The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-27 00:00:00

AUSTRIA AND RUSSIA

The complete triumph and success of the Austrians
and Russians in subjugating the more liberal and inde-
pendent parts of Germany has been attended by all those
reactionary, bigot, and vindictive results which we but
too truly foreshadowed and foretold. Our continued de-
nunciations of this absolutist alliance were answered with
the assurance that Austria was as liberal as Prussia;
that the statesmen of Vienna were highly enlightened,
sincerely bent on establishing a constitution; that their
object in Germany was to reform the Diet, liberalise
and improve it. In short, the Germans and the princes
had but put their trust in the Emperor Nicholas and
Prince Schwarzenberg, in order to be dealt with fairly
and wisely.
By this time, however, not merely the people, but
the princes of Germany, have been made aware what
they are to expect from the unresisted ascendancy of
Austrian policy and arms. As far ns constitutional
government is concerned, the Court of Vienna has flung
off the mask, disavows and scouts the idea. With educa-
tion surrendered to the Jesuits, the old provincial im-
munities and privileges destroyed, the recent decree re-
specting the organisation of ju,tice has been such, that
even Schmerling did not think it consistent with the
little liberalism that was in him to remain in such a Go-
vernment. He has resigned. The regime of the Aus-
trian empire has in fact been assimilated to that of
Russia, and by so doing it has retrograded a century.
It is now an unmitigated military and religious des-

potism.
Notwithstanding this assimilatien of Vienna to St.
Petersburgh it was still thought that the victorious
Powers would not altogether treat the rest cf Germany
like Poland. That the old Diet would be restored was,
indeed, inevitable; but then it was hoped that the basis
would be widened, that concessions would he made to the
spirit of the age, that some guarantee of fairness, some
hope of improvement, would be held out. Nothing of
the kind. The hetman of a horde of Cossacks, who
had taken possession of Frankfort in a bold and sudden
maraud, could not have proceeded to reconstitute the
German Diet with more ignorance, more passion, more
petty vindictiveness, and more crass stupidity, than
the Russian and Austrian statesmen have dictated at
Dresden.
Not but that the rule of their conduct has been simple.
It is this: Strike out from the powers to be represented
in the council of the Diet all those who have offended
Austria; turn out all the independent princes, or lump
them together so as to render their vote null; and con-
centrate all power in the great powers, or in the four
kings. Absorb, reduce, and destroy the protestant and
the German interest in the Diet, making the Catholic
and the non-German influence predomin ate.
In the old Diet there were two commits, a smaller and
a larger one. The latter, however, was so cumbersome
to unite, that all business and political influence was con-
fined to the smaller council, which in fact was, as it will
be, the Diet. This was composed of 17 votes, of which
Austria and Prussia had each one, the tour kingdoms of
Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Saxony, and Hanover each one.
So had Baden, Hesse Electorate, Hesse Darmstadt, Hol-
stein, and Luxemburg. Brunswick and Nassau had a
vote. The ducal courts of Saxony had their vote, so the
Mecklenburgs, Oldenburg, and Scwartzburg; and the
free cities had a vote.
The reorganisation of the Diet by Schwarzenberg
sweeps clean the whole of western Germany out of the
least influence in the Diet. Austria and Prussia, with
each two votes, and the four kings with one each, con-
stitute, in fact, the Diet; but three more votes being
allowed, and these three divided amongst the lesser
powers, in such a way as they cannot possibly use them.
Baden is nearly as large as Wurtemburg; Baden and the
two Hesses are twice as large as Wurtemburg; but Wur-
temburg has a vote, whilst Baden and the two Hesses are
lumped together to form a vote. These three countries
constitute the states of the German territory along the
Rhine and the French frontier. These princes and popu-
lations ought, for obvious reasons, to be chiefly interested
in the strength, dignity, and concord of the new German
confederation. But, lo! they are left out, treated as
of no notice, their princes mediatized, as far as
German politics go, and their people disfranchised, for
the Frankfort Diet, in:which they have no voice, can
control or crush their every progress. It were not pos-
sible to invent a system which should so completely turn
over the better and western portion of Germany to
France as this scheme. As to Holstein, Luxemburg,
and the free cities of Frankfort and Hamburgh, they are
flung clean out of the confederation; so are Brunswick
Ind Nassau. The Saxe Coburgs and Gothas in the
centre of Germany are linked to the Mecklenburgs in
she north—tied, in fact, as faggots so as to preclude any
common will or motive. All these powers have entered
their solemn protest. They see clearly that this politi-
cal spoliation is to be followed by a Polonization—that
is, a division of western Germany amongst its eastern
potentates. It might not be so difficult to get rid of the
princes, if the people were interested in the change,
but on the contrary, the princes are to be proscribed,
as in Poland, merely for the sake of enslavi►,g the
people. When we add to this, that the advantages
and ascendancy allotted to the four kings are given to
them personally, not to their countries, for their courts
are all at variance with their chambers, and with all
classes of their population—and, in truth, they accepted
their powerfrom Russia, and from Austria, solely on the
condition of nullifying and putting down the constitu-
tion and the freedom of their people—we leave any im-
partial person to decide how fair and wise, or how likely
,0 be durable is such a re-organization of Germany as
ibis.

