The Sun.
London, England, 1856-09-29 00:00:00

LATEST N EWS,

The Nord publishes a circular, addressed by
Prince Gortschakoff to the diplomatic agents of
Russia at foreign Courts, in which he lays down
the principles of the Government of St. Peters-
burg with reference to the occupation of the Greek
territory and to any interference at Naples. The
Prince protests against both, frzjm a sense of re-
spect for the rights and independence of Govern-
ments. The following is the despatch
" The treaty signed at Paris on the 30th March,
in putting an end to a struggle the proportions of
which threatened to extend still further, and the
final issue of which was beyond human calculations,
has re-established international relations in Europe.
The Powers who had coalesced against us had taken
as their motto, respect for the right and indepen-
dence of governments. We do not pretend to
enter into an historical examination of this ques-
tion, nor is it our intention to raise a sterile dis-
cussion, but merely to arrive at the practical ap-
plication of the same principles which the great
Powers of Europe themselves proclaimed.
" We do not do any of those Powers the injus-
tice to suppose, now that the struggle is over, that
each. one considers itself authorised to follow a line
of conduct suited to its own particular interests.
On -the contrary, we feel convinced that all the
Powers have the sincere intentions to act accord-
ing to the principles they at first professed.
Tak in this for granted, we must suppose that it
is the intention of all the Powers, who took part
in the late war, as it is that of the Emperor our
auguist master, to make the general peace the start-
ing point for the re-establishment of relations based
on a respect for the right and independence of go
vernments. Has this hope been realised ? Are
the international relations re-established ?
" Without entering into a detail of some se-
con( Lary questions, we are compelled to state, with
regr et, that there are two countries forming part
of the European family where in one a regular
sto.t a of things does not yet xist, and in the other
lit is -threatened to be compromised. We allude to
Greece and to the kingdom of Naples. The occupa-
tion of the Hellenic territory by a foreign force,
again .st the will of the Sovereign and the feel-
ings of the nation, is now without any just
reaso n. Political motives might, to a certain
point , explain the violence done to the Sove-
reign of the country, and necessities of war
migh t be alleged as a reason for such a
court e ; but now, when neither of these causes
any longer exist, it appears to us impossible to
justify at the tribunal of equity the continued
preso nce of a foreign force ou the soil of Greece.
Thiui , the first words pronounced by our august
mast, or when the re-establishment of peace had en-
abled . the Emperor to raise his voice were clear and
precise. We have never dissembled our opinion
in th e councils of the Cabinets, and we shall con-
tinue • that course.

" We consider it our duty, however, to add that,
litho ugh the results have not fully answered our ex-
pecta ,tions, we retain a hope that we shall not re-
main isolated on a ground where right and justice
are evidently in favour of the cause which we
supp ort.

to the kingdom of Naples, if the question'is
not to find a remedy, it appears to us that it is
tim( )to seek a means of prevention. The Xing of
Naples is the object of a pressure, not because his
Maj esty may have transgressed any one of the en-
gage., ments imposed on him by treaties with foreign
Com ts, but because, in the exercise of his incen-
testil )1e rights of sovereignty, he governs his sub-
jects as he thinks proper.

" We can understand that, in consequence
of a friendly predisposition, one govern-
ment might offer to another advice inspired
by h ind interest, and that this advice might
even assume the character of exhortation,
but 1 ye think that that is the extreme limit at
whie: li it ought to stop. Less than ever is it now
perm itted in Europe to forget that sovereigns are
equa. Is among themselves ; and that it is not extent
of territory, but the sanctity of the rights of each,
whic dst regulates the relations which exist between
then a. To wish to obtain from the King of Naples
cone essions as to the internal regime of his States,
by t' b reatening demonstrations is to wish to govern
in hi, s place, and to proclaim the right of the strong
over the weak.

" :(t is needless for us to point out to you the
opini on expressed by our august master on such
pret(3 nsions. His Majesty entertains a hope that
they will not be put in practice ; and he is the
more strongly imbued with this hope, as it is also
the d octrine which the States, where the principles
of pi litical liberty are the mere fully developed,
have, always advanced. It is, in fact, their profes-
sion of faith.

