The Sun.
London, England, 1834-06-10 00:00:00

CAMBRIDGE ELECTION.

CAMBRIDGE, JUNE 9.—This being the day before that
of the nomination, the public mind here has been in an
absolutely feverish state—party feeling is running high,
more high, perhaps, than it has ever been known to run at
any former election.

Sir EDWARD SUGDEN had a procession and a meeting
of his friends on Saturday evening in the town. The pro-
cession halted in the immediate, vicinity of the Waggon
and Horses, at Barnwell, whence Mr. Rice addressed the
electors on the previous evening, when the platform on
which he stood broke down. Sir Edward then rose in his
landau, and said he wished to say a few words, with a view
of showing the electors the difference between himself and
his right hon. opponent, who addressed them there on the
previous evening, and under whom the scaffold broke as he
was addressing them. His right hon: friend relied on what
he always will rely—on unsound timbers and rotten joists
(Laughter), and he was emphatically stating the words
" I Vely," when his timbers gave way. (Renewed
laughter.) He (Sir Edward Sugden) relied on the
hearts of the constituency, and on his own independence.
Sir Edward subsequently addressed the meeting opposite
the Jolly Butchers, where the procession next halted, and
subsequently from the Eagle Inn, when he announced that
he had closed his canvass, and expressed his confidence
that should the electors but prove true to him and true to
themselves, should they keep their promises to him,
he was most sanguine of success.

Mr. RICE als; addressed the electors on Saturday even-
ing. He repeated several of those opinions which he be-
fore gave expression to on former evenings, and expressed
his decided confidence in the success of his election.

The hustings were completed this day on Parker's-piece,
where the nomination and polling will take place.
Corruption to a very considerable extent, and of a most
disgusting character has been discovered going on here.
Such is the prevailing excitement that even business is
little thought of to-day, and every thing is secondary to
the election, which is paramount at this moment to all
other questions affecting the public mind here.
It has been ascertained that bribery is going
forward, and that two members of the " Charles-street
Society," who were known to have made their ap-
pearance at the late Derby election, and to have dis-
tributed 101. and 20/. notes amongst the electors of that
place, have come down flush of money. A story of a
student of the University having gone into a baker's this
morning, and laid down a 5L note for a penny roll, is in
general circulation; he stating at the same time his views
in favour of Sir Edward Sugden.
In the course of the procession, it is worthy of remark,
it halted opposite the mansion of the Rev. Dr. Barnes,
Master of Peterhouse College. The venerable gentleman,
who is quite a patriarch, supposed to be between 90 and
100 years of age, was sitting at his window ; and having
been cheered by the procession, and seen Sir Edward
Sugden rise in his carriage and join in the cheering, rose
from his chair, and with the fervour of an ardent politi-
cian, took his clerical hat from his peruke, and, waving it
with energy, cheered Sir Edward and his friends with an
enthusiasm that was perfectly astonishing. This scene
lasted for several moments, and the old gentleman, as the
procession moved on, like the venerable Lord Eldon, gave
" one cheer more.

