The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-22 00:00:00

KOSSUTH'S DEPARTURE FROM
SOUTHAMPTON.

On Thursday (as announced yesterday) Kossuth ter-
minated his brief but brilliant visit to England, in the
town in which he had first received his welcome. Ho
left London, accompanied by Madame Kossuth, M. and
Madame Pultky, and the other members of his suite, so
early as seven in the morning, but owing to the slippery
state of the rails and some imperfection in the engine,
the train did not arrive at its destination until half-past
11 A.M. Oa arriving at the Southampton station the
mayor and corporation were found to be waiting in their
robes of office, and, after a short greeting, a procession
was formed, and the illustrious exile, accompanied by his
kind hosts, proceeded slowly through the town to the
residence of the American consul. The streets were
densely crowded, and the people cheered warmly, a
courtesy which Kossuth acknowledged by bowing re-
peatedly as he passed along. The traces of fatigue and
excitement were more strikingly visible in his coun-
tenance, but we were happy to learn that he was
suffering from no more serious indisposition. Oa ar-
riving at Mr. Croskey's, the party partook of some
refreshment, and after a short rest the procession was
re-formed, and proceeded slowly to the pier end, off
which the Jupiter lay with the national flag of Hun-
gary flying at the main, to convey the exiles and
their friends to Cowes Roads to meet the Humboldt.
The Jupiter was crowded with visitors, and a military
band played "See the Conquering Hero comes" as
Kossuth ascended the gangway. Immediately on his
arrival on deck the Hungarian flag was saluted with
twenty-one guns, the number allotted by etiquette to the
flags of independent nations. This marked demonstra-
tion of respect and recognition for the nationality of
Hungary, was the signal for immense cheering, amid
which Kossuth, accompanied by the Mayor and corpo-
ration, descended to the cabin, where an elegant
dejeuner had been prepared by Mr. Gibbs, a local res-
taurateur. An address was presented on the part of
the Poles in Portsmouth by Major Stawaizi, and the
party took their seats. Among the company there
were, besides the corporation, Lord Dudley Stuart,
Colonels Salwey and Rochfort, Mr. Toulmin Smith, Mr.
Nightingale, and several notabilities of the town and
neighbourhood. The Mayor of Southampton presided;
and on his right sat Kossuth, and on his left the Ameri-
can consul.
The CHAIRMAN having given the usual loyal and
constitutional toasts, they were duly responded to,
Kossuth pledging the toast of the Queen in a most
marked and impressive manner, and Mr. Croskey, the
American consul, adding at the conclusion of the cheer-
ing, " One cheer more from America."
The CHAIRMAN, in giving the next toast, said—The
next toast I have to offer to your notice is, " The
Health of the Sultan of Turkey." who kept his royal
word, and set our worthy guest at liberty—(Loud cheers)
—and at some considerable risk, in defiance of the
threats of Russia and Austria; but supported by Lord
Palmerston, he respected the laws of hospitality. For
that decision, as well as for his being an ancient ally
of England, I propose " Health, long life, and prosperity
to his Royal Highness the noble Sultan of Turkey."—
(Loud cheers.) The Chairman again rose and said—l
have great pleasure in proposing the health of a noble-
minded man, the ruler of a great republic and governor
of an industrious and persevering population, increasing
in productions, in commerce, manufactures, and wealth.
Of their ingenuity we have had ample proofs, convincing
us that the sons of the Anglo-Saxons across the Atlantic
aro worthy of their sires. They have shown their de-
scent by their undaunted perseverence and their sym-
pathy for tho exiles. I give you " The President of the
United States of America."—(Great cheering.)
