The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-18 00:00:00

display. Our answer to all inquirers must be the
answer of Canning's knife-grinder " Story, God
bless you I I have none to tell, Sir." In sober truth
the appointments which our brethren represent as com-
pleted will not be so much as discussed until the re-
turn of Sir Robert Peel from the Continent. While
we are writing these lines we have put into our hands
a " second edition" of the Courier, wherein our wor-
shipful contemporary states at " five o'clock"—
: " The following appointments are generally talked of, but we
arefiir from pledging ourselves for their correctness, excepting
for the Duke of Wellington being First Lord of the Trea-

sury
" The Duke of Wellington, First Lord of the Treasury and
Home Secretary, until Sir Robert Peel's return.

" Sir George Murray, Colonial Secretary.
" Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Chancellor.
" Sir James Scarlett, Lord Chief Baron, and to be created
a Peer.

" Mr. Baring, Chancellor of the Exchequer.
" Sir HenryHardinge, Secretary at War.
" Sir Charles 'Wetherell or Sir Edward Sugden, Attorney-
General.

" Mr. Follett, Solicitor-General.
" Sir George Clerk, one of the Secretaries of the Treasury.
And these appointments are " generally talked of ! '
It is sad to think that people should be so lavish of
superfluous talk. Excellent as many of these appoint-
ments may be, none of them have been made ; none of
them will be made until the return of Sir Robert Peel
from the Continent. Here is the Globe !—Admi-
rable I—Our friend not only announces the appoint-
ments some weeks before they can be made, bw.
criticises their propriety, and exposes their iniquity.
" Mr. Follett," says the Globe, " is named as likely
to be the new Solicitor-General. And why have the
Parliamentary popularity, the professional eminence,
the sound principles of jurisprudence, the estimable
character of the present Member for Huntingdon
(Mr. F. Pollock) been passed over, with a view of
securing the services of one, who, however respected
in his profession, occupies a less eminent station at
the bar, and not even a seat in ,the House ?" The
present Member for Huntingdon (Mr. F. Pollock)
ought to be very much obliged to the Globe for an
eulogium which he can scarcely have expected to find
in its columns. We trust that the high character here
given of him will stand him in good stead, when his
title to professional advancement shall be considered.
But for the present let us assure the Globe that there
has been no " passing over " such as the Globe con-
demns,—the Globe must be contented to know nothing
of the Solicitor-General until Sir R. Peel shall return
to enlighten it. Once more we caution our readers
affainst these silly attempts at imposition. What we
stated yesterday was simply correct. There will be no
appointments, except those which the immediate
exigency of the time requires, until Sir R. Peel shall
contribute to the consideration of them the aid of his
experience and discernment. It would be easy for us to
sketch fancy Cabinets as our neighbours sketch them.
But we would rather be less amusing, and more ye-
racious.—Morning Post.
" Measures, not men," as objects of attachment or
opposition, is a motto which has often been severely
censured, inasmuch as in a country ruled by party com-
binations, certain men are regarded as guarantees, and
they are frequently the best guarantees, for particular
measures. But when the reign of party is utterly at an
end—when the whole "people," a name unknown, as
Burke said, in his time, to any text book of the Eng-
lish constitution—when the public has become its
predominating element—when the essential power of
the State, the representation of the people in Parlia-
ment has devolved upon themselves, and on their own
free choice, and when no given number of individuals or
of families can by any concert, however skilful, or de-
termination, however fixed, present the least effectual
barrier to the declared wishes and resolutions of the
" people," names become, as we have already stated,
in a comparison between the French and English
Governments—names become as much a matter ap-
proaching to indifference in England, because of the
real supremacy of the nation—as they do in France
from the absolutism of the Crown. The Duke of
Wellington, therefore, whose Conservatism has hitherto
shown itself to be of a somewhat mitigated colour, in
contrast with that of many of his supporters—the
Duke, we say, must have the countenance of a freely
