The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-08 00:00:00

He told the electors he bad resigned his seat, because he
could not support the Ministers. Now he would tell that
Right Hon. Baronet that, as the representative of the
people, he was bound to retain that seat and oppose the
Ministers.—(Loud cheering.) In his opinion of po-
pular representation, the chief use of a House of Commons
was to be a check upon a profligate Government.—
(Cheers.) Now he would say that the present Govern-
ment was the most profligate that ever existed in this
country.—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") Sir J. Hob-
house, who bad declared that he could not support Minis-
ters, had, in his opinion, deserted his duty to the electors of
Westminster by not retaining his seat and opposing them.
The Right Hon. Baronet stated, as another reason that
he could not give his vote for the motion, which, because it
was mixed up with the repeal of the house and window
tax, would, if carried, deprive the Ministers of power,
that, though he had just before thought them unworthy
of his support, yet he wished not to drive them from
power ; anti he proceeded to say, that had the question
been simply one for the repeal of those taxes, he
should without hesitation have voted in the affirmative. His
(Mr. Escott's) charge against the Right Hon. Baronet was,
that the question was one, simply and solely, of repeal, as
the electors would judge, for the motion was—" That it is
expedient to grant relief to his M ij,sty's subjects, by re-
pealing that portion of the assessed taxes charged on in-
habited houses and on windows."—(Hear, hear.) Whe-
ther t, .e Right Hon. Baronet had any mental reservation
about inhabited houses and windows, he (Mr. Escott)
could not say, but that was the simple motion ; and yet the
Right Hon. Baronet deserted his place in Parliament, and
preferred serving the Ministers to serving his constituents.
—(Loud cries of " Shame.") Now a few words as
to what that Government was for which the Right
lion. Baronet deserted the electors, rather than oppose it.
That Government was popular some time ago, but popu-
lar only because it held out a promise which it has not
since performed.—(Cheers.) It promised to afford an ex-
tended protection to the liberties of the people, and
to economise the public expenditure. The pledge it
then gave to support the liberties of the people, hid been
redeemed by the most despotic law that was ever passed in
this country, or was ever introduced by the most Tory
Government. How had it economised ? Instead of doing
so, it had from first to last added to the polio expendi-
ture; and when motions were brought forward to repeal
distinct taxes, they were met by "Oh ! you ate too early;
only wait until you see our excellent budget, and then you
will see what relief there will be from taxation."—
(Laughter.) At last the budget cane, and the relief it
afforded was about sixpence a hundred from tiles, and the
exciseman was permitted to go round a market town in
an untaxed cart.—(Laughter and cheers.) Other motions
were then brought forward, but then the people and their
representatives were told, " Oh ! you are too late; our
budget is propounded—don't disturb the Chancellor of
the Exchequer's budget—don't disturb that honest and
honourable man, Lord Althorp, who was twice flatly
contradicted in the course of I st week."—(Laughter.)
That conduct was in his (Mr. Escott's) mind so
atrocious, and so unlike that which ought to be adopted
by fair and upright men, that he believed the time was
come when those who would do any good for the country
should take the matter into their own hands, and seriously
consider all interests with the view of giving relief from
overwhelming distress.—(Cheers.) It would not do
to be trifled with any longer.—(Cheers.) He believed
that a great deception had been practised respecting the
motion as to the repeal of the house and window tax.—
(A cry, " Will you vote for it ?") He would fearlessly
act on that belief, for it would be trifling with the people
to let the pledge that had already been given by the
House of Commons prevail against the general de-
sire to bring it forward again. He was prepared
to declare that, in his opinion, those taxes must he re-
pealed, and he, for one, would help it.—( Loud cheers.)
