The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-24 00:00:00

the w&vee, now repose in peace and quiet, majestic in
their calmness. Yet, gentlemen, these are the acts for
which on the one hand we are accused of being revolu-
tionists, and on the other of being traitors to liberty
these are the acts, however, upon which you are called
upon to judge, and upon which the people of England must
decide. This was the state of things at the opening of the
last session eight hundred thousand of your fellow-sub-
jects were branded with the mark of infamy and slavery ;
your industry and intelligence deprived of the privilege
of seeking their proper field in the provinces of our own
Indian empire ; the ports of China sealed against your
vessels, and your own, if they approached the shores of
England with a cargo, were led off and condemned to
suffer penalties ; and the Church of Ireland, in the un-
shorn splendour of what I can call but its shame, un-
reformed,:and no provision made to prevent further abuse
in it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, however, the accursed blot
and stain of slavery are removed ; India is open for your
enterprise ; China presents another field for your indus-
try ; the Church of Ireland is shorn of one half its splen-
dour, but is increased in virtue and in Christian strength
—with this catalogue of our acts in my hand, I would
present myself fearlessly before any body of my fellow-
countrymen, intelligent, upright, and honest, who will
consent to listen to it. And, gentlemen, what do I in-
fer from that which I have taken the liberty to state to
you ? Do I pretend to infer that because we have done
much, much does not remain? Do I infer that the Go-
vernment are to rest satisfied with the work they have
now performed, and think no more of the future? No,
such thing.—(Cheers.) Here I address you for myself.
I pretend not to give you, it would be improper I should,
now that I am responding to a collective toast, the senti-
ments of others beyond myself; but I say, and greatly in-
deed shall I be deceived in the estimate I take of
public affairs if this be not their opinion, that you
must refer to the past only as an earnest for the future
—(Loud applause)—and encouraged by the successful
results of a well-considered and searching legislation,
we shall proceed not fearlessly, not timidly, in the
course which is marked out for us by the wishes,
by the growing intelligence, and by the increasing
knowledge of the people of England.—(Tremendous
applause, which continued for some time.) But here
again t slim! say but little. Let us take the practical gric.--
ance; search it to the quick, and examine which cabs
most loudly for reformation. Let the people, therefore,
not allow themselves to be entangled in a mass of d ffi-
cult subjects, whose end will only lead them into confu-
sion, and prevent them effectually from following out
their purposes to a useful end. Is there any one who will
say that after having administered reform to the Church
of Ireland, reform is not needed in the Church of Eng-
land ?—(Enthusiastic cheering.) The dissenters call
loudly for relief from many practical grievances—from
the necessity of contributing to the support of an esta-
blishment to which they do not belong, and theirs appears
to be a just and fair demand.—(Loud cheering.) The state
of public education claims perhaps the attention of Parlia-
ment more than any other ; our reforms in the law, but now
begun, require to be carried out,—but there are also other
grievances, controversial grievances, on the elective system
which will demand the attention of the legislature ; but,
gentlemen, let us take these one by one, let us try this
system, and I speak now solely in the name of one who
would venture to give this advice to Parliament, and I
say let us agree to these reforms steadily, that we may
be enabled to obtain them effectually.—The Right Hon.
Gentleman, who was imperfectly heard 01 outthout his
address, then dropped his voice to a tone so low that it
was impossible to hear him. When he could he heard
he was understood to say that national education was one
of the first objects to be brought before the House in the
next session. Private benevolence, private industry, and
private exertion, lie argued, could unquestionably effect
much in the promotion of general knowledge, but to he
effective the system must be national. Such were some
of the great questions which sooner or later must come
before Parliament; there were many others which he had
passed over for fear of being tedious ; but there was one
which be had hitherto omitted, not because he did not
consider it of importance, but because he considered it the
most important perhaps of all. He alluded to the corn
laws—a question which stood under very peculiar circum-
stances. Upon this subject the people of England were
greatly disagreed; but he was inclined to think that the
ignorance which prevailed on the subject tended to make
those who were amongst their best friends oppose any al-
teration. How far that ignorance might be removed
he would not pretend to say, but certainly under
present circumstances he considered it to have the result
he named. The question bad divided the people of this
country to a great degree. It was not a party question ;
it was scarcely a political question ; it was not a question
in which men could be brought to unite although they
might adopt the same general line of politics. The dis-
cussions which had taken place in Parliament bore ample
evidence to the truth of this fact, for upon this great ques-
tion we had not seen the Whig, the Tory, and the Radi-
cal as usual taking up their separate lines of conduct ; we
had seen the Tory, and the party designated some years
ago under the name of " Liberal" uniting in policy upon
this question ; we had seen political friends vote against
political triends, and political enemies join hand-in-hand
in union upon this topic, but these circumstances only
rendered tie question of more importance and of more dif-
ficulty to bring to a satisfactory settlement. For these
reasons he thought there should be more unity in order
that when the proper time arrived, a change might be
carried which, whilst it was beneficial to those engaged
in manufactures and in commerce, should not be less so
to every other inhabitant of the country.—(Applause.)
