The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-14 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDA I
r ?Thr VA:, OCTOBER 14 185
_itl.
L: 4,, LA -,*; 7

THE LILY AND THE BE E, A FOREIGN ARCHITECT'S OPINION PF
An APOLOGUE of the CRYSTAL PALACE, LONDON STEEPLES.
By SAMUEL WARREN-, F.R.S. In walking through the town my attention was in-
Elegantly bound in cloth, gilt, price ss.
OPINIONS OF TIIE PRESS. voluntarily first fixed upon the steeples. They almost
"It will cinmand the admiration of those capable of appreciating btar the stamp of what seems to be called hero the
the genuine spirit of poesy which pervades it, and will eventually take Anglo-Italian school (I except those of St. Michael's in
high rank, as it deserves to do, among our national classics."—John
Bail. u rnbill and St. Dunstan's in the East, which are copied

"A strain of mingled thought and imagination—and all poetry
words flowing like spray from a fountain, yet every drop a (Ramona,
as solid, as brilliant, as precious, as beautiful."—Edinbi trgh Ad-
vertiser.
" One of the most striking, and solemnising moment oes of the
firs at Exhi'Ation ; and most happily timed to accompany- its close
with elevatin; and ennobling reminiscences."—Standard.
" Inch in mental and Imaginative treasures."—Ntorning Advertiser.
" Mr. Warren's prose poem in commemoration of the Great Exhi-
bition resembles its theme in the variety and vastness of its subjects,
and in a sort of overpowering effect upon the mind."—Spectator.

from the Gothic), cud chiefly were designed by Si
Christopher Wren, architect of St. Paul's Cathedral,
commenced is 1675 and fatis,hed in 1711. Wren was
the man who gave a new impulse to architecture in .Eng-
Lnaid: the church of St. Peter, with its vast cupcla, at
designed by Bramante and continued by Michafl
Ang,lo, struck him, and he built for the Protestants in
Loudon that which existed for the Catholics at Rome. I

give the preffreree for .solidity is the dime and for the

"Catlin; up rich trains of historic associations—lofty thoughts
and generous feelings —graphic and glowing dezcriptions."—Literary
(Janette.

proportions of the rortico in the principal facrie to S
Paul's, admittitur that the towers and lantern of S
• 4

"Sweetly. gravely, and wisely does Mr. Warren evolve the deep
truths, the striking thoughts, and the moral lessons which that most
wondernd collective representation of human industry suggests to a
philosophic and poetic mind."—North P,ritish Mail.
" With a truthful meaning hid within its leaves, though AN Tapped
up in gorgeous metaphor, and clothed in language of the richt:st har-
mony and colouring."—Edinburgh Evening Post.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.
Sold by all Booksellers.

Peter's are very superior to those of the London church,
Certainly Wren was a very skilful copyist in every style
of architecture, in Gothic as well as Roman Italian: for
the first are St. AliLthatl's and St. Dunstan's. All the
other steeples, churches, or monuments erected from
1675 to 1780 in London, are more or less copies of Italy
according to Searuozzi, Vignola, and other (con)founders
of architecture; and there are some which are ridiculotni,
enough—for instance, the steeple of St. Bennet, at the
corner of Fenchurch-street and Gracechurch-street,
which enjoys Greek frontispieces on the four facades
surmounted by an Italian cupola, carrying for lantern
an Egyptian obelisk with a spiky top. It is saddening
to contemplate such an example of the distressed state
in which architecture found itself in the 18th century,
because it was not in London only that people fabricated
at that time similar specimens of bad taste: they were
produced throughout Europe.—Builder.

This day is published, price Is„
OURS AND D A YS
By THOMAS BURBII)GE.
William Blackwood and Sous, Edinburgh and London.

The PARLOUR LIBRARY,. Volume 66, Por OCTOBER

A Double Volume, price Is. Gel. boards, or 2s. cloth, containing
91 HE CONVICT. A TALE,
By G. P. It. JAMES.

By the same Author, in this Popular Series:—
Henry Masterton. Gipsy
John Marston Hall. One in a Thousand
Brigand
Gowrie
Smuggler Robber
Philip Augustus Mary of Burgundy
Darnley- Morley Ernstein
Castelueau
Simrsis and M'lntyre, Londrri; and Belfast.

RITANNIA LIFE ASSURANCE
COMPANY.
1, Princes-street, Bank, London.
Established August 1, 1837.
Empowered by special Act of Parliament, 4th Viet., cap. 9.
CHAIRMAN— Colonel _ROBERT ALEXANDER, Blackheath Park,
ADVANTAGES OF THIS INSTITUTION.
Half Credit Rates of Premium.
Persons assured according to these rates are allowed credit
for half the amount of the first seven annual premiums,
paying interest thereon at the rate of five per cent. per annum, with
the option of paying off the arrears of premiums, at any time, or
having the amount deducted from the sum assured when the policy
becomes a claim. _ .

