The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

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' the IA (Vide " 1.-meet," June 1 )
10,e, , 4il, MRS. AUSTIN'S GOETHE.
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e said? ,t ETCHES OF GREAT BRITAIN.
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Pedro? Whenever Lord Brougham shall think fit he may
assail the one brother with as correct and as classical an
execration as that which he has already hurled against
the doubtful delinquency of the other. Let us pass over
also some points of the attack made by the Noble
Duke, upon which the answer of the Government
appears to have been, if not perfectly satisfactory, at least
in a considerable degree exculpatory. And let us come at
once to the question which was really at issue, and upon
which the King's Ministers have been thus signally de-
fected. It is asserted by the Duke of Wellington that the
provisions of the Foreign Enlisnment Act have not been
enforced. It is admitted by Earl Grey that they have
not been enforced : and he contends that this country is
not bound to enforce them. In this lies the
whole subject upon which last night's struggle took
place. " Will it be contended," says the Premier,
" that Portugal is entitled to insist upon the en-
forcing by England of her own municipal law ?" No
such thing is asserted by his opponents. But it is as-
serted that Portugal is entitled to insist upon the observ-
ance by England of the rights of international law ; that

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

their Lordships' attention, because it tended to tay
a little the nature of those transactions, and threw 8, sie
light on the whole affair. Don Pedro, the brother to
Don Miguel, he would not call him King of Portugal, but
he certainly was King de facto, was at Paris during
the period when those circumstances took place. The
night after the capture of the fleet in Portugal, a steam
vessel arrived with despatches for the Admiral, and then
it was that the demand was made.—(Hear, hear.) He
thought it impossible not to imagine that the arrival
of that vessel had some connection with that demand.
However, the fleet was carried off. After the arrival of
Don Pedro in France a new scene commenced, that was
in the middle of 1831, when a force had been collected in
the Azores, which was contrary to all the laws of nations,
and to the usual practice of Europe, and there
was no doubt whatever that a vast number of
persons were in those islands carrying on a
war against the Government de facto. While he had
the honour to hold office in his Majesty's Govern-
ment he di i not deny that those proceedings
were then being carried on, but they were contrary
to the wishes of the Government, who did every thing in
a'sed
a t
their power, short of resorting to actual hostilities, to pre-
vent them. In the middle of 1831 those hostile movements
u
greater
() obtain
activity.
supplies
of
in
y some
on money,
ym andans
thereese
was no
continued
doubt that they assembled together in large bodies,
At the island of Terceira a squeidron was collected, com-
manded by officers who had been in his Majesty's
service; but he would do his Majesty's Government
the justice to say, that they removed from the service the
officer who took the command of that force; and upon
this subject he must say that he was surprised
that the Noble Earl, on a former night, instead of answer-
ing a question which he (the Duke of Wellington) put
respecting that officer, merely said he knew no more
than what had appeared in the newspapers.—(Hear.)
It certainly was true that those persons were dismissed
from the serviee by those who hal the command of those
squadrons. Now, what happened in the winter of 1831 ?
In November and December very large levies of troops
were made. A considerable body of men were raised,
and were embarked in ships in the river Thames. The
names of the ships he happened to know. They were the
Asia, the Congress, the Fairy, and the Juno. Information
was given by Government of the existence of this arma-
ment, and the measures in work to fit out others. But
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs declined to take
any notice of this information, but this was not all; a
Gentleman belonging to the Portuguese Government
gave information on this subject to the Commissioners of
the Customs, they being the persons specially charged
in the Act of Parliament with the execution of the Act.
The Commissioners of Customs, according to their duty,
considered the information, and consulted their law officers
on the subject, as to whether they were justified or not in
detaining those vessels in consequence of their breaking
the law. On receiving the opinion of their law officers,
they gave orders to detain those vessels, and instantly after-
wards there came an order from Government, whether from
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affuirs, or the Treasury
lie did not know, directing that those vessels should not
he detained. Those very vessels had fern sent out to
Portugal and Terceira loaded with men, who, after land-
ing, entered into the service of that country, and were
there at the present moment. Was this the perform-
ance of a treaty ? Was this neutrality ?—( Hear, hear.)
Was this a lino of conduct consistent with the honour
and the good faith of the country, and with the fulfilment
of its ancient obligations to a faithful ally ? The conse-
quence of the sailing of that expedition was the
transmission of men from all parts of the world to this
country, thence to be sent to Portugal, with arms, ammu-
nition, and everything that could be required to carry on
