The Sun.
London, England, 1851-02-14 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1851.

In the House of Lords,
Lord CAMPBELL brought in a Bill to amend the law
of criminal procedure.
Lord Buouctram withdrew his County Court Exten-
sion Bill, and introduced an amended measure.
Several petitions were presented, and their Lordships
adjourned.
In the Commons,
Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQDER announced that
he should bring forward his budget on Monday, should
the debate on the Papal aggression be finished, but not
otherwise.
The adjourned debate on Mr. DISRAELI'S motion was
resumed by
The Marquis of GRANBY, :who denied that the agri-
cultural distress was of a mere temporary character
only, and attributed it entirely to free trade.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM proved, from the poor-law re-
turns, that free trade had been of great benefit to the
labouring classes, whose condition was now far better
than it had been a few years ago. The real object of
the motion was to re-impose corn taxes, and he
warned the Free traders that it was their duty to be up
and doing, for a serious conflict was at hand. The
Right Hon. Baronet concluded with a high eulogium on
Sir ROBERT PEEL, to whose doctrines he expressed his
undeviating attachment.
Mr. BOOKER was convinced that sooner or later they
must return to a system of protection.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the great mass of the
population was in an improved and prosperous state,
and quoted largely from several returns, for the purpose
of showing that the shipping and ship-building interests
had greatly benefited by the repeal of the navigation-
laws.

Mr. CAYLEY denounced statistics as most deceptive
things, contending that the alleged prosperity of the
country was unreal, and warned the House against the
results of the monetary pressure which he saw was
impending.
Mr. CARDWELL contended that our various branches
of commerce were in an improved and improving con-
dition, and that the landowners would soon be enabled
by their own exertions to retrieve their position. The
proposal of the Protectionists really was to levy upon
the masses of England a tax equal in amount to all the
other taxes put together, and to give it to the owners
of land.
Colonel DUNNE supported the motion.
Lord JOCELYN also supported the motion, "but ad-
mitted that if we were to return to protection, it must
not be by a mere majority, but in compliance with the
feeling of the nation, inasmuch as he was ready to admit
the advantages which free trade had con'erred upon
certain classes.
Mr. B. COCHRANE conceived that the House was
bound by the sequence of the paragraphs in her MA-
JESTY'S Speech to give the agriculturists the opportunity
of being heard, and he should cordially support the
motion.

Mr. COBDEN said that this motion could have but one
real object, that of Protection, under one name or
another. Sir JAMES GRAHAM had exhausted the sub-
ject, but he would add, in answer to Mr. DISRAELI,
that his assumption, that on the repeal of the corn-
law there had been a species of contract that cor❑ should
keep at some certain price, was untenable. The only
object and effort of the Free-traders had been to obtain
corn at the natural price of the world; that object was
gaittr d, they were sati,tied, and so was the country. He
had had nothing to do with prophesying about prices.
The real way to relieve the fainters was to reduce the
C.'overnment expenditure, and discourage motions
of this char,otcr, which were intended to delude the
farmers, and prevent them from insisting upon proper
terms with their landlords. Let them grant hisses,
ilimieish game, and amend the law of transfer and dis-
traint—these measures would really benefit the farmers.
He warned the Protectionists against aenin entering
into a contest with the people, and he hoped the Irish
Members would not be induced from a feeling of irrita-
tion to support the motion.
Mr. MoortE would support the motion, in order to
give a lesson to the Minister who had insulted the reli-
gion of the Irish people.
Lord Joule RUSSELL thought the attempt to force
forward such a motion as this, without distinctly de-
claring its meaning, or the intentions of those who ad-
vocated it, was a most dangerous step. The real but
concealed object of the motion was the restoration of
protection. Any attempt in that direction was full of
danger, for the mass of the working classes had fully
made up their minds as to the advactages they had
gained by free trade, and took a deep and vital in-
terest in the question. It was most dangerous, as
well as most unfair, to start such a topic, and yet
not to take either one side or the other.
He denied that the landed interest bore any peculiar and
weighty burdens. The policy of the present Govern-
ment had been to remove, as far as possible, the taxes
which pressed upon labour, and to that policy they were
determined to adhere.
Mr. DISRAELI replied, and Mr. MUNTZ and Mr.
GRENALL briefly stated that they should support the
motion.
The House then divided, when the numbers were—
For the motion
Against it
Majority -14

It has been reported, but we trust untruly, that
the Bishop of LICHFIELD has so fur yielded to the
solicitations of his Puseyite clergy as to intend to
absent himself from the discussion on the Bill to
legalise marriage with the sister of a deceased wife,
the Bill being founded upon the unanimous report of
the Commission, of which he was himself the head !
The Episcopal Bench have little popularity to lose,
and if this course is to be pursued by them they will
do their best to widen that breach between the clergy
and the laity, which Lord ASHLEY described on
Monday night as being very wide already. In 1835,
when a highly popular member of the nobility con-
tracted a marriage of the kind, it was legalised forth-
with, no single individual of the Bench of Bishops ob-
jecting.

