The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT Orp7: HE"-17A,rJoTntiv-Ats:-

(From the Exam7ner.)
THE DEPOTIS3I FOR IRELAND.

In Pandemonium the scheme for establishing a
despotism in Ireland has been accepted with great
satisfaction. All the evil spirits hail it with de-
light ; the love of tyranny prevails even against the
spleen of party, and Tories and Whigs are cordi.illy
united in this evil work. The hell-broth is brew
ing, and around it mingle black spirits and white,
blue spirits and grey. The Lords of misrule of all
colours and denominations cheerily join hands round
the caldron; party rivalries and jealousies are for-
gotten in an act of congenial mischief, or if a
sneer or a reproach be vented, it is at the tardiness
of the undertaking. The Tories in this conduct
have signalized the sincerity of their devotion to
despotism. Had parties been reversed, had the
Whigs been in opposition, how different would
I heir conduct have been in the same circumstances !
What speeches, what protests, what angry decla-
mations would have been launched against the pro-
jeet ! And with what scorn the demand for arbi-
trary power, on the score of confidence in a man,
would have been tossed to public derision ! Ima-
gine the invective of Mr. Brougham, the sedate re-
probation of Lord Althorp, the argumentative refu-
tation and austere protests of Lord Grey—but we
need not imagine them, for Mr. Shell has quoted
them in words of greater torce in present objection
than at the period of their original application. The
Whigs have done this, would do it again were
they flung out of office, and thus their opposition
would seem better for the liberties of the people
than their Ministry. They are like the quantities in
Algebra, which change from plus to minus, and
from minus to plus, as they change sides of the
Eva, ton._

The ill-omened voice which pronounced the cor-
rupt Parliament perfect, has approved of the mea-
sures for establishing a despotism in Ireland. The
sanction speaks much, but yet worse remains to be
said ; the Duke of Wellington—even the Duke of
Wellington—has interposed objections, and proposed
amendments moderating some portion of the power
which it was proposed to make over to the young
gentle Men of the sword, who are to hold the scales
of justice I He has recommended that the sentences
of courtsmartial should be approved by him whose
word is to be law in Ireland. This suggestion is
adopted, Lord Brougham accompanying his consent
to it with this considerate remark :
" Sending the proceedings of the Court to the Castle,
or wherever they were to be confirmed, while the prisoners
were still in cult ly, and not allowed to communicate
with their friends, would not therefore occasion any great
inconvenience or delay."
The meaning of this is, that as the prisoners will
be cut off from communication with their friends,
they will have no opportunity of getting representa-
tions of injustice laid before the Lord Lieutenant,
the consideration of which might cause the " incon-
venience of delay," or the reversal of the sentence.
The opportunity for appeal would mar the plan.
Appeal belongs to a care of justice, but this plan is
to inflict punishment in utter recklessness, whether
it be or be not accordant with justice. As Mr.
Shell very tersely stated it, the complaint of the
impossibility of procuring evidence is to be reme
d►ed by establishing a sort of tribunal which will
judge without evidence. It is thoughtlessly said
that the young gentlemen in sash and gorget, who
sit in judgment, will at least be impartial. Those
who mix at all with military men and hear their
truculent language, or those who mat k the ferocious
spirit of their organs in the periodical press, know
the folly of this expectation. Major Beauclerk,
who is an old soldier, and in every way a competent
witness, said:—

4, He could tell Ministers from long experience—for, for
two years behad acted as Deputy Adjutant General—that
one of the worst Courts they could possibly devise was a
courtmartial. Party prejudice could not bu have con-
siderable sway in courts so constituted. In his humble
opinion, nothing could be worse. He had repeatedly seen
young officers surrender their opinions and judgment to

