The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-26 00:00:00

Austrian empire include, the independents Of Hungary and
the emancipation of Italy.. Artl We to be told that upon
these subjects there is no distinct policy in the country? Do
we not know that to-iaorrow we might be called upon in
this house to give our votes on questions such as these, and
that up an them depend the position and influence of the
nation ? (Hear.) I hel it to be s renseeeetit'e opinion
hat, if we or arty other Poteet thoiii,l forcibly interfere in
the affairs of I:tslv with the vie v of changing the politic al
,ettlement of that country, the result would be one of
those protracted wars which would fatally exhaust this
country, and which, even supposing it to be succes ,ful, would
le we Italy, very possibly, not in the possession of Austria,
but under the do mini .n of some other Poweras lit tie national.
Look next to yourrelationd with the United States. What
is your policy with respect to that country? There are
those who view with the utmost jealousy, and regard in a
litieious spirifthe progress of the United States of America
—who think that any ad vancein their power or any expan-
sion of their territ3ry is opposed to the commercial inte-
rests, and perhaps also to theipolitical influence of England.
Sir, I am not of that opinion. I sin of a coutrary opinion.
(Hear, hear, from an hon. gentleman on the Ministerial
si le.) I don't mean to seer that on the question of the
United States there is a division of opinion equally well
letined with that which prevails on other questions. I can
therefore understand the cheer of the hon. member; hut
he will hardly deny that there are distinctive principles
ilsl.l by two different parties on this important subject.
While nothing can bemore monstrous than attemptson the
part of the people of the United States to attack the posses-
sions of cis ilised Powers—attempts, for example, to appro.
iete a Canada or a Cuba, while such violations of interna-
tional law would, in the case of the United States, I do not
doubt bring the same retribution and the same punishment
as would visit infractions of public law by any other coun-
try—yet I cannot forget that the United States, although
independent, are still colonies, and still influenced by co-
lonial tendencies ; that where they come in contact with
arge tracts of 1 erritory eit her wholly uninhabited or but
sparsely occupied by an indolent and unintelligent race of
men, it is impossible—and you find it impossible—toresist
the expansion of those States and that, moreover, that ex-
pansion is not in any sense injurious to England, but con-
tributes to her wealth—while (le: me say this in a whisper,
lest it ehouldcross the Atlantic) it diminishes the power of
the United States. I am, therefore, opposed to the policy
which looks upon the extension of that country, and the
advance of those young communities with an eye of jea-
lousy and distrust. I apprehend, then, that with respect
to these three subjects of foreign policy, on anyone of which
we may at any time be called upon to act, there are dis-
tinctive opinions ; and that it is idle to pretend that parties
have ceased, because on all political subjects men are now
united in their sentiments. When lam told that parties
are broken up, I say that the Conservative party in this
country retains the opinions which it has always professed,
and is prepared to vindicate those opinions. I take it for
granted that those who hold other opinions are equally
earnest and equally ready. If I may be permitted to refer
fur a moment to a personal topic, I don't think that I am
misrepresenting the feelings of hon. gentlemen who sit on
this si :e of the house when I state that in the observations
which I have from time to time made, both on our inter-
nal and external affairs, I have generally expressed their
opinions. But if there is such a thing as a Conservative
party—if there are such things as conservative opinions, I
saould like to see where and by whom in this house are
liberal opinions represented ? I really don't know whe-
ther her Majesty's Government represent them. (A laugh.)
As far as I can form a judgment of the opinions which
the noble lord has generally professed—and I take him
to be the chief and the ablest exponent of his political
associates—l cannot believe that he is not as ready to
stand by the Parliamentary settlement of 1832 as any
member who sits on this side of the house. The noble lord
has frankly and explicitly told yotethet he does not disap-
prove of the jest influence of property on the exercise of
the franchise—that he would resist any endeavour artifi-
cially to restrict it. He is not opposed to the land having a
sensible influence on our representative system. This very
session he announced his intention to support the Irish
Church Establishment—he cannot be supposed to be adverse
to our ecclesiastical institutions—he has never been hostile
to traditionary influences—he has on every occasion che-
rished and promoted them. The noble lord has never joined
in any attempt to pull down the free magistracy of the
country; on the contrary, he has in several instances upheld
them. But I may be told that, although in domestic politics
the noble lord does not differ from gentlemen on this side of
the house, it is in his external politics that he is so danger-
ons—that he reserves all his Liberalism for foreign affairs.
