The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

•
41:74.
N 9, 185488.] LONDON, MONDA
eZwa

[PRICE. SD,

The GREAT EXHIBITION and the ROIIAN Y TECHNIC
INSTITUTION.
All the most interesting Deposits which have beell,,at the Great
Exhibition will, in turn, he lectured on at the .i
P 0173..11, - YTECANIC Sin LYTTON.
.•
-L
.
n.O The present Lectures are by J. H. Petrie; EFq., on the .Ap-
Plieat4on of Iron ant Steel 1n the Manufactures of the United King-
dom ; and by Dr Baelthoflner on Electro-Metallic Deposits, illus-
trated by a splendid series of Messrs. Elkington's Specimens, and
ftillowed by an explanation of Bakewell's Patent Copying Electric
Telegraph. -The Exhibition of the Oxy,llyclrogrn'Microscope, mag,-
ni:ying objects upwards of 1,000,000 times their . natural size.--The
great economy of Cooking by Gas explained.--A Lecture on the Hit-
tory' of the Harp, by Frederick Chatterton, Esq., with Vocal Illus-
trations.—A Series of splendid Dissolving View:J.—Diver and Diving
&c.
Aitmission, Is. ; Schools, Half-price.
- Open daily front Eleven till Five, and every Evening from 3levat
till Half-past Ten.

KOSSUTH.

DEJEUNER AT THE MAYOR OF SOUTH.
, • AM TONS.

