The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-21 00:00:00

at the glorious Westminster demonstration of yes-
terday, is the opportunity which it afforded Lord
DUDLEY STUART of exposing the sophism of the
question constantly asked, with a self-satisfied air, by
the partisans of Absolutism,—How is it possible that a
Sovereign can be a traitor? Let Lord DUDLEY
STUART show how not only this is possible, but how

it has actually occurred, and prove that in this in-
stance the Sovereign was the traitor, the insurgent
the true man.

" The Hungarians," said his Lordship, " led by Kos-
suth, rose but to defend the rights they had enjoyed for
eight centuries.—(Cheers.) That was all they wished
to do—to preserve their Constitution, and to endeavour,
as Englishmen were seeking to do even at the present
day, to improve it. And this they endeavoured to effect
by legal means. They even got their Government to
sanction those reforms, the importance of which had
been mentioned by his Hon. and Gallant Friend the
Chairman, in his most able and eloquent speech.—
(Hear, hear.) Both Kossuth and Hungary would have
been willing to continue under the sceptre of the house
of Hapsburgh, could they but have found a Sove-
reign of that race who would have taken the oath to

the Constitution and would have kept it.—(Loud
cheers.) But if they were driven to resort at last
to physical force, it was because the Government
forced them to do so.—(Cheers.) So long as it did its
' duty, so long as it preserved even the semblance of
doing its duty, the Hungarians were loyal; but when the
Emperor attempted to trample down all the rights of
their country—when he attempted to rule without the Diet
—why then they did wbat all free men ought to do—
(Loud cheers)—they refused to submit to tyranny, and
they had recourse to arms.—(R.,newed applause.) lie
did not hesitate to say that if placid in a similar situa-
tion Englishmen would have done the same.—(Loud
cheers.) The conduct of the Emperor of Austria was
just this—although to bring it home to themselves he
should have to suppose a case which he felt it was
impossible could occur. It would be little
praise to say that the Sovereign of this
country was the best in Europe—(Loud cheers)
—but it might with truth be said that there
never was a monarch in the history of this country who
was more worthy to fill the exalted position she occu-
pied, or who better understood the duties of a constitu-
tional Sovereign.—(Loud cheers.) But this attempt of
the Emperor of Austria was just as if the Sovereign of
England had attempted to rule without a Parliament, to
enforce his laws without having any regard to the people,
and to introduce a new form of government before un-
heard of.—(Hear, hear.) If such a thing as that were
to happen here, what would be the course which Eng-
lishmen would adopt ? Why would not even those men
most attached to order think it their duty to rise up in
arms to defend the Constitution?—(Loud cheers.) He
could not doubt that there was any man who would not
be ashamed to say " Nu."—(Applause.) Well, then, that
was what the Hungarians had done, and no more than
that.—(Hear, hear.)"

And that they were amply justified in doing that,
and would have been, and will be, when the time
shall come, justified in doing much more than that,
no Englishman who has not disgraced himself by
accepting Cossack service will venture to deny.
Desperate have been the efforts of the Austrian agents
to make it appear that the movement in favour of
KOssUTH is not a national movement in
England, that the working-classes hold aloof
from it, and divers letters, pretending to
come from working-men, have, from time to time, ap-
peared in the columns of the Absolutist organs;

it was represented, however, that it was quite as
easy for the Chef of the forgery department of
Austria to sign himself a working-man as any thing
else. At length, yesterday morning, there appeared in
the columns of the Times a letter with a real signature
and a real address, purporting to come from a real
working-man, and denouncing KOSSUTH. The history
of this working-man is thus detailed, in a letter ad-
dressed to Mr. 131DGooD, and read by him to the
meeting :

" London, Oct. 20, 185.1.