(" Hear, hear," from an hon. member on the Ministerial
side.) lam glad to have my statement borne out by a fol-
lower of the noble lord. JA. laugh.) It so happens that
during the present session, if not the opinion, the feeling
of this house had been tested upon the three great cardinal
points on which the foreign policy of England must depend.
—the Russian empire, the Austrian empire, and our rela-
tions with the United States. Let me for a moment recall
what was the popular feeling this time last year respecting
the first of these questions. The dismemberment of the
Russian empire was then regarded as not only a probabi-
lity, but a necessity by a great party in this country ; and
men high in office, colleagues of the noble lord, sanctioned
those opinions. Gentlemen in office publicly announced
that no peace could be accepted by England which did
not restore the independence of Poland, and at least
wrest the Crimea from the Emperor of Russia; and no
doubt there was a general impression that, in regard to the
great Power with which we were lately at war, the noble
lord entertained very extreme convictions. It was, in
fact, with reference to that very subject that I took occa-
sion, in one of our debates, to lay down what I conceived
to be the conservative principles on which peace should be
negotiated. I maintained that the dismemberment of Rus-
sia, if possible, was, perhaps, not desirable, and, if at-
tempted to be attained, would lead to a struggle of a
duration which I could not venture to estimate. I also
indicated what I deemed were—to use the epithets of
another—the wise and statesman-like conditions on which
a pacification might be based. The views I then expressed
were not sanctioned by those who surrounded and fol-
lowed the noble lord. But when the hour of practice
arrived, when the solution of the question had to be
effected, the conduct of the noble lord with respect to the
Russian empire appears to me to have been as conservative
as any conduct that we could have wished to see pursued.
He agreed to a peace which recognised the integrity of the
Russian empire, and the terms of the treaty were framed
very tench in accordance with the policy that I had
sketched out. Therefore, as far as his views concerning
the Russian empire formed a test of his opinions, the noble
lord is as little a votary of Liberalism as he is on the wide
range of questions of internal interest to which I have ad-
verted. Then, turn to the Austrian empire. That ma-
questionably was a subject on which —notwithstanding
our recent experience of the conservative policy of the
noble lord in regard to Russia—the greatest hopes are en-
tertained by the sincere supporters of liberal principles ;
and the protocol of the Paris Conferences cot tainly seemed
to authorise those expectations. What, then, has oc-
curred ? Although but a few weeks ago it was supposed
that a violent, interference was to take place in Italy, al-
though alterations of the greatest magnitude were antici-
pated which would have totally changed the balance of
power in Europe, yet, as far as I can gather, there is no
chance whatever of these dangerous courses being followed
by the noble lord. On the contrary, in a truly conservative
spirit, he is endeavouriug, in conjunction with our great
ally, to obtain those temperate improvements in the con-
dition of Italy that all desire, by the aid and influence of
Austrian authority. Let us come to the third case. A
great many persons—and probably in this instance on
more colourable grounds—believed that the noble lord
would never have been content with less than a war with.
the United States. We were told that he was prone to re-
sent at injury or insult without so much as asking or wait-
ing for explanations—that he was bent on picking a quar-
rel—and a quarrel he would have. Well, what happened?
A very lamentable cii sweeten: • occurred, if, indeed, a very
great insult was not offered to the Government of this
country. I may be permitted to say that, when Mr.
