to overlook faults in
the Government, which are not less obvious to ourselves
than to the public, for the sake of peace, during this Ses-
sion, we scarcely trust the ground we tread upon, and
must be prepared for a convulsion on the first fit of caprice
which may unite the divided party in this division. What
took place after their Lordships were in Committee was by
no means calculated to create confidence in their Lords
ships. After a good deal of sparring between Lord Lynd-
hurst and the Lord Chancellor, to which the clause de-
claring that the Registrars, as the Judges of these Courts,
should not be removeable except upon the Addr,lsses of
both Houses of Parliament, Lord Lyndhurst having ob-
served that it was understood the Bill b,fore the House
was introduced by Lord Brougham in his individual capa-
city, and that he was therefore warranted in saying that
his opposition to the measure was not to be considered as
an opposition to his Majesty's Government, the Lord
Chancellor sai i, that " he was now enabled to announce
that it was a Government measure; and since that fact
was thus made known to his Noble and Learned Friend,
he took it for granted that it would have the effect of
putting an end to all his opposition." The following
significant dialogue then took place :
" Lord Lyndhurst remarked, that if it had been that night
looked upon as a party question, the result would have been
altogether different. He had consulted with other Noble Lords
upon the subject, and the decision they had come to was, not
to vote against the Bill; he repeated, that if they had thought
otherwise, the result would have been very different.

"The Lord Chancellor—That is to say, there would have
been a majority against the Government on this occasion.
" Lord Lyndhurst—To make it a party question it must
have been supported by his Majesty's Government on the one
side, and opposed by a concerted opposition on the other. Now
that, he contended, had not been the case with respect to the
present measure.

"The Lord Chancellor—These discussions tend very much
to raise or rather to sustain the high character which this
House maintains out of doors.—(Vehement cheers from the
Treasury Benches.) I, at all events, have the satisfaction of
remembering that I never treated this House with disrespect,
and that no remarks of mine have had the tendency of pro-
moting the recent declarations that we have heard." _ _

Certainly there is not much humility in this avowal of
Lord Lyndhurst. We will spare you to-day, but we may
be of a different mind to.morrow. We can always beat
you when we please. You are entirely at our mercy.
The King's Government exists by our sufferance. How
long is the country to be insulted by these declarations,
that there exists a body in the country that has no sym-
pathies with the nation?—Morning Chronicle.