For Securing Loans and Debts.
A Table adapted especially for the securing of Loans and Debts, by
which the fullest security is obtained on very low, but gradually in-
creasing premiums.
Pxolicies revived, without the exaction of a fine, at any time within
twelve months, if health remain unimpaired.
A llcard of Directors in attendance daily at Two o'clock.
Age of the Assured in every case admitted in the Policy.
Tkiedical attendants remunerated in all cases for their reports.

Extract from the Half Credit Rates of Premium.
Annual Premium required for an Assurance of 1001. for the whole

Term of Life.

Ago. Half Premium for Whole Premium after
Seven Years. fbven Years.
£ s. d. X s. d.
30 1 1 9 2 3 6
40 1 9 2 2 18 4
50 2 2 G 4 5 0
60 3 6 8 6 13 4

E. R. FOSTER, Resident Director.
ANDREW FRANCIS, Secretary.

HE LONDON INDISPUTABLE LIFE
POLICY COMPANY,
No. 72, Lombard-street and 21, Connaught-terrace.
TRUSTEES.
Richard Spooner, Esq., M.P.
.T. Campbell Renton, Esq., M.P. James Fuller Madox, Esq.
Richard Malins, Esq., Q.C. I William Wilberforce, Esq.
The POLICIES are INDISPUTABLE, in terms of the Deed of
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Owing to this important improvement in the practice of life
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ALEXANDER ROBERTSON, Manager.

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Pae daily use of this aromatic and delicious Sauce is the best safe-
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MEDICAL ADVICE ON THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
"YOUTH AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOUItED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL.

- -
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Italian, in a 'healed 2s. 6d., or Post-free, from the

Anther, for forty-two 7tanctii.
ELl'-PRESERVATION.; a
1,17 Medical Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on
the Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Maturity,
wally acquired at an early period of life, which destroy
the physical and mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural
fatllngs, and exhaust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical
CnlerTations on the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of
Nervous Debility, Local and Constitutional Weakness, Syphilis,
Sti.icture, and all DIF,3XSea and Derangements resulting from India-
c .etion, as adopted by Lalleinand, Licord, and other eminent mem-
eera of the faculty in France. With Fifty coloured Engravings,
illustrating the Anctosay, Physiology, and Diseases of the Re-
productive Organs, explaining their structures, uses, and functions,
and the various injuries thet are produced in them by solitary
habits, excesses, end infestiob.
BY SAMUEL LA'MERT, M.D,.
ET, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON.
Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Fdill-
burgh,TionoraryM.Tabcr of the London llospital Medical Society,
Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, Member of the Ilunterian
Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c., lee.
This work contains a plain and complete description of the ana-
tomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and of their relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. Lannert, who has taken the
highest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
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who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted his studies to
the treatment of these complaints. He may be consulted with ad-
vantage by all those whose constitutions may have become debili-
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of later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, the objects
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Published by the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49, Pater-
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or free by post for forty-two stamps, from the author's residence, who
may be consulted on these disorders personally, or by letter, daily,
tromp Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight.

THE SILENT FRIEND.
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Itluatrated by One hundred Anatomical Coloured Engraymgn.
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the Establishment, 3e. 6d. in stamps.
%VIE SILENT FRIEND, a Medical Work on
IL the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by
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PART I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of tne re-productive
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Piirr 11. treats of Use consequences resulting from excessive in-
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PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
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ings.
PART IT. contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a
simple application, by which the danger of Infection is obviated.
PART V. is devoted to the consideration of marriage, and its du-
ties. The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and the
wh do subject critically and philosophically inquired into.
Tax CORDIAL BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusively employed in
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LATE HOURS OF BUSINESS.—Fourteen sermons
(being part of a new series) upon the spiritual and other
were preached in the metropolitan
evils of the above system
places of worship on
.Sunday last, in connexion with the
Early-Closing Association.