Crampton received his letter of departure from the Presi-
dent of the United States, I from the first strove to dis-
courage any discussion of our relations with the United
States upon the narrow issue of the enlistment dispute. I
thought that if ever that grave debate took place it ought
to embrace the main principle on which our policy towards
that country ought to be founded. I was persuaded that,
if that discussion had been held in time, the people of Eng-
land would have adopted a tone on this subject that would
have relieved the American mind from the only cause
which keeps alive any feeling of jealousy or suspicion to-
wards this country—namely, the mode in which- we pre-
sume to deal with the'r appropriation of lands. How did
the noble lord behave when the Minister of the Queen was
—I may say—rudely expelled from Washington ? it was
expected that this country might be invo;ved, if not in war,
at least in a bitter and protracted controversy ; but, on
the contrary, the mild dignity of Conservatism was never
more adequately represeuted than it was by the noble lord
on that occasion. After that occurrence who can suppose
that the noble lord is the firebrand the world for some time '
assumed him to be? (A laugh.) Well, Sir, under the cir-
cuinstances, I cannot suppose that the Government of
which the noble lord is at the head is the representative of
liberal opinions. Whether I look to subjects of internal in-
terest, or to the great questions of foreign policy, the Go-
vernment seem to me to be pureeing a course which is in
harmony with Conservative policy and Conservative prin-
ciples. But, because the Government are pursuing such a
course, are we justified in saying that parties are broken '
up? It may be very convenient for some persons to
promulgate this theory. It may be very convenient for
some persons that snob rumours should be circulated ; bat I
protest against their authenticity. If the noble lord and
his colleagues are pursuing a conservative policy, it is an
erroneous assumption that the Conservative party is there•
fore extinct. What, party is extinct it is not for use now to
say. I would rather leave it to the country to determine. I
know it may be said that it would be more fair and straight-
forward, and more in accordance with the habits of the
people of this country, that a conservative policy should he
carried out by those who are avowedly conservative states-
men. That may be so; but I would remind those in the
country to maintain conservative opinions, and who de-
plore the consequences of a Parliamentary session like that
now closing, that they
have two sources of consolation in
the present state of affairs. In the first place, what I think
should be, and what I have no doubt will be, the greatest
consolation to them, is to see their opinions prevalent in
high places, They may also find consolation in what will
be the inevitable consequence of the existing system—the
deleterious influence which it will exercise upon the position
of their rivals, the Liberal party. The Liberal party can-
not exist when its chief and selected men are in power. and
continuo to hold office, not only without carrying liberal
principles into effect, but without even avowing frankly
their profession. (Hear, hear.) I see before me many gen-
tlemen, members of the Government, who have obtained
their seats in this house by their protestations to their
constituents—by their liberal engagements with the great
Liberal party, and who, by obtaining seats in this house,
have also obtained seats in the Administratien. It is fur
them to explain their position to their constituents and to
the great party in the country with which it is supposed they
are connected ; but I call upon the Conservative party not
to lose heart, for if the present system continue the Li eerel
party in this country will bethro avn back 50 years. Nothing
can long resist the deleterious influence of the position in
which the Liberal party are now placed with reference to
power, and the people will, I hope, upon reflection, boon
discover the reason why measures of urgent public neces-
sity are not passed in this house although they are pro-
posed by a Minister. The Conservative party will find
upon reflection that from the competitive emulation of
great political parties has sprung that wise and temperate
system of Government which has so long c .aracterised
the history of this country ; they will cherish with still
greater interest, and they will value still more highly the
distinctive principles which make them a party; and when
they are told that the present leuaentable state of public
affairs is occasioned by thobreak-up of parties, they at least
can say, " That allegation does not apply to us ; we are a con-
servative party; we hold conservative opinions; we are pre-
pared to maintain them ; and if a Minister who has ne
opinions cannot pass his measures. he has no tight—and
those who defend him have no right—to libel the constitu-
tion of the country, to which we owe all our repntation and
our greatness." (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman con-
cluded by moving for a return of the number of public
bills, and their titles, the orders for which, in any of their

stages, have been discharged during the pfeediet atJesionj
and the date of the discharge of each of such orders.
Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman, in
reviewing the proceedings of the session, has, in the latter
part of his spee,ele, diverging from questions relating to
Plriptinenb.ry calls l attention to the coos:tient
tional dieisien of parties iu this country, and hoe touched..
