The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-16 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUAi 16, 1851.

From the shuffling character of the -report issued
by the Select Committee, it stilt remrains doubtful
whether the Legislative Assembly Will consent to
pronounce either a modified censure on the Prince-
PRESIDENT, or an indirect encomiun on General
CHANGAUNIER. Such are the tendencies, at any rate,
of the document referred to, that even under the
most congenial circumstances the members of the
Committee cannot expe'ct anything more decisive from
the resolution of the., popular ,:revresentatives. The
report, in fact, asks nothing -further than this
timorous kind of decision. It indicates a
solicitude that the Legislature shall at the
least betray some such feeble and timorous ,
determination. Under the pressure of its recent I
di,couifiture more than this could scarcely be antici-
paree, supposing even that the Assembly were ap-
peal2d to under the most compliant phase of its tem-
perament. A more audacious proceeding than the one
here indicated would hardly be judicious, considering
the late decisive triumph achieved by the Executive.
As it is, we cuuaGt but regird the suggestion thrown.
out by the Commictee as in the highest degree men-
f.r that v,,ry reason, in the highest degree
repro bensibt?. It is proposed, for instance, according
to the plrt•aseobgy employed in ti,e official report,
that the Assembly should recognize the indisputable
privil,:ge of the Executive Authority to dis-
charge at pleasure any oticer whomsoever
from eo•Lmtind in the military forces of the
lt,publv;—lhilt it should 4t the same time, however,
censure the 21inkterial coercion of that most impor- I
tent prerogative ; and in addition to this, proclaim
CuaNGARNIEn. to have been fully entitled to the ap-
probation prenouirced in his favour by the Legisla-
ture in i;3 well-remembered sitting of the sth of
January. Any pro posals more erroneous in their

character than these we are bold to say never before
emanated from the councils of a Parliament. They

assert in their very preamble the legality of the power
used by the Executive, or, in other words, by the
PRESIDENT, and then go on, forsooth, to blame
the exercise of that constitutional right by the
Administration. Now, it should be clearly understood
that the PRESIDENT i 3 punishable in case of mis-
conduct, but punishable only in one way, namely, by
impeachment. Any intermediate censure is inappli-
cableto the first Magistrate of the Republic. Either
his policy is in no respect reprehensible, or it is de-
serving of a formal impeachment, according to the
corrective powers entrusted in his regard to the As.
sembly. The Legislature, however, under present
circumstances, has gone out of its constitutional
course, in order to gratify its despicable
and impotent spleen against the Executive.
Unable. to vanquish LOUIS NAPOLEON in a
bold and resolute encounter, the droit have
resolved, if possible, to sati-fy their animosity in some
measure by administering a furtive stab to his dig-
nity—they are striving, with all imaginable assiduity,
to bring about his indirect condemnation.

In this sinister endeavour we are sanguine that they
may be frustrated. Our reliance, towards that end,
is placed upon the love of fair play still surviving in
the breasts of a large majority of the French repre-
sentatives. We cannot induce ourselves to imagine
that the gauche will allow themselves to be cajoled by
the sophistries of the Burgraves into a resolve
beneficial only to the Orleanist-Legitimatist-
Socialist-Cossack conspiracy. The accomplices in
that atrocious intrigue, embracing, among other more
ignoble persons, several of the most conspicuous
statesmen in the Republic, have been hitherto foiled
in their efforts to betray the cause of Democracy.
At the very instant when they were exulting over
the prospective downfall of LOUIS NAPOLEON and
their own victorious elevation to the direction of the
affairs of government, they found their expected vic-
tim transformed into their conqueror, and their sup-
posed hero turn out the veriest nobody in Christen-
dom. Even now they have scarcely recovered from
the shock of their disappointment, yet al-
ready they are making preparations for the
gratification of their vengeance. Deceived in their
hopes, they are yet struggling to extract a bitter
compensation from their despair. They are employ-
ing every imaginable strategy to persuade the bulk
of the Legislative Assembly to aid them in di-
minishing the satisfaction of LOUIS NAPOLEON
at his late brilliant success, and to offer
some consolation, however inadequate, to his defeated
subaltern, CHA'NGARNIEB.