There was another extraordin try vote given by a reformed
Parliament—he alluded to the Bill for regulating the
labour in factories; that Bill, he thought, was called for
by every feeling of humanity, and yet it was rejected by a
majority of one.—(Here was a great noise in the crowd,
which was apparently getting impatient.) He only wished
to say a few words more, as an Hon. Gentleman wished to
put a few questions to him, which, if he thought proper, he
would answer.—(Groans and hisses.) The electors would
have a lair opportunity of considering those answers.—
(Loud cheers.) He would now tell them why he did
not exactly approve of the political opinions of the
Hon. and Gallant Colonel (Evans) and why he felt it
his duty to come forward in opposition to so honest and
independent a man.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the
time had arrived when political agitation should cease, and
when every means should be adopted to promote peaceful
industry, social order, and happiness; for political agitation
had done its utmost to impede industry, and to work
down the industrious classes. Whether the Gallant Colonel
entertained violent opinions, which were likely to impede
such a useful work he could not say, for he had not heard
the Gallant Colonel very clearly today. The country
had too long been disgusted with both parties ; and they
ought now to have a fair stand-up fight, not between Sir
John Cam Hobhouse and the other candidates, because
he had forfeited his engagements ; but between the Gallant
Colonel and himself (Mr. Escott), in aiding the country
at the present emergency.—(Loud applause.) It was
determined at all events to persevere with the contest to
tse last, and to give every elector who intended to honour
him with a vote, a fair opportunity of recording it.—(Cheers
anti hisses. ) The shortness of the period from the occur-
rence of the vacancy to the time of election, would pre-
vent him from calling personally on the electors; but this
he did not think material, although customary, as its none
observance prevented any personal engagement or low
spirited cringeing. He should leave the m-eting with the
belief that he should have a majority of their suffrages,
and a full deterodnation, if successful in the contest, to do
whatever was most likely to advance the interests of the
country.—(Much applause mingled with hootings.) lie
would repeat that, from what he had that day heard
and seen, he was convinced he should be returned by a
triumphant majority.—(Applause and hootings.)
Mr. WAKLEY called the attention of the meeting to
what had been gained by silence; they had had a speech
on his right hand and on his left, and the latter he should
designa e a basin of bubble and squeak.—(Cheers.) lie
intended to address the two candidates, and he hoped
to obtain from them distinct answers to a few
plain, honest, and straightforward questions.—(Cheers.)
Without pledges he would not trust his own brother.—
(Cheers.) The electors had had a practical commentary
on the necessity of pledges; for, when the necessity of
the repeal of the house and window taxes were agitated a
few weeks ago, Sir John Cam Hohhouse was applied to
to express his intentions on the subject, when he said, " I
will vote for their repeal." In 1819 he said, at the election
for the city of Westminster, that he would resign his seat
whenever he was called upon to do so by a majority of
his constituents. Here were two distinct pledges, and he
would ask, had they been unnecessary for elections ? If after
such conduct he was allowed to take refuge in the sea of
parliamentary oil, wherein he slipped away from every
grasp, it would be the electors who were the fools, and
the Hon. Baronet ought not to he blamed.—(Cheers.)
He would now ask the Gallant Colonel if he would vote
for the repeal of the Septennial Act ?
Colonel EVANS declared he would, and also (the several
questions being put by Mr. Wakley) that he would vote
for the repeal of the house and window taxes, and the
corn laws, and in favour of vote by ballot ; each of which
announcements were received with great satisfaction.
Mr. WAKLEY acknowledged the candour of the Gallant
Officer. He had been averse to the returning of any
officer of the army or navy to Parliament; but he put
more than ordinary faith in the Gallant Colonel, and
should give him his firmest support.—(Cheers.) He be-
lieved him in politics to be honest, and in his profession to
be a skilful man ; and as the Tories had their Wellington,
he did not see why they should not have theirs.—
(Cheers.) He did not see why they should not also have
a Radical General in Parliament.—(Cheers.) If Govern-
ment went 00 in the present way, they (the meeting)
might have some red-coat business to do on their own ac-
count.—(Vehement cheering.) He would also ask the
Gallant Officer if he would resign his seat if called upon
so to do by a majority of his constituents ?
Colonel EVANS said he had expressed his intention to do
so at a meeting he attended last night, anti would repeat
his determination to the meeting.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WAKLEY then put the first of these questions to
Mr. Escott.

Mr. ESCOTT wished to put a question to the Gallant
Colonel—How he thought he could do his duty in a de-
liberative assembly, after the pledges he had given ?
(Groans.) He (Mr. Escott) had told them that on the house
and window tax he had made up his mind, but he would
not tell them how he would vote upo❑ questions not yet
discussed ; but, if he went into Parliament; he would ex-
ercise his best discretion.—(Groans.) An honourable
elector had said that he could not conceive ho-v there
could be political honesty without pledges, but he would
ask whether there had been grosser instances of political
falsehood than where there had been pledges?
Colonel EVANS said that the honourable candidate had
asked him whether he considered himself a free agent,
and fit to go into a deliberative assembly, but he (Mr.
Escott) had deprived himself of the power of impugning
the practice of pledges, because, in a printed addres., he
had given a pledge upon the house and window taxes.
He could not, therefore, impugn the practice of pledges,
but be would limit the maker, lli be (Culooel Evdus)