upon subjects whish affect the general interests, not only
of Europe but of the civilised world. While listening to
those observations of the right hon. gentleman which re-
lated to the political tenets of the Conservative party, I
was mod for a while to admire, with internal thanisfulnets,
what, appeared to me the generosity of a polite:al opponent,
who was inculcating upon those who are considered to be
his followers the doctrine, that there was nothing in the
opinions or conduct of her Majesty's Government
should prevent them from giving to that Government theit
entire support. (Hear, and laughter.) I was looking for-
ward with hopeful expectation to the manner in which in
the next session of Parliament we should all go out into
the same lobby—(a laugh)—if, indeed, there could be found
any man who would give us an opportunity of doing so by
a motion adverse to the Government or involving its exis-
tence. (Laughter.) But, sir, I was soon disabused. Thee
brilliant prospects were soon converted into darker views,
MA the feeling of overflowing gratitude gave place to sen-
timents not quite so friendly. The right hon. gentleman,
feeling perhaps confidence in the attachment of his o
supporters—(ironical cheers and laughter)—knowing that '
the incitements he was holding out to desertion would be
without effect, and that he was acting with perfect security
in apparently desiring to transfer to Us that allegiance
which hitherto has been devoted to him, proceeded to
adopt what I must say was a somewhat more treacherous
course, by endeavouring to sow disunion in the ranks of
those who sit on this side of the house. (Hear.) I am
not afraid of the result of these endeavours. I fool as con-
fident that that part of his speech will not produce schism
on this side as I presume he felt confident that his ap-
parent inducement to desertion would not, on any future
occasion, thin the ranks upon which he relies; So much,
then, fur that part of the right hon. gentleman's speech
which related to internal affairs, upon which, however,
I will just add one word. While he reproached her M L-
jesty'e Government for abandoning liberal views, iu the
earlier part of his speech he made it, as it were, an aceu-
cation against the Government, that they had devoted all
their attention to the internal interests of the country,
and had inundated the house with more measures of im•
provemont than it was possible to pass in the course of
the session. (Hear.) With regard to the right hon. gen-
tleman's profession of faith as to foreign affairs, no man
will dispute the accuracy of his statement that our
relations with Russia, with Austria, reed with he United
States of America are c trdinal points upon which the
foreign p.slicy of this country must turn. I won't discuss
with the right hon. gentleman the particular application of
his own peculiar views with regard to those three gn eat
Powers; but, as the right hen. gentlernau has taken the
opportunity of explaining—from what our cousins on the
other side of the Atlantic would call a " political plat-
, form"—not merely to those who happen to listen to lAA,
but, through this house, to the country, the principles
upon which the political policy of himself and his party ie
in future to be founded, I must say I think his omissions
are more remarkable than his statements. It is somewhat
singular somewhat surprising--especielly after the events
of the last two or three years, that the right hon. gentle-
man should have had nothing to say with regard to oar
relations with France. What wo are to infer from the si-
lence of the right hon. gentleman on that point I cannot
tell ; but one may say of it that which was said of the
statue of Brutus, that its absence was more striking than
the presence of the others. (Hear, hear,) Certainly her
Majesty's present Gownment hare not so imperfect a
recollection of a mall& so important as the relations
subsisting between this country and France. (Hear,
hear.) But I shall now turn to the practical part of
the right. hon. gentleman's speech. I do not rise fur the
purpose of carrying on a party controversy with
the right hon. gentleman. I do not, in the first place,
admit the correctness of the opinion which he has ex-
pressed, that the public mind of this country is impressed
with notions adverse to the efficiency of this house—(hear,
hear)—and, without meaning to apply to the right hon.
gentleman any charge of want of sympathy with the house,
I must say I do not think it is for one of its members to
endeavour to run down the house in t he estimation of the
country. (Hear, hear.) I shall not be tempted' by the
opportunity which some parts of the right hon. gentleman's
speech afford for entering upon political controversy, but
shall rather endeavour, in a very few words, to vintlic ate
the authority and character of this house. The great
charge which the right hon. gentleman has made is that a
large number of measures relating to important matters,
the merit of which ho did not dispute, which we have
introduced to Parliament have failed, and he has inquired
the cause. I might, if I were disposed to argue the ques-
tion in that way, speak of it as a question of internal dis-
sension in this house, "Si causain queens circunapicc." (A
laugh.) If we ask the cause why so many of these mea-
sures have failed, I might answer that it was on account
of the obstruction they net with from gentlemen on the
other side of the house. (No, no!) They had failed from
the resistance which they met in the house ; but I do not
state that in accusation of those whose obstruction has been
' the cause of the failure ; I do not state this with the view
' of reproaching them for their conduct, because, for the
' reasons I have to state, I do not think there is any just
cause of complaint that good measures are obstructed. If
we were in an arbitrary country in which the sovereign
power had nothing to do but to call round it men conver-
sant with the different matters on which it might be nocess
sary that new laws should be passed—if we had nothing to
do but to collect the cumulative wisdom of different per-
sons learned in the matters on which we wished to legis-
late, and having framed laws in accordance with their
views at once to issue them ou authority, and cause them
to be carried into effect—then of coarse a measure would not
be brought for ward one day to be withdrawn the next, or
abandoned after long and earnest discussion. But we must
recollect that such is not the constitution of this country.
anti much it is to our advent:l,ga that it is not so. (Hear.)