war. But they were told his Majesty's Government had
no knowledge of this, and could take no cognizance of it.
All he could say was that if his Majesty's Ministers did
not know it they were the only persons amongst their
Lordships who did not.—(A laugh.) It was commonly
known to everybody in the country, and the Portuguese
Government had sent hack nearly one hundred men who
had given themselves up rather than remain with the in-
vaders. These men could be examined upon the facts if
the Government desired to be informed and did not wish
this in itlstietillieirtl.6',',lf.t., -I.).°4o_A° do
the character of the country and of the Sovereign whom
they served. But he had heard it said that Don Miguel
might have done the same and raised armies in this
country, and that, therefore, there had been no breach of
neutrality, and that Don Miguel had been treated as King
de facto. He begged to ask how they could do other-
wise? They had forced upon him the observance of the
treaties, and compelled him to give satisfaction where the
engagements of the Portuguese Government had not been
fulfilled. And, besides this, there was a Portuguese nation
to consult, and they had received him as their King de
facto, and shown their determination to support him. If
this, then, was the situation of Don Miguel, what be-
came of the neutrality which would only permit him to
derive the same assistance from this country which would
he afforded to a party invading his territory anti disputing
his rights without any such pretensions or claims? Neu-
trality had been defined as a very different thing from
this by the highest authorities who had treated of the
subject. The Noble Duke then referred to a judgment of
Sir W. Scott upon the question of neutrality, in which it
was defined as being not only abstinence from warfare,
but also from giving any assistance to either party. He did
not say tbat neutrality consisted in giving equal assistance
to both parties, but in abstaining from assisting either.
The Noble Duke read further passages from the judgment,
and said that they applied to the case of Don Miguel, who,
being the Sovereign de facto, and in possession of the pre-
ponderating power we had no right, by allowing succour
to be given to his enemies, to deprive him of the preponde-
rance which he possessed, and give that advantage to ano-
ther. Having read the law as laid down by Sir Win. Scott
at some length, the Noble Duke would not pretend to judge
a question of law, but a matter so founded in sense as this
was must he the rule of men's actions. He would ask
their Lordships whether it was just, or fair, or ra-
tional to allow individuals to carry on this description
of private war when the Sovereign of a country was
not permitted to do it by open means ? It was the
plain and direct duty of this country to prevent every assist-
ance from being rendered to either party after we had bound
ourselves to a neutral course. Bnt this breach of neutrality
towards Portugal was not the only ground he had for cen-
suring the conduct of Government. When he looked at
the correspondence between this Government and the Court
of Madrid respecting the conduct expected from Spain
in the contest in Portugal, he saw that his Majesty's Go-
vernment, very properly in his opinion, demanded that
Spain should be neutral in the contest between the two
Princes of the House of Braganza, making at the same
time an engagement to he neutral themselves. He wished
to ask how this engagement had been kept, and how the
neutrality of the two Governments had been maintained ?
Had this country been neutral in the same sense that neu-
trality had been maintained in Spain ? Was not the con-
traryi the fact, and was not the war in Portugal at this
moment carried on by men, ships, arms, and ammunition
supplied by this country and through this country ? He
asked, even if they had kept faith with Portugal, had they
kept faith with Spain ?—(Claters.) He was satisfied that
no man who read the statement in the correspondence
could doubt that our eugagement with Spain had been
broken. He then came to the last act of warfare undc r
the command of a distinguished officer in his Majesty's
navy—the expedition which had recently sailed, not fur
Oporto, but for the Tagus. As soon as he heard of this
he felt it his duty for the honour of the country to ask
whether his Majesty's Government had taken any steps
with regard to this expedition, and the only answer he
could get was that his Majesty's Ministers had certainly
read it in the newspapers, and that was all they knew of
it. Now it was known that this squadron had been col
lected at Spitbead in the midst of his Majesty's fleet : and
yet, strange to say, his Majesty's Ministers had heard
nothing of the matter but through the newspapers. But
there were other strange circumstances connected with
the subject which it was most strange should not have
reached the knowledge of the Government. It was stated
that there was a meeting on board one of these vessels pre-
vious to their departure, from some of the men feeling
disinclined for the service on which they found they were
goiog. A body of them attempted to escape from the
ship by lowering themselves in the boat, when it was said
they were cut away, and five or six of them drowned, the
expedition having sailed and the vessel never hove to, and
never attempted to wave their lives. He knew not bow i
was that the Government wa; utterly uninformed of thee_
circumstances, or, indeed, why it was that a coroner's
inquest had not been held on the bodies of the men if they
were discovered, or why some inquiry was not made int,