It was a question which now admitted of no compromise,
and it was one also upon which all, if they felt as that
meeting did, deeply its importance, would strain every
effort to carry to a beneficial result. There were many cir-
cutnstances to be considered carefully besides the simple
question to be proposed to Parliament; but he was satis-
fied that much of the misconception which existed upon
it arose as much from the exaggerations of the friends to
change, as from the ignorance of its enemies. He was
satisfied that the cry which was raised for cheap bread, as
tieing the all-important topic with those who wished to
change the corn laws, did injury to the cause itself as
much as anything always must which was not strictly
in accordance with truth. His notion was that
cheap bread, in the sense in which it was understood
by those who proclaimed it, and by those to whom it was
proclaimed, would not be the result of such a change as
they desired. The benefit resulting from a change in the
systetn would certainly be a more equal price of bread,
and that instead of•fluctuations to the extent we at present
experienced, we should have an equal range of prices; but
above all the benefits which he anticipated was this, that
whereas we drew the large supplies of grain which we at
present received at uncertain times from the country
which afforded them, so there could be no certainty what-
ever that those supplies would be always equal to the de-
mand, or that they would afford a fair and remunerating
price; and not only was the large amount of price which
the country eventually paid for grain, actually increased
by charges of other descriptions, for instance by changes
for warehousing and interest, but the foreigner .ho pro-
duced that which he took from hint at once: main periods
had necessarily little to be paid for, for paid for at least
it must be, and therefore he could net acquire that taste for
the products of our own country, which under a fixed
and regular scale of duty he would be enabled profitably
to do.—(Applause.) ['however dry these details might
have been, the meeting would forgive one who felt deeply
upon the subject, who considered the substitution of a
fixed and certain rate of duty in the place of the present
fluctuating one as likely to conduce more than any other
measure now before the country to improve the comforts
of his fellow citizens ; and they would also excuse him
for entering into these details: when he stated that in his
opinion a right understandieg of the subject, an absence
from exaggeration, whether of benefit or injury, was one
of the requisites most needful to enable him to see his
plans successfully carried into effect.—(Applause.) He
offered these remarks as one who had watched the course
of public events, as one who was not entirely unknowing
of the state and tactics of parties and of politics. That
the important measures be had enumerated would be
carried into effect at once he considered impossible, but
that they would be carried into effect in the course of time
he considered inevitable.—(Cheering.) All he asked, then,
was, time ; all he ventured to recommend to them was to
check any impatience they might feel, and not to misjudge
motives until they could decide upon facts.—(Applause.)
This was the advice he would offer to them. Ministers
could proceed well with but one object at once, and if the
impatience of the constituency required to be checked it
was only g
only that it might not obstruct the pro
reforms. _.(Hear, res
hear.) Would gentlemen believe of other
at this present time there were no less than 143 notices of
motions set down upon the book for the consideration of
that
the next session, independently of any of those great mea-
sures that he had endeavoured only to hint at, independ-
ently of. what must be introduced by the executive power ,
If Parliament sat for twelve months without if the
orders of the House were suspended, if all their time was
devoted to the consideration of these notices, and all
other matters were to remain unnoticed, the twelve
months would expire long before half the number had
been effaced from the book,
or before those, who perhaps
conscientiously thought they were pledged to bring them
forward in obedience to the wishes of their constituents,

had had an opportunity of delivering their sentiments.