'Oa Saturday, the ,Mayor of Southampton enter-
taincd at his country residence, ear Winchester, a
large party of the friends of Kossuth and the other
Hungarian refugee:4. Among the company were Lord
D: S;usrt, M.P., Mr. Cobden, ;M.P., the American
Consul, Mr. Crosskey, Mons. Pulzky, Mr. E. E.
Crowe, Mr. Sheriff Payne, Aldermen Laishley,
Brookes, Lancaster, 'Tucker, and Park, and several of
the Town Council, and about .50 other gentlemen.
The room was densely crowded,' and the numbers
present were only limited by the extent of the accom-
modetion. It is impossible to overestimate the deep
attention with which Kossuth was listened to, the im-
pressien he created, and the enthusiasm with which
he was received. Nothing could be finer than the
energy and pathos of his elocution, and the purity of
his English was a mater of pleasant surprise to every
One who had the scivantatee of listening, to him. It is
said that his grearproficiency in our lariguege arose
in the following: interesting manner :—His first politi-
cal achievement was the publication of the Hungarian
debates, in which he was constantly obstructed by the
Maltz an Government. They went so far as to refuse a
liethise to any printer to publish them, when Kossuth
had them written out by clerks, and circulated
the country. He attempted to pursue the same
course with respect to the discussions in the comitats,
but here the Government, not having the fear of the
Parliament before its eyes, stepped in, and committed
him to prison, where he remained for three years:
-During the first year he was 'deprived of the use of
boolteapens, Or paper, but at 'the end of twelve
months' his gaolers somewhat relaxed, and he was
informed that he might have one book, provided it had
no relation to politics. He asked for three, promising
that they should not have the slightest connexion with
polities. He asked for Shakspere, an English gram-
mar, and a Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary, and
immediately set about the study of the English lan-
guage. In about a fortnight he bad mastered a page
of the Tempest, and from thence his progress was
rapid. It is not at all improbable that these books
which were so carefully selected from their non-con-
nexion 'with politics, may lead to the most important
political results, by enabling Kossuth to state forcibly
to the English and American people the real circum-
stances connected with the national struggles of
Hungary.
The Queen, Prince Albert, and the other routine
toasts having been given and duly honoured,
The Messort gave, in succession, "The President of
the United States," and " The Sultan," with a com-
pliment to that monarch for having given a shelter to
Kossuth. These toasts having been received with
loud cheers,
The MIYOIL again rose and said, that he felt it to
be a great honour and pleasure that he hed now to
propose the health of their illustrious guest, Louis
Kossuth.—(Cbeers.) It was most gratifying to them,
and, also, he heliaved, to the great majority of the
people of England, that his distinguished friend was
permitted to be among them that day.—(Hear, hear.)
For his own part, he felt it to be his duty, as the
chief magistrate of a great commercial town, to wel-
come such a stranger to this country, which was dis-
tinguished above all others as the home of the
stranger, the land of the free.—(Cheers.) Ile was
delighted to see the unanimity with which Kossuth
had been welcomed since his arrival in this country,
because he was pre• eminently the champion of consti-
tutional liberty, and he trusted that such demonstra-
tions would have their proper moral effect in the pro-
per quarter.—(Hear.) The press would, he trusted, be
unanimous on the subject, because its power was suffi-
cient to carry any cause into which it embarked. To
it they owed the repeal of the Test Act and of the
corn-laws, and it only required proper action in
that mighty engine to secure ultimate success to the
cause of Hungary. He need not dilate to them on
the claims which Kossuth bad upon all the friends of
freedom. He had, as one of his first acts of power,
emancipated 4,000,000 of serfs who could never be
enthralled again, and the day was not, he hoped, far
distant when he would have the power to emancipate
eight millions more.—(Loud cheers.) Without
further preface, he would give them "The health of
Louis Kossuth, and prosperity to his undertakings."
KO3SUTH then rose, and in excellent English pro-
ceeded to address the assemblage as follows :—Mr.
Mayor and Gentlemen,—ln rising to thank you most
sincerely for the noble, kind, and generous sentiments
which have been- 80 well expressed, And. so heartily
responded to, I experience emotions far too strong to
permit of any display of eloquence. Besides, I was
quite unprepared to meet so distinguished an assem-
blage as that which I have the honour of addressing.
Not much accustomed to address public assemblies
in my own language, I fear I shall have great difficulty
in addressing you in English, and therefore must in
the first instance claim your patience and generous
indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) I believe I may attri-
bute the generous sentiments of which I am the
object to nothing else than that sympathy with a
struggle for freedom which so well befits the free
Englishman, and to the fact that the cause of Hun-
gary is a just cause, strongly and intimately connected
with the maintenance of the principles of freedom all
over the world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, instead of any
vain attempt to give you an eloquent speech, perhaps
the better way will be to give you in a plain unvar-
nished manner some information respecting the great
cause which I have so deeply at heart.—(Hear, hear.)
I wish the people of England to know the true nature
of the past troubles in Hungary, in order that we
may preserve the generous sentiments already
i dis-
played towards us, and I believe that that can n no
way be so well done as by a plain statement of facts,
without any unnecessary flourish or artificial pomp of
words.—(Hear, hear.) To understand fully the Hun-
garien question, it will be necessary to say a few
words about Hungarian institutions. You all know
that Hungary was for more than 800 years a consti-
tutional monarchy, and that alone is no smell indica-
tion as to the elements of strength existing in my
nation.—(Hear, hear.) When you reflect on the geo-
graphical position of Hungary, and reflect that the
Magyar race are Asiatic people, men thrust into the
middle of European races, without friends and without
kindred, you must give creditfor the firmness and inhe-
rent strength that maintained the national institutions
for so long a period. We were, in fact, surrounded by
despotic powers. On the one side was Turkey encroach-
ingfo on
for ages
ages usbee for centuries,
n considered
only of its civilisation, buth of bulwark
t its gainChristianity—andsot f w
Eh uichrwe —not
bn
bad
dt
aonf o tulh
ne rn
kwi
na
ds,R uhsassi ag,
rao pwonw epr
rwo
dhiigc
iho,uns
lo
ytforin
tn hi
ne n
ne
one.
afiet
sduringide watsh
Ae
ul assttr
icae,nnt
not
century.—(H
the.—(rHgeoa r ,e
rnh epairr.e)
it now
twh e
is,t third
the proper dominions of the house of Hapsburg, not
one of the sons of which, if history speaks truth, was
ever the friend of political freedom. One of them, 'tis
true, Joseph 11., was the friend of religious freedom,
and of the social freedom of the peasantry. But even
he, the best of the Austrian dynasty, was strenuously
opposed to any extension of political privileges. Such
was our position, then, surrounded by Turkey, Russia
and the dominions of the houSe of Hapsburg, and,
besides all that, we had an internal state of things
which has always been considered a bar to national
greatness, namely, that the people of the country were
excluded from political privileges. Still, with all
these difficulties, the Magyars preserved not only
their national life but their national institutions.—
(Hear, hear.) Am I not, then, justified in saying
that in such a nation there are elements of a future,
and that such a nation deserves to have its rights ?
(Loud cheers.) I have already stated that the ori-
ginal people of the country had a share in consti-
tutional rights. The constitution of Hungary
was aristocratic, but an aristocratic constitution in
Hungary was somewhat different from the mean-
casshnotttecihsha attached to the word in Eng-
land. In Hungary the word is not synonymous with
ciplhnviyo:whl andhdaeitrrwretwnhha wealth, but simply meanswhoourlborn
positionbnoble,n obtainedublea lalso.
lhiseo
.
duals, are subject children's di fr
ean ' s man
childrenvere
l ithhee ensde ievni --
eot consequence
tomany?
andchanges,
dents of the old nobles of Hungary 'did not remain
dgirffeautseadndas ptooahsernfuela,rlybutthebecpaemopelesotphreompsaeglavteesd and
d
y
poorer than the peasantry, because the nobles' and
poorer had
the ambition not to work, as
if labour were not the
highest how ter of humanity.—(Loud cheers.) There-
fare, we found that this poor aristocracy were not
only in the condition of the people, but actually
poorer, because not so industrious. But ore promi-
nent feature in these facts is, that our aristocracytun was
l
rights as even the other ari st oic:reaociaifeesssofthatthethmiddle
sti
tio
not so opposed to the extension of con
ages, and as was formerly the aristocracy of this
country. I say was, because
aris-
tocracy of England have known how to meet the
exigencies of the time, to share their privileges with
the people, and to bear with the latter their proper
share in the public burthens of the country. And
they have had their reward, for the aristocracy of
England has remained firm, while other aristocra-
cies tave been scattered to the winds. But in
gungary the nobles were diffused among the
peoples mere agriculturists, landlords, or manufactu-
rers aed labourers, and therefore the word in one case
must be taken with a meaning different from its ac-