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the colonel,. who frequent:y was greatly prej,cliced. 11,
'iad himself been under arrest for two days for merely eivi,g
-.judgment to the best of his ability, and Captain Brooke,
of the 62d, had_ been similarly treated fur the same offence.
The powers given to the military mill be abuse,l
in every way and for every purpose. Every opponent
of Government will be marked for persecution ; so
ilso will be many an unaccommodating husband
who has a handsome wife, and many a watchful,
sturdy father who has a beautiful. daughter. This
danger of the most exasperating sort of wrong, was
urged years ago by Lord Grey himself in objection
ro nocturnal searches for arms but when it wt,
instanced by Lord Cloncurry on Tuesday, there was
a laugh—the Noble Lords laughed at the idea of
utfences to female modesty. We will nor term this
umerriment brutal, for what is there in the conduct
of brutes which is comparable to it in odiousness ?
rt were a most irrational disparagement of brute,
o stigmatize the barbarity with an epithet bor.-
rowed from their kind. No one ever saw a
brute amused by the idea of another brute's pain
or degradation, but if such a prodigy should `•u
witnessed, it may be called Lordly. Providence, who
has denied brutes imagination and risible faculties,
has saved them from the hateful expres'sion of girt'
at the thought of suffering. The laugh is one tif
the distinctions of man from brute, and the Lords
who employed it on the occasion instanced have
made it mark another distinction, which only fiends
can share with them. Ireland, says Lord Grey, has
reached an unparalleled demoralization : do the
wretched creatures for whose offences the Lords are
shaping laws, laugh like their legislators at the
amusing thought of the worst outrages to females ?
In what society but the House of Peers would such
a subject have been treated with merriment ; we
doubt whether in the orgies of the lowest brothel
some respect for decency, for humanity, would nor
have restrained the gross, licentious, barbarou-
mirth. Few but the aristocrats can be so void
sympathy, or of an understanding of the sympathy
of others, as to commit so hateful an offence against
moral decorum, and we are often tempted to think
'hat the cruelty and wickedness of the giants of tale-
of chivalry were intended to adumbrate the,cruelty.
and wickedness of great people in all states 01
society.

Lord Cloncurry's observations, which moved such
mirth ia Pandemonium, were as followS:
" He begged their Lordships to conc-ive a nocturnal
search by the police.—(A laugh.) It might be a aulijsc.
of laughter to their Lordships, but it was the cause of many
.1 wail in Ireland. Englishmen did not r quire to be told
by him that the females of Ireland enjoyed the feelings iii
modesty in as great a degree as their own countrywomen.
How would their Lordships like their wives, or thei.
sisters, to be visited at night in such a manner by an in-
sulting and brutal police?—(Hear, bear.) This power
wt.s much abused, and, therefore, it was his intention t.
move in the Committee, that when those to whom the
power of search was given by the Bill, came to a house
and called on the names of those who ought to be in
those who did not answer should he (teemed absent. 13t
this means, that great power which was given by the Bit
would be more innoxious; those domiciliary visite, ever:
in the present state of Ireland, could not be allowed. In-
stances had come to his knnwl dge of the manner is
which this power had acted under the last Insurrection
Act. He had known an admirer of female beauty t,,
transport a brother, or a lover, who stood in his way fit
no of er offence than being obnoxious to bitnsel. He ha.;
also known a debtor Migistrate transport or imprison
creditor because he had asked for his He had know,
a most respectable man, residing on the borders of one
the proclaimed districts, and who passed the baundar)
after the limited time, for no other purpose than that
,pitg,,Ulgitrages of hi* man--4,akoakup-oul-camasitteii
pKni for three months, though upon representation to V.e
Cord Lieutenant he was afterwards released. He liape(l.
therefore, due care would be taken to guard against th
abuse of this power."
No care will be taken, no care can be taken, it.
the proposed measure, to guard against these atro-
cities. The zeal of courtsmartial will be shown ii,
the rapidity of their convic ions. What is about t,
be done, but to substitute the most unpractised
judges for the most experienced, the rudest proce-
dure for that reputed the best ? A military tyrann:„
is to be set up to teach respect for the law and cur
fidence in justice ! If, by a miracle, the miltar)
courts do substantial justice, what will be the ef-
fect ? To create respect for the law superseded ?
impossible. No; in that case they will create
respect for the military law, and the restoration (.1
the regular tribunals will be regarded as a relapse ti
favour and partiality, and hated accordingly. Th,
irregular tribunals must be better or worse than th,
superseded; if better, how is love and respect for
the worse regular courts to be generated by them?
if worse, what good consequence of any kind cat,
be reckoned en ? The patient resis's the surgeon's
knife, having no reliance on his honesty or his skill ;
will it improve the matter to strap him down anti
give the carpenter a diploma to operate with an adze?
There are men who, thoughtlessly or impudently,
advocate martial law as protective of the peaceabli
a .airtst the lawless; but what protection will then,
he against the errors, the caprices, the prejudices of
the military judges ? Who can feel for une momeb.
secure of his liberty, when a malicious information
may cause him to be dragged from his home and flung
into gaol for an indefinite period ; his family, mean-
while, left unprotected, and his affairs neglected ;
the issue of his trial before a tilde, unskilful, ras'i,
and peremptory tribunal, doubtful; and the injury
of detention certain ? Is there a man who, after the
passing of this atrocious law, can feel his innocent,
a pledge of safety ? In every red coat he will see h
master. He must subdue his looks, cringe in his
presence, and yield ail his exactions, or he is a marked
matt. - If he give any umbrage to gentlemen of the
sword, if he refuse credit, hospitality, or the com-
pany of his wife or daughters, he may reckon oft
night searches, and if not an accusation, at least a
vexatious summons to attend as witness at some
distant trial, of the subject of which he is alleged to
know something. These things, and yet grea.et
atrocities have been, and why may they not lie again
in similar circumstances ? Mr. O'Connell instanced