The MAYOR then proceeded to give the toast of the
evening, and said, I am utlelighted, and feel honoured in
being again permitted the pleasure of proposing this
toast. I felt in sitting here what a variety of
changing scenes has come over our noble guest
in the course of his career. First, there was the dis-
play of his brilliant talents to encourage his coun-
trymen to seek for liberty by every constitutional
means. He then stood by them in arms, and would, no
doubt, have been successful had not the jealousy of pro-
fessed friends betrayed his cause, and the invasion of
his country by the hordes of Russian serfs driven him
to seek refuge in Turkey, followed by the cries and tears
of millions of his aggrieved countrymen. You (ad-
dressing Kossuth) found an asylum in Turkey in the
shape of a prison, and that much too good to please the
despots of the north. At the solicitation of England
and America you were set at liberty, thanks to Lord
Palmerston and to the noble Sultan. But no sooner were
you free than you met with a refusal to pass through a
professed Republican country; not from the people of
that great nation, but from those who had been making
laws of centralisation, which will one day end in anarchy
and confusion.—(Hear.) I feel delighted in the recol-
lection that on these waters I was the first Englishman
that had the opportunity of greeting you and your be-
loved family, and of assuring you that England, my na-
tive land, was the home of the exile—the land of the
free.—(Loud cheers.) You listened with pleasure
and emotion when I informed you that our coun-
trymen would gladly receive you for the great principles
you have so nobly advocated and bravely defended. I
assured you that the people of Southampton would rally
round you by hundreds, and those of the provinces by
thousands ; and happy, thrice happy, are we hero this
day to know that these predictions have been more than
realised.—(Loud cheers.) Only four weeks this day
have passed since we had the pleasure of presenting to
you the first corporation address in England, and the
honour of your company at the festive board, where
your unequalled eloquence, your unassuming manners,
your faithful expositions of the principles of liberty, so
completely captivated our ears and our hearts, that you
made converts by hundreds in our borough—(Hear,
hear)—and by thousands in all parts of the United
Kingdom which were made acquainted with your senti-
ments by that great Leviathan of liberty, the free press
of England.—(Loud cheers.) After some further ob-
servations, which want of space obliges us reluctantly to
leave out, his Worship concluded by proposing, amid
loud cheers, " Health and a prosperous voyage to Kos-
suth and family."
KoSsUTH said—Mr. Mayor—may I be allowed to add
my generous friend—(Cheers)—ladies and gentlemen,
it is true that I labour under the weariness, not of in-
disposition, but of many sleepless nights, to which must
be added some slight qualms of sea sickness, for I am
the worst sailor in the world. (You must learn.) Yes,
I will try to learn.—(Cheers and laughter.) I must
only adopt the maxim of that celebrated English ge-
neral, although I am not at present in a condition to
do so, who said, " Put your trust in God, my boys, and
keep your powder dry."—(Cheers and laughter.) I
offer in my own humble person a curious specimen of the
whims of fate. My own inclinations have always driven
me towards tranquillity and retirement and the comforts
of private life; but duty has ever pushed me into action,
and I believe it is the destiny and the most sacred duty
of every man not to listen to his inclinations or his af-
fections when the great cease of humanity and of father-
land calls him into action.—(Cheers.) So when I arrived
four weeks ago in England, had I listened to my incli-
nations, I should have desired to land unknown and un-
remarked; but knowing that when the people of Eng-
land had resolved to cheer me, theirs would be no mere
personal cheering, but the deep-felt ones given to the
principles of liberty, I was anxious rather to meet the
favouring stream of public opinion, than to retire into
that concealment which so much better would have
suited my own personal inclinations.—(Hear, hear.)
And knowing that no merit could bo mine, I felt that
might perhaps pass through England, melting away like
the girl's sigh upon the breeze, but I was met every-
where by the loud cheers of the people, and you, Mr.
Mayor, were the first and most generous representative
of the national feeling.—(Loud cheers.) You met me
upon the sea with a cheer that has since followed and
carried me through England.—(Loud cheers.) Ani-
mated by such cheers, by your kind welcome, and by the
principles of liberty, I rose with so sudden a strength,
that even your Government—as I believe it is the duty
of every Government—felt bound to acknowledge the
weight of public opinion, and in some degree to follow it.
—(llear.) So, four weeks ago Southampton was to me,
and in my humble self, the cause of freedom, the power
which gave to my ears the trumpet sounds of hope.
Now, when I leave Southampton, I shall remember that
out of that trumpet note has grown up the cannons'
roar in acknowledgment of a great public principle.