• • LAURENT'S CASINO.
ARGYLL .ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
St. James's, will RE-OPEN MIS .EVENING (LION•
DAY, for the Wintcr Season.
L;tirent's well-known and celebrated B md, piinciPal Cornet-d.
Piston, bI. Roulcourt.

During the recess the Rooms hlve been re-decorated. and many
mprovements made, under the sole direction of Mr. G. F. Biyer.
Doors open at lialf-past Eight, to commenc3 at icfne o'clock.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.

...•
(Th
, e in
dtelitrmo3t bay 'd: ' .n.ilv ''
I,lli/tell'
4 14
4: . A"i:::9:1711.i,)7,1: Y-2-.
15.<
> _ Tr-d4A-
, „, , '4,1 .0,x44 -« -
4,....,L,
,_,...:
/4
Q e --
N--,_
t•,-
.
(
, --I.,3•l.'',A'4''s, ~., lCgAt.,;c ~,„ i
~, , .-1,-• . . ''-- -- r-- qb\ ,fryf-z-_-,
.4vs. ~:--,--. I„. ~,,.,, - -,:.,,-,, :, 7, -1 •
',.,)ezi•'=;A e..!:y 1671---1 A", '.r, .44, V • "1:74- -t, , • .‘,,*L , -"",..; .A: . 4;:;4Cl'::,ti: - C71445.--1:).':L:%''77:4:: 4,-;:1"?2: -'lR'. \7::/-'::I;1' 1:::: e4:4t-:- ':1:::::+0.1:.:4' :'-r"-:: a '';).
-I.'
k-,,..„5-'''''Ml-447::j'hc,,-:;t'4'_..44,,q'sl .."'.1...,kf1;.::;if;;:':: .:. ' •
..:..„..,..x.,-!,,,,,,,..,..,-;:-,,, 4,-_-_,,16,_
../K,i.,..:,
to f ),
Titc<ij,---77.74,,r,i7.17,,,,;,,::,,-; ,: 4r:.:.:15,,, 0 :.' '.
14:4:::- ..,,,t; z,„=„...,.....___V:
js
our
1,, ,
70.4, . ,
(„........
,;,..--.47'.ud'' ''.
-----...1)'. hill , Nes
Vol ~. z, [,.. /2 . Lou ch
41 ,
• -
o -t;e
~:...,1 -,,,..
,
V ,
Nri
4474rraQq.sva.
* 7 Ns.:ir-:„
'''?-oc_,._____.,,,,, !):-1,.,1'. /..-stf''':l:4: :',P '
e_. 1
~ «
•
c.,-,---,WO i,•, Q ,:.,;-.--.-------; • z.. 'l,- -V -' -
• 1111!_•___.
. .
.. •