The crisis which all reflecting persons foresaw after the
passing of the Reform Bill is at length arrived. Ministers
were last night defeated in the House of Lords, on the
motion of the Duke of Wellington, with reference to Por-
tugal, by a majority of SO to 68, or 12. Earl Grey
stated, in the course of his speech, that he considered the
motion, if carried, tantamount to a vote of censure on
Ministers. "He did not know," said his Lordship (after
answering seriatim the charges brought by his Grace),
" that anything more was necessary for him in answer to
what had fallen from the Noble Duke, in order to refute
the charge, for charge it was—or to prevent the censure,
for censure it wee, and as censure it was intended by the
Noble Duke.—(Hear.) He trusted that he had sufficiently
defended himself, and shown that the Government had
done nothing inconsistent with its own character or
the obligations and honour of the country." The
House of Lords, therefore, could not he ignorant
of the light in which Ministers would view the
vote in favour of the motion. There was no
misapprehension—no mistake. If a motion similar to
that of his Grace had been brought forward in the House
of Commons, the 'majority in favour of Ministers would
have been at least Sto I. The reason is quite obvious—
the two branches of the Legislature point different ways.
In fact, Ministers have injured themselves in the House
of Commons, by the di-position they have evinced to con-
ciliate their Lordships. The result, however, has shown
that all will not do. Earl Grey declared, " That he cer-
tainly took-a very different view of the state of affairs in
Portugal to that taken by the Noble Duke. Under all the
circumstances, he had considered it his duty to himself
and others not to interfere in the struggle now going on in
Portugal, though lie certainly thought that he would have
been justified in so doing, had he thought it expedient.—
(Hear, hear.)" And he observed, that, " Probably, had
the alleged breach of neutrality been a breach more
consenial to the views of the Noble Doke—had the
Gaverornent interfered in favour of Don Miguel—pro-
bably their Lordships would never have heard any such
complaint.—(Hear, hear. )" Aye, there's the rub.
The cause of Pedro is identified with liberal institu-
tions—that of Miguel is identified with priestcraft and
despotism. The British nation has distinctly shown,
by the eagerness of individuals to flock to Don Pedro, to
which side it is inclined. And the majority of Peers
have shown likewise to which side the Peers are inclined.
We are not surprised at this manifestation ; because a
majority of Peers had dis inctly an interest in perperuat-
ins.; the state of things which the Reform Bill has either
destroyed, or must eventually destroy. The Peers
yielded to necessity, but they never will forgive those who
freed the nation front its trammels; and we may expect
that every opportunity will be eagerly laid hold of for
thwarting and annoying Ministers. Ministers, however,
ought not to attach any undue importance to the vote
of last night. The House of Peers is only important
when its voice is in unison with that of the nation.
Here it is distinctly not. But to let it be seen to all the
world that the nation does not approve of the vote of the
Peers, a vote of the Commons on the same question
might be taken. The power has now substantially passed
trona the House oc Peers. Had that body been wise,
they would have carefully guarded against a collision of
this kind. It is not for their interest to draw the public
attention to the difficulty of obtaining the co-operation in
any definitive course of policy of the branch of the Legis-
',tore emanating from, and identified with, the nation,
and the branch distinct from the nation. We un-
derstand that the Tories and Bishops have been long
concocting this business. It was at one time in contem-
plation to outvote Ministers on the Irish Church Bill, but
that scheme was abandoned, and the affair of Portugal
chosen as the most politic. But they are the old parties
—the old enemies to the people—the old enemies of
Reform. Every Bishop, with the exception of one, Dr.
Maltby, voted for the motion. What sort of vote must
that be which has every Bishop in its favour ? When
did any good ever come out of Galilee? If the Tory Lords
and the Bishops agree to outvote Ministers, it is quite
clear they can do so when they please. But if the Bishops
were wise men, they would not repeat re.. .4.., those
attempts to trip up the heels of Ministers. Tbey may
trip themselves up some of these days. The nation will
always take it for granted, that when the Bishops are
united against Ministers, something bad is intended, for the
Bishops have never yet united to oppose any bad measure,
and are never seen against any Ministry, but when
the Ministry have honest intentions. Col. Davies
has given notice of a motion on the affairs of Por-
tugal, in the House of Commons, on Thursday next,
with a view to give the House an opportunity of ma-
nifesting their sentiments. The result of that motion
will show whether the representatives of the British
nation are disposed to make common cause with the
Duke of Wellington and the Holy Alliance, or to sup-
port Ministers. If the result of that motion be what
we anticipate, the Tory Lords and Bishops must take
the consequence of the contrast which they will thus
have forced on the country. We knew from the be-
ginning that Ministers would gain nothing by endea-
vouring to propitiate their enemies and the enemies of
the nation. We knew that the very first moment they
had an opportunity they would turn on Ministers. They
have now shown the cloven foot. By breaking off from
the House of Commons, they have forced on the nation
the doctrine that the Ministry, to please the House of
Peers, must displease the nation. The lesson which
they are impressing on the nation may be a serious
lesson to them. We are not yet, thank God, in a cnncii.
tion to be trodden down by the Holy Alliance and their
champion, the Duke of Wellington.—Morning Chronicle.
Last night the majority of the Members in the Upper
House of Parliament exhibited themselves in the singular
character of the friends of Don Miguel, the tyrant of Por-
tugal, and the usurper of his niece's throne,—the " mon-
ster" of a late French Minister, and the Royal perjurer,
who is excommtunica ted by all the Sovereigns of Europe,
except the Pope and the King of Spain. The bench of
Bishops, with the exception of that firm and consistent
prelate Dr. Maltby, were particularly prominent in vot-
ing the extraordinary address; not, of course, because
they approve of perfidy, perjury, and usurpation, but,
probably, because they look look upon an unphpular
enief opposed to all reforms as a kind of 'Lary Con-
servative, whose illegitimacy, and depraved morals, are
compensated by his generous support of existing abuses.
We do not anticipate any serious consequences from
this vote, beyond the unfavourable impression which it
will create of the House of Peers, an impression which it
is painful to contemplate. Ministers, we suppose, will
take immediate steps to counteract it, both for the
sake of the House of Peers and to maintain their
own footing. We shall notice to-morrow the extraordi-
nary debate which terminated in this extraordinary vote
of 80 to 68 in favour of the Portuguese Usurper. Mean-
time we beg attention to the fact, that Colonel Davies has
given notice of a motion for Thursday, expressive of con-
fidence on the part of the H. use of Commons in his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, in reference to their policy touching the
affairs of Portugal. There can be little doubt that the
Gallant Member's motion will be carried by art overwhelm-
ing majority.— Times.
The debate in the House of Peers last night upon the
Duke of Wellington's motion for an Address to the Crown
for the observance of neutrality in the affairs of Portugal
terminated, as our readers will see, in a division of 80 in
favour of the motion, of 68 against it, leaving his Majesty's
Ministers in a minority of 12. We have neither time nor
space for any detailed remarks upon the discussion. But
let us offer two or three hasty observations which naturally
suggest themselves upon it. We do not mean to comment
at any length upon the dignified threat of resignation
which the Lord Chancellor, for the hundredth time, threw
out. Upon whatever question the Cabinet may apprehend
a defeat, be it momentous or be it frivolous, be it a matter
of constitutioual law, or be it an affair of a road or a canal,
the same ready weapon is wielded by our official gladiators.
" We may be wrong ; we may deserve censure ; but if you
pronounce us wrong—if you inflict censure—we emit
resign." We need not reply to Lord Brougham. Intel-
ligibly, and conclusively, the House of Lords replied to him
last night. Neither shall we rebuke in more than one or
two sentences the unfair dexterity with which the Minis-
ters endeavoured to fix the guilt of partisanship upon those
who accused the Ministers of tieing partisans. The Tories
are not the flatterers of Dun Miguel. They have never
hesitated to denounce his perfidy, to condemn his oppres-
sion. But they have acted upon the popular principle
which the Whigs only profess. They have urged that
Portugal has made her choice ; and that it ill becomes
Great Britain to say that the choice must be reversed, be-
cause it seems imprudent to the Times or illiberal to Lord
Durham. And, after all, what are the virtues of Don