Ile had feebly and but shortly, though too long perhaps for
the patience of the meeting, noticed the measures of
the Administration during the last session, and he felt proud
in having taken a part in their acts. He should also con
tinue to feel proud of taking part in them until the day might
arrive, hut which he trusted would not soon arrive, when
he might find himself obliged to differ from them on points
of principle and of opinion, for he felt that a compromise
of a great principle would always lead to great evils. He
should, however, then quit his connection with power,
with far greater pleasure than he ever accepted it. On
the other hand, if ever the day should arrive when he
might differ in opinion from his constituents, when, con-
scientiously in the discharge of his duty, he should forfeit
their confidence by his acts, he should then retire from
public life deeply grieved at the loss of that which he
valued most in the world, except that which he would
still retain—a conscientiousness of having done his duty
to his country and to himself. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man sat down amidst reiterated cheers.
" The British Flag; and may it ever be the symbol of
a brave, a just, and a free people."
The Pansinzrez proposed the health of M. Philips, Esq.,
in a brief but energetic address. He paid a well merited
tribute to the Honourable Member, whose zealous, single-
minded, and upright conduct was above all praise, and
who had ever proved himself the uncompromising and in-
dependent friend and supporter of the dearest rights of the
people. The toast was drunk amidst loud and general ac-
clamation.
Mr. Pnarrs—As I may be called upon elsewhere to
enter more fully into a retrospect of my Parliamentary
career, I shall not detain you long upon the present occa-
sion; but there are one or two points to which I am
desirous of adverting, and to which I solicit your im-
tphaarttia,nl.hecoonlsidlearsattitnone.t
yoYuouin
company with
gmenytleßmigehnt,
Hon. Colleague after our election, in that assembly, Sir,
over which you presided, and of which the remembrance
will never be effaced from my memory—l stated, that.
in taking my seat in the House of Commons it was my
determination to pursue a perfectly independent line of
conduct; that I never would consent to be the tool of
any administration, but follow the dictates of sny own
conscience, supporting the Government when I thought
them right, and opposing them when I thought them
wrong. This then, gentlemen, has been the course
which I have pursued ; to this principle I have strictly
adhered ; and I have no apology to render to you nor to
any man living for having so done, whatever difference
of opinion may exist as to the propriety of my conduct.
—(lmmense cheering.) That I should on all occasions
have been right, will neither be admitted by you nor
contended by myself. All I ask is, that you will judge
me as having always intended right, and I hope that I
am not addressing those who will so far prove them-
selves false friends as not candidly to tell wherein they think
roe wrong. —(Hear, hear.) The circumstances under
which the present Parliament was assembled, the accumu-
lation of abuses which a long course of great misrule and
extravagance had engendered, and against which the voice
of public indignation could no longer be repressed ; the
hopes and expectations which the Reform Bill had excited
of immediate and extensive amelioration, of great retrench-
ment in the public expenditure, of great reductions of the
public burdens,—rendered the task of any Administration
most arduous and perplexing. The means of realizing
these expectations, every one must admit, were not and
could not be within the instantaneous reach of Earl Grey's
Administration. "Rome was not built in a day ;" nor
could we expect political regeneration to be accomplished
in the course of a single session. With every disposition,
therefore, on my part to make allowance for the Herculean
labour which a reformed Parliament had before it, in clean-
sing the Augean stable of the political abuses accumulated
under a vicious system of representation, I had earnestly
hoped to have enlisted myself under the banner of the
present Administration, and with a bold and steady step to
have been led by them against the enemy, to have laid
siege to his strong holds, and in the open field to have out-
flanked and dislodged him from a series of formidable po-
sitions. But, gentlemen, it appears that I was too ardent in
my views ; that caution and policy, which as one of the new
levy—as a raw recruit--I could not appreciate, induced
those under whom I was anxious to have served to halt
when it was my desire to have advanced, and to rest upon
their arms when I wanted to have had the word of com-
mand given for the attack.—(Applause.) It was thus,
gentlemen, that I felt myself compelled on many occasions
to oppose Ministers ; and many and great as were their
difficulties, I certainly did and do still feel that they might,
and that they ought to have accomplished more. It is im-
possible for me to know what secret opposition they bad
to contend against, nor would I degrade myself or insult
them with the vulgar though often-repeated charge, of a
desire to retain place and pcmer. Of the Noble Lord
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I may fairly ask in the
words of the poet,—
" What is grandeur, what is power ?"
