The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-12 00:00:00

night. I don't know the men who were standing in
front of the shop at the time I heard a groan.
By the Jury—After I got into the shop the men who
were standing outside made off.
By the Coroner—Can you say positively the blows
inflicted by the man struck deceased on the head.
Witness—res, I can. Frora the time I saw Marley
strike the blows till he was apprehended, I only lost
sight of him for a minute.
Mr. Jas. Dickling, grocer's assistant, Liverpool-street,
Ling's-cross, deposed that he saw a man striking another
in Mr. Berry's shop. The man afterwards left with a
parcel in his hand and a cigar in his mouth. Witness
looked into the shop and saw a man there bleeding. He
followed the man, who ran off, and saw him apprehended.
He saw a man walk near the assailant from Mr. Berry's
as far as Derby-street. He walked close enough to have
received tlie parcel from him.
Mr. Henry Croft, formerly a metropolitan policeman,
but now residing in Berkshire, gave similar testimony
to the last witness. He saw the man before the magis-
trate, and identified him under the name of Marley.
Mrs. Walsh, married woman, deposed finding the life-
preserver produced, near Canning's statue, on the night
of the 20th Oct., between half-past 9 and a quarter to
110 o'clock.
Mr. Berry, watchmaker, &c., Parliament-street, de-
posed—Deceased was in my employ, and was at the
shop in Parliament-street on the night of the 20th
ult. I was in my shop at 8 o'clock that night. Cope'was
there. I left about 9 o'clock, and returned shortly after
with a fish basket containing a cod-fish, and desired
him to take it to my residence at Pimlico. I plaoed it
near the door. When the shop was opened the follow-
ing morning the basket was missed. (It is supposed the
parcel Marley was seen to take away was the fish
basket). Cape was in the habit of taking away at night
sith him from the shop a basket iu a blue bag con-
taining valuable propert. About two months since I
saw a suspici-w,-I ...king man lurking about my
Maas, but it was nut Morley. Cope was. a reserved man.
He was a married man, and had worked for me up wards
of ten years.
Inspector Brodstock, of the A divi4ion, said—l received
the prisoner at the police station iu King-street on the
night of the 20th ult. He was charged by Lerigo with
having assaulted a man that night in Mr. Berry's shop.
I afterwards went to the shop, and found
a quantity of blood on the floor, the walls and coun -
ter of which were bespattered with blood. De-
ceased in the meantime had been conveyed to the
hospital. The backs of four fingers of the prisoner's
right hand were covered with blood—it bad a fresh ap-
pearance. When I informed him with what he was
charged he made no reply. He gave the name of Joseph
Jenkins, but I have since learned it is Richard Marley.
He refused to give any address. I have since ascertained
that in 1853 he was transported for seven years for a
burglary in Baldwin's-garden, Holborn, and had re-
turned on a ticket of leave. Previously to that he had
twelve months' imprisonment for stealing skins from a
warehouse in Saffron-hill. I was present at the hospital
with the prisoner when he was identified by Cope as the
man who assaulted him with a life preserver, pointing at
the same time with his left hand to his head.
By the Jury Marley has not long returned from trans-
portation. He has sir ce worked for Mr. Schafer, cab
proprietor, Stamford street. I know of another case
against the prisoner, but I decline entering Into the par-
ticulars.

After some further evidence,
The Coroner summed up, and the Jury returned a
verdict of " Wilful Murder" against Richard Marley, the
man at present in custody.
The jury at the same time expressed their approba-
-ion of the conduct of Allen and .Lerigo, in apprehend-
n; the prisoner.

