The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

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(No. 12,608.)

avoided, where, every day, the clergy were wringing from
the half-starved people their utmost extent of tithes ?
The local taxation also of the country called for
the most prompt attention of their Lordship,. From the
tenor of his Majesty's speech the Noble Marquis looked
forward to brighter clays, but above all, he rejoiced to
hear that part of his Majesty's speech, in which he
stated his determination to maintain to the utmost
the legislative Union between Ireland and the other
parts of his Majesty's dominion—(Loud cheering)—
in other words, the King's determination not to per-
mit a dismemberment of Ireland—would be received
with the utmost gratitude throughout the whole
of Ireland. A dismemberment of that country
would he a deathblow to Ireland—the worst thing that
could iossibly befall it. It would be destruction to her trade;
—she would be unable to support herself, and then become
a foreign state. Blind as some of her people might
be to the true interests of their country, be hoped
there would be found sufficient energy and sufficient
soundness of heart among the people of Ireland, and the
people of this country, to support his Majesty in his
nolle determination. Acting thus in concert for the benefit
of the country, the King would rally around them, and
there could be no doubt that success would be the
result. He durst not trust himself at much greater
length on this sut.ject : but whilst he was henoured with
a seat in that House, his voice would be unceasingly raised
against a repeal of the Union, and against all idea of it.—(Cheers.)
For one, he would most sincerely thank his Majesty's
Ministers for those measures that were promised, which,
in his opinion, would tend much to the pacification
of the country; and, holding those sentiments, it was
almost unnecessary for him to say, that while they steadily
pursued their present course he would give them his most
hearty support. By so doing he would be supporting the
moat rigid system of economy, than which he considered
nothing was more necessary in the present state of the
country. He most sincerely thanked their Lordships
for the kind and patient hearing they had given him upon
that, his first public appearance in that House. With
these few observations he would conclude, by moving an
humble address to hie Majesty. The Noble Lord then
read the address at the table, after which it was
read again by the Lord Chancellor. It was, as usual, a
mere echo of the speech.
Lord KINNAIRD said, in rising to second the mo-
tion of the Noble Marquis, he would preface his few
observations by claiming the indulgence of the House
upon that, the first time of his addressing
their Lordships—the more particularly so after
the very able manner in which the Noble Marquis had
expressed his sentiments. He wished it to be most
distinctly understood that he joined most sincerely in every one
of the literal expressions used by that Noble Lord. It might
well be said that the measures alluded to in the speech
of his most gracious Majesty were cast in one of
the most perfect moulds, yet still they wanted
the great test of time, and the help of the Legis-
lature to bring them to perfection. It was moat
consoling to him, and no doubt to the country,
that peace had been preserved during two years of most
unexampled difficulty. When they saw that the honour
of a neighbouring nation amid the most seducing influence
had been most strictly preserved—when they considered
the gratifying assurances which his Majesty had re-
ceived from Foreign Power', they could not be far wrong
in hoping that the peace of the country might be tar
longer preserved, which would to the country be one of the
most unexampled and greatest of blisses and which was
most necessary for the rising liberties of the country--
(Hear, hear, hear)—above all, was it most consolatory,
when they considered that this was the first time
that the voice of the people of Scotland was to
tie heard, or had had an opportuuity of speaking.
There were various and most important reforms to which
the people looked. They had now a reformed House
of Parliament, which did not nominally, but virtually re-
present them. To that House the people looked with con-
fidence, trusting theywould act on those conservative princi-
ples, a term which had been so much misapplied, as essential
to the interests of the country at large. He hailed with de-
light the statements which had been made by the Noble Mar-
quis who moved the address, that on the subject of Church
reform, the heads of the establishment were determined
to come forward to endeavour to correct the abuses that
existed in the Church.—(Loud cheers.) That was
the only effectual means of securing the accompliement of
so desirable a measure. As to the Church of Ireland, he
felt great pain at the statements in his Majesty's speech,
regretting that circumstances should have occurred in
that country rendering it necessary for his Majesty to rely
on Parliament for means of enforcing the laws, if
they were further violated.—(Cheers.) It was gratifying to
find the revenue in so prosperous a atate,notwithstanding the
false statements of many persons. As far as he under-
stood the usage of Parliament, in adopting the present
address, their Lordships did not pledge themselves to ap•
prove of the measures of foreign policy, until the papers
on that subject had been laid before them.—(Hear, bear.)