" The notorious case of Sir Edward Crosby, a man totally
innocent of the charge brought against him, who had been
dragged before a courtmartial, of which a major of dragoons
was President. Among other questions, he was asked
why he, who was an officer of rank, had never entertained
any of the officers of the garrison? He was tried, con-
victed, and, though wholly innocent, executed."
The power of inflicting death is not, indeed, to be
given to courtsmartial in the proposed law, but the
milder punishment of transportation wall only be the
more lightly and carelessly awarded. We have
striking evidence of what military men and milit.iy
tribunals are capable towards members of their own
body in the case of Somerville, and can we suppose
that they will be more just in dealing with civilians?
Notwithstanding the powerful public opinion of
England, Major Wyndham and his colleague,.
escaped with impunity; and if, with the eyes of all
England anxiously fixed upon that single case, jus-
tice could be eluded, what hope is there of any re-
dress for the multitude of wrongs which are likely
to be committed in a country given up to the rule
of the sword, and in which public opinion is to be
allowed no expression ? for where the steel govern,
even the right of petitioning, the privilege of a;,-
pealing for justice is abrogated. Do we impute
wilful and conscious injustice to military judges ?
We impute so tnuch as belongs to prtjudice against
persons suspected of popular opinions, and further,
we distrust their skill and patience in inquity. is
asserted, however, that the:r rule, after all i.bjecti
is preferable to that of Whiteboys and Whitefeet :
but the outrages of Whiteboys and Whitefeet may
be resisted, but the injustice of the soldiery must be

Submitted to, or the severest petialti
incurred.
To follow the enormities of the proposed Bili in ~
anyone paper would b. a severe tax on the patiende .
ofour readers, but we calinot,conclude without no-
tieing the insufficiency of the enactment for promol.
gation, which will have the effect of a snare, win -
titer it has been so designed or not. It runs thus :
"6. And be it enacted, that every county, county of a
city, and county of a town, or part .thereoc resp,ctively,
so proclaime4, shall be considered to all intents and pur-
poses as a proclaimed diStricf within this Act from the
d4y on which such proclamation shall he published within
such proclaimed district, by affixing a sopy thereof on
s,:me public place within the tame district.
"8 And be it enacted,t hat the production of the Dublin
Gazette, containing the publication of any proclamation or '
order under this Act, shall, in all proc edior, civil and •
criminal, be received and deemed conclusive evi'enre of
the issuing, aed of the contents of the proclamation or
order so published. "
The copy of proclamation may thus be affixed on
some public place of a district, and people will be
subjected to the penalties of disobedience who live
in wild and • distant parts, having' slow and uttfre.
Tient communications with the place where. the no•
tice has been given. This inadequate provision clam -
notes the reckless spirit in which the measure letsi
been framed, for surely this was an occasion when
extraordinary anxiety should have been felt to gmard
people against unknowingly incurring extraordinary .
penalties. One of the worst vices of our law is he ne- ,
glect of promulgation (morally, nay, scripturally a
crime), but it is pleaded in extenuation, that the
acts visited with punishment are known to be wrong
though the particular punishment be not notified;
but in this instance the apology, bed as it is, will not
apply, for the act of walking out of doors before or
after sun-set is not known to be criminal, and him- ,
dreds in ignorance of the proclamation (eiffixeti on some
place within the district or county), may be gu It)*
of it and subject to an indefinite iniprisonment,
not terminating even with the acquittal of a court. ,
martial, but protracted during the pleasure of hirri
whose word is to be law—the Viceroy, greater than .
the King himself.
Further, it is to be observed, that if, by mal'ee .
or negligence of the agents of Government, the tito.
clamation has not been published as directed, never-,
theless the production of the Dublin Gazette is to
be received as evidence of the issuing of the (tinpro-
claimed) proclaimation, and the people of a distant
district are to be punished for acts made penal in a
Dublin publication of which they know nothing.
Titus, stupidly or villanously, are the liberties of
men to be sported with.
It has been argued for the House of Lords, that its
aversion to change protects the Constitution from ilia
titivation, and interposes a season of delay preventing -
rash or passionate legislation. When tne,stires of im-
provement hav, been proposed, the reluctance of the
House to change has been most inconveniently
evinced; but when measures, invasive of th liberties
the people, and suspending the most tat pavan t ecn.
stirurional rights, have been introduced, we have in
vain looked for the conservative function- of the
P.;ers ; in such instances there is no le,seation, no
lelay, and the Bill goes through the House ',rah the
peed of mischief. A sort of miracle is seen ; the
eeibtful become confident, the slum eager and
forward,