and I give you my word, in the name of a generous na-
tion, that the land which with your cannon you have this
day saluted as a living nation, will yet be entitled to the
honour.—(Loud cheering.) But confidently believing
that all these manifestations had really some practical
end, that they were not merely the passing emotion of
noble hearts, permit use, gentlemen, to make ono remark
now in the last moment of my adieus. It is to remind
you that public opinion is only strong and powerful
when it is kept alive. Public opinion is nothing from
the moment it falls asleep, but it is all powerful when it
continues to show a watchful eye, and that people are
not forgetting
tting either the deeds of Governments, the
passing
and circumstances of the world; or that
those institutions of freedom which have the approbation
of the people of England, are intimately connected with
the development of freedom all over the world.—(Hear,
hear.) You, gentlemen, have shown that you feel the
pf orrecnenonfe
itahtiiso
nr eomf a rtkh,c and
for far
whichyour s e nlt id
av
efogri
vt he
ne
the humble opportunity, let me most sincerely thank
you, but let not your sympathy be content with pro-
nouncing itself. I hope you will live to pronounce it
again and again.—(Loud cheers.) Pronounce it so
that the mighty of the earth shall see that it is the
earnest will of the people of England to be as good as
their word, and if it be so kept alive, it is not my be•
lief—it is my solemn persuasion that it will be your
proud boast to have spread the blessings of freedom
throughout the world.—(Loud cheers.) The mode and
matter is very clear, gentlemen. On every occasion upon
which I had the honour to address the people of En-
gland I mentioned the principle of non-interference—
not unilateral non-interference—which, in other words,
makes a market of national liberties and humanity—but
that by which a free and mighty nation makes respected
the rights of nations, and Ia respect to that principle I
wish you to consider what is the present condition of
France—republican France.—(Hear, hear.) lam en-
tirely convinced that in Europe it is precisely England
that will decide the next future of the world, and the
crisis that is approaching. The republicanism of France
is in such direct antagonism to the despotism of Russia,
that Russia must feel—instinctively must feel—that
sooner or later the absolutist principle of Russia must
meet the republican principle of Fiance. This must
therefore be considered as a fatality—a necessity—by
Russia; and, whether she pleases or not, she must ac-
cept it. Now seeing that Russia must accept the neces-
sity—that in no case she can avoid it, or shrink from
the meeting of these two principles—the danger of
meeting Franco in the battle-field will not hinder Russia
from seeking to put down republican principles in
Hungary. Therefore the idea of the great and mighty
French nation is no barrier against the inten-
tions of Russia, because it knows that ultimately the
absolutistic and republican Fineiples must meet in the

death struggle. So in considering the question of in-
tervention, Russia knowing she must meet France, looks
to the feeling of other Powers, and asks " What will
England do f" And if Eussia sees that the public
opinion of England has co rronounced itself as to make
it certain that in interfering she will not only have to
meet the French, but English power, then she will not
interfere.—(Hear.) I will not go so far as to say that
such pronunciations will hinder war, but war between
established powers, and interference in the internal af-
fairs of a nation are two different things, both in their
origin and results.—(Hear.) Therefore, it is my con-
viction, that the power in Europe of arresting Russia
rests with England, and that England can decide on the
direction of the affairs of Europe. And now, gentle-
men, it is a happy condition of things to know that all
those peculiar and scanty views, I might, perhaps,
add, egotistical views of the olden times have vanished
before the enlightened spirit of the present generation ;
and it is happy that the increased development of the
human intellect must show that even true egotism,
which is not an immoral feeling can only be satisfied
when man seeks to secure the gratification of
his own personal wishes in harmony with the wants
and wishes of mankind and of nations.—(Hear, hear.)
And looking at the question from that point of view, it
is a happiness to see what are the real wants and wishes
of mankind. In other words, to put an abstract idea
into a practical form, it is happy to see that social free-
dom, political independence, and self-government are
alike opposed to centralisation and despotism.—(Haar,
hear.) Depend upon it, that the principle of self-govern-
ment is the only one that can give security to the person,
to freedom, and to the progress of reform. In a word,
the principle of self-government can alone, even is do-
mestic matters, ensure happiness. Therefore, it is my
humble wish, which I bequeath to you as my testament
—do not forget poor Hungary—(Loud cheers, which
lasted for several minutes)—do not forget those principles
of independence which must be dear to every son of free-
dom—in a word, self-government. And do not forget
that public opinion is only powerful when incessantly
kept alive. Therefore, remember for what occasion you
meet, and whatever future meetings you may have, do
not forget that you cannot meet on any public topic
which is not intimately connected with the principle of
freedom; and when you make resolutions settling do-
mestic matters—perhaps a further development of mu-
nicipal institutions—which, I may almost say, I feel in the
air as the coming topic for the next agitation of the pub-
lic mind of England, let it be your meeting to settle that
question; let it be an investigation into the state of
trade in England, and the cause of its decrease; or may
be a meeting for the further development of political re-
form, which you can struggle for in endless peaceful
progress, undisturbed by those dreadful concussions
which elsewhere interfere with the peace of the world;
or let it be a meeting to realise the results of free trade,
a result not realised yet—whatever question you meet to
discuss, remember my poor Hungary, and that the prin-
ciple of self-government is a great link to bind you to the
cause of humanity—(Hear)—remember my poor country,
and is your resolutions do not forget her condition. Pro-
claim your wishes and your desires. I will not carry you
on to the necessity of war, because, if you emphatically
declare your will, a real manly will, it is sure to be
obeyed.—(Hear, hear.) In some weeks I have the inten-
tion to return from the United States, although, of course,
you must feel that powerful links will hold me there—
links of gratitude—links of identity of principle—be-
cause I have publicly avowed the form of government
which I intend to carry out in my own country. These
are many and strong links; but I will hasten back, be-
cause the experience I hive had here in England enforces
on my mind the conviction that in a very short time
tee field of action will be open, and he whom,
seeing unfortunate, you have sympathised with,
and raised by your manifestations of respect, will very
soon mum from the United States, and I hope that in
returning I may be the happy messenger of glad
tidings—that I may bear the news that the United
States of America, answering to your words of unity,
will join with England to guarantee against the com-
munity of despotism the community of liberty.—(Loud
cheers.) Then, gentlemen, my return will not be only
a source of happiness to mo, but may form a new era.