A meeting of the various trades' unions took place
yesterday afternoon at Mr. Owen's lecture rooms,
Charlotte-street for the purpose of taking into consi-
deration the case of the industrious classes, in conse-
quence of the new position in which they were placed
by the declaration of the master tailors and manufac-
turers over the kingdom not to employ members of
the unions.
There were between four and five thousand persons
assembled at six o'clock, and shortly afterwards, Mr.
GOLD3PINK, of the builders' company was called to the
chair, and said,—My friends, fellow-workmen, and fel-
low-countrythen, I was not at all aware when I entered
the room, that I should be called upon to preside at so
important a meeting as the present. However, as it has
been your pleasure to call me to it, I have two or three
requests to make before we proceed to the business of
the meeting. Most or all of you have been apprised
of the extraordinary circumstances that have given rise
to the necessity for calling this meeting. It was in
consequence of the position in which the working
classes were placed as regarded the employers and the
upper classes, and the extraordinary and hitherto un-
heard-of conduct of the employers, in proposing the
signing of a document by which the men would de-
grade their characters, and sign away the birthright of
their children. ( Hear, bear.) Under such circum-
stan,:es the operatives against whom the measure was
Aded to bear have felt it their duty to call the
present meeting, in order to come to certain resolutions
as to the most beneficial mode of action for the future.
He would call upon the committee to read the resolu-
tions about to be submitted to them, in order that
they might have their sum and substance before them,
and then they should be discussed in detail, with that
deliberation necessary to effect their purposes, which
were nothing more nor less than to obtain impartial,
even-handed justice, and a fair remuneration for their
labour. He was determined to the utmost of his abi-
lity to preserve order and good conduct throughout
the proceedings ; but it would be impossible for him
to do so unless he was supported by the good sense of
the meeting. He therefore trusted that on an impor-
tant occasion like the present, when their proceedings
would go throughout the country and over the conti-
nent, that the good sense of English workmen would
dictate to them such a line of conduct as would give
the lie to the calnmnics circulated against them. With
these few observations he would sit down, calling on
them in the name of justice, truth, and liberty to keep
strict order. ( Hear.) •
A voice in the crowd here inquired if Stevenson
(one of the members on the platform) had not signed
the declaration? (Order.)
The CHAIRMAN said such questions were quite irre-
levant. ( A voice in the crowd, " Mr. Chairman and
gentlemen"—Loud cries of " Order," " Put him
out," &c.)
Mr. OWEN then came forward and read the resolu-
tions, as follow : _

" Ist. That the declaration of the employers of the ope-
ratives throughout the kingdom not to give work to any
member of the trades' union, is a direct and most injurious
attack upon the property, the liberty, and the life of the
operatives, and if submitted to by the working classes ge-
nerally, would inevitably reduce them to the lowest state
of degradation, and to a slavery of the very worst descrip-
tion, to an ignorant and therefore monied aristocracy. But
that the members of the union who at this moment are
compelled to prevent themselves and families from actual
starvation, to sign that declaration, are deserving of the
warmest sympathy of all their brothers in union, who will
exert their utmost power to relieve them from such slavery
in the shortest possible time.
" :Id. That this meeting recommends to the executive of
the unions the absolute necessity which has arisen to call a
grand meeting of the delegates of all trades throughout the
kingdom, to be held in London on , to take
into consideration the critical position in which that decla-
ration has placed the industrious classes throughout the
country, and the best means of averting the degradation
and poverty which the mistaken views of the masters, and
the errors of the Government are now rapidly pressing
upon the working classes, and that the measures hitherto
offered by the employers can afford no real relief to the in-
dustrious classes, or tend to the well-being of any class of
society.
" 3d. That this meeting recommends the adoption of
those practical measures calculated to afford some imme-
diate relief, and prepare the way for others that may give
more essential and permanent relief. That for this pur-
pose this meeting recommends to the Executive to prepare
a digested plan, by which the unionists may have the sub-
stantial advantage of the wholesale mode of buying articles,
by having large shops or depots, by which members of the
union may purchase every article of the best quality for
wholesale prices.
" 4th. That the Executive be recommended to prepare
all the details of the plan for carrying into execution the
National Trades' Union Bank, the prospectus of which has
been already given to the public, that funds may be col-
lected and retained sufficient to enable the unionists to
provide not only food and the common necessaries of life,
but also those substantial comforts to which their industry
justly entitles them.
" sth. That this meeting recommends to the Executive
so to conduct the unions as to give the most useful prac-
tical information to all the lodges throughout the kingdom,
and proceed steadily, without meddling with the politics of
any party, to leave civil and religious liberty to all, and not
to interfere with the conscience of a single member of
those unions. . . _