- the lame the crutch forego,
And leap exulting like the bounding roe.
The body, which was six months ab..ul the Befortril
Bill, talking with pious horror of a breaking in urin
the Constitution, and rejecting, and stiaming and
ardily yielding on compulsion, passes the Ir:slt
Coercion Bill in a week ! Tnere is in this, howa
iver, a consistency in things though not in wends'.
It is to change that the Lords are aterse; and as
the oppression of the people has been the long
urac ice of the Legislature, there is no change in
measures of that usual tendency. There is not tnng
new in tyranny, which is a most ancient and unin,
errupted usage. Of it the Lords ate conservative.
Accordingly their unhesi ating acceptation gives tt e
Bill its brand. In the Commons it will experience
a dfferent entertainment; and if it passes the British.
Legislature, a solid ground for the demand of re-
peal of the Union is alluded. Burtf!is,is nor all
rit,7l liberties of Englishmen captietlLitZ
wer of men who, pander'. g to the wantonnes, of
yranny, may consent to this ,xecrahlemea,urc, pros.
tiating the rights of a people at the pleasure of a 'man,
and submitting them to the government oft he sword.
Should the worst happen, the r,tnedy is with the
people of Ireland. By a g-neral defiance of the
iniquitous law, the iniquitous law will be tendered
nugatory. Its very scope, the vast sweep of its
tyranny, will in this case make it inoperative. Upon
the proclamation of a district, let us suppose that
the mass of the people instantly take to night-walks.
What can be done ? Can a population be incar-
cerated? Some may be selected for punishment,
Out without any effect of example, for the mass
would carry on the struggle by walking abroad de.
fyingly between sun-set and sun-rise. There would
in this case be none of the shame of an act evil in
itself, and there would be the sweet satisfaction of
defeating a tyrannical law by daring it. If Irish-
men have the spirit they boast, they are (in the
worst event) sure of victory ; but they must be
united and passive to the law, or rather eager to
surrender themselves up to it, for they must choke
it by cramming it till it burst—till the very gaols
split with repletion.

(From the Spectator.)

INFORMATION FOR LORD GREY.