When, however, we are enjoying great advantage from
our constitutional organisation, we must take the' rough
and the smooth, the good and the bad together, and must
isot repine at defects which are inherent in our system,
from which, on the whole, we realise such great and incal-
culable advantages. The Government finds on looking
round that in certain departments of the State, in parti-
cular portions of the administrative system, affecting, per-
haps, our commerce, our agriculture, and other interests,
abuses anti inconveniences have arisen, requiring practical
remedies to be applied. The Government does its p trt ; it
devises measures calculated, as it thinks, to accomplish the
ends in view, and submits those measures to Parliament;
and when they come into this Boone no one supposes that
their success or failure is to depend entirely upon their
merit or demerit. (Hear.) 11.10215UC03 of great import-
ance, calculated to produce important reforms in particu-
-1 sr branches of the system into which abuses have crept,
must necessarily meet with great resistance, partly from
prejudice, partly from want of information, and partly
from interested motives; because in all abuses there must
be a certain number of men who profit by them, and who
iu our representative system are enabled to bring their re-
sistance to bear upon this house. (Hear.) Therefore it is
no reflection on a measure that it is opposed, and that
wbou it comas into Parliament it should meet, in the first
instance at least, with such resistance as to cause its
failure. Anil so it is with regard to many of those mea-
sures to which the right hon. gentleman has adverted. I
do not state that as a reproach to those by whose obstruc-
tions these measures have failed. It is the iaeviteble an-
compauimeut of free discussion. There in, of course, the
intercourse of members of Parliament with persons out of
the house whose organs they necessarily ate, and I 'nay
observe that if all classes of persons out of doors have not
organs in this house, then we have an imperfect represent-
tation of the community. (Hear.) Any men who expects
that great improvements in any part of our system can
be completed on the first attempt, and in one session,
will be greatly disappointed. It never has been so, it never ,
will be so, and it never can be so. (Hear.) The best mea-
sures under a representative Government cannot be carried
till they have been well discussed, till prejudices have been
overcome, and interests silenced. (Hear.) If carried they
would net work well, unless the country was convinced not
only of the abuse, but of the goodness of the remedy that
was to be applied. (Hear, hear.) If any man will look
back to the different improvements that have been made by
the Legislature in this country he will see that such hes
been the course of events. And, though this slowness of
progress is mon tifying to those who bring in measures of im-
provement—though it is disappointing to that portion of
the community out of doors who ate anxiously looking for
these improvements, and though, perhaps, it exposes this
house to censure from those ardent spirits who, not happen-
ing to be here, think that if they were here their energy and
eloquence would overcome all resistance, end carry their
views into practice—(hear, anti a laugh)—though these dis-
appointments and mortifications occur, yet the delays that
take place must not be regarded as disadvantageous to the
country—(hear)—because measures of improvement must
fail in producing their utmost effect if they are carried too
hastily, before the public mind is fairly brought into accord-
ance with such measures, and before they are thoroughly
sifted by ample discussion. (Hear.) Therefore I say that,
though wo must regret that many of those measures which
we felt it our duty to introduce in the course of this session
have not passed into law, yet a year or a cession is but a
moment in the history of a people. They aro long in the
lives of ardent and ambitious men, but they are not long
in the history of the progress of a country, and a country
need not suppose that because good measures are not passed
at once other measures of the same kind will not at seine
future time pass into a law. (Hear, hear.) There has been
no want of application to their public, duties on the pert
of the members of this house. There never Was a
session during which, in the same number of days, this
house has devoted a greater number of hours by day and
by night than in the one now about to close. The number
of days in which this house has adjourned before midnight
are few, indeed, and tinning the greater part of the session
we have been sitting till a late hour in the morning. The
hon. member for Salford seems to have entirely abdicated
his post. (A. laugh.) Ile has nobly sacrificed his own wishes
end particular theories for the public good, and has not
thought it his duty to interfere of into with the sittings of
the Louse:after midnight. Nobody can say, therefore, that
if measures of importance have not passed into law th s ses-
sion it is owing to any want of diligence on the pert of the