" Sir,—A letter appeared this morning in the Times,
from a Mr. Edward Stokes, ' A Working Man.' I have
taken the trouble to go to his residence, 23, Pleasant-
row, Pentonville, to make the proper inquiries."—
(Loud cheers.) Lie (Mr. Bidgood) wondered if there
were two No. 23's.—(Hear, hear.] " I have been to
No. 23, Pleasant-row, Pentonville, to make proper
inquiries, and I find that he has only resided there
one month—(Loud laughter)—and that his landlady,
Madame Labour, cannot pt her rent—(Laughter)--
that he leaves his apartment to-day ; that she knows
nothing about him, and intimated to me that if I was
about to receive him into my house as a tenant to look
sharp after him for my rent—(More laughter)—and,
lastly, that Mr. Edward Stokes was, by profession, a
compositor to the public press."—(Loud cheers and
laughter.) [He (Mr. Bidgood) would leave the meeting
to draw its own inference.] " Now, si:, as lam a rate-
payer, householder, and an elector of the borough of
Marylebone; and as I have had to do with the Times
and their falsehoods—(Cheers)—if any doubt exists in
the minds of any impartial person, let him go to 23,
Pleasant-row, and see whether he can ascertain the
whereabouts of Mr. Edward Stokes.—(Cheers.) I send
you my name and address, which you can state to the
meeting.—l am, Sir, your obedient savant,
" THOMAS ANDREW EVANS.
" 9, Park-street, Camden-town."
This letter, says the report, appeared to create
much amusement, and no little sensation.
We congratulate the partisans of Austria on their
alliance with Mr. EDWARD STORES, and suggest to
them that the least they can de for him is to accept
him as a tenant.

Doctor JOHNSO7.i was wont to " judge of a man by
his company ;" let us adopt the model of that axiom,
and proceed to judge of a merchant by his bill book.
A. reference to the panics which periodically convulse
our money, manufacturing, home and colonial pro-
duce markets will be, we feel assured, sufficient to
show the importance of a searching investigation into
the causes which have led, and, without doubt—judg-
ing from the present tenor of our " Money Market and
City Intelligence"—would appear to be again leading
to similar disastrous consequences. 'We select a
" bill book" as being the mysterious crucible, though
fascinating but fallacious agency, of which too many
merchants of the present day convert paper into
gold, but who, unlike their philosophical prototypes
of past ages, forget that their success can be made
complete only by a restoration of all the primitive
elements and integral parts to the original nature and
substance from whence they had been transmuted, an
end, we need hardly remark, never yet achieved by
those theoretical originals, and but rarely by those
whom we may term Les Marchands Alchemiques.
The aforesaid "primitive elements" in the first in-
stance have been universally found ungovernable
when once within the influence of common air, and
in the latter almost as much so when exposed to the
destructive powers of heavy discounts, trade and per-
sonal expenses, bad debts, acceptances for which no
consideration had been received, losses, deficiency of
capital, &c., &c. We must not, in repudiating the
iniquitous abuse of, be construed as possessing con-
tracted opinions relative to, a free and fair exercise of
that most necessary privilege to a foreign trade, " ex-
change operations," nor of the equally necessary
facility to the home trade of a free and fair credit,
both, as a general rule, converging to one centre, the
" bill book," through whose " accommodating," until
ultimately crushing, agency we will trace transac-
tions, unfortunately too common, between England
and India, a model that will, in many respects, serve
for other important export trades. Whilst de-
nouncing the incubus whose fitful and unhealthy
nature produces the dreaded convulsions, we are not
unmindful of the sterling virtues possessed and prac-
tised by those highly respectable, well-conducted, and
responsible establishments, whether merchants, bro-
kers, or factors, who, while they suffer with exem-
plary forbearance the evils inflicted on them by the
more unworthy members of their body, form at once
the support and ornament of our commercial exist-
e practicability
ethnce
that should by its vigilance --a body to whom we may hereafter point out
l a organising a
annihilate
sniinhg an i
usages so much to be deplored, latetheasnsoefcairaitoiouns
and the coadjutors
thereto, pari pa„; these slaughterers of public
property, a certain Iva of produce brokers and bill
m
discounters. Messrs.
USHROOM, MAKcsmar, and
Co., merchants, draw upon Messrs. SELLAWAY, STOP-
ONEDAY, and Co., brokers, at four
accepts ; the former, in return, months, the latter
enters into a viva L •
or perhaps written engagement of but voce,
doubtfullegal
value, to send proceeds of the bill, when disc
ta
in money or goods, as the case may be, to India or,
elsewhere, with orders to buy produce of any kind or
kinds in which the benevolent acceptor may deal—
the engagement further obliges the " merchant" to
hand over to the broker bill of lading and policy of
insurance upon receipt thereof, and empowers the
same to sell on arrival. This bill must, as a matter
of course, be renewed, four months being insufficient
to take out order and bring the goods from India.
Ne. matter, the crucible is at hand. What manifest
injustice on the part of Messrs. S., S., and Co.! Can
they be sworn
brokers, under oath to do justice to
the beat of their knowledge and belief between buyer
and seller, whil
idantified with 6 their own interest is exclusively
ex that of the latter ? What a reckless
posure of capital •
will* for the sake of those