Taking for granted even that the report of the
Select Committee will be accepted by the Legislature
—an event which we regard as anything but assured
—the miserable scheme of the Burgraves can tend in
no effectual manner to realize their aspirations. On
the contrary, the betrayal of so much spiteful impo-
tence by the hitherto boastful and intolerant body of
intriguers, must inevitably result in their speedy and
overwhelming defeat—a defeat so decisive, we mean,
that the extinction of any sentiments of respect in
their regard might be readily predicated. Already
the confidence reposed by a considerable faction in
the leaders of the " right" has begun to evaporate.
The wretched falsification of their vainglorious as-
sertions as to the incapacity of the Prince-PRESIDENT to
withstand the force of their intrigues and machina-
tions, has compelled the most credulous of their sup-
porters to moderate their enthusiasm in behalf of
counter-revolutionary principles, inducing some even
to withdraw themselves betimes from the
perilous vicinage of a defeated conspiracy.
That such should be the case in any country
would not be surprising, but that it should be the
consequence in France is an event that could alone be
expected. From a falling house the rats fly instinc-
tively, according to the terms of a well-known
adage; but especially and peculiarly in France it
may be averred that the people are prepared on the
instant to desert a political cause on the decline.
The effect, therefore, of late events, can only be the
rapid and perceptible enhancement at once of the
power and popularity of the PRESIDENT.

In the olden time much depended upon the venue
in criminal prosecutions. The place where an act
was committed was often considered as of greater im-
portance, so far as the issue was concerned, than the
act itself. Drawing a sword, or other weapon of
offence in any of the Royal parks or other privileged
place, was regarded as a crime of no ordinary magni-
tude, which exposed the offender to the most stringent
puni,hment, although a person might yield to the
temptation which the possession of such an append-
age afforded in almost any other locality with per-
fect impunity. Indeed, is Whitefriars it was re-
garded as a laudable performance, which reflected
great credit on the party. The distinction has
long since been abolished theoretically, but it
still exists practic in many districts. There
are localities in which various propensities not
warranted by law may be safely indulged in. The
begging fraternity—the whole tribe of " cadgers"—
know the townlands where they may practise their
honourable profession. "His Worship" may be "a
kind gentleman, who would never bring a poor man
into trouble for asking a bit to eat, or a copper from
those better off than himself." Other amiable weak-
nesses may also find sympathisers on the magisterial
bench. The pugnacious in disposition should visit
the land where, according to MAXWELL, " bating's
char, and poteen is plenty." No impertinent inter.
ference is there exhibited with the innocent pastimes
of the people, and those who wish to dis-
play their bellicose propensitie3 may "fight it
out in peace and quietness," without any tear of
disturbance, or of sustaining any very severe punish-
ment if brokenheads should chance to occur. We have
heard of a worthy " Justice," who, in every doubtful
case, where the litigants were at all equally matched in
sin and age, recommended the parties to adopt the
" trial by battle," and caused them to be conveyed to
a secluded• part of his demesne where they could
obtain a speedy solution of the doubtful problem
" which was the better man." There is, in fact, " a
thus and place for every thing ;" and for those who
choose to starve or flay their servant girls, we
would suggest the county of Worcester as the place
where they may indulge their amiable propensities
without any fear as to the consequences.
In The Sun of Tuesday we reported the proceed-
ings before a bench of Worcestershire magistrates
which shows the mode in which " the great unpaid"
of that favoured county are disposed to deal with
transactions which they themselves declare to be
"cases of great and unnecessary cruelty." A Mr.
Joule LEE and his wife had been summoned to an-
swer before their worships for their conduct to an
unfortunate girl, named HANNAH HINTON, whom
they had hired as " nursemaid" at the statute fair or
" mop," last Michaelmas, at the handsome wages of
2/. per annum. It appeared that the girl,
who was sixteen years of age, was never
very healthy or strong, but that she had be-
come much emaciated since she took up her
abode with her new master and mistress. She is de-
scribed to have appeared "much emaciated," her
" features pinched and careworn, and her general
aspect that of a person much older than she really
was." On her examination she swore to " various
castigations inflicted by her master and mistress,' but'
especially by the latter." The master beat her "over
the head with a pair of leggings," because she had not
got the fire lighted at seven o,:clock in the morning,
while., "just before Christmas, Mrs. LEE exhibited a
Christian spirit worthy of the "season," by styling
her a " nasty hussy" and flinging her violently down
stab sa, by which, according to her own statement,
' she was hurt badly all up her side, and her
-arms' were bruised and as sore as could be."
The tender-hearted couple were in the constant habit
of " eurling and swearing at her," and chastising her
on ti icy tunst trivial occasions. But the distinct as-
sault i E nd the ill language so frequently used were of
far le is consequence than the total disregard of their
duty I neg:ecting to provide the wretched child with
a sea d -.ncy of wholesome food. They resorted to
the " st o;,-vation system," giving but little of anything,
and that .of the very worst description ; for " when
she 'ear 1 enk at or dripping on her bread, it was stale
and .o.lfensh..e to the nose and palate." This startling
evidence will corroborated by persons residing in the
vicinity. Aft's. POWELL, a neighbour, had heard "a
great nose on a Sunday evening, as of something fall-
ing dow a stairs, .a great cursing and swearing from
Mr. and Dirs. LEs .and the girl crying," And the