members of this housb It may bo said that it is on account
of the great loquacity which has been exhibited ; and per-
haps we may be inclined to think that it would be better
to discuss measures less; but gill, taking a larger view of
the case, I do not think this is a matter of which we have
reason to complain. As far, Sir, as the Government itself
is concerned, the house ought to bear in mind what portion
of the time of the session has been at the command of her
Majesty's Ministers. The house has sat, I think, 104 days;
of these 51 only were Government days. The rest were days
disposable by private members. Of these 51 days 2') were
occupied in Committee of Supply, anti must necessarily be
abstracted from the thus applicable to the discussion of
public measures. There were, I think, only 22 slays its the
wh is of the session ou which the Government were able to
bring forward and discuss bills of their ..we. When we
consider the great diversity of opinion which necessarily
prevailed upon many of those subjects which the right
hon. gentleman has mentioned, the numerous and compli-
cated interests involved, and the resistance whiAi those
interests not unnaturally offered to our proceedings, I think
we shall not be told that on the 22 days at our disposal
we have been inattentive to our duty, or that more could

possibly•have been aciemplished. Moreover, Sir, three ;
days ont ef the 5L were given to independent mem-
bers for motions hoetilo to the Government, rind three
diiye more were taken, without leave asked or obtained, fur
siruilar motion on peing into Corurnitt, eof eirmee (A
laugh.) There wore a lew other d-iye unavailable for say
Lahr, sq 01 e3s, and the whole uou„l ei in
ens; the coulee of the sessiou which the Government had
at their eisposel for their own measures was 22 days.
(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, as I have sail, Ide not reproach
hon. g,eritlernan oppwrite for hewing, from a seuse of duty,
obitructe,l measures which we theught, if pa,seil, would
have ben of great advantage to the country. We trust
that those measures mey succeed in a filen e In-
deed *hen ueasures of great iiiiportriece are produced,
e inch itreolve a conflict of interests end atter: tint of
systems berg established, I do not, know th.l e is any
dia..ii etage in allowing them to steed over a time, in
order that they may be well eel seiereil by the eerie, Y,
aft , that ie ti, recess they may have directed to them the
studied attention of those who are competent to unilerstand
and app; eciate them in all t heir details. I am not even
sure, if we had had our el:oleo in regard to Koine of the
measures to which the right hon. gentleman has adverted,
that it would not, upon lull (topside' titian, have been the
bettor coarat to suliject theta to more mature deliberation,
anii reproduce them for discussern in another session.
(Hear, hear.) Well, eh-, I do not stand here simply on
behalf of the Government egsinst an Opposition. An
Opposition is so called because it is its function to oppose.
We do not complain of opposition to the Government,
especi dly when it is founded upon a real convictiou, do-
rivet from constituencies or large bodies of men out of
doors, that the measures proposed are either bed in their
nature, overstrained in their enactments, or difficult in
' their provisious. Ido not courplaiu of that; but standing
here-if I may without presumption undertake a duty
which the right hon. gentleman has east upon mo -to de-
fend the House of Commons, I say that, in my epinion,
there is nothing in any of the statements which the
right hon. gentleman has made that ought in the
slighteet degree to weaken the confidence which the
country has felt, and, I inaiutain, does feel, iu this
' house as a branch of the Legislature. (Cheers.) It is
not millet ace' that those who sit on the opposite side of the
house should take advantage of the end of a session to re-
count what they term the " failures" of the Government;
but I must say, sir, that we bear with great c lmuess and
fUtriLtide those partial disappointments end iuconveniencee
to which the right hon gentleman has alluded, because we
look with some pride and satisfaction at the victories which
we have achieved upon the few occasions on which we have
been called to do battle upon the great field of action.
(Cheers.) We recollect-the country will recollect-that,
although good measur es have been defeated by determined
opponeute after midnight, although the pertinacious resist-
ance of hen. gentlemen ensteonceil on the heights of the
Opposition benches may, in a few instances, have been
successful-(a langb)-and although we may have sustained
some checks by having our bills refused to be taken iuto con-
sideration after such and such an hour, yet we know that.
whatever may have been our mortifications and "failures,"
upon the five or six occasions on which there h..ve been
fount gentlemen who have fairly given Ui a challenge to
dea.ily combat, to tight w Coutrance. we have had intijoriti•-s
such as it has been the lot of fee Governments to enjoy.