HOUSE OF LORDS, JU2VE 3

Lord DURHAM was introduced to the House as the Earl
of Durham ; his supporters were Earl GREY and the
Carl of ALBEMARLE.

The EAT' of RADNOR presented a petition fron Sa-
lsbury against the Beer Act.
Thediluke of SUTHERLAND presented several peti-
.ions Olin Staffordshire, for the abo'ition of slavery.

Lord SUFFIELD presented petitions for the abolition
of slavery, from Leicester and other places.
The Earl of STRANGFORD presented a petition from
Kent, for the abolition of the malt tax.
The Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND presented a pe-
tition from Alnwick for the abolition of slavery.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
the parish of St. Mary's, Nottingham, for the introduc-
tion of poor laws into Ireland.
The Earl of RODEN rose to call the attention of Noble
Lords to a gross breach of the privileges of their Lordships'
House. It would be in the recollection of their Lordships
that on Friday last a petition was presented by a Right
Rev, Prelate, whom he did not now see in his place (Dur-
ham)_a petition from the clergy of the diocese of Durham
against any measure that might be taken for the spoliation
of the church. The prayer of the petitioners drew from
a Neble Earl a remark, which wis answered by another
Right Rev. Prelate. In the Times—for that was the
paper of which he was comp) iining—in the Times, a
paper of considerah!e notoriety from the nature of its cha-
racter—( Hear, hear)—a speech was put into the mouth
of the last Right Rev. Prelate which never had been
uttered, and was not merely a misrepresentation. (The
Noble E irl then read the passage.) Noble Lords
might laugh, but it was, he thought, a serious
subj-ct indeed, that the Members of that House
should have speeches put into their mouths never uttered.
He as not one of those who were anxious to complain
against the publication of the debates of that House,
though no one could deny that it was a direct contraven-
tion of the rules and privileges of the House.—(Hear.)
He thought it was most desirable th it the public should
know the sentiments of public men upon great public
questions, but then those who were permitt, d to report
those proceedings should do so in a faithful manner, and
not take upon themselves the task of sending forth to the
public, as the opinion of Noble Lords delivered in that
House, such things as never entered into their minds—at
all events, what they certainly never uttered.—(Hear,
hear.) But the paper to which he had alluded was
in the h,bit of pursuing such a guilty course; and be
wight refer to a Reverend Prelate, whom be then saw
in his place, for a confirmation of what he said. During
the last session they put words into the mouth of the Lord
Chancellor fur Ireland, when speaking of the Irish educa-
tion system, which were so offensive both to that Rev.
Prelate and himself (Lord R.) that the Noble Lord
waited upon them next day upon the subject, very anxious
to explain away the seeming insult, and stating his
intention of giving the same explanation before their
Lordships; but he (Lord Roden) said it would be making
the paper of more consequence than it was entitled to,
and making a great thing of nothing. As one of those
entitled to a seat in that House, lie had thought it his
duty to rise iu his place, and to take this notice of the
infamous conduct of those whose duty it was to be more
careful, if not more honest. 'When the Noble Earl sat
down, there was a general cry of " The order of the
(lay," when

if her existing statutes provide for the observance of those
rights, Portugal is entitled to insist upon the enforcing of
the existing statutes ; that, if the existing statutes do not
provide for the observance of those rights, Portugal is en-
titled to insist upon the framing of fresh statutes of more
efficient operation. This is the difference between the Earl
and the Duke. So far as th- equity of the quarrel is con-
cerned we appeal trom the Whig Cabinet to any honest
man. And, as far as the law of it goes, we are content
to tight against the unpronounceable authorities «horn
Lord Grey cited, ranging ourselves under the respectable
banner of Sir William Scott.—Morning Post.