ROCHESTER QUARTER SESSIONS.
At the Rochester Quarter Sessions, on Saturday,
before James Espinasse, Esq., recorder, Edward Dann,
corporal in the 64th Regiment, surrendered to his'
bail, and was indicted, together with Michael Rourke,
a private in the 18th Royal Irish, who was brought
up in custody, for having, on the 7th of August last,
at Strood, assaulted and beaten William Elijah Ire-
land, a constable in the employ of the South-Eastern
Railway Company, with intent to do him some
grievous bodily harm. Mr. Rose was for the prose-
cution, and Mr. Addison for the prisoner Dann.
The prosecution was instituted by the South-Eastern
Railway Company. Mr. Charles Richards, station
master, stated that on the evening of the 7th August,
a few minutes before eight o'clock, the prisoners, ac-
companied by another soldier, came to the door of the
private booking-office, and demanded tickets to go by
the train. He told them the tickets were not issued
there, and, being in a state of intoxication, he told
them they bad better leave the station. About twenty
minutes before the departure of the nine
o'clock train they came again to the station, in a
worse state of intoxication, the prisoners having their
bayonets in their side belts, and placing themselves in
front of the aperture where tickets are issued, de-
manded their tickets, which he still refused to let
them have, telling them they were not in a fit state to
go by the train. Both prisoners said they were de-
termined to go, saying if he would not let them they
would let him know. Finding that they were ob-
structing the passengers, witness went from his office
to them, when he was seized by one of the party. He
called Ireland, the constable, to his assistance, when
Dann ordered Rourke to draw his bayonet, and to
take Ireland prisoner. Rourke immediately un-
sheathed his bayonet, and caught hold of Ireland, pre-
senting the point to his breast. Ireland called out that
his life was in danger, when witness handed him a
loaded pistol from the booking-office to defend him.
self with, when Rourke made several lunges at Ireland
with his bayonet, which he fortunately parried with
his pistol, and as he was in the act of making another
lunge at Ireland's side, Tomlin, the head porter, with
a constable's staff, struck him on the side of the head,
and knocked him down. Dann was still at the aper-
ture, with his bayonet drawn, flourishing it about,
and causing considerable alarm, the station being
crowded with passengers. Confirmatory evidence
having been given, the jury, after a few minutes'
deliberation, found the prisoners guilty, on the fourth
count, of a common assault, and recommended them
to mercy on account of character. The Judge, ad-
dressing the prisoners, said they had been found
guilty by the jury, who had taken a most merciful
view—a most merciful view, indeed, of the case.
They might congratulate themselves to the end of
their lives that death did not ensue from their out-
rageous conduct. He considered their offence of a
very serious nature. From the uniform they wore
they were looked upon as a, protection to their coun-
trymen ; but that uniform, he was sorry to say, they
had disgraced. He should take into consideration '
their previous character. Dann he sentenced to be
imprisoned for four calendar months, and Rourke,
considering the nine weeks he had already been in
gaol, to the further term of two calendar months.