, ,
.t

As to the state of the public opinion concerning the
4inistry, we pretend to have better information
ban the Ministers themselves ; who, surrounded by
partisans, not to say parasites, are apt to be deceived
on a subject in which they have the deepest in-
erest ; and the more because that interest is of a
Personal nature. Power repels truth, and attracts
flattery. Which of Lord Grey's intimate followers
would choose to annoy him by saying that Lord
Althorp's speech on the sinecure question has given
great offence ? which of them, on the other hand,
ever misses an occasion to tell his Lordship that
the public is inclined to trust and support the pre-
sent Cabinet ? The two assertions are equally
true; but whilst one of them has never, probably,
been made to any Minister, the other, no doubt, is
continually repeated to all the Ministers. It is in
this way that Cabinets, and especially Prime Minis-
ters, are liable to form a wrong estimate of their
own hold on the public mind. Wellington never
perceived, till it was too late, that his handling of
the East Retford question had destroyed his popti-
otrity arising from the Catholic question. Just so,
Lord Grey may not discover, till it be too late, that
gratitude for his part in reforming the House of
Commons has been converted into di,hke, because
the substantial improvements were withheld which
the nation sought by aiding him to carry his Reform
Bill. He may be thus blinded, not merely by such
flatterers as surround all men in power, but also by a
Reforming portion of the House of Commons arid
by the Reforming Press. How so? it will be asked.
Let us explain. Some time previous to the elec-
lions, the public, exhausted by two years of violent
excitement, had become sick of agitation, and de-
sirous, for the sake of " quiet times," that future t e-
forms should proceed from a Government foetidly
tn reform, instead of being exacted from a Govern-
ment opposed to all itnprovement. It was this
feeling which led to the return of so many candi-
dates who gave the single pledge " to support Lord
Grey's Ministry." This feeling still prevails.
Thousands, tens of thousands of Reformers, are not
yet disposed, like Mr. Hume, to "make the Go-
vernment uneasy" with a view to the ends of Re-
form in Parliament, but seek rather, by something
like flattery, to encourage Ministers in the good
work which all but the blind know must be per-
formed ill or well. Thus Ministers hear from "
many quartets such warm expressions of attach.
ment, and are so frequenzly told in such strong terms
of their past merits, that they may be excused for
supposing that their popultiiiry would carry them
through any folly. Bur inotn:b sui.th uu excuse
night be cif,' ed for such itu error, !lie error
,v,,ic4l
be great indeed. Though the puolic be (lisp ~e,l
support Ministers, that disposition arises from the
wish that abuses should be corrected in a particular

way. It is a question not of substance, but of
manner. The public hope that Reform may pro-
ceed without any more violent agitation ; and. there-
fore they appear inclined to support Ministers
through thick and thin. But Lord Grey is grossly
deceived if he have been led to imagine, that, be-
cause he is supported after having given the House
of Commons a Tory Speaker, he will be supported
in a system of Tory rule. The King's speech,
which might have been written by Castlereagh for a
Tory Parliament, was read with a feeling approach-
ing to disgust by Reformers, who nevertheless con-
tinue to speak well of the King's Ministers.
" Therefore," those Ministers may say to them.
selves, "we shall be supported at all events; so
great is our popularity." It is a mistake, we ven-
ture to tell his Majesty's Secretary at War. The
object of those who, dissatisfied with Ministers,
continue to support them, is to prevent agitation;
but agitation will not be prevented if Muisters con-
tinue to displease their supporters; and when agi-
tation comes, it will be seen too late wiry the Re-
formed Parliament and Reforming Press supported
Lord Grey notwithstanding his Tory King's speech,
his T.,ri Speaker, and his long attachment to sine-
etlits. For our part, representing the sentiments of an
infleential class of Reformers, we should be willing
tQ make considerable sacrifices for the sake of quiet
times. Between bad government and agitation for
good government, it is not so easy to choose; when
one reflects that heavy taxation is less injurious,
perhaps, to the governed, than great excitement,
uncertainty, and stagnation of trade,—such as this
country suffered during the slow progress of the
Reform Bill, or rather, in consequence of obstacles
to its progress. Besides, what is more to the pur-
pose, agitation, like. war, interferes with practical
improvement. For example, if the King's speech
had been written for a Reformed Parliament, our
papers on taxation, planned arid in plot executed
several months ago, would have been more apropos
than they are as it is, when the putilic doubts whe-
ther Ministers intend to please the Reformers or the
Tories. During periods of great excitement, use-
fUl objects are neglected for party politics ; an ex-
cellent reason for hindering agitation if possible.
Every one knows that if the present Ministry should
become unpopular, all hope of practical improvement
would cease for a time; and this consideration helps
to explain why, notwithstanding Lord Grey's Tory
commencement of the first session of a Reformed
Parliament, we have as yet no strong expression of
discontent, no ineeiings,* no petitions, no outward
and visible signs of the inward spirit of Reform.
Very many Reformers, we tell our late elk, the
Radical Sir John Hobhouse, are holding back, re-
maining passive for fear lest agitation should Inter-
fere with effectual reform. They yet hope that
Lord Grey means well, and that he will act accord-
ingly if he be let alone. But how great will be their
disappointment, if Lord Grey, thus supported by a
generous and confiding people, should pursue a sys-
tem in accordance with the King's speech, the elec7
lion of Mr. Sutton, and the vote in favour of sine-
cures! And will not so bitter a disappointment
lead to agitation more violent than ever, and more
terrible, because in that case the nation would be
without leaders, having lost confidence in all public
men ? It does appear to us, on reflection, that those
who, for the sake of quiet times, support the Whigs
in Tory proceedings, may defeat their own object
by the very means which they take to accomplish
it. We shall endeavour to avoid this error; into
which, we admit, such is our dislke of agitation, we
have been very near falling. For all classes of the
people at present, and still more for those changes
which would serve all classes of the people, quiet
times are most desirable ; but will a Tory system of
government prevent agitation ? We submit this
question to Lord Grey, telling him, at the risk of
" making hitn uneasy," that the support which he
has obtained from Reformers since the meeting of
Parliament has been given for the sake of ends
diametrically opposed to those which his Cabinet
appear to have in view.