NTERVIEW WITH LORD ALTHORP.

SURCHARGES-HOUSE AND POLICE RATE.

Yesterday a deputation from the parish of St. Paul,
C ven.-garden, consistinv of the e•lsurct ward, ns, sever-I
of the commissioners of taxes, the vestry clerk, and
others, attended by Col. Evans, as the Member for West-
minster, had an interview, by appointment, with Lord
Althorp, at the Treasury, on the su!ject of the cites
demanded for the Judges by the Dictrict Surveyor for the
Crown, on the I earing of the appeals against his sur-
charges.
Mr. CORDER, the Vestry Clerk, opened the business on
behalf of the deputation. and impressed upon Lord Al-
thorp the hardship of the surcharges in question on the
inhabitant householders, and the vexatious manner in
which they had been attempted to he enforced.
Lord ALTHORP said that he perfectly recollected all the
circumstances detailed to him by a former deputation in
October last, and to which his attention had since then
been repeatedly drawn He confessed that there was
some difficu4y in Government interf.ring with their
officers in the performance of any power vested in them,
which he understood to be the case in the present in-
stance. The Surveyor for the Crown had undoubtedly
the right, if he felt dissatisfied with the decision of the
Commissioners, to demand in every instance a case for
the Judges. He was, at the same time, fully aware
that this power might be vexatiously exercised ;
and from inquiries he had made he feared that such had
been the case in the present instance, for the very indivi-
dual, Mr. Purdue, who had levied the surcharges com-
plained of by the householders of St. Paul's, Covent-garden,
had been recently surcharging the inhabitants of the
Tower Hamlets in a very uncalled for and vexatious man-
ner. For his own part he would much rather that the
equity of every case should he considered, and that the
spirit rather than the letter of the Act of Parliament should
be acted upon with regard to these surcharges. He as-
sured the deputation that, although he felt, as he had
already said, a difficulty in interfering with a public officer
in the discharge of his duty, be felt it right that any
further proceedings with regard to the cases demanded for
the Judges in St. Paul's, Covent•garden, and which cases
he was glad to find had not as yet been drawn up or sub-
mitted to the Judges, should at least he suspended for the
present, in order to afford him (Lord Althorp) an oppor.
tunity of inquiring more fully into them. If after that
;.,„„;,,. Ana that thp
bad considered the equity rather than the letter of the law,
as applicable to the several cases brought before them, he
should in that case be induced to take some step to prevent
them from being proceeded in any farther.
Mr. YOCKNEY, one of the Commissioners of Taxes,
before whom the appeals of the parishioners were heard,
assured his Lordship that the Commissioners had consi-
dered every case most minutely and dispassionately, anti
in all the decisions they had come to they were influenced
solely by a just and conscientious feeling. They had
always borne in mind the equity as applicable to each
case, rather than the strict letter of the law.
Colonel EVANS then observed that it was a subject of
regret that his Majesty's Government had not found it
practicable to remit the whole of the house tax, which
would have afforded great relief to the public in general.
Lord ALTHORV—It is certainly a subject of regret that
we have not been enabled to do so; but we have been
surrounded with difficulties, and it is, at all events, too
late this session to effect the proposed object.
His Lordship's manner and mode of expression im-
pressed the deputation unanimously with the belief that
he would he favourable to a repeal of the house tax in
the next see-ion of Parliament.
Colonel EVANS—My Lord, although the subject is not
connected with our present mission, yet now we are here,
perhaps your Lordship will allow us to ask whether the
Government have any intention of proposing a reduction
of the rate levied on the inhabitants of the metropolis for
the maintenance of the police force?

By SARAH AUSTIN.
Effingham Wil•on, 88. Royal Exchange.
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FOREIGN POLICY.
The Duke of WELLINGTON rose, and said that he
had to apologize to their Lordships for bringing under
their notice a subject which did not, in the pre-
sent times, much engage the public attention, viz.
the foreign policy of the country. He was perfectly aware
that men's minds were too much engrossed at the present

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time with the internal state of the country, as well .as the

colonial question, to expect them to pay that attention to
the foreign policy which the importance of the question
demanded, h o that he confessed that it wasa difficult thing
to draw inen's attention to it, and therefore it was that he