And his response in the words of the same poet would be—
" Heavy toil, superior pain :"

But would it not, I ask, in many instances lighten
that toil, if, placing themselves at the head of pub-
lic opinion, Ministers would take a firmer tone
with the House of Lords ? I have urged them to
that course, and I hope in so doing I have not
been considered as desirous of embarrassing them,
He participated with his Right Hon. Colleague in the
difficulties with which the Administration had to contend,
and the interruptions to which they were exposed. Re-
garding the 143 notices of motion which were entered on
the order book of the House of Commons, he deemed it
necessary to state that be had not been a party to the
entry of one.--(Applause.) His voice had been rarely
heard in the House of Commons, and although he repre-
sented perhaps the largest constituency of any man in that
House, yet he had never taken up its time on any frivo-
lous or absurd motion.—(Cheers.) He was well aware
of his own incapacity to make any impression on a public
assembly, and had preferred reserving what he had to say
to the discussion of matters of real importance. Mr.
Philips concluded amidst loud and universal cheering, by
declaring his readiness to resign his seat the moment his
constituents considered that he was not rightly dis-
charging the duties of the distinguished office to which, by
their favour, he had been elevated.
The PRESIDENT—Our warmest acknowledgments are
now due to the Right Hon. Gentleman on my left (Mr.
Puulett Thomson) ; and I again state it as my conviction
that we could have selected no man more admirably fitted
for our representative than the Right Hon. Gentleman.—
(Cheers.) On one occasion, it is known, he preferred
our interests to his own, and made it a condition with his
colleagues of remaining in office, that our claims should
be complied with.—(Loud applause.) Let us therefore
show to him that he possesses as much of our regard and
confidence as he did twelve months ago.--Mr. Thomson's
health was then drunk amidst enthusiastic cheers from all
parts cJf the room.
Mr. G. P. Titostsoil rose, and was received by the
company with deafening cheers. After silence had been
obtained be proceeded to observe that be most gratefully,
most deeply, and most sincerely acknowledged the kindness
they had shown towards him, for which he returned his
best thanks. It would ill become him, after the kind
indulgence which they had afforded him in a previous part
of the evening, to do more now than to thank his friends
for their kindness. He had had the opportunity of stating
what had been the conduct of those with whom he had the
honour to act in the service of the crown ; and as that
statement referred equally to his own services as their re-
presentative, on their verdict, as to his conduct, he was
ready and willing to stand or fall.—(Loud and long con-
tinued cheering.) There might have been occasions when
he could have wished that another course could have been
pursued—there might have been opportunities, if acting
on his own discretion, and possessing the sole management
of public affairs, that he should have acted otherwise
than he had done ; but be was prepared to avow that,
independently of his own connexion with the Government
—and had he been merely a member of the House of
Commons, and could have carried that knowledge with
bitn which nothing but an official station could give—
(Applause)_and which, therefore, it was out of the
power of any man to obtain in any other capacity, he
should have acted precisely as he had done.—(Loud
cheers.) His Hon. Colleague had told them that it had
happened to him too frequently to be opposed to the mem-
bers of his Majesty's Government. He regretted the
circumstance most sincerely; and though he might differ
in opinion from his Hon. Friend, yet he (Mr. T.) was
not surprised at the course he bad taken. He trusted,
however, that in future there would be fewer occasions for
such a difference.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It might
be well worth the consideration of those who felt impatient
as to the acts of Government to look onward and see what
had been gained, and to look backward to observe from
what we had escaped, and into what we might have fallen.