That this meeting, after the experience of the
past, and the most mature consideration of all that has
occurred since the great union was formed, is thoroughly
convinced there is no power can save the workmen from
increasing poverty and degradation, and this country from
violence and the destruction of property, except through
the cordial union of all trades and professions firmly
united to carry into execution some such measures as are
embodied in the preceding resolutions."
Mr. OWEN proposed the first resolution. He said
that meeting would be considered by the kingdom at
large the touch-stone of the competency of the work-
ing classes to take their own affairs into their own
hands. They must be prepared to do that, or to re-
turn to their workshops. If they were not competent
to d o
s o
one,
act
legislature had ever had the tendency of
putting
penny into the pockets of the industrious
of
the
classes. The capitalists and masters were in many
instances men like themselves, who a few years ago
were in the class of operatives ; he did not therefore
mean to allude to individuals, but to the necessary
consequences of increased wealth. Many of those
around him would be equally despotic and tyran-
nical if placed in the same circumstances. So
long as the system existed of an individual em-
ploying hundreds or thousands, and deriving
all the benefit from their labours, so long would this
state of poverty and degradation exist. Under these
circumstances they should do the best they could for
themselves and their families. ( Voice in the crowd—
,g Mr. Owen, are you a Radical ?" Cries of " Order ;"
Chair.") He would now proceed to another part of
the resolution, which to him was most painful. There
was nothing he regretted so much as that any indivi-
dual should be compelled, in order to save his family
from starvation, to sign the document put forth by the
masters. Many had done it from that motive alone.
He called upon them to throw the veil of charity over
their depressed, suffering, and he was about to say de-
graded
.slaves. He (Mr. Owen) would rather suffer
death, if he were an operative, than sign that docu-
ment. (Loud cheers.) But if he had a helpless
wife, and a number of small children dependent on
his exertions, he doubted much whether he would be
authorised to permit them to die of starvation. ( Hear. )
The object of the masters would be, no doubt, to sow
dissensions among them, and if they succeeded, the
operatives were lost indeed. Any person attempting
to do so, Was not a brother, but an enemy. He need
not remind them of the fable of the bundle of
sticks—they would shortly have all the working
classes of France, Germany, Belgium, Holland, and
America with them, and they might then defy the
world.

Mr. PETRIE said that they had been told that power
and wealth were designed for the welfare of the com-
munity at large, and yet they saw in the combination
of the masters wealth and power combined for a very
different purpose. Let any employer put himself in
their situation, and say that he would endeavour to
raise himself and his class from the degradation under
which they were groaning—was he for this to be per-
secuted ? If he were compelled by a starving family's
cries to sign such a document, would not the master
look upon him as a prostituted, degraded wretch, who
on the first opportunity would stab a dagger to his
heart? (Cheers.) He had now the pleasing

gence—(Here immense confusion took place in the
body of the meeting, and there were loud cries of
" Turn him out." Several persons were observed
struggling in the crowd, and after much uproar and
delay, the refractory member was eapelled.)
The Cii AI It MAN interposed. He trusted that such
conduct would not again be adopted, but if any dis-
turbance or altercation took place, let the well-con-
ducted portion of the meeting request that they would
be silent. If not he would exercise his authority and
dissolve the meeting.
Mr. Prrsit resumed. Throughout the country,
wherever he had gone, the Unions were impressed
with the conviction of the necessity of sticking closely
together. It was important to know this, in order
that the Metropolitan Unions, which were the centre
of the system, should act upon the same principle.
The power was in their own hands, any day they
chose, to bring their enemies to the dust, so that like
tame spaniels they would lick their feet. He would
remind them of a little bill, like that which he held in
his hand, which on one occasion had brought the
greatest conqueror of the age, the Hero of Waterloo,
to estand--" If you want to stop the duke, run for
gold." ( Hear.) If the working classes want to carry
their point, let them run for gold, and they would
burst the bubble. (Cheers.) It might be said they
were poor, but five millions would do it—that was all
that was necessary. (Cheers.) He begged to second
the resolution.