The Noble Lord considered the whole tenor of his Majesty's
speech of such real worth as not to require the power of
eloquence to induce their Lordships to adopt the address
which had been proposed by the Noble Marquis. The
Noble Lord concluded by seconding the address.
The Earl of ABERDEEN then rose. The topics of
his Majesty's speech were highly important, and calculated
to lead to a discussion which could not be done justice to
in the course of that evening. Parts of it met with his
entire satisfaction, but there were others, on
which their Lordships must allow him to
express his opinion. He was sure there were no Noble
Lords in that House who had heard the declaration of his
Majesty determinedly to have recourse to such measures as
were necessary to restore peace to Ireland, but who would ap-
prove of them ; he could assure their Lordships that any measure
that was brought forward on that subject, should have his
most cordial support and co-operation, provided that
measure appeared to him calculated to produce the de-
sired effect. With respect to the question of Church
Reform, he hoped the Noble Earl had approached
that sacred edifice, perfectly understanding the subject.—
(Cheers.) Otherwise, he was afraid the most lamentable
consequences might ensue.—(Hear, hear.) With re-
spect to that part of his Majesty's speech which spoke
of the Dutch war, he must be allowed to say a few
words to their Lordships. It had been said by some that
it had been improperly called a Dutch war, hut he would
ask, what did the French Alarshal say to that ? Did he
not, on the surrender of the citadel, take
the garrison prisoners of war ? Perhaps some
would say they were prisoners of peace.---(Hear.) He
could not consider hew the siege of Antwerp, the cap-
ture of the garrison, and the taking of the persons found
there, could be viewed in any other light than a
war.— (Hear, hear, hear.) In the prosecution of
this tvar, the country had laid an embargo on
the commerce of Dutch vessels in this kingdom, and
had also prohibited the departure of English vessels to
that port.—(Hear.) He did not mean to dispute the
prerogative of the Crown to lay on such an embargo,
but in his opinion the consequences of such a
st-p ought to have been considered before they were taken.
It must be remembered that that embargo had been im-
posed in a time of peace on a friendly country. By such
a step British commerce was paralysed. On what principle
had this been done? Had any course adopted by the Dutch
towards this country called for such a course ? Clearly not.
As to the justification alleged, that it is founded on the
terms of a certain treaty, he could not admit the validity
of it—certainly a provision in a treaty would justify any
iniquitous proceeding—if two parties agree to attack a
third, they must keep to their bargain. Certainly, in this
case, two strong parties Lad agreed to attack a weak one;
but he could not admit that there was any such justifica-
tion for the injury done to the commerce of Holland in
the retaining of the citadel of Antwerp: their Lordships
would have an opportunity of seeing this singular docu-
ment. With respect to the justification said to be con-
tained in the treaty of 15th November, 1531, the first
whimsical thing in this statement is, that it is untrue.
There is no provision there for the taking of Antwerp as a
forcible means of negotiation ; but quite the reverse, for
the a'lth article states, that Antwerp is to he surrendered
fifteen days after the ratification of the treaty. The im-
patience of the parties had led them to hasten the sur-
render ; but by what right or by what treaty is the House
called upon to accede to the employment of forcible means
of negotiation ? The London Conference, over and over
again, recognised Antwerp as Dutch territory till the end
of the Conference. In July, however, it was intimated to
the Dutch Government that they must evacuate this ter-
ritory by the 24th of that month. The Dutch re-
monstrated, that this was not to be till fifteen days
a'ter the ratification ; but were answered that it was
expected that the ratification would so soon be concluded,
that the stipulated fifteen days would expire on or before
the 24th. He had never heard of any measure eo violent