Now, when thousands of these marriages are
proved to have taken place among the poor, some of
these very same Bishops either stay away, or threaten
to oppose, in the case of a poor man, that which they
unanimously granted to a rich one !
The cause, however, must succeed ; it is founded
in justice, and every day produces its converts. The
Bishops made a similar opposition to Sir SAMUEL
RomuLy's efforts to amend the criminal law, yet, in
spite of their efforts, we no longer see rows of men
and boys hanging in the Old Bailey for stealing more
than forty shillings.
The Bishop of LICHFIELD is an amiable man, but
he is a timid man, and lines in terror of the Puscyites.
I If he wishes, however, not to disgrace himself in the
eyes of the country, he must act upon his well-known
.
opinion that marriage with a deceased wife's sister is
not contrary to the Word of GOD.
We are glad to see, in a Lincolnshire paper, that
the Bishop of LINCOLN has admitted to a gentleman
at Louth, who has contracted such a marriage, that
the Bible does not forbid it. The Bishop of LONDON
says the same, as appears in the report of the
Marriage Commissioners.

Will these Bishops, after such a❑ admission,
persist in hanging up in our churches the table
asserting that such marriages are forbidden by GOD?
The Bishop of LICHFIELD will be closely watched
in this matter, and his character depends on the
course which he now talus. We shall recur to the
subject.

WHAT HAVE THE WIIIG9 DONE FOR IRELAND ?*
A pamphlet under this suggestive title, and not
unfitly dedicated to the present Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, has just come under our consideration. It

is so signally distinguished from the general class of
the literary or political ephemerals of this, pam-
phleteering age by the simple eloquence of its style,
the soundness of ita observlttions, the' accuracy of its
statistical information, and the fervid honesty of
pur::.‘oFe which appears to • have animated the talented
writer; that we are induced by a sense of duty to call
public attention to • its high merits. The cOnside-
r.eioa of the Whig policy in Leland doei not
seem out of place just at this moment, when her
last and best Chief Governor is about to be re-
moved, we trust only to be 'placid in a 'position
of increased usefulness, end where he will be enabled
to carry out measures for tho good of that country
which be has so ably governed in times of danger,
and suffering; and difficulty, and whose true interests
we believe he has sincerely at heart.
The occasion which suggested the investigation of
this question to the learned author is somewhat
characteristic. It appears that at the late Limerick
election a rampant orator, in a fit of indignint
patriotism, burst into the not very Christian, nor
very classical exclamation,' " D--N THE Wnws?
WHAT HAVE THEY EVER DONE FOR IRELAND ?" to
which the rejoinder made by the crowd amid shouts of
appiause was, " YERRA, DIDN'T THEY DESTROY THE
GENTRY ?" To the consideration of these questions
the author hag applied himself with a clearness, &hold-
ness, and an impartiality alike creditable 'to his
feelings as an Irishman, and his ability as a writer.
After contrasting the two` greatiz•oliticall- parties' ;in
the State, and pointing out with great perspicuity
the difficulties of the Whigs to 'carry out any mea
sures of importance in the face of a great and "power-
ful Opposition, he comes to the question, whether the
Whigs have really been the cause of the ruin of the
Irish gentry ? He says—