Mr. SMITH said he would offer a few observations
on the resolution. He was an uneducated, humble
wheelwright, yet he could feel the blow which was
aimed at the property and life of his fellow-workmen.
The proposition in the resolution was plain enough—
it roquired no process of ratiocination to understand it.
He was glad, however, to say, that all the masters
were not base enough to require their men to sign the
declarations—he would make a distinction between
the honest masters and the rest—the vagabonds.
(Cheers.) They might put their hands to the docu-
ment, but their hearts would not acknowledge it.
" The hand could never be enchained." (Cheers.)
The declaration would have the effect of putting an
end to mechanics' institutes and other useful establish-
ments of that class. The great crime of the opera-
tives was that they had endeavoured to acquire knovt-
ledge. That great statesman, Sir R. Peel, had said
that the operatives were about to take their affairs
into their own hands. They would do so ; the forma-
tion of the unions was the first step to it, and there
was no doubt but that tyrants of all kinds, great and
small, would be obliged eventually tl submit to them.
(Cheers.) They might have recourse to physical
force, but they would not—they relied upon moral
force, for it was more important to dry one tear than
to shed oceans of blood. It was well suggested by the
last speaker to pay a visit to the old lady in Thread-
needle-street ; although they were poor, one shilling
a piece put down by one hundred would entitle them
to one ticket of admission, and by union the old lady
would perhaps shortly die of fatigue—they would kill
her with kindness. (Laughter.) After some other
observations, Mr. Smith sat down amid great cheering.
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution.
Mr. BIRNELL said, having looked over the resolu-
tion, he grieved to say that there was something in it
which he did not entirely agree in. Let all get em-
ployment, and if such a document was put before them,
let them sign it; but, at the same time, say, " I will
do as I like with my own money." (Hear and confu-
sion.) If the masters had resorted to stratagem why
should not the unionists do tho same ? (" No !" and
" Hear.") There was no immorality in such a propo-
sition. He did not want to make any amendment un-
less the executive thought proper to do so. (Loud
cries of " Never.")
Mr. PAYNE begged to propose an amendment ; and
before he did so, he would offer a few observations.
He had expected support from the unions, which he
had not received. If they were able to support him,
he would be the fast to withdraw from them. He was
led to believe that the unionists amounted to one mil-
lion ; the tailors were now five or six weeks on strike,
and they had not received from the Grand Consoli-
dated Trades' Union two thousand pounds,. although
3d. per week from even a hundred thousand would
amount to 1,0001. a week. (Cries of " Question," and
great confusion.) He contended that that was the
question. He was sorry that their strike had been
mixed up with politics, and he was satisfied that they
had arrayed themselves against a power that was
too strong for them. (Hear.) He did not care who
hooted or hissed, but he would assert that they were
crushed. ( Hear ; No, no.) He would repeat that they
were inevitably crushed. ( Uproar.) He would ad-
vise them to get employment upon the best terms they
could, and then make their arrangements for a future
time. (Hear.) The document was nothing ; there
was no penalty attached to it. (Yes, No, and confu-
sion. He made this suggestion for the general weal,
and he trusted it would be acted upon, for they were
not now in a position to stand against the power ar-
rayed against them. Mr. Payne then proposed an
amendment to the effect that the operatives would be
at liberty to sign the declaration.
Mr. WiLcox said he would never consent to sign
such a declaration. Many of the unionists had not
acted as brothers. If they all came forward and co-
operated, it would prevent the men being obliged to
sign that damnable document. (Cheers.)
Mr. LANE could not agree with the suggestion to
chain himself a slave. The tailors had been taught
to rely upon the unions with confidence—but how were
they treated ? The builders, indeed, had subscribed
900/. to their assistance, which he acknowledged with
gratitude, but they had only received 5001. from the
consolidated union. They were thus deceived, and
nothing was left them but to sign that degrading,
abominable document to get a day's work. He, for
one, said—never. (Cheers.) They were determined,
he hoped, not to submit to such degrading tyranny.
They had been deceived by the person whom they had
deputed to act for them with the consolidated union.
He objected to the resolution, for he never would sanc-
tion it, or any man that would sign the declaration.
(Cheers.)
Mr. RIGBY said the tailors had treated the consoli-
dated union badly ; they had struck without the con-
sent of the delegates or the consolidated union.
(Great confusion here ensued, which prevented our
hearing the remainder of Mr. Rigby's observations.)
Mr. WOODHOUSE contended that the tellers had
struck with the full consent of the consolidated union.
Would it not have been more brotherly, when they
found they were deceived, for the union to have stood
by them ? They had not done so, and they were
thrown back upon the tyrannical masters, who stood
with the dagger drawn stained with the blood of their
brother workmen. On the first week they got about
Bs. each (although many refused to accept assistance),
and that had dwindled down on the fourth week to 2s.
or Is. 6d. They must have fallen then if it had not
been for the builders. (Cheers.) The weavers of
Spitalfields, although starving almost, had brought to
the starving brotherhood of tailors 19/. 9s. Mr.
Woodhouse concluded by declaring with an oath that
he never would sign the declaration.
Mr. TOBIN, as a representative of the smiths, com-
prising 3,000 men, called upon the consolidated union
in the most impressive manner to support the starving
families of their brothers the tailors. He called upon
the meeting to support the resolution.
The resolution was then put and carried.
Mr. CARPENTER proposed the second resolution.
The nature of the amendment that had been proposed
was, that they had failed in their object and should re-
turn to the tyranny of the masters. He thought no-
thing was to be more deprecated than the dissensions
which he had that evening witnessed. Would it not
be a proof to the masters that they were unable to
conduct their own affairs, and that they must fall back
upon their former enslaved state ? Were they pre-
pd daet
ko
ndeowtlheadtg?e (thLeomusdelcvreisesteofhe"sNe oign, neor.a"n)t
?NV(oNuled,
thelnstead
tailors, o f
linquiringetthem
swhoet the
the smiskteakoef
no.) Then let them stand firmly united together. I
that, as admitted on all hands! had been committed.
thanks of the working classes ; and if they were
The tailors who were upon strike were entitled to the
about to
all compelled to sign the declaration to-morrow,
they should not forget them. But the tailors alone
were not upon strike the masters and the
wealth and power of the country were com-
bined on the other side. A master employing
sixty or seventy men told him (Mr. C.), that he

FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE.

ARRIVALS.

ecc-e/ 11§-
ha n threatened by several noblemen, it membet
o e royal family (Groans), and many wealthy com-
oners, that if ever he employed unionists they w.m.14
not only withdraw their own custom, but induce all
their friends to do the same. The masters' commit-
tee had threatened to effect the rum of a master, whit
was not willing to compel his men to sign that dain-
nable declaration. There was a combination among
the masters throughout the kingdom, but, if that was
all, the industrious classes would be able to contend
succOsfully against them. There was besides this a
combination of wealth, and at combination among the
magistrates not to give relief to any starving family,
whose head belonged to the trades' union. The mr-
chinery af the new Poor Laws' Bill would be used for
the same purpose. Were they precared to contend
against this ?(" Yes," and " No, no.") He believed
they were not in a condition to do so. They had no
alternative, therefore, but to submit; but they might do
so, under the same circumstances as a promise not to
betray him might be made to a highway-man with a
pistol at your head. He contended, therefore, tha:
there would be nothing degrading in a man putting
his signature to the declaration. If the meeting was
against him, he would withdraw the suggestion, and
spend his last sixpence in endeavouring to carry their
views into effect. (Great cheering.) Would there be
anything degrading in signing the document, stating
at the same time that you were not a free agent, and
that you would not abide by it longer than you could
help ? (" No, no ;" " Yes, yes.") It was a question
of expediency, and of tzpedicncy only, if they were
able to bring the masters tt; their senses, in God's
name let them go forward ; but he feared they were
not. He believed that it was not fr 67.3 want of
sympathy that the tailors were not. supporteJ; but
from a conviction that the case was hopeless. ;:e
feared, if some such measure was not adopted, the
tailors and other trades would be obliged to sign the
declaration in detail. He would conclude by moving
the adoption of the resolution, and suggested an ap-
pendix to the purport he had just mentioned.
Mr. LOVATT seconded the resolution. He feared
they had not sufficient strength yet to contend with
the powers arrayed against them.
Mr. ABRAIIAM moved the third resolution, but was
interrupted at the commencement of his address by
several members delivering their opinions for and
against the expediency of signing the declaration.
Mr. Abraham said, although there was a little dif-
ference of opinion between some of the members, let
not the masters lay the flattering unction to their souls
that the unions were broken up. He would not object
to sign the declaration if compelled to do so, as he did
not consider it binding. The strike, be believed, was
premature, but they would gather experience from
the past.
Mr. WARD seconded the resolution.
The other resolutions were afterwards passed, and
the meeting separated at an advancedhour of the night.