* This was written before the news from Birmingham and
Wolverhampton had arrived.

(From the News.).

The Irish coercive measure has begun to be
attacked in the House of Commons. O'Connell,
as usual, made a powerful speech on it on Tuesday
evening, but it was reserved for Mr. Shed to expose
in the most glaring colours, the inconsistency of
Ministers and their supporters, on the momentous
question of suspending the Constitution in Ireland,
without previous inquiry. In 1822, the Marquis
Wellesley, a man not famed for much delicacy in
such matters, asked of the British Parliament the
power to inflict the Insurrection Act on Ireland, for
three months only, to afford time for inquiry whether
it should not enuure a 'anger space. This demand
for military law, without inquiry, though for the
short space of three months, called up L9rd Grey,
Mr. (now Loid) Brougham, Mr. Spring Itce, Sir
Francis Burdett, Lord Ebrington, Lord John Rus-
sell, &c., &c., who all denounced in the strongest
terms, the infliction of military law on Ireland, even
for an hour, without previous inquiry. And yet,
though Ireland, according to the official statements
published at that time, is now in comparatively a
state of quietude, to what it was then, these same
men are defending at this moment what they were
reprobwing, in the strongest terms, in 1822, viz.,
the infl.ction of martial law on Ireland ; not, mark,
on the plea that it was not needed, but that no in-
quiry had previously taken place, to prove to the
world that it was needed. Is this not enough to
sicken the people of the professions of public men,
at least, of such public :men as England now
boasts? The point, we learn, at which many of
our English Members stumble, is that part of Lord
Grey's Act which substitutes martial law for trial
by jury. The committing the lives and properties
of freemen to the caprice of three young military
officers, is rather too much for their digestive organs,
though willing from the hands of Lord Grey to
take much of a hard and indigestible nature.
After, however, reading Major Beauclerk's descrip-
tion of courtsmartial, we think they may justifiably
feel some repugnance to inflict such a measure of
justice on their fellow-subjects. His description of
these courts, from personal experience, must con•
vince every rational man, that in nine cases out of
ten, accusation is synonymous with conviction, at
least, if the President-Colonel so wills it.

PETITION AGAINST EARL. GREY'S PRO-.
roszn PACIFICATION ACT.—This petition now lies for
signatures at the rooms of the Independent Clio, and it is
expected that every parish in the county wilt come for-
ward immediateiy and s-nol similar petitions to Parlia-
tn•nt.— Carlow Morning Pust. . _

A rumour, which'is gaining ground, has for
some time prevailed, of dissensions,in the Cabiner,—two
of the most talented members of which are said to be en-
gaged in an intrigue, which is to end, if successful, in
throwing overboard the present leader in each House of
Parliament, and in effecting a junction with the Tories in
their stead. We give the rumour because it is a current
one—nut at all pledging ourselves for its accuracy. Public
men should remember that their acts, to say nothing of
their imwedia e rift-et, form the subject of history; that
their characters are the property of their country ; and
that intrigue in its very name implies dishonesty and
deceir.-2lforning Herald.
A DEAR WISH.—A hackney coachman wa-
charged before the Queen-square Magistrates, psterday,
with having used abusive and insolent language to a gen-
tleman who had hired him from Piccadilly to Brompton,
fir which service the gentleman paid him 2s. (6.i. more
than his legal fare); hut he, being still dissatisfied, said,
" I wish that the next time you gets into a hackney coach
you may break your neck !" Tire Magistrate fined him
forty shillings.
About five weeks since, a young man named
THOMAS KIMBEII, a waiter, was charged at Bow-street,
on suspicion of having been instrumental to the death of
ANNE GREAVES, a girl with whom he cohabited, and
who, in a moment of irritation, arising from some jealous
squabble, threw herself off Waterloo-bridge, anti was
drowned. Ae there did not appear to be any ground I,r
imputing this act to the prisoner, he was discharged.
Frequent search has since been made for the body in the
river, but it was not discovered till Saturday morning, when
it was found wedged between two brigs off the Tower, in
a 'Lima decomposition. It was conveyed on shore, and
a coroner's inquest directed to be held.