was by no means their espousal of Red Republicanism,
which was far from being proved at the moment in
question. What justified alarm was the fact that, at
each successive election, a larger number of electors
declined to take the trouble of voting, and that, as
the occasions for exercising the franchise were multi-
plied, the comparatively few who did take part in
them were obviously more and more disposed to no-
ininate a candidate haphazard. France seemed
'doomed, more than ever, to see her prosperity and her
peace made the sport of wantonness or chance: The
danger was not attended by the suepicious circum-
stance that none but alarmists beheld or admitted it.
Sincere republicans, like Lamartine, lamented it in
public, and suggested the statutory prohibition of
the ticket system—or scrutin do liste —as the meet
convenient remedy for a formidable evil. The same
view was subsequently adopted by M. de Tocque-
villa in his memorable Report on the Revision of
the Constitution ; but the course rent :mended,
though backed by the authority of so great a name,
can hardly be looked upon as anything but a mere
mechanical expedient, which is in the highest degree
unlikely to amend an organic defect. The source of
heedlessness in the constituencies was their total want
of preparation for the large measure suddenly con-
ceded to them—we will not say of liberty, of which
they enjoyed as little as ever, but—of the right to in-
terfere at certain intervals in the concerns of the State.
The very serious crisis which has just arisen will have
the effect of shortly supplying us with data upon
which we can found an approval or condemnation of
the restrictive law, much more fairly than on the con-
jectural knowledge of its wqrking which is all that
we possess at present. It is certain that, against
whatever good it has produced, there is an exten-
sive 'set-off in the perilous „irritation of the classes
which it has deprived of .tEe suffrage. That part
of the population which is at present on the out-
side of the electoral pale has been becoming
not simply Socialist, but revolutionary, from a
sense of the injustice which has been done in de-
grading it below others who are not superior to it in
intelligence, or in wealth, or in public consideration.
Nor, again, is it sstisfactorily established that the re-
duced constituencies are a whit better fitted for the
faithful acquittal of the trust which has been lodged
with them than the larger bodies which they super-
seded. The privileged voters are almost as little dis-
posed as their predecessors to walk a mile or two with
the view of depositing a ballot. It is true that the
representatives whom they nominate more uniformly
belong to the Moderate section of the Assembly ; but
if the elector be no more considerate, and the deputy
no less factious than before, nothing is gained but the
avoidance of a contest, at the cost of establishing an
electoral system against which a powerful minority of
the nation has recorded a standing protest. Better
information may, indeed, exhibit the direct results of
the change in a more favourable light. But there can be
no question as to its indirect consequences. The public
history of the period which has elapsed since the
law of May 31
,has been one long tissue of private
bickerings, open conflicts, and underhand intrigues,
upon which neither the President nor any section of
the Assembly would have ventured, unless the cur-
tailment of the franchise had produced a feeling of
security which left the mind open to the indulgence
of every political predilection and factious passion.
The fear of Socialism constituted the Conservative
majority—relief from that fear dissolved the party.
"We are disputing," said M. de Montekaabert,
" about the skin of the bear, which is not yet dead."
The bear, in effect, is alive, and as dangerous as
ever. The prima facie contradiction between the
the electoral law and the text of the Constitution
gives the Republican Opposition a vantage-ground
which it never occupied before; and the position is
immensely strengthened by the obstinacy of the Pre-
sident's enemies in refusing to forestal the double
election of next spring by voting the Revision. It is
doubtful whether purely mechanical difficulties
will allow that frowning defile to be safely
passed, even by a disciplined army ; but it
would seem more than doubtful whether it
can be traversed when a third of the soldiers are
in mutiny. It is an unprofitable task to attribute
designs to a personage so thoroughly inscrutable as
the President. His motive is suddenly declaring war
against the restrictive law, and in dismissing a fa-
vourite Minister rather than forego his opposition,
may be in the highest degree statesmanlike and
patriotic ; but there are some considerations of interest
so germane to the matter that it would be foolish to
leave them out of the question. Louis Napoleon can
hardly have been blind to the altered relation towards
the coalesced statesmen of the Conservative majority,
in which he has stood since be sanctioned that mea-
sure. Since then, they have shown him plainly that
they thottertethey could do without him. So long as
the Moderates and Red Republicans were struggling
on the level ground of universal suffrage, the former
could not afford to lose a single element of strength—
much less that which was furnished by the great name
of the President, and by the vast authority which he
temporarily wields. But the moment that the
new law gave them an artificial advan-
tage, they cast Bonapartism aside, and
fought for their own hand. Louis Napoleon is
now, to all appearance, aiming at restoring the
original conditions of the conflict. He seems to feel
that, with an unfettered franchise he is the only can-
didate whom the Conservatives could successfully op-
pose to a Red Republican celebrity. Then, again,
there is the chance that, appalled by this fresh evi-
dence of his courage and his determination, they may
buy him off by voting the ,revision, or by an extra
constitutional prolongation of his term of power.
And all calculations upon existing data, appear to
establish that, if he perseveres in his hostility to the
law, he can bring about its repeal. He is said to be
desirous of summoning to the new Ministry M. de
Falloux and 111. Odilon Barrot, both of whom are
known to be of opinion that the restrictions were car-
ried too far. Even if they refuse their concurrence,
there is little doubt that a majority can be consti-
tuted from the votes which be can command in the
Assembly, added to those of the Republican Opposi-
tion, and of the larger number of Legitimists,
who think that the law has diminished their
strength in the western and southern departments.
Whatever comes of it, it is beyond question that the
President's decision will issue in results of the gravest
importance.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
- FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OE THIS DAY.
IPSES.—There is a branch of statistics which
bar b Mn lately forced into notice by actual events of
a new and extraordinary chazacter. " The statist"
no longer confines himself to populations, that is to
the number of persons dwelling quietly in certain
countries and cities, and such sober facts, for society
itself is undergoing a change, and is no longer cm-
teat to dwell qtaetly. Strange to say, our railways,
our steamers, and cur mastery of the ocean, have
brought us back, in some respects to the habits of
the Nomads and Massagetm, or the crusaders and
pilgrims of a later age. Within half a year six mil-
lion visits have been paid to the greet shrine of art by
reasons who have travelled scores, and hundred, and
thousands of miles for the purpose. Excursion trains
bring up four or five thousand a day by one line of rail -
way. Eighty-five thousand children sang " God save
the Queen" at Manchester on Friday,
and fifsy thou-