I have almost a confidence that I may be selected as a
messenger of the will of the United States, declaring
that the liberties of Europe shall be preserved notwith-
standing their momentary failure. These principles of
brotherly love which have so generally replaced the
rivalries of old, I was here in a condition to witness,
as well as the difference between the Government and
people of England, and between the Government and
people of France, because governments are not always
the types of the people.—(Loud cries of "Hear hoar.")
But, between these two principles, of the old rivalry
which is passing away, and the brotherly-love which is
replacing it,: we can hardly help reflecting upon,what
fools we must have been to indulge in such rivalries.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.): We have nothing to fear
from free peoples, who, being never unjust, have them-
selves nothing to fear. Why then should wo be such fools
as to be the tools of ambition, keeping up the old rival-
ries, which are the only means left to ambitious men for
the conservation of their power.—(Hear, hear.) I am
glad then to see this propensity to unite in intention for
the cause of freedom, and if needs be, in action.—(Loud
cheers.) Of course I must have. felt that the feeling
would develop itself more towards the United States
than to other people, because blood is blood, and al-
though there may be momentary quarrels in a family,
blood will soon resume its right, and exclaim, " Brother,
why are we quarrelling?"—(Loud cheers.) You are
bound together hand in hand to restore mankind to the
great destiny appointed for them by the providence of
God. Prosperous you two brothers are—living proofs
that the principle lies not so much in the form of go-
vernment, but that it is the institutions that make a
people free, and that it is public spirit which builds up
the institutions to make people free and happy under
different forms of government.—(Loud cheers.) I hope
to God I shall find this union cemented on returning to
Europe, because I feel in my conscience that the time
approaches fog active accomplishment of your duty. I
hope to God that perhaps my humble self may be the
bridge above which America may stretch its powerful arm
over to Europe, saying, " Thou ancient and oppressed
nations of the European continent, here we are, great
and powerful, here is a brother's hand."—(Loud
cheers.) I hope I shall meet in England, also, another
brother's hand, which, uniting with America, will
give good hope for the destinies of humanity—
hope that they may be saved without the sacrifice of
blood. But it the support of these two great nations be
not given to a suffering world, then the results will be
bloody and uncertain, and, being uncertain, would nearly
touch the interests of England herself. Yes, I repeat it,
the development of the liberties of Europe has the most
intimate connexion with the development of freedom in
England herself.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, before I
conclude I owe it to myself and to the cause which I so
unworthily represent, to state one thing. Since I have
enjoyed the privilege of living in England it has been
my rule not to mix myself up with any of your interior
questions; even when I was very nearly touched by a
question, still I remained silent. But within these few
days I have read in the public papers a declaration of a
high official character, about the facts of the past, and
concerning what has been the policy of England respect-
ing Hungary and the Hungarian exile. These declara-
tions impose upon me the necessity of saying something,
lest my silence should be misinterpreted. If lam not more
explicit, I beg of you to attribute it to the peculiar ne-
cessities of my position, and besides, it is only necessary
for your information that you should study the blue
books. I will say no more, let us not speak of
the past, every man has his virtues and his faults, and I
myself have committed many faults, which lam not
ashamed to acknowledge. Let us not then look to the
ctimorioUrnwfhuel from
the
great and free nation forgets, though only for a moment,
tTpilahesetb,r eoeoixknc eotifhtal iftroeor'pifenunsl lt
ro
bock wo can learn that whenever auf
a brother's duty towards humanity, the enemies of the
liberties of mankind raise their powers on thj oblivion,
freeand proceednations
may with giganticbe
menaced steps,
iutheir
sothmaotsvt evriytalsoinon e
r those
interests.