owed an apology to the House. He, however, was certain

ce to that. ...- , • • •
the commercial interests generally than die elate t:
relations with Portugal, more particularly the question
which he was about to submit to the consideration of
the House—a question which, in his opinion, involved
the honour of the country as well as its commercial
interests. He believed the alliance between this country
and Portugal to be the most ancient that existed
in the history of nations —it was an alliance
recognised by all Europe, and it was one from which that
country had derived infinite advantage from almost beyond
memory. It was one for which, in better times, this
country had spent its best blood to save those very interests
which were now in jeopardy. He had, upon more than
one occasion since the formation of the present Administra-
tion, ventured to suggest to the Noble Lords opposite the
necessity of taking measures for preventing in Portugal
the existence of a civil contest, which involved in its abyss
men of all p irties, men of both extremes of political opi-
nions. He had upon many occasions urged upon them that
advice, but he was sorry to say that so far from their
taking it, from the very moment they found themselves
secure in their places—from that moment they bad perse-
vered in one systematic course, which tended to nothing so
much as to injure the existing Government of Portugal—
in fact, they did every thing in their power to prolong that
contest which was now desolating that country.—( Hear.)
If the present civil war in Portugal continued much
however,O Government onf l
eot u
terr r
longer, it must inevitably happen that a civil war would
arise in Spain. Whenever that time arrived, this country
would be obliged to interfere in order to save Spain and
Portugal from falling under the dominion of its powerful
neighbour. This consideration and the honour and interest of
the King who was pledged to neutrality upon this contest,
it was which induced him to address the House. On
former occasions he had been willing to place confidence
in his Majesty's Ministers for their conduct in 1831,
but since that he had read the papers laid upon the
table of the House, and he found that he could not ap-
prove of their conduct on the occasion of the invasion
of Portugal by the French, in 1831. It appeared by the
papers to which he referred, that on the 2d of April,
1831, our Consul at Lisbon informed the Government
that a French squadron had come to Lisbon, to make
demands upon the Portuguese Government. The
information reached England on the 12th of April, but
what did our Government do? if they bad desired to
save Portugal—and they were bound by treaty to de!end
Portugal, and consider it as if it were a part of England—
teey would have interfered with the French Govern-
ment to press its demands with reason and modera-
tion, and would have enforced upon Portugal the
necessity of giving France satisfaction for whatever just
cause of complaint she had. England. was the more
bound on that occasion to interfere, ea there could be no
doubt that in the case of M. Bonhomme, the Portu-
guese Government was in the right. Instead,
interferinget
hnteownp
British
part...—(Hear,
tr
it 05.ahn.......5ci
H,
uhmaeesdaurrio,bnseahhi
tdeaoal behalf
they.e
)noffo
didr
What
hsnaiotmt
wiPortugal,fire,laa r
demandss
our
the consequence of this? Why that France, finding
her first expedition not strong enough, as soon
as she could prepare a stronger, sent it to Lisbon
in july.—(
Hear.) Portugal appealed to us, but
our Government refused to interfere, and the consequence
of this 'anon-interference" was, that the French took
the only fleet Portugal then had to defend itself
against invasion.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now, in
respect of this non-interference—in point of fact, this
country was bound to interfere in favour of Portugal
by one of those treaties we were daily in the habit of
enforcing on Portugal, and those very complaints which
we enforced by means of a squadron were founded on the in-
fraction of those very treaties which we refused to carry into
execution.—(Hear, hear.) Then came the treaty with the
French Admiral, on which he (the Noble Duke) observed
he would only say that that officer met with no resistance,
fori
n n
and by other documents it would seem that they did fire.
Whether they fired or not the Portuguese fleet struck their
colours and v, ere taken possession of, but in point of
fact, before they were taken possession of, the French
Admiral made a treaty of pence. The demand, at all
events, of the French Admiral was acceded to by the
Portuguese Government because they were incapable of
resistance. That was what was called aiding our ally.—
("ear, hear.) That was what was called perform-
ing a treaty on our part, we having insisted on the
performance of every article by the other party to the
treaty, and having enforced it at the point of the bayonet—
at least, by a squadron of ships.—(Hear, bear, hear.)
There was another curious circumstance attending
the capture of the fleet, to which he would draw

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4 li'lleel by R. Bentley, New Burlington-street.
(Succes•or to Henry Colhurn.)

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•
Lord ALTMORP—Oh, certainly. A plan is jug
completed and will very shortly be submitted to Parlia-
ment for the purpose of effecting that object.
Colonel EvANs—Perhaps your Lordship would oblige
us further by stating what amount of reduction is contem-
-1)1,08'1 ?
Lord ALTHORP.--Ii is intended that one-fourth at least
shall he taken from the gross amount now paid by the
several parishes, and that the country at large shall contri-
bute to supply the deficiency.
Colonel EvANs regretted that Government bad not
determined to reduce the rate by one-half, especially as
the police might now be said to be a national force, indeed
as much so as the troops or the guards.
Lord ALTHORP (smiling)—No, not so ; but the police
force do, in some degree, partake of the character of a na•
tisnal force, and it is right, therefore, that the country at
large should contribute a portion of the expense of their
maintenance.
The Deputation expressed the gratification which they
felt at hearing the proposed reduction in the police rare,
and that his Lordship intended to pursue a course so satis-
factory with regard to the surcharges.
Having thanked his Lordship for the kind and courteous
manner in which he bad received them, the deputation
withdrew, highly gratified at the result of the interview.

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'l and biographical notes.

On Thursday the Earl of DUNDONALD
made a most successful experiment with his newly-invtnted
rotary steam engines. The boat was propelled with great
rapidity, and turned backwards and forwards through
Westminster bridge several tines. The engines are not
larger than two Cheshire cheeses, and the whole apparatus
so compact that a frigate's launch could be fitted with it.
His Lordship was accompanied by Mr. OGLE, Captain
BROWN, Mr. G. J. MANGARY, &c. Some slight altera-
tion, i❑ a very minor detail, will be made. when their
great improvement will be deemed complete, and applica-
ble to our navy.