chosen House of Commons for his entire policy, and
for each separate measure by which it is illustrated, or
he must from the hour at which that countenance is
withdrawn from him cease to be Minister of Great
Britain. .To imagine that the Duke of Welling-
ton, or that any man with a tithe of his sagacity, could
understand the administration of a country so per-
vaded as this is by a universal consciousness that the
application of the reform principle to many gross
abuses of Church arid State still remains uneffected,
and that without its further and systematic progress the
peace and well-being of every rank of society must
be altogether insecure—to imagine, we say, that the
Duke of Wellington could undertake his present office
in the expectation of being able to obstruct the regu-
lar advancement of the reform principle, and in doing so,
to resist the whole intellectual and moral force of En-
gland, would be to stamp him for a maniac. The down-
fall of the Melbourne Ministry is now irretrievable,
and the nation must determine coolly what is to be
done. One course, and one alone, is possible : it is
to support, under all changes of men and circum-
stances, the practical reform of every definite and ac-
cessible abuse. On this point there can be no re-
trogression, there can be no stagnation. Every
grievance unredressed—every source of corruption un-
purified—every unsound speck in any one of her na-
tional institutions is a depository of the'seeds, and an
assurance of the return of that malady which the
Reform Bill itself was destined to extinguish—the pes-
tilence of unjust government. The Duke of Wel-
lington must be well aware that such is the feeling
which animates the great bulk of the community,
and in the teeth of it we are in our own minds
satisfied that he will never venture to act. We
stated yesterday, as the allegation of the Duke of
Wellington's friends, that he is deeply impressed
with the necessity of a thorough Church reform. If
his Grace be so convinced with regard to the Church
of England, how much more profoundly must he en-
tertain the conviction as to what concerns the Irish
Church ? In persuading ourselves, however, that
the Duke meditates " reform," we must wait for
his actions before their sufficiency can be relied upon ;
and if they fall short of what the evil requires ; if they
touch but the surface and leave the roots unmolested,
the country will soon display its sense of the failure by
taking the remedy into its own hands. So, respect-
ing economy at home and in our distant possessions
—so for reform of the manifold abuses of our Cor-
porations,—so with what is wantine, towards a bet-
ter arrangement of the Criminal Law, and the law
of real property. If the Duke of Wellington pro-
ceeds with these, in sympathy with the people,
and in a spirit of good faith, there is no man
from whom Englishmen will accept a benefit more
cordially, or gratefully, than from him who has
already served them. If he abandons the duty pre-
scribed to him by his country, the result is clear—
neither the people nor the press will maintain an alli-
ance with him, and his Ministry draws to an end. As
relates to the affairs of Ireland generally—if there he
standing grievances to be removed, so is there a law-
less and intolerable power to be subjugated—a power
which aims at the public ruin, for the sake of selfish
and unhallowed gain. That power, we say, must be
crushed : neither Go rernment nor society can exist in
juxta-position with it : the English nation, and the
best part of the Irish nation, concur in announcing it
as the master-curse of Ireland. The best mode, how-
ever, of crushing this monstrous evil is to remove the
real grievances which oppress that misguided people,
and above all, to check at once that frightful evil, the
starvation of the poor, by introducing a system of com-
pulsory relief. Our own resolution respecting the Duke
of Wellington is to deal with him as we have done
with Lord Grey, and with. Lord Grey's successor-to
watch him closely—to oppose him vigorously, though
not factiously, when he deserts what we conceive to be
his duty ; and when difficulties beset him in the faith-
ful performance of that duty, to help him with equal
vigour. A Reform Minister he must be, or no Minis-
ter of William IV. His Grace will speedily find that
lie has no longer a Borough Parliament to deal with.
Upon one subject, though of inconsiderable moment,
it may be well to remark, that the charge of pre-
conceived intrigue for the overthrow of Lord Mel-
bourne's
Cabinet in this instance must be destitute of