H. Brewster, Esq., at 21:0Yley's Hotel, Trafalgar-
square, from America ; Mrs. P. Poi,-!! and family, at ditto,
from India; Mrs. Alexander and farni;;', at ditto, from
ditto ; Captain Bullock, at ditto, from ditto ; C. D. Read,
Esq., and son, at ditto, from Suffolk ; Rose, Foil, at
ditto, from a tour; W. Irwin, Esq., at ditto, from Dub-
lin ; Stewart, Esq., at ditto, from ditto; W. liuetf,
Esq., at ditto, from Downham, Norfolk ; Captain Sear-
genson, at ditto, from Chatham ; B. Hinde, Esq., at
ditto, from Dublin; W. Welsh, Esq., at ditto, from a.
tour ; T. Studdart, Esq., at ditto, from ditto ; Sir A.
Mackenzie, Bast., in Dover-street, from his seat in Scot-
land; Hon. Mrs. Lindsey, at Batt's Hotel, Dover-street,
from Calcutta ; Cap'. Gore, at ditto, from a tour ; Capt.
Owen, at Raggett's Hotel, Dover-street, from Chat-
ham ; Mr. and Mrs. W. Butler, in Brook-street, from
their seat, in Essex ; Edward Simeon, Esq., at the Wa-
terloo Hotel, Jermyn-street, from his seat, near Reading ;
Mom. de Bethman, at ditto, from a tour ; Mr. and Mrs.
Robertson and family, at ditto, from Cheltenham ; M.
Vandermarq, at Fenton's Hotel, St. James's-street, from
the Continent; M. Auriel, at ditto, from ditto ; M.
Percival, at ditto, from ditto ; Macartney, Esq., at
ditto, from India ; Lawrie, Esq., at ditto, from ditto ;
J. H. Beever, Esq., at ditto, from Manchester.

DEPARTURES.
Lord and Lady Rivers, for Misley Hall, Essex ; the Earl
and Countess of Belfast, for 011ershaw Park, Surrey ;
Dowager Lady Rivers, for Windsor ; Sir Charles Lamb,
Bart., on a tour ; Mdlle. d'Este, for Oxford ; Mr. and.
Mrs. Mott, for ditto ; Mr. and Mrs. Taylor, from Ellis's
Hotel, St. James's-street, for Southgate ; Simon Taylor,
Esq., from ditto, for Jamaica ; Lady Haggerston, from
Raggett's Hotel, Dover-street, for Haggerston Castle,
Northumberland ; Captain and Mrs. Sheddan. from Batt's
Hotel, Dover-street, for Hampton Court ; Mr. and Mrs.
Chamberlyn, from Warren's Hotel, Regent-street, for
their scat near Winchester ; Mr. and Mrs. James Taylor,
from the St. James's Hotel, Jermyn-street, for Moor
Green, near Birmingham ; Colonel Blair, from ditto, for
ditto ; Sir Charles Brook Vere, Bart., and Levison
Gower, Esq., from ditto, for the Continent ; W. Stone,
Esq., from ditto, for Oxford; A. Shurley, Esq., from
ditto, for ditto ; Mr. and Mrs. Hawkins, for their seat in
Oxfordshire ; J. P. Larkins, Esq., for Ramsgate ; tho
Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Pratt, from the Waterloo Hotel, Jer-
myn-street, for Paston Rectory, Peterborough ; J. Bar-
ney, Esq., from Morley's Hotel, Trafalgar-square, for
Southampton ; Yates, Esq., from ditto, for Ireland ;
Professor Forbes, Esq., ditto, for Edinburgh ;
Disney, Esq., from ditto; Sir L. Greenwell, from ditto, for
Chatham ; Barclay, Esq., from ditto, for Liverpool.