The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-22 00:00:00

ruGa WATER AT LONDON 11>,1.,

Tats DAy—Morn.ll min. aft. 10 —groning 13 min aft. 10
TI-Molltto—LMorn. 11 min. aft. 11—Evening 40 taw.

Far greater vigilance is essential at the present
'moment, when Russia not only refuses to per-
form her solemn obligations, but when she has
displayed such palpable 'manifestations of an in-
tention to evade undertakings of a different cha-
racter. It is ridiculous to suppose that any man
of ordinary understanding, can be blind-
folded by the sudden desire to acquire
a large commercial steam navy, on a
scale of vast magnitude. Nor is the motive
less transparent when the stipulation that every
vessel must be so constructed as to be capable of
being transformed into a ship-of-war at a brief
notice. The CzAßmust indeed have conceived a very
humiliating estimate of the common sense and judg-
ment of French and English statesmen if he sup-
poses that they can for a moment 'be bamboozled
by so shallow a pretext. Like the contemplated
Russian railways, it is clear that no reasonable
hope can be entertained that the speculation
would prove remunerative, and that the Govern-
ment guarantee is all that the shareholders in
" the new Russian Steam Navigation Company"
could look to for a return on the amount of their
investments. Russia wishes, in fact, to obtain a
series of military lines, constructed within her
own territories, at the expense of the western
nations, while she will further distress them by
drawing the bullion from their stores and care-
fully locking it up, so as to prevent the possibility
of its finding its way back, until the time had
arrived when she could cast aside disguise, and
again 'boldly avow her fierce determination to
Cossackise Europe.
The steam navy is with a similar object. She
might construct the railways herself if she
only possessed the money, material, and
engineering skill. No foreign Powers could protest
against these undertakings, although they must
be well aware that the end and object was to in..
crease the military power of Russia. But not so
with regard to thesteam fleet. She has entered into
stringent stipulations against any increase of her
maritime strength in the Euxine. If so many ves-
sels were to be constructed at Nicholaieff or Sebas-
topol, there would be many earnest remonstrances,
and perhaps sometking more, from the other parties
to the Treaty of March ; but by giving the con-
cession to a foreign company she hopes to over-
come the difficulty, while they would be to all
intents and purposes her own, the power of taking
possession at any time being retained in her own
hands.

As to the revival of the Congress, the pro-
ject is too absurd to require serious argument.
As we have already explained, there is nothing for
arbitration. The obligations on Russia are too clear
and explicit to render any construction different
from that adopted by England for a moment
tenable. It would not be to carry out,
but to reconstruct and modify the exist-
ing agreement, and any even a single
party has a right to object to such an unautho-
rised change. We have shown that Russia would
be virtually appealing to a packed jury, and that
the decision would be a forgone conclusion that
could only lead to the isolation of England,
or what would be even worse, closer connection
with Austria. Ou the part of England, then we
firmly protest against any revival of the Confe-
rences ; and we hope, and believe, that the Eng-
lish Premier will refuse his sanction to a proceed-
ing so uncalled for and so impolitic.

L)rd JOHN RUSSELL. What is he after ? What
can be done to keep him out of mischief, and at
the same time reward him for his past services ? A
brace of inquiries these beginning to excite some
degree of interest, now that the meeting of Par-
liament draws nigh.
On all hands it appears to be admitted or be-
lieved he contemplates his reappearance as a prin-
cipal actor on the political stage on which he has
conspicuously figured, but from which he has re-
cently been compelled to retire by the veto (s.
public opinion. The na'atra,l inference therefore
is he is after mischief. No reasonable being, one
would imagine, can believe that Lord PALMER-
STON is such a nincompoop as to desire his
aid in the Commons. Vast as are the
resources of the Premier, unmatched though he be
in tact, the risk is too great for him willingly to
encounter it. However steadily his coach way be
running just now, like all other coaches it may be
upset—and well he knows " JOHNNY" is just the
man to do it. It would seem, however,
" JOHNNY " is so unreasonable as to believe the
Premier may be induced to accept him as a col-
league in the Commons, and thus allow him the
opportunity to do so. It can hardly be
that in one of his periodical fits of audacity Lord
JOHN entertains the belief he can command a fol-
lowing which will enable him, without treachery,
to assume before long the reins of Government
himself !- There is no knowing. This much,
however, may be relied on—both friends and foes
are of opinion that as a leader in the Commons
he is used up, and that the sooner he recognises
the fact the better for his fame and for the inte-
rest of the Liberal party.
The second question, to wit—What can be done
to keep him out of mischief, and at the same time
reward him (to some extent) for his past services
—is that which really demands consideration. A
'ltang contemporary, who alone seems to retain
the odour of his inspiration, and pities him in his
isolated
position, though it cannot help him
to his wish,
suggests the elevation of
the Noble Lord to a peerage, is order
to the atren
House.
gtbeniug of Government in the Upper
If by this be implied in order to the aid
he can render
well and good, in an independent capacity—all
We won't even quarrel with our ,
contemporary for d, •
t•signatmo• the acceptance of a
peerage a sacrifice on
the partc' of the Noble Lord.
He "has done the State some service," and we
are byno means lotheto leave that service publicly
acknowledged by a recorep„ee Worthy of it. Nay=
we are almost disposed to go further, and spy,with a more powerful contemporary, "we feel
sure that the country Would think no
honotir the Crown can bestowto be too great a
reward for a statesman who in his time has done
many great and useful things." But if his ad,
mission into the Ministry, and the lead in the
Lords be implied, as we believe it is, the
suggestion assumes another aspect. Where
is the assurance that in this capacity he
would not prove exceedingly dangerous to the