I (Cueeri.) We remember that our majorities have grown
trorn lOU ant 01 to, I believe, the uepiecedeute r nuiuber
I of 1.91 -(cheers)-and therefore, looking to these greet
achievements, which will not easily be effaced from the
memory of the country, we think that during the recess we
may console
ourselves with the reflection that, in spite of
those partial inconveniences to which the right hon. gentle-
man has referred, we have enjoyed the coundeuce
of the House of Commons. (Renewed cheering.)
There is no gainsaying the record of divisions upon votes
of censure. We have had the satisfaction of seeing
Ithat ~when motions have been made the avowed and clear
oject .f w blab was to take from those who now are charged
wig h the 0011,1LICL of affairs the power which they wield the
sense of this house was expressed deciileitly against such
inetions. (Cheers.) I would humbly trust that our
future conduct wig not belie the good faith and good-will
which the past has evidenced, and that when we meet
again n xt year we shall not find that anything has haP-
p,ffled in the recess celaul tel in any wey LO week. n the
favoui eble opinion which large majorities of this house
hay , been kind enough to express. (Cheers.) Sir, it is
true that we have not been able to carry many measures
of great importance. It is also true that we began this
session having ou our hands tho conduct of a great and an
arduous war. It is true that our attention was directed
t, the vigorous pros 'cution of that war. It is true that
soon after the session began we hal thiown upon us the
difficult and delicate task of conducting negotiations for
peece -aegetiatieus to he carried on in concert with allies,
in which our own opinions were not to be our only guide,
and iu which, therefore, great delicacy of management was
required if we wished to succeed in bringing diem to a
satisfactory termination. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, Sir,
while, on the one hand, the light hon. gentleman has done
us but justice in recounting all those various and impor-
tant questions to which the different members of the Go-
vernment had succeeded iu giving their attention in spite
of teeny distracting cares, and iu acknowledging that no
Government, in the most peaceful and tranquil times, ever
more successfully devoted their attention to a great range
and scope of internal improvement, on the other hand, we
may boast of having brought a vast and important Euro-
pean transaction to a good and satisfactory setilement.
(Cheers.) Sir, I trust that nothing I have said will bear,
any more than the speech of the right hon. gentleman, the
aspect of party acrimony as between the different sides of
this house. Ido justice to the motives which led him to
make his statement ; but, at the same time, I think there
was nothing iu that statement-I trust I have shown there
was not-which ought in any degree to lower the charac-
ter of this house in the opinion of the country, or to induce
the nation to think less highly than it hitherto has done
of oar powers and functions as a deliberative and legisla-
tive assembly. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. GIBSON said he had a very hazy idea of the dis-
tinction between the two great parties, as he saw Liberals
supporting Conservative measures and Conservatives
Liberal measures. But what he complained of in the Go-
vernment was want of earnestness, which produced the
impression that they would not care for being defeated,
and would not stand by their measures. (Hear.) For in-
stance, as to the Local Dues Bill, it had actually been given
up in the midst of a discussion without a division. Hn
never remembered such an instance, and the Secretary of
the Treasury had on that occasion shown extraordinary
timidity. Then, on the Oaths and Abjuration Bill, a
member of the Cabinet actually voted against it (the E irl
of Harrowhy), although the Government pretended to sup-
port it, and, as that bill had failed, members would still
have to take an oath which. as the E i.rl of Derby charac-
terised it, was so blasphemous it could scarcely be taken
without impiety and a souse of pereoutel indignity. With
regard to votes of public money there hail been a reckless
expenditure, and a dabgeraus cry was abroad i'or keeping
up the public establishments. The object of the House of
Commune ought primarily to be to take care of the pure. a
and the liberty of their constituents. They ought not to
lay themselves out to keep the army and navy up, but
down. (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Williams.) He trustee
that the-noble lord would next session show himself to be
an ecoueunst. The noble lord could not adhere too strictly
to the old maxim of Lord Groy, " Peace, Retrenchment,
and Reform," and hon. members, as they hoped to find
favour with their constituents, would do well to follow the
example.