es
—(Hear, hear.) That is the instruction we may derive
from the past, let us not look to it for any other purpose;
t
but let the people of England pronounce again and again
resolutely and manfully in favour of the liberties of
mankind.—(Loud cheers.) That direction of the po-
hey of England will never depend upon personalities,
because in a free country the people must be masters,
and that is the distinctive meaning of the word
" constitution." Constitution means where the will
of the people directs the public government of the
country.—(flear, hear.) Therefore the question de-
pends not upon personalities, but upon the public
spirit of the people of England, which lam confident
will ever be on the side of humanity.—(Loud cheers.)
Ono word as to the secrecy of diplomacy, the source of
tho present deplorable condition of Europe. Some peo-
ple may say that matters of importance, should not be
disclosed before the proper time. But take a case. The
merchant, it is said, does net disclose his transactions
before they aro closed; but that is not true, because I
cannot conceive a single merchant or broker who would
not retain to himself the power of looking into all his
transactions, whatever might be their importance or
amount.—(Hear, hear.) That is the opinion of the peo-
ple. The clerks of the merchant must discover all the
affairs to the master, and in a free country it is not the
Government, but the people who are the masters.—
(Cheers.) And as soon as the people look into these
matters, I am convinced that the secret power of Russian
diplomacy, which enables the Czar to put his foot upon
the necks of nations, will at once recoil before the
genius of publicity, and not have the power again and
again to crush poor suffering humanity.—(Cheers.) But
so long as the people are not considered the masters of
their own fate, Russian diplomacy will again and again
triumph; for, as we experienced in Hungary, Russian
diplomacy is the most successful and most immoral in the
world. I hope, gentlemen,
therefore, that you will
raise your powerful voice against the secresy of diplo-
macy; raise it in connexion with that question which
you have honoured with your sympathy. Your detrac-
tors say that demonstrations such as I have witnessed
are not the public of England; that Southampton, Man-
chester, Birmingham, are not public opinion.—(Hear,
hear.) Let not this, however, be the impression among
foreigners. They say, " what are these demonstrations
of the people of England As soon as Kossuth goes to
the States not an Englishman will remember him or his
opinions." lam convinced that it will not be so.—
(Loud cheers.) lam so convinced, because I have the
honour of bidding farewell to the corporation of South-
ampton and its Mayor. In four weeks the trumpet-
sound of its welcome has risen into the roaring of cannon
in acknowledgment of the existence of Hungary as a na-
tion of many nations.—(Laud cheers.) [Kossuth al-
luded to the fact of the national flag of Hungary having
been saluted with twenty-one guns from the platform
battery.] The feeling, then, has increased in four
weeks, instead of abating ; and I have a tun confidence
that when I return to Europe I will soo repeated
petitions to Parliament, Government resolutions in coun-
cil, commercial resolutions in corporations, at public
meetings, at dinners, and on every public occasion, re

THE NEW STATION AT KING'S-CROSS.
In Pancras-road, where some time ago Alfred
fought
the Danes—hence the place mime to be called Battle-
bridge, and so continued till an amusing caricature of
George IV. in cement turned it into King's-cross—
some enormous constructions are now going on to form
the London Station, we will not call it " terminus," of
the Great Northern Railway. The width of the
façade, from the side towers, is 216 feet; the extreme
width of the station is 305 feet; the height of these
towers, 71 feet. The clock will be 90 feet from the
ground, and will have dials 9 feet in dittaxeter. Pas-
sengers will enter in the centre of the pile of buildings
on the left hand (west), extending northwards, and will
find themselves in a pay-office 100 feet long, 40 feet
wide, and 40 feet bigll, with a gallery on the east side of
it to connect the various apartments on the first-floor on
either side, which it would otherwise separate.
The first-class waiting-room is at the north end of
this office ; the second-class at the south;
and there
are refreshment rooms and all the other accommodations
which are now looked for in stations of this importance.