eciet .ie and elute. attempt was
.o injure the character of COY pe man.
peers.) Ido not prequme to elite!. into the
of Hungary. How. then, do I. judge
a g, 2st worthy of the bespitedity and moral.
once we give him ? I judge °Mint by the cm-.
dentials he brings in the name of a whole natinti, and
endorsed by the suffrages of a people.—(ebeers.)
When fugitive sovereigns are driven from their chores
by the execrations of their people to our shores, we
throw open our vacant palace s for their reception—
a word
v(gCahienesrts
tahned
hioasUpgitialtiCitri)e—soefndcllawrielnl
ionnott_sbnyo.
whena
man arrives on our shores bearing not the curses but
the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if England
refuses a welcome to such a man, adieu for ever to
that sympathy with nations and with nation e' rights
which has hitherto been the roast of England.—
(llear, hear, and loud cheers.) Bat I take no
merit in sharing in these honours. Selfishness
as a public man might. induce me, if I had no
other motive, to he here to-day. But I am here
speaking in the name Of the great majority of the
people of this country. I say it advisedly, I know as
to know ; and I say that this meeting, enthusiastic as
it is, fairly represents a large mrjerity of the men, ay,
and the women of this country.—(Loud cheers.) And
newspaper can pretend
in England ? Why is it that the name of Louis Kos-
efoury the cause of Hungary
I would fain hope of the higher classes, one of whom
we number among our visitors to-day ?It is because
otpphaietnhfiiyornefeeai ldst es of the middle classes, and
wishes of a great people, that he Ilse intellect to make
him worthy of their confidence, and that he has
y
h
oa
it,)td,
rptruonbiat
lie is shiissobhfseuePl iacilehrebd-seidalt worthy to represent the wants and
those qualities of the heart without which intellect
would ee a curse.—(Hear, hear.) I confess I had
formed a favourable opinion of the refugees from
those that I have tee honeur to he acquainted with,
obly thfe.rjeudagriengfeowf. stehheo
refugeesa have h s..d
have had. I have seen in their demeanour a manly
fortitude in the midstof their • whichhs
dietreas, a convinced me that they possess in a great degree
those qualities of which Englishmen .are So justly
proud. lam convinced if that "
people mere than
gth%natelr
any other resemble the English and d Americans, the
Hungarians are that people, and, n thpre-
sence of our friend among us anNeft .emen,
of' England will enhance our res e
taimong the people
or hie People. It
is impossible to hear him speall: et
and neighbours speak of him, to hear his. friends
here is a man who being thrown into rut i:eelicg
that
highest posi-
tion, acted in a manner worthy of thar - and
that the people who placed him in position
were worthy of such a man. Now,
it,maa
b~ asked,
what particular results can flow from ou r (314nonstr
tions of respect for our friend ? lam
seire they.
not be quite barren of fruits, if they afford him s will
ome
consolation for the hardships he has been obliged to
undergo during the last two or three yeers. But there
is more than that in the tribute of respect we have
heard from his friends, and there is an additional
passport to our favour in the malignity of his
enemies, his enemies being the friends of despotism.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, people will see how far the
aspirations of Europe will go with his cause, and how
far they may expect the support of Englishmen, or
Americans, in their future proceedings._([fear.)
Now, my illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion
of his most eloquent address, that he wishes only for
such a demonstration in this country as shall prevent
Russia from invading his country, or from interfer-
ing with the settlement of its domestic affairs. Well,
if there be one man who has a stronger opinion than
another on the subject of non-intervention, I am that
man. lam fanatical in that doctrine, because I think
that there can be no vigour in manhood in the coun-
try which looks to the right or left for external aid,
and is not allowed to develope its resources by its own
internal working ; but I quite agree with my friend
that a word spoken by England would bare an almost
irresistible force in the councils of despotic sovereigns.
I confess I hear with regret that the invasion of
Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civiliza-
tion in our day, should have been allowed to pass
without an angry protest from this country. I stated
that so long as the dispute lay between Austria and
Hungary we should go no further than express our
sympathy with the right, but from the moment
that Russia interfered it became a changed question.
Here was a semi barbarous Power coming down with
its hordes to crush a more civilized country, and a
strong protest from the Government and people of this
country would have been of immense advantage. But
what were the facts ? Other states were in the toils
of a reaction, and the leading newspapers of this
country not only uttered no protest, but actually ex-
pressed opinions in favour of the Russian cause.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that, were public
opinion so far enlightened hat newspapers would not
dare to falsify it by taking side with Russia, it
would not require many words from en English
Foreign Miuister to make that opinion have weight