He feared not the return of permanent Tory rule—that
the people would guard us against; but it might be aimed
at for a short period, and just long enough, by plunging
the nation into the other extreme, for creating much con-
fusion, and of throwing back the tide of civilization and
improvement, which it had been the object of every
sincere lover of his country to secure.—(Cheers.) The
respected President had been pleased to connect his name
with praise of his feeble efforts—for the exertion be bad
made in support g conamercial freedom. Upon its

principles_ he bad staked his character and con-
duct; and every day's event afforded evidence of the
success of those views. In the West of Europe
he found such a policy adopted. He turned to
France, our neighbour no less from feeling and interest
than proximity, and now by civilization—(Cheers)—
progressing in the same spirit with us of commercial
freedom, and proving herself a political friend, whose
connexion was not less important. Other countries, less
favoured by the light of liberty than our own, were fol-
lowing the example in which we had led the way.--The
Right Hon. Gentleman referred to a report emanating, as
he said, from no mean authority. The French writer
had said that England could at any time cause a revolt
in Lyons, but that France could not cause a revolt in
Manchester or Birmingham. Make Birtnineham and
Nlanchester equally dependent upon France as Lyons was
dependent upon England, and then the tables would be
perfectly squared. God forbid be should seek such a
dependence for bad purposes, but he asked it for good ;
for it would knit together more firmly the bonds of na-
tions than any parchment treaties—(Cheers)—and would
tend to prevent that greatest curse to mankind—.
war.—(Applause.) But there was a limit to which,
without regard to foreign nations, he would go. He would
follow the just course, and not a step would he go further.
Whilst be would not interfere with the fiscal regulations
of other countries, his love of liberty would ex•end so far
as to demand that our own country and others should
be on equal terms, and exposed to the same disadvan-
tages. It would become hits not further to trespass upon
their attention, because the principles of freedom in our
commercial policy were as well known and as deeplyseated
in their minds as in his owo. But the fact was not ge-
nerally known—it was not fully proclaimed—the princi-
ples attached to its name lost half their force until his con-
stituents silenced all opposition, and stopped the mouths
of the scoffers, in their bitterness and gall, when they
adopted as their representative a most feeble, but still per-
haps the most zealous advocate of those principles.—
(Loud cheering followed Mr. Thomson's address, of which
the above is a very imperfect outline, the extreme pres-
sure of other matter totally precluding us from following
him through his eloquence and energetic observations.)
The PnEsinEnr said he had now to propose, " The
siasss charter of our right., Reform Aet." He would
call on their tried friend and fellow-labourer in the cause,
Mr. Baxter, to respond to the toast.
Mr. BAXTER said that although he generally rose with
great reluctance at public meetings, he rose on the present
occasion with some pleasure. He must say he had antici •
pated a faster progress than had taken place last session,
but he felt that the House of Commons, if encouraged by
the people, would go on, and compel the other branch of
the Legislature to adopt those future reforms, and espe-
cially Church Reform,which the circumstances of the coun-
try required,—(Cheers.)
The PRESIDENT then gave, " The Reform Members of
Lancashire ;" and said he especially welcomed the honest
and indefatigable Members for Wigan and Salford.—
(Loud cheers.)
Mr•. R. POTTER rose and' said—For the honour you
have been pleased to confer upon me as one of the Mem-
bers for Wigan, I beg to offer my grateful thanks ; more
particularly for the flattering manner with which you re-
ceived the toast. It is very gratifying to receive the
approbation of a meeting like this, and very encouraging
for the future discharge of our duty. I have listened with
great pleasure to the speeches of the two Members for
this borough ; more particularly so, as they appear to
have give❑ so much satisfaction to this highly-respectable
company. If I were not speaking in the presence of my
Hon. Frind Mr. Philips, I would say more about him than
I now intend to do; but having been an eye-witness to his
entire and unwearied devotion to the various and arduous
duties which devolve on him as Member for Manchester,
having with him for months watched the progress of Bills
of considerable importance, which generally come on for
discussion after midnight, but of which the public know
very little, I may, I trust, without flattery, be permitted
to express my firm conviction that the period is not far
distant when my valued friend will not only become an
efficient but a most influential Member of Parliament.—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has already been
instrumental in removing part of the duty on cotton, and
I feel confident that if he can only have " a free stage
and fair play," the extension of his well-known principles
of free trade will greatly benefit the country.—(Loud ap-
plause.) You have heard his opinion on the corn laws, and
during the late session be endeavoured to put them into
practice, as I will endeavour to show. Mr. Thom-
son was chairman of the Committee which sat on the
manufactures, commerce, and shipping of the country ; at
the termination of the labours of the Committee Mr.