The rooms are all large and lofty, but are to be finished
very plainly. The waiting-rooms open, of
course, into
the departure-shed, which is 105 feet in width, and 800
feet long, covered with a semicircular roof 71 feet in
height to the crown. The departure-shed is exactly the
same size, and is covered in the same way- The brick-
work throughout, and there is a large quantity of it,
very little stone being used, is an exceedingly good
specimen. The mortar is compounded of blue lias lime,
clay from the foundations burnt and ground, sand, and
cinders: in the proportion of 1 lime to 1 sand and 2
burnt clay and cinders; it soda becomes exceedingly
hard. The architect under whose superintendence these
works aro being carried out is Mr. Lewis Cubitt, and the
contractor is Mr. J. Jay, who is also executing the other
works to which we have alluded, north of this station,
partly under the direction of Mr. Joseph Cubitt, the
engineer of the line, and partly under Mr. Lewis Cubitt.

THE LIVERPOOL COUNTY COURT.—Mr. Ramsbay
is certainly hard to please. If a witness explains, he is told
that he is a fool, and is not to talk; if he stumbles or hesi-
tates, forthwith he is to be fined for not answering ; if he
answers questions simply, he blusters, snd sulks, and storms ;
if he is silent, he is obstinate ; if he answers at any length,
the sententious maxim, that " a fool is always talking," is
thrown at his head; if, in deference to this hint, he assents
by tacit gesture, he is warned, " If you have a tongue in
your head, use it, and don't bow to me like a Chinese man-
darin, hopping about like a cock-sparrow ;" and after all this
miserable gabble, Mr. Ramshay " supposes that he shall be
told that he has been discourteous; and if he is, he will take
care to have the person before him, and will deal with him
accordingly." For our own part, we should be sorry to kave
to visit Mr. Ramshay at Liverpool, especially in the present
cold weather • but we must tell him that he has been dis-
courteous, and a good deal more. But when is all this to
come to an end ? Have we not seen the last of this discredit-
able nonsense—this mockery of justice--this sad exhibition
of arrogance, vanity, and conceit, as some may call it—or,
as others more charitanly and apologetically will phrase it,
this display of shattered nerves and a wounded temper?
We do not want any more of these discreditable diaries.—
Chronicle.

INNER TEMPLE, Nov. 21.—The following mem-
bers of this society hare been called to the bar and were
Henry
sworn in this evening in the hall :—Augustus Phillips, Esq. •
William Sharp Cross, 8.A.; Richard Bright, 8.A.; John'
stqh.o;rnell, üßgh.A. ; John
Hampden Fordham, B.A. ; William Joyce, Esq. ;
Thomas Wroth, 8.A..; :Thomas Potter, Esq. ; David
Featherby Thornbury, B.A. ; Robert Lukin, Esq.
T;
jaSurpesntacienr
Vincent, 8.A.; Alexander Staveley Hill, S.C.L. ; George
and William'
Hwuairtdoni,luEnt,:;sl,lmGea)3rgcoraTgagylßera,wEs
Maurice Davies, L.C.L. ; Henry Jeffreys Bushby, Esq. •
uPeadwroorDth'Ailieoalln,taErsaci.TraVeSSeZ Valdez, Gent.;
LINCOLN'S-INN, Nov. 21.—The following gentle-
men were this day called to the degree of barrister-at -law, by
the Hon. Society of Lincoln's-in, viz. :—William llackett,
Esq. ; Edward Frederick Smyth Pigott, Esq. ; William
Wilkie Collins, Esq. ; Charles Pole Stuart, Esq. ; Mark Dew-
snap, Esq. ; William Park Dickins, Esq.; Stephen Soames,
Esq. ; Charles Thomas Calvert, Esq. ; Horace Townsend,
Esq. ; Philip Williams, Esq. ; and Edward Samuel Dale, Esq.
DETERMINED SUICIDE.—Yesterday evening Mr.
Payn© held an inquest at the George, Paul's-alley, Redcross-
street, on the body of Richard Yeomims, aged GO, a com-
mercial traveller, who committed suicide by hanging him-
self on Tuesday last. Mrs. Eliza Tanner, of 5, Alfred-place,
Paul's-alley, stated that the deceased, who was her first
cousin, lived in her house. He was a commercial traveller,
and was formerly in excellent circumstances ; latterly, how-
ever, he had been out of a situation for some time, and was
not very well off. He had lately been very disconsolate, and
was afraid he should never get another situation. On Tues-
day afternoon she looked into his room about six o'clock, and
saw him hanging by the neck to a hook in the wall. She im-
mediately got assistance, and had him cut down, but life was
extinct. In his room was found a letter addressed to witness,
directing how his furniture, watch, and some money from a
burial club should be disposed of. Some time sinco he fell
and injured his head, and he had not been well since. Cor-
roboratory evidence having been given, the jury returned a
verdict of "Temporary insanity."