"From the passing of the Act of Union to the year
1846, the state of this country was such as almost to
baffle all attempts at description—its social condition was
an anomaly without parallel in the history of ancient or
modern times—there was nothing like it since the
world began—there was no order in our social scale—
every one was in a false position from the peer. to the
peasant—the peer in reality poor, but in appearance rich,
high in rank, intolerant in politics, extravagant and
profuse, but only the nominal owner of his princely in-
come, still indulged his hereditary tastes,- played nn the
old game of going in debt—dlsregarding the 'duties of
property, remembering only its rights—hunting, gam-
bling, racing, neglecting, cursingl or despising his
country, and restricting her liberties, Whenever 'he had
an opportunity of doing so. The peasant,, passionate,
reckless, and indolent—badly housed, badly clothed, and
badly fed, alike a stranger to material comforts and to
moral improvement—living almost in an avowed con-
dition of perpetual warfare with his superiors—occa-
sionally passing through all the phases of a desperate
criminality, but still enduring, without mitigation or:in-
termission, all the sufferings and privations that hu-
manity could be afflicted with—lived on a life
of crime, want, idleness, and despair; to-day the
victim of misery the moat appalling ; to-mor-
row the avenger of wrongs the most unparalleled.
The gentry, who occupied an intermediate:position, imi-
tated the vices of their superiors, and in nothing did
they resemble them with such scrupulous fidelity as in
abusing their country, neglecting their tenantry, squan-
dering their property, or insulting the religion and dis-
regarding the miseries of the poor. The nobleman was
generally a recognized and confirmed absentee; and as
many of the gentry as could followed his example, and
those who from necessity or inclination remained at home,
looked on themselves rather as the occupiers of a hostile
country than the citizens of a well-governed state.
Having no feelings in common with the peasantry by
whom they were surrounded, and too shortsighted or
too haughty to create any subjects of mutual interest,
they were in the most offensive sense of the words,
' aliens in blood, language, and religion,' exhibiting it by
the sullen isolation with which they kept apart from
their Catholic fellow-countrymen or by tolerating their
society with an ill-concealed condescension
Their pious zeal loved to propagate the Gospel in foeeign
part=, instead of practising its precepts at home; their
motto was to reclaim the heathen, not to improve them-
selves; their charity was confined to a weekly but telling
contribution at the parish church Their
religion consisted in denouncing the Pope ; their
patriotism in supporting Coercion Bills and Arms Acts;
their liberality and good- feeling consisted in rack-rent-
ing and harassing their tenantry; their humanity and
justice in plundering and evicting thew. By such
agentry were no bugs drained, no waste lands reclaimed,
no trees planted, no peasantry employed, no industry re-
w arde3, no schools founded, nu Irish manufactures encour-
aged, nor politic:l rights extended; indolent themselves,
they were the cause of intlob ace in others, though they
never ceased denouncing the idleness of the poor;
clumsy and carele,s in all matters of business, yet
energetic and resolute in the pursuit of pleasure, lavish
in the expenditure of money, indifferent as to the means
of its acquisition; alieni appatns, sui profious, proud of
their :axon origin, but esnemed of their Irish birth,
their characters may be summed up in a sentence, WITH-
OUT THE VIRTUES OF EITHER RACE, THEY WERE IN-
FECTED WITH THE VICES AND FOLLIES OF BOTH."

If this be a faithful picture of the Irish gentry we
do not think it required the assistance of Whig or
Tory to effect their ruin. The learned author pro-
ceeds to point out the many advantages conferred on
Ireland since the accession of the present Govern-
ment to power. The exertions made during the
famine—the large advances made for railroads, and
the improvement of land, the several Bills passed for
the reform of the law ; but, above and beyond all, he
points to the triumphant administration of the Irish
Executive. Lord CLARENDON crushed rebellion with-
out bloodshed, and created respect for the laws by a
judicious combination of mildness and firmness. To
his able colleague, Sir W. SOMERVILLE, who works
more than he talks, that country is indebted for
several measures of great social and political impor-
tance. We shall only say in conclusion that the able
author has eminently succeeded in showing, " WHAT
THE WHIGS HAVE DONE FOR IRELAND !"

* " What, have the Whigs done for Ireland? or, The
English Whigs and Irish Famine." By a Barrister.
Dublin: Edward J. Milliken, 15, College-green. Lon-
don: Longmans and Co., Paternoster-row.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
M. Durex was re-elected President of the Legislative As-
sembly for the next three months. In like manner, General
LEDRAU, iII. DARU, and M. LEON FAUCHER were re-elected
Vice-Presidents; and MM. Aitstun (de l'Arii.ge), LACAZE,
CHAroT, PEUPIN, and BZRARD, Secretaries. There still re-
main one Vice-]'resident and one Secretary to b© nominated.
The gentlemen mentioned above having alone obtained the
necessary majority, another ballot will take place this day
for the election of these officers.

This re-election of M. DUPIN and of the majority of the
Vice-Presidents and Secretaries has given great satisfaction.
A million copies of M. DE MONTALEMBERT'S speech has
been printed for distribution.
The Pays announces that notwithstanding the request of
the PRESIDENT of the Republic that no subscription shall be
opened for him, the idea is persisted in, and it gives the
names of six persons who have opened lists at their houses.
A correspondent of the Pays suggests that a sufficient sum
should be raised for the purpose of purchasing Malmaison,
and presenting it to the PRESIDENT.
The PRESIDENT of the Republic has announced his inten-
tion of immediately selling his horses.
There was not much business transacted at the Bourse,
and the price of Government Securities declined slightly.
The Five per Cents. opened at 97f., and closed at 96f. 80c. ;
the Three per Cents. closed at 58f. 5c.; Orleans Railroad
Shares, 895 f. ; Rouen, 671 f. 25c.; Great Northern, 481 f. 25c.;
Avignon, 195 f. ; Vierzon, 423 f. 75c. ; Basle, 16If. 25c. ; Bor-
deaux, 400 f.; Paris and Strasburg, 383 f. 75c.; Tours and
Nantes, 255 f"
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, FEB.-13.-
Boulogne and Amiens, 91/2—Central of France (Orleans
and Vierzon), 163/—East Indian, 1214—Namur and Liege,
834—Orleans and Bordeaux, 4—Paris and Rouen, 2734—
Paris and Strasbourg, 104A—Sambre and Meuse,
3,4—Tours
and Nantes, 5%.