Never, indeed, save the great example of Poland, do
we recollect an instance of brute force being so n kedly
applied in dealing with the affairs of a great nation. The
kings and statesmen of the congress of 1814 have been
considered sufficiently despotic, and grudgingly constitu-
tional; but Alexander and Metternich wens men of ex-
treme liberality compared with the Nicholases and the
Schwarzenburgs; the Russians would not have been mad
enough then to treat Germany like Poland, were the
Germans base enough to suffer tr.
Germany, however, so far differs from Poland, that
there is at least one of its great powers that cannot be
made altogether absolutist in its policy, or despotic in its
administration. And this power can alone offer any
effectual resistance to the new Frankfort Diet. This
power is Prussia. It has succumbed, indeed, and pur-
chased peace, by a complete surrender of every liberal
cause or principle beyond its frontier. Prussia, too, will
be in a minority in the new Diet. Austria, with the
four kings, having six votes, constitute the majority.
So that the five allies of Bregenz have got all the allies
of Erfurt in their pocket. But how far is this power to
extend and to be exercised? Is the Diet to overule the
constitution and administration of other states? Is the
Elector of Hesse not to grant a constitution, or the King
of Prussia not to give an electoral law without the per-
mission of the Diet? Manteuffel has given up every-
thing but this, and give up this he would no doubt, for
he owns no God but fear. But will he find it safe to do
so? For this great and last resolve we must wait.
From the continued attacks of the Schwarzenberg
organ, the Times, upon Prussia, we should argue that
Austria is not quite content with Prussia's submission.
There is still some hitch. The Prussian Court does not
boar the political knout with resignation, and therefore
the Austrian organs, which one should think might be
more magnanimous towards an humbled foe, continue to
insult and spit upon Prussia and its King. We do not,
for our own part, feel at all disposed to defend the Pros-
sian Court, especially against tho slanders of that party
with which it has leagued. We would merely hint, that
no writer, really acquainted with the true state of
things and persons at Berlin, would at present shed un-
necessary insults on Frederick Williarr. But what the
Times said on Friday of Prussia and its institutions is
uttered in such complete ignorance or contradiction of
facts, that we must expend a sentence in correcting them.
The Times represents the Prussian system as essen
tially despotic in those minor details in which it argues
that the Austrian regime is to be preferred. Now, with
respect to " minor details," let us remark:
That Prussia has enjoyed municipal government for
upwards of forty years, its civic authorities being elected
by the householders since 1808; whereas in Aus-
tria and Bavaria there are no authorities, munici-
pal or otherwise, except those nominated by Govern-
ment.
Prussia, moreover, since 1823, has had provincial
councils, also elected by the people, with large influ-
ence es the provincial administration, such as exists
nowhere on the continent except in Belgium and
Holland.
These are the "minor details" of the Prussian system,
which, if permanently completed by the Parliamentary
system, cannot but lead to the political education
and emancipation of the people who enjoy them.
Prussia has certainly failed in achieving anything for
Germany during a tentative of three years. Her middle
and intelligect classes and statesmen have not been able
to keep down the fury of the mob with one hand, and
conciliate the despotic Lords of a million of soldiers with
the other. If the Gagerns and the Arnima and the
Radowitzes have failed in this, it is that they have had
obstacles to encounter such as neither Pym and Hamp-
den, nor Somers and Godolphin, nor yet Walpole knew.
The task of regenerating and emancipating Germany
was a gigantic one, and remains a gigantic one. Popular
Germany and princely Prussia have alike failed in it.
But there are still strong elements in both for resuming
the task and renewing the struggle.
We have no durable prejudice or party tie that would
prevent us even now from appreciating and doing 409'
lice to any fair effort. of Austria to reconstitute_br.f:
Ger-
many in accordance with its true interests, and it
Eh
.
spirit of the age. We have even refrained. frol coma-
ments in the hope that some little fairness.ofiren.
particle of liberality would show itself as D_reveray act is a
no; every scheme is redolent of Warseggsg7beri„olence of
ukase, every official argument. brel
autocracy. That any sensible tinental statessramoearne
l be solidly consoli-
could imagine that Germany
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CosT of PAUPERISM.—The following is a return °
fthe cost per head per week of the inmates of the several
orhbouses in the Oxfordshire and Warwickshire audit dis-
trictn which a portion of Worcestershire is included), for
the half-year ending at Michaelmas last :

s. d.
Witney ........ 2 W Shipston-on-Stour ... 2 4
Worcester .... •••..... 2 14 Stow-on-the-\Vold ... 2 f,.
Alcester ..
Banbury 2 2i Coventry
Droitwitch.... ... 2 2* Folcshill. ' 2 7,
Evesham 2 2* Southam . 2 7
Solihull
Stratford-on-Avon ... 2 2A- Rugby 2 8
Northleach 2 4 Chipping N0rt0n...... 211
Pershore..... ...... 2 4
i —Worcester Chronicle .

PAPER DUTY.—Wo understand that a petition is
in the course of signature in this city, praying for a repeal
of the Excitia-duty on paptu....liriaw jicreury.