On Saturday se'nnight Prince A. IVIURAT,
accompanied by a friend, visited Mvux's brewery, pre-
paratory to his embarkation for America. The Prince
asked what the word " entire," which, since his sojourn
in this country, be had observed attached to the name of
every brewer, almost at the corner of every street, meant ?
And it was stated in explanation, that " entire" meaat
that the beer was free from adulteration of any obnoxious
ingredienis, and was, indeed, composed of nothing but
" malt and hope." Thy " Illustrious Stranger," as a
proof of his belief in the statement, drank nearly a quart
of the beet stout.

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.—It is pro-
bable that the lamentable catastrophe at Exeter would not
have occurred but for some allusious which were made,
or supposed to have been made, to the departure of one of
the parties for the alleged purpose of voting at the elec-
tion for this University. On referring to the publtehed
list of those who voted on that occasion, the name of " J.
W. JEFFCOTT, A.M." appears among the supporters of
the beaten candidates, Messrs. PONBONIST and CitAstrtos.
lie was therefore a qualified elector.

the matter, eo as that those who first kidnapped men snit
afterwards subjected them to ill treatment, sh tuld he pu-
nished. He had received accounts of twos more vessels
having been fitted out since he entered the (louse, and it
was most strange that the Government should only learn
the facts through the newspaper. But this was-not all.
It was not only that a navy was fitted eut in our waters,
but a large body of men, commanded by foreign officers,
had lately assembled at Falmouth, and had been embarked
there. What he said was, that, if Government thought
it proper that this invasion of Portugal by foreign
troops from our shores should take place, let them
come down at ones to Parliament, and state that
opinion.—(Hear, bear, bear.) That would be the
manly and straightforward way of doing the thing
if it were proper to be done at all.—(Cheers.) But
he was sure that such a line of proceeding as thet now
adopted and countenanced was never heard of in Europe,
even in those times when the law of nations was least un-
derstood. This then was the state of affairs at the pre-
sent time, and he was desirous of making a practical ap-
plication of it to the future. He would suppose that
these expeditions should at last succeed, and Portugal
should be revolutionized. He would put it to the Noble
these itet
Lords to say whether it was right or proper, whether it
was consistent with national law, with the faith of treaties
—treaties peculiarly specific, and which ought to be pe-
culiarly binding for one party to be allowed, by the
means of military adventurers drawn from this country, to
establish a Government in Portugal.—(Hear, hear.)
Surely such a system could never be tolerated.---(Cheers.)
1,, was at variaece with the honour, with the obligations,
and with the interests of his Majesty and the country: =2
(Hear, hear.) But if that system were to succeed when
must be the consequences? To that point he earnestly
entreated the attention of their Lordships. It must be
followed by a civil war in Portugal. Nor would that he the
only result. As to what would he the conclusion of that
war no man could pretend to say; but this was certain,
it would be followed by a civil war in Spain. —e
(Hear, hear.) Ns man who knew anything of the
state of the Peninsula could doubt that such would
be the case.—(Hear, bear, bear.) Their Lordship.
would bear in mind that this country bad insisted
:item the observance of the treaties it had formed with
Portugal when Spain manifested a disposition to invade'
Portugal, and that Spain hadeeendily et-qui/seed in the
demand, and faithfully observed the requests 4 England.
Now Spain had a right to require similar conduct at the
hands of England.—(Hear, hear.) And surely their
Lordships would feel that that was a mandate that ought
to be obeyed. The interest of the country, the honour of
the country and of the Sovereign, required such a pro•
seeding. His Majesty had declared from the throne, in
the presence of his Parliament, that neutrality should be
faithfully observed.—Olear, hear.) The Ministers of
as
the Crown had again and again pledged the country to
neutrality,
assuredly
tbeu
o whichi
i:
yr
. e w,
why,aslfimposediy
o nn tm h t
yi
of God,
commercialwmaaeudlrsreO bhwt ya was nor
true,
and
noa d
faith,sor ed andj
i its
breach as
neutrality justly and truly observed ?—(Cheers.) He felt
that it
mhaudst been;pnotroseas feeling,
daanndgesrooustoh
'
political prosperity of the country as it was destructive of
its character for good faith and honour, he moved that an
humble address be presented, to his Majesty, praying that
his Majesty would he graciously pleased to issue such
directions as might be necessary to enforce the observance
by his subjects of the strict neutrality which his Majesty
had declared it to be his intention to maintain in the
hostilities now carrying on in Portugal.—(Cheers.)
Earl GREY said, that before proceeding to those parts
of the Noble Duke's speech from which he differed, he
should wish to advert to those points on which it was his
good fortune to agree with the sentiments of the Noble
Duke. He agreed with him, then, that great and weighty
as were the internal affairs of this country, our fo-
reign relations should be strictly attended to, and he
should regret did they not meet with sufficient attention
'tom the public. He (Earl Grey), whatever might be
the pressure of financial and agricultural and other domes-
tie questions, would never say that our foreign relations
were not to be attended to, and the honour of the country
maintained. The Noble Duke himself, in all his anxiety
to support the well-being of Don Miguel, was not more