sand adults repeated the hymn the next day in Hyde-
park. We forget how many millions are returned as
having travelled by railway last year. The visits to
the British Museum and the Thames Tunnel are now
of the millionaire class. Twenty years ago the figure
of the national debt stood alone in its glory, as the
only work of man that approached to the infinite,
and was really stupendous. We are now so familiar
with great figures, that the national debt is descend-
ing, by comparison, to the level of our ordinary con-
ceptions. But, among all these vast figures that are
becoming domesticated and vulgar, there is none so
important, though so familiar, as the figures of the
emigration which is actually draining these isles.
We have repeated almost ad nauseam that the people
are are leaving us at the retool near a thousand
a day. " Very well; what of plaza ? They are only
Irishmen, with a' -*spa-inkling -s'Oraelse ever-wander-
ing Scotch, and some of the less fortunate or re-
spectacle of our own countrymen." Be they what
they may, the fact remains that we are witnessing a
phenomenon of the same class with the migrations of
the Gauls, the Goths, the Hum, the Turks, the Mag-
yars, and other tribes, that before the settlement of
Europe roamed about looking for a home. " Fami-
liarity," it is said, "breeds contempt ;" and certain
it is that no sooner is a great fact familiar than men
treat it with indifference, and do not even seem to ap-
prehend it correctly, much less follow it up to its
consequences. In Ireland the fact is brought home
to the understanding in so forcible a manner by
the actual sight of emigrant-trains, emigrant-ships,
depopulated districts, ruined habitations, and labour
beginning to rise in the market, that it cannot be
disposed of so easily as in this country. The journals
there have styled the movement the " Celtic
exodus ;" and, considering the actual difference
between the condition of an average Irish peasant at
home and that which he easily attains to in the United
States, we shall not quarrel with the reflection which
the name seems to cast on the rulers left behind.
The writers who treat of this exodus tell us that it
will go on till the whole race is departed and their
place left untenanted. Having once begun, the
migration will go on; and the Strong social instincts
that have hitherto bound the Irishman to the soil of
his birth will now operate in drawing him into the
great westward stream. In England it has been
anticipated by some writers, that when the Irish
population should be reduced to a certain low level,
the inducements to remain would rise so high that
the migration would stop, and the remnant left
behind would be contentedly and permanently at-
tached to the soil. Tne Irish authorities, as we are
disposed to think very correctly, do not expect the
migration to stop as soon as the population has
assumed its proper proportion to the work to be
done. The people who have been in the habit of
paying 303. an acre would not now remain on the
land if, it were reduced to 20s. or 10s.—they will
have it at no price. Their minds are completely
made up to go after their friends—to go home, that
home not being " Ould Ireland," but the "Far
West !" The stream once set that way, it will not
stop till Ireland is absolutely depopulated, and the
only question is, when will that be ? Twenty years
at the present rate would take away the whole of the
industrious classes, leaving only the proprietors and
their families, members of the learned professions,
and those whose age and infirmities keep them at
home. Twenty years are but a short time in treating
great social or political questions. It is more than
twenty years since the passing of the Emancipation
Act and the introduction of the Reform Bill. What
if it should really come to pass that before another
twenty years the whole Celtic race shall have
disappeared from these isles, . and the problem
of seven centuries received its solution ? We
dwell in wonderfill times, in an age of great
discoveries, splendid improvements, and grand
consummations. Art has always been found the
handmaid of human developments. The discovery of
gunpowder put an end to the little wars and little
states of the middle ages, and introduced larger poli-
cal manipulations. The discovery of printing pre-
pared for the revival of learning and arts, and paved
the way to the Reformation. The discovery of the
mariner's compass showed our navigators a path to
the East Indies and the New World. It may be the
first mission of railways to set all the populations of
the old world on the move, and send them in quest of
independent and comfortable homes. And when will
this movement stop? Incuriousness and prejudice
are ready with the reply, that it will stop, at all events,
when the Celtic race is exhausted. The Englishman,
we are assured, is too attached to his country, and too
comfortable at home, to cross the Atlantic. But surely
it is very premature to name any such period for this
movement, or to say beforehand what English la-
bourers will do, when seven or eight millions of Irish
have led the way to comfort and independence. The
Englishman is now attached to his own home, be-
cause he knows of no other. His ideas of other re-
gions are dark and dismal. He trembles at the thought
of having to grope his way through the Cimmerian
obscurity of another hemisphere. The single fact
that he will have no "parish" in America, is, in his
mind, a fatal bar to locomotion. But all this is quick
passing away, Geography, union workhouses, ocean
mails, and the daily sight of letters arriving in ten
days from prosperous emigrants, are fast unrooting
the British rustic from the soil, and giving
him
few years the question
cos-
mopolitan ideas. In a very
uppermost in his mind will be whether he will be
better off here or there ? Whether he should go with
the young and enterprising, or stay at home with the
old and stupid ? If a quarter of a million British
tlohaneiner d.
h p The
subjects have left this country for the Australian co-
lonies in the present generation,
there may easily be
a much larger movement to a nearer and more wealthy
region. It has been imagined, indeed, that such a
migration will have a natural tendency to stop itself
at a certain stage. We are told that the English la-
bourer will find a new field in Ireland, deserted by
the Celt. It will, however, cost no more effort of
mind to cross the ocean at once than to cross the
Irish Channel for a land 'which, in the English
mind, must ever be associated with violence and blood.
High wages, again, we are told, the enjoyment of a
liberal government, and an improved condition, will
bind the Englishman afresh to the soil of his ances-
tors. But when you make the English labourer
richer, more independent, more intelligent, and more
of a citizen, you have put him more in a condition
and temper to seek his fortune, wherever it may be
f
men who in the United States leave
ornehsefor the Far West are generally they who
have
where they are, and who want the
t of another start in life. On the whole,
we are disposed to think that prospered
serious to be neglected, a merely specu-
lative The depopulation of these
question. isles, sup-
posing the Celtic exodus to run out its course, and a
British exodus to fallow,
constitute about as •
or treated
ate thed
as prospect is far too
serious a
th
rent of landed pro-
olitic 1 • g
dynasty or any other p
themselves.
payment of rates and
political event as can be conaceirveevdo;luftoironaicshnaontheinogf
e ileople
desirous to recom-
mendall our institu-
All thethewpi,tohae departmentsha oindustry,dthethe army, the navy,
compared
pro-
perty,
the people, and without
taxes, depend on the people
the question to the consideration of others, and
theton cultivations
. lve
:refi,to of
fth
however,
trades,fi el
ratherils
the
he
especially of our statesmen, than to answer it our-
there must ensue a general collapse of