Mr. NAPIER desired to call attention to two or three
measures before the home separated. Two sessions ago he
hail obtained the appointment of a commission to inquire
into the inns of court. Mr. Justice Coleridge, Vico-Chan
cellor Wood, and others, were members of that commission,
and they had laboured most assiduously. A great deal of
evidence had been taken, and an elaborate report framed
thereupon, agreed to unanimously, and meeting, he be-
lieved, with the general concurrence of the members of
the profession. Since that report nothing had been done,
and he now rose to express a hope that for the future a
happier result might follow the devotion of so much time
mud attention as had been bestowed on this subject. (Hear.)
He earnestly recommended the noble lord to give effect to
the recommendations of the commission. There was an-
other subject which he had been prevented from bringing
to completion, owing to the course which had been pursued
by the Government--ho meant the subject of the depart-
ment of public justice. That subject had occupied the at-
tention of a venerable friend of his, Lord Brougham, who
considereil that 3, department of that kind, properly con-
stituted, night much tend to prevent many of the failures
which now took place in our legislative measure. The Lord
Chancellor had stated that the Government had a plan in
contetnpletion for appointing a person to supervise mea-
sures of legislation ; but as in his (Mr. Napier's) opinion
that plan fell short of the requirements of the case, lie
should reintroduce his proposition next session. These
were questions, he thought, which might well deserve the
attention of the Government during the recess. With re-
gard to what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman the
member for Manchester, as to the Oath cf Abjuration Bill,
if the right lion. gentleiean would modify the oath accord-
ing to the suggestion of the noble lord the member for Lon-
don it might receive his support. (Hear.)
Mr. MOWBRAY complained of the delay which had
occurred with respect to the Dulwich College and Sher-
burne Hospital Bills. The select committee of the Lords
had introduced changes in the latter measure, but after
those changes the Government ought to have repudiated
connection with the bill or carried it through. The bill
might just as well have been introduced in February as in
July.
Mr. WILKINSON thought that this latter bill was just
one of those which, as the noble lord had said, could be held
over for another session. (Oh, oh.)
Mr. HADFIELD complimented the noble lord for the
way in which he had brought the war with Russia to a
close, and also for the manner in which ho had smoothed
down our differences with America.
Mr. BAINES explained that the changes introduced by
the House of Lords in the Sherburne Hospital Bill had
caused the Government to delay its progress.
' .fir. VANCE, before the session closed, could not with-
hold comment on the unsatisfactory manner in which Irish
legislation had been conducted. He instanced the emirs of
the Bankruptcy and Insolvent Bills, which bad been down
for second reading 19 tithes, on all occasions lifter one
o'clock in the morning. The Burials (Ireland) Bill, put
for corninirtee 23 times after that hour; and the Juries
(Ireland) Bill, called on for second reading also 19 times
after one o'clock. It was impossible for Irish representa-
tives to deal with such manarraugenients aa.these; and lie
suggested that the noble lord should make arrangements
by which two er three days early iu each session should be
given up to Irish hills.
Mr. L. HEY WORTH bore testimony, from a recant
visit to America, to the universal feeling prevailing on the
other side of the Atlantis to preserve friendly relations
with this country.
r. LO WE, reverting to seine strictures of the right
hon. mother for Buckinghamshire, as to the non-ful Intent
of the pledge coat time tin her ijesty's Speech to intro-
duce an " enlightened law" on the subject of the law of
partnership, and that the pledge might have been train-
bile 1, but maintained that the Joint-Stock Coin
Bill had nobly amended the law of partnership, and il'
placed
it ill a mere enlightened position than the laws of other
states, not otnitting America. The Partnership Bill had
not been "abandoned," but was withilratvn in consequence
of an alteration made iu it by the house after the third
reading. Nor had the Coalwhip tors n abandoned
It hiel been withdrawn in deference to the wisher of the.
parties coneereed- so that the right hon. triernb, r for
Buckinghatnehire must except thee° three measures nom
the cetalegue of measures which the Govieutnent were
charged with not pausing.
The returns moved for by Mr. Disraeli were then
ordered, and the subject dropped.
CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL.
The Lords 'aneendm-uts to this bill were egreed to.
POOR LAW AMENDMENT (SCOTLAND) BILL.
This bill, as amended by the Lords, was agreed to;
And the house adjourned at ten minutes to nine.