following morning she heard a detailed narrative of
the transaction, and saw a large bruin on the thigh
of the victim, " about the size of her hand." She
also often heard Mrs. LEE threatening tc kill her ser-
vant, knock her brains out, and indulging in other
little amenities of language. Poor lENTON, who,
according to the terms of her contract, was to have
received sufficient food, constantly complained that
" she had not half enough to eat ;" and begged at
one time " a bit of bread or a cup of coffee," at an-
other " a potato." MATILDA MUNN, a dressmaker,
residing in the village, also deposed to repeated acts
of cruelty by Mrs. LEE towards the wretched child,
who frequently complained that " she was
kept short of food, beaten, and ill-used," The
witness " had known Mrs. LEE to beat the girl
with a walking stick, and heard the sufferer
screaming." She had also seen the food provided,
which was " bread with something like lard upon
it, which smelt very bad." The only defence set up
was "a good character of the male defendant'th
humanity" !!! But that was not sufficient to get rid
of the distinct and positive testimony adduced. The
defendants were accordingly convicted of an sssault,
and after a severe lecture from the chairman respect-
ing the enormity of their conduct, fined 21. each and
costs ! ! !

And this is considered by a body of English gen-
tlemen a sufficient expiation for a course of deliberate
ill• treatment, of " great and unnecessary cruelty,"
where personal violence, bad language, and deprivation
of food were habitually resorted to. No wonder that we
should bear of, poor girls being half starved and re-
duced to a state of weakness, being assaulted and sub-
jected to the grossest contumely, if a fine of 21. is the
only punishment inflicted in the event of a conviction.
Something must be done to protect that helpless and
suffering class, and nothing, perhaps, would prove
more effectual than resorting to civil actions for
damagea. The county courts have now jurisdiction
up to 50/., which might be given to the victim of ill-
treatment. We have known, in the case of persons
named HOLLAND, where husband and wife were cri-
minally tried, convicted, and sentenced to twelve
months' imprisonment each, for cruelty to two orphan
children—a boy and a girl—whom they had hired as
servants, damages to the amount of 4001. given to
each of the sufferers. If even the tenth part of that
sum were given in a few such cases it would do far
more to stop such disgraceful transactions than the
most severe magisterial censure, accompanied by a
fine of 40s.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Committee on M. DE ItEMUSAT'S motion pre-
sented their report to the Assembly on 'Wednesday.
It was read from the tribune by M. LANJUINAIS. It
is as follows :
" Gentlemep,—A few days back, in the sitting of the
3d of January, you approved of the reply of the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the army of Paris to.the interpella-
tions which had been addressed to him, and you ac-
_

cepted the homage which we paid to the right conferred
on you'by the Constitution to dispose of the troops ne-
cessary tor your safety.
" Tne next day the Ministry was dissolved, and, after

eight days of laborious negotiations, it marked its re-
turn to power by the dismissal of General Claangarnitr.
It was on these circumstances that M. Remusat, in the
sitting of January 10, demanded explanations from the
Ministry, at the end of which you adopted an order of
the day Institut, declaring that the representatives should
at once withdraw to their bureaux, to nominate u com-
mittee for the purpose of proposing such measures as
the circumstances appeared to call for.
" Your Committee, named on the evening of the 10th
inst. was retarded in its labours by the printing of the
prodis-verbaux of the Permanent Committee, and could
only name its reporter last evening. After having
heard several times the Ministers of War and
the Interior, and deliberating d'urgence, your
Committee not the less examined most materially
all the questions connected with the constitutionsl
relations existing between the great powers of the State.
But you must comprehend, gentlemen, that the narrow
forms prescribed to your reporter have not permitted
him to present to you all the developments which are
connected with this subject. However, as by their na-
ture, and the theatre on which the facts took place, a
mistake may be made as to their importance, we hasten
to say to you that in our opinion there is not any reason
to carry back the responsibility further than the Minis-
try.—( Movement, which lasted some time.)
4 It is true that the President of the Republic, in his
. _

Message of October 31, 1843, claimed for himself the
general responsibility of the acts of his Ministers; but
the Constitution, the nature of things, and the practice
both before and atter the 31st of October, 18411, have
maintained, and .4,11.1 always maintain, a real distinction
between the Ministerial power and that of the President
of the Republic.
" The Constitution, in fact, declares in formal terms
that the Ministers are responsible,' and that tut!