selves.
atnhneexeilenctoral franchise—
CIIRONICLE.—At the time when the French
Conservatives, in their panic at the return of M.
Eugene Sue, engrafted on the Cons tgitucituiaolnifitohaetiloanws
of
May 31—as the ordinary French nomenclature de-
our opinion of its vast
gs one which could only be
and results. It could not
reasonably be disputed that the
swdcoarmi
obioecnsi i
tetehnaetneocdir gs
eaotuut ilrces
mesltveanet
ourselves with
twet siot h
explaining
the nature of
citayssirthinegattempt to remove
araisctiie mischief
magnitude against
that
lit
thundepgomer
judged
aa
ns
bue
yer e.
itsa nTdoh
pee
ex
rlpanrwtei so swni na
ncies created by the it. which
naturally
The
i et wasprovokedlargo dicroeoc st etaidut
ud wasea
Constitu-
tion were proving utterly unmanageable. It is, of
course, illogical, and contrary to the principles of free
government, to pare down electoral bodies and to cur-
tail the privilege of giving expression to political
sentiment, simply as a means of shutting out a parti-
cular party from power, or a particular policy from
ascendancy, even though the party be Socialist, and the
policy revolution enpermanence. But in the eyes of
reflecting men the fault of the French constituencies

HERALD.—It is unhesitatingly stated, by Whigs
who mingle and live with the members of the Cabinet,
that the meeting of that body, summoned for this
day, will have to consider and resolve upon the gene-
ral principles of the new Reform Bill. The state-
ment appears to us improbable ; but we receive it
from quarters which can hardly be mistaken. We
regard it as improbable, because, except Parliament is
to meet in November, it is manifestly unwise to de-
velop so early a measure which must greatly agitate
the public mind; and which, if it be laid before a
meeting of a dozen gentlemen in October, can hardly
remain a profound secret until February next. How-
ever, as we have said, the fact is that Whigs of a
high rank, and who daily associate with Cabinet Mi-
nisters, believe, and state, that the measure to be
debated this afternoon is the new Reform Bill.
And this naturally leads our thoughts to the character
of that measure. We expected that little would
be heard of the tenour or details of the scheme
until it was opened by Lord John Russell in the
House of Commons. And, therefore, we felt dis-
posed to avoid useless speculation so long beforehand.
If, however, the measure is to see the light so long
before its Parliamentary appearance, it is time that
we began to make up our minds about it. We have
often expresssed our hope—and from Mr. Disraeli's
late allusiun to the subject we trust that that hope
I will be realised—that the new measure of reform,
whenever it appeared, would not be received by the
Conservative party in a hostile spirit. There is no-
thing in the present electoral system to command the
respect or attachment of the Conservative party. It
possesses no antiquity, it offers no claims to deference
arising from its parentage or origin ; and it has cer-
tainly worked to the satisfaction of no party : gaining
the praise of neither Whigs, Radicals, nor Conserv-
atives. If, then, it is now condemned by its own au-
thors and patrons, sured it may be removed
without a struggle; it is no concern of
ours to preserve any portion of the fabric. But
while we remain in this neutral and indif-
ferent state of mind as to the abolition of the prompt
system, it will behove us to see that the new scheme
is conceived and framed without any great and pal-
pable unfairness. We. have
said, and we are inclined
to continue in that opinion, that it will not he easy to
invent a worse system than that which is about to be
condemned. Yet we must admit the possibility—
first, of retaining all the worst points in the Reform
Bill of 1831-2 ; and secondly, of framing the rest of
the new plan after the fashion of those worst points:
To oppose any scheme of this kind the Conservative
part must hold themselves fully prepared. The chief
faults of the Bill of 1831-2 were found by experience
The to be-1. constituencies it created in the large
towns. 2. The constituencies it created or left in the
small towns. Both were alike bad, though widely
differing in character. The great towns,—and more
especially the metropolitan boroughs,—were made
the strongholds of Radicalism. The small towns
were delivered over to bribery. Let us look at these
two features apart. Of the mob-constituencies
created in the metropolitan boroughs,
and in such
tQWIIB WI Manchester and Birmingham, we shall say

