The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-14 00:00:00

all means by which the people might be able.to,
distinguish between their friends and their
enemies. If the Whigs had done nothing more
than 'destroy the nomination boroughs, and give
the suffrage to the intelligent middle classes, it
would be difficult to over-estimate the value of
their services to this country. But they have
since, shown that they are determined to avail
themselves of the power which the Reform Bill
has given to them. They may not proceed
with the rapidity which some impatient spirits
would wish. They may even stand so much in
awe of the House of Lords, though those who
are behind the curtain may see dangers that
escape the eyes of those without. Be this,
however, as it may, it is impossible not to see in
Ministers an honest disposition to improve the
institutions of the country, and to free it from
the abuses which a long-continued misgovern-
ment have accumulated in every department of
the State. We everywhere see inquiries
going on, with a view to enable the Legis-
lature to proceed with due knowledge of
the abuses to be remedied, and the wants
and wishes of the people. But this, of
course, is what the Tories dread above all things;
and as Tories never scruple to deceive the
people, we see them now even hoisting radical
colours, that, by the aid of the people, they may
be enabled to retain the power of plundering
them, and defeating the reforms in which Minis-
ters are engaged. Thus, we find Mr. Sadler at
Huddersfield, the candidate supported by the
Conservatives, advocating universal suffrage, and
lamenting that the Whigs should have dealt so
unfairly with the working classes. " If Igo
to Parliament (he says), my first and main ob-
ject shall be that which a great writer of this
country says is almost the exclusive object of all
true and grand legislation—namely, to protect
the rights of the oppressed, to defend the cause
of the defenceless, and to assert the rights and
interests of the poor.—(Hcar.) Those who
have no voice for me on this occasion, if I re-
present you, gentlemen, I shall hold as the
most sacred part of the constitutional body ;
for though a pretended Reform has passed,
which allows no man in the humble ranks of
society to exercise the Constitutional privilege of
voting for his representatives in Parliament, it
behoves me, as a consistent Englishman, and
aspiring to be again a senator, to pay attention
to that numerous and essential class of society,
that is left totally out of the political scheme of
your modern reformers." After retailing the old
misrepresentations that the Whigs destroyed
the nomination boroughs of their opponents,
and retained their own, we have the follow-

ing precious argument against the Reform
Bill :—" The old Constitution gave, in
some part of the country or other, to every man
above the rank of a pauper, a vote; for instance,
in such places as Westminster and Preston, and
others. Every class of individuals, therefore,

had a voice. The lower ranks of society might
not be, nor were they sufficiently represented,
but they were not totally unrepresented ;
whereas prospectively, when this Reform comes
into full operation, every man who does not
happen to live in a 101. house is to be put out
of political life entirely, and we are to have a
race of men like the Helots of Greece, who,

though they fight the battles of the nation, and
contribute to its strength and defence, yet, in a
political point of view, are not worthy to be con-
sidered, and ten thousand of them clubbing to-
gether are not worthy to have a single vote.
Gentlemen, I don't call that a Reform Bill ;
and as especially before it did pass you were
carried in crowds to be polled, but when it was
passed not a poll among you was called, not a
head among you was reckoned; I therefore
thought that a more mixed system of representa-
tion, which should give the honest and indus-
trious classes of the community, at least, some
consideration in the Senate of the Empire, ought
in all fairness—in all justice—in all common
sense—to have been conceded to the people of
England." And then he endeavours to enlist
the people against the corporation inquiry, telling
them that " the people who have been lett
by the Reform Bill will have no vote in
the new Corporations." Arguments like these
betray the greatest contempt on the part
of the speaker for the intellects of those he is
addressing. Of what use was the suffrage of the
people in a few places like Preston and West-
minster ? These instances did not affect the
power of the boroughmongers. "I he present
constituency can prevent measures injurious to
the community, therefore the boroughmongers
hate the Reform Act ; the few popular consti-
tuencies were of no avail, and therefore the bo-
roughmongers had no objection to them. But
was it for the Conservatives to dwell on the nar-
rowness of the constituencies, and to preach up
universal suffrage, when we know that the great
cause of their hatred to the Reform Bill was,
that it made the suffrages too extensive?
Were they not constantly dwelling on the
three shillings and sixpence a week voters, and
contending that the reform was universal suf-
frage in disguise ? The advocates of the Re-
form Bill were again and again put to the proof
that the 101. constituency would not be the low,

ignorant rabble the Tories contended they would
be. Now, however, they turn round and
lament to those whom they would delude, that
the suffrage has been too much narrowed.
Surely the Radicals are not so besotted as to
be gulled by these dishonest, but thread-bare
tricks. The Halifax and Hudderffield Express
concludes its report with the following account
of the state of parties :

" We learn that the leaders of the Radical party are at
loggerheads as to their future proceedings. Some wish to
support Saddler ; while others are for Blackburne, as
most congenial to their own views; and a third portion
wish a candidate of their own. The condescending man-
ner in which the Tory now offers his arm to the Radical,
and the novel intimacy of these sworn foes of yore, furnish
much amusement to the other party, while it disgusts the
more consistent of their own political partisans. On
Tuesday evening some of the Radicals burnt in effigy, in
the mai ket-place, Mr. Blackburne, and Mr. W. Moore.
Squibs are issued in an abundance that must be both
gratifying to the lovers of gossip, and profitable to the
printers. One bill, printed at Leeds, and bearing the
name of Richatd Oastler, brings serious charges against the
postmaster, Mr. W. Moore; but we refrain from com-
ment, as we believe it will furnish employment for the
gentletnen of the long robe."
We understand that the coalition between the
Tories and Ultra-Radicals, though General
Johnson and Captain Wood are said by Mr.
Sadler to have been instrumental enough (we
aßdelackgbreuartne,waoyn
with
will not use a harsher term) to promote it, will
annodt go down. Tuesday
the
voters, who generally were aware of Sadler's
Wednesday, made
designs. The following observations of the
journal to which we have just alluded must, we
should think, carry conviction with them to
every man who can connect two propositions
together :
" The Tories, leagued with a few of the Radicals, are
arranged on the side of the former ; but the great strength
of the liberal party—a decided majority of the voters—is
with the latter. We will not insult our Huddersfield
readers, by instituting a con3p“ri-on betwten the viudi-