Council of Ministers is a necessary authorily in the

State.' 'The nature of things also ought at present to
declare to you loudly that if the President was to be
considered responsible for the details of the
tion, it would be impossible for you to discuss them
without causing attains to his consideration and disturb-
ing the harmony of the great powers.
" With respect to the practice which has constantly
prevailed, several examples prove that the Ministers
❑ave never pretended to be always protected by the Pre-
sident of the Republic. The discussion which is about
to open will prove to you still more invincibly, that for
the President of the Republic the responsibility is not to
commence, unless the Ministry is insufficient to protect
itself.

At the commencement of our delib"rations, it ap-
peared to us that the act of January 10 was not of an
isolated character, but seemed to ba connected with
others of a similar kind; and that idea was contirmvd
by the perusal of the minutes of the Permanent Commit-
tee, and by the answers given by the Ministers of War
and of the Interior to the questions addressed to them by
the members of the uoastaittee.

`• It is impossible to shut one's eyes to the fact that for
a long time there has been, on the part of the Executive
Power, a tendency to place little confidence in our insti-
tutions, to consider as transitory and ephemeral the form
of government under which we live, to disseminate
among3t every rank of society doubts as to the future, to
cry up the supposed benefits of an absolute government,
and to aspire, within an undetermined time, after a sort
of imperial restoration.
" There is no one here who does not pay respect to
great reminiscences, but that feeling ought not to dege-
nerate into intoxication, which leads men's minds astray,
and prepares the way for new revolutions.
" That, however, might take place if you should not
endeavour to oppose a movement which appeared to
have stopped short under the happy iniluence of the
last Message of the President of the Republic, but
since then has appeared to commence again with fresh
intensity.
" The tendency which we point out to you has not
been opposed by the Government, and even has been
encouraged by some of its acts. The seditious cries of
Vile l'Empereur' were uttered at reviews, and a ge-
neral officer who resisted the impulse so given was dis-
missed.

" The press, enjoying the privilege of being sold in
the streets, has been full of insult and calumny against
the National Assembly, apparently for the object of
disparaging it, and undermining its moral power; and,
in fine, a more important act, and ono which appears
to us connected with the preceding ones—the dismissal
of General Changarnier—has attracted your attention.
"Each of these acts has been maturely examined in the
Committee. The first, namely, the cry of Vive l'Em-
pereur,' not only was not punished, but even encou-
raged. The information collected by your Permanent
Committee, and that in particular of the General-in-chief
of the army of Paris, does nut leave any doubt as to the
fact, nor on other facts of a nature to compromise mili-
tary discipline.
" The Minister of the Interior has denied those facts;
and to the acts which passed at Satory opposed the evi-
dence of what he saw himself. The Minister might be
right on some particular facts, but so absolute a dene-
gation, whatever may bo the good faith of the person'
making it, appears to us to depart from the truth."—
(Great agitation.)
In thii, continued the Hon. Gentleman, addressing
the Assainbly, there is not the slightest contradiction.
The Hon. Minister only saw one review, and four
were held.

Voices—Go on go on ! Read ! read !
M. LANSUINAIS continued the report—
!`The dismissal of General Neumayer is a fact still
encire grave, the circumstances of which you are ac-
'qu'ainted with. That General being asked by an officer
under him whether he ought to give his men orders to
cry out, replied thlt 'silence under arms appeared to
him the attitude most in conformity with military disci-
pline.' rhat was the only reason that caused him to he
deprived of his command; and bis dismissal took place
in spite of the cx,rtions to the contrary cf his superior
officer, the General-in-chief of the army of Paris.
ft" Can there be any doubt relative to this fact? The
language of the Ministers, even their own assertions, do
not allow us to doubt it. The Minister of the Ittteriur
crafted himself to pointing to the rights of the execu-
tive potter; at,d the cause of Gt neral Neutrayer's dis
missal being named to him, he referred to the answers
which he had already given on the hubj, ct before the
Permanent Committee, and declared that he h.d neither
to deny nor admit that cause.—(Agitation.) lie added
that the G.)verument had (milk-fled on General Neu-
mayor a higher post than that which he had been de-
prived of; and that, rn the application of the General to
withdraw from the service, the Government had, by a
special favour, kept him en disponibiii te. A member of
the Committee having asked. the Minister of War it he
would coment to communicate to the Committee the
official correspondence which passed beta een him and
the
impulse
riogriven refused the
to ccthat General, replied that be did not consider it proper
oibiity Minister
of of
to do so, as such a course would, in his opinion, consti-
tute an objectionable precedent.—(Movement.) As to
the
that matter. lie declared that he did not reproach the
heads of parties with the excesses of their journals; that
tolnterior Ministerialt the press,
responsibility the
ns