nothing more than the Times said of them somewhat
more than a year ago. When discussing the Lam-
beth election of August, 1850, it used this lan-
guage :
" Lambeth, then; on the occasion of the present elec-
tion is likely to become another illustration oaf the down-
' ward tendencies of the metropolitan constituencies. We
use the word tendency' advisedly, for matters are worse
than they have been, sad we can perceive no symptom of
a turning tide. Lot us leave the names of individuals
aside, and simply consider the metropolitan Members :Is
a body, and naat is their main employment in the douse
of Commons? Is it not rut.inly to represent the sdfish
interests and blind prejudices of the less patriotic or Itss
enlightened portion of their constituents whenever any
change is proposed manifestly for the public benefit?
Looking at their rotas, one would suppoEe me:repo-
litan M.:mber to he rather a Pa, Haim-wary agent of
the drovers, and sextons, and undertskers, than a re-
presentative of one of the most important constituen-
cies of the kingdom. Is this downward progress
of the metropolitan represeutatioa to continue un-
changed ? Will it be extended to other constituencies
as soon as they shall be brought nr.dcr conditions ana-
logous to those under which the metropolitan electors
exercise the franchise ? The question is of no small
interest. Whether the fault be with the electors or
with those who should have the nerve to come forward and
demand their suffrages, matters not for the purposes of
the argument. The fact remains unaltered. Supposing
England throughout its area were represented as the
various boroughs of the metropolis are represented at
pthoeinpt forres coentntisidmee,rwathioan.
what would be the effect? That is the
j oulrtnia etts d il
ed,then, by
mainstay Liberal
present Government=
that to increase the proportion of large town or
metropolitan borough representatives would be to
deteriorate the character of that Assembly, and
ofthe ib eral end Free-trade
probably endanger the Constitution itself. With
this opinion on record, will it be possille to proceed
in the creation of any more such constituencies ?
as Sudbury,
As to the smaller boroughs, such
Harwich, St. Albans, &c., it is now abundantly
evident that the Reform Bill rendered them far worse
than they had previously been. Up to the year
1830 the wealthy men who desired to find seats in
Parliament by purchase usually addressed themselves
to the dealers in the close or rotten boroughs. In a
large number of these the electors were merely some
ten or a dozen persons, dependents on the borough
patron. He received some 2,000/. or 3,0001. for the
seat, and provided for them, the electors, by situa-
tions of various kinds, obtained by the use of his
local or Parliamentary influence. All this is now at
an end ; but one consequence is that the whole body
of purchasers is thus thrown upon the small towns
now returning Members to Parliament. Hence, more
open corruption—more buying of votes in the market-
place, exists at present than was known previous to
1830. Tho whole state of things has become so much
worse that there is no denying the want of some
legislative remedy. The Times, when alluding to
these things some time since, foolishly said that these
towns must be disfranchised, and the seats given to
more of the large towns, such as Leeds and Man-
chester. The fact absurdly overlooked by the Times
was, that all the large towns are already enfranchised;
and that new Manchesters and Sheffields to receive
the franchise cannot be invented or created. It follows
that when the miner and corrupt boroughs are thrown
into a new Schedule A, it will be inevitable that the
franchises taken from them must be bestowed on the
English counties. And for this, apart from the ne-
cessity of the case, there is abundant cause to be
shown. The Radicals complain, that it is unjust that
Harwich should have as potent a voice in Parliament
as Manchester. Just as unequal and as unjust is it,
that Hertford and St. Alban's, two petty towns,
should return as many members to Parliament as the
freeholders of the county of Devon. Or, to turn to
Essex itself, when you have put Harwich and Maldon
into Schedule A, where will you bestow the seats
with nearly so much justice as on the county of Essex,
which with half a million of people sends only four
'members to the House of Commons ? It is because
these consequences appear to us plain and inevitable,
that we are not at all indisposed to a reconstruction of
the whole electoral system. So far from doing harm
we believe that if it be fairly carried on such a recon-
struction will give us a fairer, a more honest, and a
more Conservative House of Commons than any we
have yet seen.