with foreign despots.—(Hear, hear.) But if we wish
our opinion to have weight, we must coins into
court with clean bands. My efforts have been made
to make us understand our duty with regard to inter-
ference in foreign countries. lam almost afraid to
look back fur the last twenty years and see what has
been our conduct. There was our,most wicked inter-
ference in the affairs of Portugal, where we bodily
carried off the leaders of the people in order to sub-
serve the interests of the Court; ,and then there were
our proceedings in Greece and in the affairs of Hol-
stein. I cannot find, then, that we have clean hands,
and therefore my advice to the English and American
people—and I think there have been some symp-
toms of the latter people falling into the trap—may
advice to them is, that they should promptly adopt the
principle of non-intervention. When ford Grey
came into office nonintervention was to be their
motto, and yet, I believe that, from the passing of the
Reform Bill there has been more intervention than in
the time of the Tories. Let us, then, get to the sound
principle, and then I believe that the word *Stop,"
applied to Russia, would be as conclusive as if we
spoke with the voice of a thousand cannon.—(Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, my friend there is new to Eng-
land, but no doubt be that has gone through the
toil and turmoil of public life knows that the threats
of the enemies of liberty are the same in Austria as
in England. He must expect to be assailed with
every calumny by the organs of Russia, and will be
accused of violating every commandment in the deses-
logue. The only regret will be that there is not an
eleventh commandment, to charge him with breaking
it.—(Laughter.) I myself have been accused of
every crime short of actual murder ; but I Can assure
you that in England these shafts of calumny have
very little effect, so long as you have truth and jus-
tice on your side.—(Cheers.) Now, our friend tells
us that be comes here on the principle of non-inter-
ference, and I think we owe him some explanation
before he is fairly launched on the public gatherings
that await him. Ile is anxious to avoid even the
appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs,
and under these circumstances I think it would be
wrong for any political party to offer any act of special
fraternization with our Hungarian friends or to claim
any political identity.—(Cheers.) In short, I think
I may once for all avow that there is nothing in the
position of our friend to warrant any party claimitog
political identity with him.—(Hear, bear.) He 'has
told us that the movement of the Magyars was nist a
movement having for its object organic change a in
the national institutions. It was a movement to in an_
taro the Constitution as it was, coupled with eettain
reforms which he was anxious to effect. I hope, our
excellent friend the Consul from America, will. not
think ill of our distinguished friend if I avow my be-
lief that the Hungarian movement was not a demo-
cratic movement solely, but a movement of the pe
ople
with the aristocracy at their head to
mainta
in the
national independence. Had it not been such a MOVE)...
ment they could not have
achieved what my friend
has detailed to us this • evening. In short, we honour
in him the cham •of
pion a nation that is identified with
constitutional institutions. (II ear.) He took the Con-
stitution as it had existed for 800 years, and therefore I
see no reason to identify him with Whig, Tory, or
Radical in •
and singularly talented dd a ress, this great com-
munity will see that he is to be received on the
part of the nation at large as representing an entire
people, and that at no public meeting will any ques-
tion be introduced which he could not discuss with-
out incurring the appearance of that intervention
which he is most anxious to avoid.—(Efe hear.) 1
have nothing further to say, but thatfeel highly
gratified at the present meeting, and to express any
opinion that the Mayor of Southampton has nobly
ion the
this •
on occasion, done his duty in representing,_of
the people of
public opinion of the large majoritydistinguished friend
has
this country; and when our
passed from under this roof to the metropolis, I will
leave him to judge, and his enemies to witness,
whether the respect paid to him elsewhere does not
justify the beginning made l,y the Mayor of
Southampton.--(Cheers.)
American Consul next toast
roee was the health of Mr. C k y,the
.

Mr. CROSKEY, the Ameticanconno,
in returning
thanks, said, that he did not wish to take a very pro-
minent part in this demonstration which it was his
wish should be purely British in its character. He
wished that when the news of the reception given to
Kossuth in this country went to the ether side of the
Atlantic it should have all the value of spontaniety on
the part of the British people. He felt sure that
when their illustrious guest reached the shores of
America he would be received by ail par-
ties, whether Whig or Democratic, as Lafayettet
was received in 1825—as the ration's
hCehye elros,2 d law,he Ameorderer,ricans were
constitution n o Red
a as
Republicans,tghen ebsas
in
of their liberties : and although it had
thatunt
Igsys t
still hadhe intended
foughtt o instituteforthe constitutional
a republic in
rights of his nation—(Cheers)—and as such had e