anxious than he (Earl Grey) was to support and maintain
the interests of Portugal, our ancient ally ; and he trusted
that before be sat down he should convince the House
that there was no necessity for the motion of the Noble
Duke, which must be taken to be one of censure, and that
there was no reason for their Lordships to affix upon the
Government that portion of reprobation which must be
the result of their yielding to this motion. The Noble
Duke said we were bound by the law of nations and by
sure, conie ttirit VI efrarg'
treaties to prevent the occurrence of many things which
the Noble Duke had characterized as violations of
neutrality, of treaties, and, above all, of the faith of
the nation. Those were strong charges, and if they were
substantiated Noble Lords ought to visit his Majesty's Mi-
nisters
Lordships would, he was
iiisters for them; but when they came to an impartial
be would can nowt asEVnEttiiirm. In ft,. i-st nleee.
which this Administration felt itself placed on their acces-
sion to office. There existed, as the Noble Duke had
said, a king, de facto, in Portugal. He would also call
to their recollection, not to renew any controversy, but
simply to clear the ground before him, how this possession
de facto of the Portuguese throne had occurred.—(Hear,
hear.) Don Miguel had gone to Portugal under the pro-
tection of the British flag. He had been bound by solemn
engagements to the Emperor of Austria, to the King of
England, and to his own family especially, to preserve the
Constitution, and administer the government on the part
of the infant Queen Donna Maria.—(Hear, hear.) That
was the engagement under which he had gone to Portu-
gal ; and to observe, that he had sworn the most solemn
eatbs.—(Hear, hear.) He bad acknowledged llama
Maria, and taken those engagements. It was well known
how Dun Miguel had broken those engagements under
the presence and protection of a British army. The
Noble Lord seemed to dissent, but how was it possible hoc
Don Miguel, without that protection, to displace the con-
stitutional authorities and commit those breaches of faith
reprobated by none more strongly than the Noble Lords
opposite? Were the other power's of Europe slow to pro-
nounce their opinions ? No. In the first place the Bri-
tish Minister stopped a loan advanced by this country,
and whether we were the first to counsel other countries,
we were the first to withdraw our Minister, the
strongest step next to war, and cease all diplomatic rela-
ions with that country. In this state matters rein lined
until the present Government came into office. Diplo-
matic relations had not been renewed,—true, there had
been something like a renewal, but the previous step in-
sisted on by the Noble Duke had not taken place—viz.,
the cessation of a persecution such as had never been seen
in any other country.—(Cheers.) Oa the other hand,
steps had been taken by the natural guardian and pro-
tector of Donna Maria's rights to enforce them. Govern-
ment, then, was aware of the force collected at Terceira,
as the Noble Duke had admitted and regretted. The
case, then, stood thus—on one side was a de facto Sove-
reign declared by us and by the other powers of Europe to
be an usurper, on the other a legitimate Queen, whose
rights we had endeavoured to support. Now, he would
ask whether this Government was called on by any consi-
deration, either of treaties or of laws, to take a part
directly against au infant Sovereign, and for the benefit of
an usurper, so declared to be by all Europe? (Here the
Noble Earl was interrupted, aad expressed his annoyance
at, we believe, a conversation between the Dukes of
Cumberland and Gloucester, carried on across the Duke of
Wellington, who was seated between them.) He con-
tinued : Were we to interrupt the expedition from Ter.
ceira sailing for the recovery of these rights; nay, more,
were we bound to prevent this invasion by any treaty ?
Yes, this country was bound; but our engagement
had nothing to do with a case like this, as the treaties
referred only to invasions by foreign powers. He
had no reason, from the notice given by the Noble Duke,
to expect that he would have gone into the documents he
had referred to ; and therefore on this ground he (Earl
Grey) was not well prepared. But the Noble Duke also
said we had no right to allow the invasion by France.
Now, this was an event which bad occurred more than
two years since, and if the Noble Duke had thought it of
consequence, it was wonderful he had not brought it un-
der their Lordships' cognizance before. He (Earl Grey)
would ray we were bound by treaty to resist the invasion
of Portugal; but be was not master of that species of logic
which, by one bold assertion, could settle this question,
and that we were bound to resist every invasion. Was it
possible for any country to contract such an engagement ?
and were we bound to resist invasion, and aid Portugal
whether she were right or wrong, and if that invasion
were produced by what was unjust and improper ?--
(Hear, hear.) Would the Noble Duke insist on that, or
would the House support him that we were so bound?
Then as to the case of France in what has been termed
invasion, which, in fact, was but a few ships going into
the Tagus : the Noble Duke said that in the case of Boo-
nothing to do with that. This, however,was another
question, question, and nothing to do, with the case of
eid Donna aria,
and on this point, he candidly confessed, he c: id
to her cause—(Hear hear)--but the. ease wish well
of France was
tiomme we had acted wrong. But the Government had
.tifftrent, fur slat had cause of complaint, and had a right
to enforce her claim by:ateas.—(Hear, hear.) Then as to
the other charge of the Noble Duke. The Porttretoote
Government had been guilty of a eerie. of jusuits and

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