DAILY NEWS.—Never, perhaps, was there so
striking an example of a man's being caught in his
own trap as that of Louis Napoleon and the law of
the 31st of May. By this name is known the Par-
liamentary decree disfranchising two or three mil-
lions of the French people. When the metropolis
returned a large majority of Socialist members, the
Conservatives instantly resolved to punish Paris by
disfranchising its artisans. This they did effectually
by ordaining that none should have a vote without
proving that he had been domiciled and employed in
iris present locality for a certain time. But the
working class, and more than the working class in
great towns, is for ever changing. Then their em-
ployers' signature was required to establish the claim
of the employed. This, under u hundred pretexts,
might be withheld. And thus some two or three
out of the six millions of French electors were de•
prived of their right of suffrage by the Assembly, and
with the consent and co-operation of the President.
The latter was at the time, no doubt, persuaded
that the best chance of being continued in power lay
in his conciliating the middle, the propertied, and
timid classes, together with the conservative party in
the Assembly, which was their champion. Accord-
ingly he consented to fling the people overboard. And
now it appears that Louis Napoleon's only chance is
from the votes of these very people whom he disfran-
chised, every shade of the Parliamentary parties
having turned against him. The President, therefore,
after shutting the popular flood out of the elections
for his own purpose on the 31st of May, would now
open the sluices and let the popular flood in again to
float him. But to this the Assembly, of course,
stands opposed, and with the Assembly every knot of
statesmen that hope to exist by either the favour or
tolerance of the Assembly, or that undertake to carry
on the Government in accord with the majority.
The signal for the President's standing out and in-
sisting upon the repeal of the law of the 15th of May,
was given in a leading article of the Constitutionnel,
signed Granier de Cassagnac. It may here be re-
marked, that articles in the journals of France seem
to have all the same prestige and to wield the same
influence, when signed by individuals, as when they
were expressed in the collective or editorial
we. Never was the French press more powerful,
or its weight more felt than at the present
moment. No one could deny the ability with which
the manifesto of the Constitutionnel against the dis-
franchising law was written. The Socialists, it ar-
gued, are powerless without a flag; you have given
them one by disfranchising the people, whose right
they may uphold. In giving the Socialists such a
flag, there is no class or party interested to oppose
them. The peasantry, who might take arms against
the red republic, would not muster and march against
universal suffrage. All that universal suffrage had
done was to disinherit the old, corrupt clique of poli-
ticians that had monopolised place. These by the law
of May have recovered their old advantages, and hence
the mass of petty and personal intrigues that disgrace
the country, confound all principles, and render un-
certain all results. To these arguments Louis Na-
poleon has added his own. In them he has declared
his opinion, that there are but two solid sources of
governmental authority, hereditary kingly right, or
popular elective right; and that both must be
perfect,
for that no quasi-legitimacy, or quasi-elee-
tive will hold. The executive of France must, there-
fore, be chosen by the whole people or by none. A
portion will not suffice. The remark that rises to
every one's lip, is, why this very fine and proper
chain of reasoning did not occur to Prince Louis
Napoleon when he sanctioned his Ministers in in-
troducing the law of May disfranchising the mil-
lions ? The entire political world in France is dis-
puting about principles, when it is clear that no one
party in power has the least sincere respect for
principle of any kind. It is mere time-serving,'
gilded over with fine and ambiguous words, the Prince
himself setting the example. But although Louis
Napoleon gave himself up from the first to the guid-
ance of the reactionists, he has had still, from time
to time, fits of awakening- to liberal ideas, and to a
consciousness that they alone could save him. Hence
the letter to Colonel Oudinot against the conduct of
the Roman Government, and hence so many liberal
sentiments and resolves, and stray speeches at odd
moments. These, however, are but faint flames, that
light up from smouldering ashes, to die as soon as
born. The President's regret for having disfran-
chised millions of those who voted for him
of those vain coruscations, regrets,those idle
which he has the weakness and wilfulnessidle is one
to betray,
act upon.
but net the courage or constancy to-morrow.
If the President got rid of M. Faucherto
for such a cause, where is he to find a Minister ? M.
Barrot certainly would not volunteer to serve him,
yaitnhore
to embark in a contest with
sthie wteAhssaemvberly, desire
for
idee Napoleonienne however jut •
hapless Prince may have to become liberal, it is now
too late. What real Liberal would now trust him ?
He must lie on the bed of state that he has made
himself, propped on those Conservative parties who
are openly betraying him, yet whose momentary
countenance and support he cannot dispense with.
of the 31st of May h
Repeal the law caunot, without