" You will be careful, whenever the two ques-
tion 5 above alluded to are started at the place of
your. residence, to allow of no doubt being enter-
tain,3 d as to the opinion of our august master on
the ;subject. This frankness naturally proceeds
from. the system which the Emperor has adopted
from the moment he ascended the throne, and this
system is not unknown to you.

"'I le Emperor wishes to live in good harmony
with all Governments, and his Majesty thinks
that the best means of attaining that object is not
to co.nceal his ideas on any questions connected
with public European right. The faisdean of
those who, for long years, have supported with
us the principles to which Europe owes more than
a qu‘rter of a century of peace no longer exists in
its ancient integrity. The will of muru august mas-
ter is foreign to this result. Circumstances have
restored to us our full liberty of action. The Em-
peror has decided to devote by preference all his
solicitude to the welfare of his subjects, and to
concentrate on the development of the internal
resources of the country an activity which will
not be diverted by things abroad, unless when the
positive interests of Russia shall absolutely de-
mand it.

" Russia is reproached with isolating herself, and
keeping silent in the presence of facts which do not
accord with either law or equity, and it is said
that Russia sulks. Russia does not sulk—she
meditates. As to the silence of which we are ac-
cused, we may call to mind that a short time ago
an artificial agitation was organised against us, be-
cause our voice was heard whenever 'r re thought it
necessary to support right. This action, tutelary
for many governments, and from whit 3h Russia her-
self derives no benefit, has been laid hold of to ac-
cuse us of tending, to I know not what, universal
domination. We can shelter our silence under the
impression of this souvenir. We clo not think
that such is the attitude which belongs to a power
to which Providence has assigned the position
which Russia occupies in Europe.
" This despatch proves to you that our august
master does not confine himself to this character
when he thinks it his duty to make known his
opinion. It will be the same whenever the voice
of Russia may be useful to the cause of right, or
when it will not be for the dignity of the Emperor
to let the world remain in ignorance of his views
and opinions. As to the employment of our mate-
rial forces the Emperor reserves to himself his free
judgment.
" The policy of our august master is a national
ono ; it is not egotistical ; and if his Majesty
makes the interest of his people paramount, he
does not admit that the advancement of those in-
terests can excuse the violation of the rights of
others.—You are authoriseu,

" GORMHAROJIT."

The Paris correspondent of the Virus (second
edition) says ;
" It is not unworthy of remark, that almost
concurrently with the publication of the above
circular comes the intelligence that the first divi-
sion of the Russian squadron of evolutions,
under Vice-Admiral Schantz, had received orders
to be ready for sea; and that it was said at Cron-
stadt that it would winter at Naples. Of the re-
ceipt in official quarters of this news, I am told,
there is no doubt. The presence of a Russian
squadron in the Bay of Naples is of course meant
as a demonstration in favour of the King
in the e vent of an Anglo-French force appear-
ing there. Should the presence of the fleet be
followed by a popular rising, which is not impos.
Bible, what, we may ask, would be the attitude of
the Russians ? On the other hand, intelligence has
been received that the Elizabetha, commander
Baron de Bourgoignon, has been dei;ached from
the Austrian squadron, and proceeds t 3 Naples, to
be stationed there permanently.

The French vessels intended for the Bay of
Naples are now waiting orders at r.iroulon. A
s(piadron of eight Austrian ships-a-war have
reached Malta. The news is confirmed. that
Piedmont will also send a naval force to the Gulf
of Naples. The four Powers who figured at the.
Paris Congress and who are roust interested in the
affairs of Italy will thus appear together before,

Naples. It is to be presumed, says the Dcbats
that under these circumstances they will contiiue
to act together with the same harmony as at the
Congress. The importance and imminence of
these facts are of a nature to expedite the meeting
of the Paris Conference, and perhaps it will
assemble sooner than was expected.

"BERLIN, SEPT. 27.—The Prussian Correspon-
dence announces, on the faith of a letter from Jassy,
that the difficulties which had arisen in making out
the new frontier with regard to Bolgrad have
been removed by Russia having consented to cede
that place to Moldavia."

The Paris correspondent of the Nord writes that
the question of Bolgrad occasions frequent inter-
views between Baron Brunow and Count Wa-
lewski. France, Prussia, and Sardinia, he avers,
aro inclined to support the refusal of Russia to
yield that town.