M. KOSSUTH AT MANCHASTER.

MANCHESTER, Nov. 11.
M. Kossuth arrived here yesterday alternoon, and
received a most gratifying reception from his friends in
the city. The ex-Governor was accompanied by Colonel
I nave, who hae formerly sh red his captivity in the for-
tre,s of Katnyah. A crowd of persons who sympathise
with "the cameo of Ilatigary" were present to meet the
ez-Governor, aLtl be wee loudly clieercd et: he Stepped
!lien the platform. He wee received by Mr. Jehn
el eery, of Woodlands, Cheatham-hill, at whose house he
to aejourn during hie stay in the neightemthood.
The Free-trade Hall, ;he largest in Cie town,
las been engaged for this evening, and for the evening;
Wednesday and Saturday, weeu M K ,serth i ex-
pected to deliver addresses on the present position of
European politics, with relation especially to the Nea-
politan movement and other "co eplications." The chair
is to be taken this evening by Mr. R. N. Phillips, high
sheriff of the county palatine of Lancaster. To-morrow
evening, Mr. George Wilson, the well-known chairman
of the late Anti•Curn Law League, is to preside, and the
subject of the address will be the present aspect of the
Neapolitan question and a diplomatic review ofE ,gland's
former interference in southern Italy, and their practical
application to the present case.
There was au immense gathering at the Free-trade
flail this evening to welcome M. Kossuth. The building
was filled in every pert, and among the auditory were a
number of Poles, Hungarians, Italians, and other repre-
sentatives of what are ermed "oppressed nationalities."
At eight o'clock the chair was tak n by
Mr. R. N. PHILLIPS, who introduce t M. Kossuth as
" a patriot in exile for the cause of liberty, and as such
tee friend of every true Briton." (Cheers.)
M. ICosauTE, having expressed his gratitude for the
c urdial and handsome reception he had experienced, ob-
served that, on that day five years, he had paid his first
visit to Manchester, and that he was an exile still.
Five years was a long time, but heavy though the
law of protracted adversity was, it was a great conso-
lation to bim to find that the citizens of Manchester who
had welconued him five years ago had not turned their
'Jacks on the exile. The nut ject of his address was Italy,
the vitality of which it was impossible to destroy—the
aorrors of the scaffold, the butcheries of Milan, the
fusilades of Bologna, the bombardment of Venice, dun-
,,eons, lingering tortures, the Inquisition, and the more
deadly concessions of perfidious Sovereigns all had failed
to trample out the nationality of Italy—of the country.
Italy would not die. What, he asked, was the mysteri-
ous source of that imperishable life I It was, that when
even a community arrived at the consciousness of pos.
sessing the elements of national existence, it would never
rest until it took its stand as an independent member of
the family of nations, and become the mistress of its own
destiny. When he read the many blue books published
on the affairs of Italy, he was surprised at the narrow
view which the British Government was taking of them.
No matter what might be said to the contrary, he was
ready to contend that the Italian movement was essen-
tially a national movement, and that none of the nos.
triune prescribed by foreign Governments for her ame-
lioration were worthy of a moment's consideration.
The Italian population amounted to 24,000,000. They
.ccupied the finest country in the world. They had
tne most glorious recollections of any people in Europa;
-nod was it to be viewed, in the language of Prince
Metternich, as merely a "geographical denomination r
Hatred of foreign dominion was the prevailing sentiment
in Italy. She wanted to become a nation, and it was
vain and idle to prescribe reforms for her. Ile attributed
the present anomalous position of Italy, in great part, to
the Papal Government—the worst of all human inatitn-
'ions. There were three descriptions of governments,
chich, he they good or bad, were recognised among
o;vilised States. Taose were hereditery government,
government by conquest, and governineut by national
tection ; but the Papal Governtnent had no claim to
any of these titles—it rules by the sole egenov of that
which was in great part a foreign prie;:thood. A cionsti-
at ional Pope c mid nut by any possibility exist, and the
t,are idea of a Papal Sovereign was inconsistent with the
form of governinect which a free people would tolerate
in
19th nen= .11,c:Ing denounced the G-,,v,rnuients
if Spain, Gel many, and France as nicousisteat with poli-
, cal freedom, M. Kossuth proceeded in the same strain
-o declare there never would tie true • peace on the
continent, free trade, absence of foreign intervention, or
full scope given to the development of national greatness
or power, so long as Russia kept Poland, and Austria
Hungary. He believed that Italy, Hungary, and Po-
land would yet be the watchword of freedom and the
forerunner of good government in Europe. Nothing
short of a successful popular rising would achieve these
great results ; and, this being admitted, the question
WAS asked by practical Englishmen whether there was a
fair prospect of success, as otherwise the English people
would never sanction, by word or deed, a mere wanton
biersuccess.been effusion
d designedly
ofs blood,
Te dhlie e believedsto ry of ?beer e was
Itali a a
n strugglef a i r
fa?sified and misrepresented. The
Italian movement of 1848 did not owe its impulse to
the French Revolution, for it was in fall career when, on
the 24th February in that year, King Louis Philippe
made room for a republic. At that time Italy had no-
thing to expect from France. The absurd theories of
Lamartine, who came into power after the downfall
of the Orleanists were blown to the winds ; and when
France awakened from her present trance, as aseurety
.
she would do ere long, who would not say that
4th_ pr
o•
se? The
'pact of Italian liberty was not fairer than
that
fhad
by the British Cabinet, as Lord Palmerston
er _
view taken by Lamartine was in substanceinhlet adopted
integ-
ritygoneotfhteheleAngutslitroiafa
for the peace
ed the
cofirmed and
of Europe. The noble lord bad
"kyininggdotmhaat
alsohe told Metternich
strengthened this declaration when .
n the territorial
that no change 'mild be made
the . Italian peninsula without
arrangement of the shneeccoansarysid
subscribed the treaty
con-
sent of all the Powers who bad
of Vienna. /is was thoroughly.
e,persuaded that
no British when-
ever
Italy or Hungary chose " he might Mi-
nister, no matter
how popularbe, Would
British sympathy which Would
dare to resist the burst of
be sure to follow—(cheers)'—
or
nuld dare
M. to advocate
subserviency to despotism. (Cheers.)w Kossuth
then dwelt at considerable length
on what he termed
the perfidy of the house of Hapsburg ; and having
• detail the circumstances which led hire
explained in
lly to revolt against Austria, expressed his con-
persona
• tion that Austria could never retain her Lombardian
sac
provinces without an immense standing army, and that
the hour would inevitably come when her own regiments
would tear up the black and yellow flag, as the Italian
battalions bad already done, and follow the tricolor.
The conduct of King Carlo Alberto in the Lombardian
struggle had been regulated, not by a desire for Italian
liberty, but by the hope of preventing the establishment
of a republic in his own neighbourhood. M. Kossuth
concluded amid loud cheers by declaring that all he bad
stated was baled upon hiAorical facts, and by expressing
his convictiou that a European crisis was at hand, which
all dissatisfied laut,garian and Italian patriots would do
well to avail t heinse:ves of to promote revolution, and,
tbroudli rev utien, to restore nationality.
The proceedings terminated at 10 o'clock with a vote
of thanks to the Sheriff of the County Palatine of Lan•
cadet fo presiding.