Thomson brought forward some resolutions, one of which
recommended a considerable change in the corn laws—
(Applause)—and referred to the advantages the trade of
the country would derive from such alteration. No man
entered upon the duties of the late session of Parliament
with a more anxious wish to support the Ministry than 1
did—(Hear)—because they had been instrumental in the
passing of what I must always call it, " the glorious Re-
form Bill." But I soon found that I was obliged often to
oppose them, not from factious motives, but from a sense
of duty to my constituents and my country.—(Cheers.)
Committees have sat on several questions of the utmost
importance, and I firmly believe, if time be given, the
present Ministry will realize the expectations held out
that the Reform Bill is a means to an end. I believe
we are on the eve of great, important, and beneficial
changes. I can only say that I shall be at my post, ready
to support every measure baying for its object the welfare,
happiness, and prosperity of this country..—(Mr. Potter
sat down amidst loud and long continued applause.)
Mr. BROTMERTON said that he was not so foolish as to
turn upon those who could not accomplish all at once, and
take part with those who were the enemies of all improve-
ment. Yet he would join his Honourable Friend, Mr.
Philips, in respectfully urging upon Ministers i❑ bringing
forward their measures to rely upon the people, and in
their language to the House of Lords, not to declare a
willingness to take less, but to say, not this or less, but
this or more.—(Cheers.) Knowing that there were
liberal men in the Ministry, he had felt that the best
support he could give them was to urge them onwards.
The PRESIDENT then said he bad to call their attention
to a great grievance, but one in which not much could
be done, unless they did it themselves.—" May the pre-
sent corn laws, so pernicious to the commercial and
general prosperity of the country, be speedily removed."—
(Tremendous cheering.) He would call upon Mr. Greg
to respond to the toast.
(We gave the substance of Mr. Greg's and Mr. Watkin's
speeches yesterday.)
The PRESIDENT—In connection with the toast which
was last given, I now give—" May the R form Parlia-
ment speedily establish a system of education which will
promote the best interests of the people," and beg to call
of Mr. Shuttleworth to respond to the toast.
Nr. SHUTTLENVORTH spoke to the toast, and alluded
to the efforts made by Prussia, France, and other States,
in establishing a national system of education. He was
certain that this country would not be content with any
arrangements upon the subject which were less general or
inferior to those which were adopted elsewhere. England
had means for a public system already provided in the rich
endowments for education, and in the Sunday schools and
day schools which were scattered over the country; for
many of these might be justly appropriated, with the most
scrupulous regard to the intentions of their founders, in
furtherance of a general plan. Education would give
permanence to the prosperity and valuable institutions of
the country, and would also, by improving the habits of
the people through the increase of intelligence, raise their
condition.—(Cheers.) He concluded by forcibly exhort-
ing the people to exert themselves for the purpose of
obtaining the establishment of a national system of edu-

cation.
The PRESIDENT then gave "Church Reform," which
was received with loud plaudits.
Mr. Haitnarms said it would be impossible at that
late hour to do common justice to a subject of such vast
importance. He would therefore sum up all that be
might otherwise have said in three propositions. He
thought Church Reform ought to embrace :--Ist. The
removal of all patronage or endowment in the church.
2d. The total repeal of all compulsory payment for
reli-
gion ; and 3d, Equal rights and equal privileges without
regard to sect or party. These comprised all that was
wished for, and he thought they were so just that it was
but reasonable to expect his Majesty's Ministers to carry
them into effect.—(Clieers.)
The PRESIDENT —I have now to propose " The repeal
of the Septennial Act, and the adoption of the Vote by
Ballot in the election of Members of Parliament."—
(Cheering which seemed as if it would have no end.) I
should be ashamed of myself if I did not avow that though
I am favourable to the first, I have not brought myself to
believe in the necessity of the ballot. Ibeg now co call Oil
Mr. Dyer.—(Great cheering.)
Mr. D YEA, who was received with loud cheers, said
that, at that late hour, it would be improper to detain the
meeting with the consideration of the toast, but he con-
fessed that if it had been given at an either hour, he
would have occupied their attention with some observations
on measures which, both from feeling and from judgment,
he was disposed to pronounce as of the first-rate conse-
quence, and which ought not to be passed unnoticed io
meetings like that.--(Cbeere.) Much had been said about