The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-29 00:00:00

" With freedom chartered on their manly brow."

Will the people then give way? Never, in a just
cause I A compromise will be attempted—is in fact
already attempted, on the part of the Court. The
writs for a new election, after having been made out,
are suspended. That is a circumstance too pregnant
with meaning to be misunderstood—too important- to
be forgotten. The whole band of pensioners
and toad-eaters, are calling " Wait—wait till
Sir ROBERT arrives." Wait indeed I For what ?
Till the new political creed, which is in the hands of
the manufacturer, be finished in a workman-hke
manner the different articles of the new faith

have a fresh gloss put upon them ! ! In the mean
time, while this (to all appearance) tough job is in
progress, the wheels of government are at a dead
stand-still for weeks and weeks. All the re-

lations, civil and social, domestic and foreign,
of this mighty empire, are thrown into a state
of uncertainty—some of them exposed to imminent

peril, until a gentleman, on his travels in Italy, can
make up his mind how many of his principles he
shall discard—how many others modify, so as to render
himself a fit instrument for carrying on the designs of
a faction bent on destroying the liberties of England ! !

That Sir ROBERT PEEL will undertake to lead in the
present House of Commons, as a Reformer, we can
scarcely believe. On what can he rest his claim to its
confidence ? The basis of confidence is character, and
the basis of character is consistency. With what face,
then, can he stand up in his place, and unsay every
thing that he has said during the last four years ?
What urge ? Expediency ? What I—for expediency
forswear every principle which he has sworn to
maintain, and in the same breath demand the confidence
of the people's Representatives I The supposition is
monstrous. And if he cannot meet the people's Re-
presentatives, will he dare to meet the people themselves?
Let him try another election.

" Measures, not men," is now to be the apology of
changelings, and the pass-word of certain sophists..
Who but men make measures ?—as the man is, so
must be the measure. What bad man would devise a
good measure, save in accident, or the design of ulte-
rior evil ? Man can judge of man but by the corres-
pondence of his words and deeds ; of his principles of
action by the tenor of his practice ; of his honesty by
his dealings. The wolf is not the less a wolf for
donning the skin of the sheep. What lapidary would
entrust his implements to the hands of a blacksmith ?
If your neighbour closes his preachment on morality
by picking your pocket, what do you infer ?
Will a blind man see by borrowing your spec-
tacles ? Can a Conservative, without either hy-

pocrisy or dishonour, uphold or execute any one
measure based on Whig, or Liberal, or Radical
principles ? Can the Duke honestly or consistently
work out the details of reform, according to the no-
tions of either, when " it is matter of history" that he
hates the principle ? And yet the people are called
upon to gird the loins of their enemy with their own
chief weapon of defence. But the measures—not
men-ites—tell you that his Grace now, from seeing the
necessity of conciliation, or from time-corrected judg-
ment, is willing to cede something to the loud-
voiced demands of the people ! So, then, here we
find his Highness placed on the horns of a
pretty dilemma. Either he is so short-sighted a
statesman as to require the up-rising of a whole nation
to correct his errors of judgment ; or he consents to
become the instrument to effectuate what, as an ho-
nourable man, he in his conscience believes to be un-
wise, unjust, and impolitic, simply because he is com-
pelled by mere numerical force. Now what, when he
has thrown you your bone, what guarantee is there for
the betterance of his future vision ? What surety that
his judgment may not hereafter chance to be warped by
a stimulus of a somewhat different charactei, but which

it is his pleasure to consider equally compulsory—the
interests of his own party. The ambition of the
Duke is not of a very milk-sop character. He is not the fond
vain man to be content with the shadow of power ; for
the retention of this shadow, to do violence to his own

yearnings, merely to please the public behests, and
straightway pray heaven for forgiveness, hoping no
great harm may come of his temporising. The ambi-
tion of the Duke is boundless, and boundless is his
appetite for power ; yet this is the man for the people's
measures ?

Up and be doing, Englishmen ! Let no man be
so supine as to trust to others for that assistance
which the united contributions of every individual
can alone make sufficiently effectual. Up and be
stirring ! Secure to yourselves the great objects of
your present aspirations ; first secure that blessing,
and that attained,
.let any Duke in Christendom take
office if he will, he can do no harm.

The Reformers of Birmingham and Manchester are

once more in the field. The right arm of England—
her manufacturing and commercial industry—is again,
as during the fierce struggle for Reform—boldly and
threateningly raised in defence of the sacred rights and
constitutional liberties of the people of the United
Kingdom. Whatever were the oversights and faults
of the Whigs—whatever blame the staunch and un.
unflinching advocates of Radical Reform in all our

institutions, attached to the conduct of a Cabinet whose
greatest oversight was in yielding too much to the sug.
gestions of its, and the country's, deadliest enemies—
however much the Whigs erred in these respects, all
is now forgotten in the alarming prospect which the
Duke of WEL L NGTO N's accession to power has opened
to the country. From one end of the Kingdom to the
other the moral shock has been felt-,-nay all Europe
begins to be agitated by the late change in the
British Cabinet, and the people of England may de-
pend upon it, that the Duke's continuance in office—
were such an event possible—would lead to a war on
the Continent, which would involve the fate of Bel-
gium, Spain, and Portugal, in its immediate conse-
quences. England never more needed the giant ener-
gies of her sons than she does at present. There is
not a moment to be lost. The time is come when
every man who values the Constitution under which
he lives, is called upon to raise his voice in defence of
it. More is not necessary to effect the total downfall
of the Conservative party. The KING has an un-
doubted right to exercise his prerogatives, but
then it must be remembered that the people,
too, have their prerogatives, the exercise of which
is equally sacred. On both sides the risk, if there
be any, must rest with the party hazarding it. The
right of the people to meet and petition for any con-

dresses to the Sovereign they forget neither the
honour due to the chief Magistrate, nor the
respect they owe to themselves. They do not
approach the Throne in the attitude of slaves crouching
before a despot, but with the erect port and intrepid
bearing of Britons—