COERCIVE MEASURES TOWARDS

IRELAND.

(From the Observer of yesterday.)
An extremely large meeting of the National Union of the
Working Classes took place on Saturday, at eight o'clock, at
their Institution, Theobald's.road, to express their abhorrence
at the proposed measure to coerce the Irish, and to offer their
assistance to the Irish people to resist these measures.
The walls of the Institution were covered with several
flags—tricolours and American ones—upon which were very
strong mottos—the strongest that could be applied, even to
the most extreme conjuncture.—Mr. O'Connell, his sons, and
several other public characters, were present.
The Rev. Dr. WADE took the chair. He called upon his
friends and fellow-citizens to resist the coercive measures con-
templated by the present Government towards Ireland. This
measure of Government might be fairly styled a " brutal and
bloody measure." The English people had stopped the Duke
of Wellington in his career of despotism, by a run upon the
Bank, and they might put a stop to Earl Grey's tyranny in the
same way. He would not only advise a run upon the Bank,
but even counsel the people, under such circumstances, to with-
draw their money from the Savings Banks.— (Tremendous
cheering, and cries of " We will, we will.")
Mr. LEE proposed the first resolution, to the effect that
" the Union had watched with feelings of the deepest indig-
nation, the horrible and bloodthirsty line of policy which had
been pursued towards Ireland by the present hollow-hearted
Whig servants of the King; and that they solemnly declared
their determination to uphold by every means in their power
their oppressed Irish brethren, against the threatened in-
fliction of military despotism on their misgoverned country."
Mr. PRESTON seconded the motion.

Mr. O'CONNELL then presented himself to the meeting, and
was received with every demonstration of applause—waving of
hats and handkerchiefs and loud cheers, which lasted for seve-
ral minutes. The Learned and Hon. Gentleman spoke to the
following effect throw myself at once, without preface or
apology, upon you, and call upon you in the most earnest man-
ner to adopt the•'resolution you have just now heard. Every
expression and senthxtent of that resolution is, in point of fact,
literally true ; and I have always heard, and even known, that
truth triumphs among Englishmen. When I say Englishmen,
I do not mean .English Lords; for truth and generosity do not
dwell with them. Before 1 proceed to the business before the
meeting, I shall mention the conduct of Trish Catholics in the
time of Queen Mary. lam a descendant of those Catholics,
and the present Government wish to make me a slave.—(Cries
of " They never shall.") No, there breathes no miscreant,
be his power what it may, that can reduce my soul to a
state of bondage.—(Hurras.) The Government shall never
see the day when lam to be their slave. But to return
to the point; at the period of the Reformation,-the sword
was the great argument used in religious conversion. Henry
VIII. and Edward VI. made use of the cruellest tortures
to bring over converts. It was a common sport with the
soldiers of those Kings to seize upon the friars, and to beat in
their shaved heads until the brains were exposed. Under the
persecutions of Mary, there were 74 houses, capable of contain-
ing 1,000 persons, opened in Dublin for the Protestants of
England, who fled there from English persecution. I feel
proud of being a descendant of those generous Catholics; but
what is my reward ? An English Government has sent a thief-
taker to my house, because I disobeyed what I considered an
illegal proclamation. That Government has caused me to be
dragged from the arms of a wife to whom I owe all earthly
happiness—has caused me to be dragged like a felon to gaol.
I gave bail—and woe to the Government that had exercised
such vengeance upon a Catholic if I had not—for my country-
men would have risen up and rescued me at the risk of their
blood. What we want to obtain we shall obtain by quiet and
legitimate means. I desired no vengeance. I came to Eng-
land, and, without consulting my own passions, when I found
Englishmen fighting for Reform, I ranged myself by their
side. 1 lent to England in that struggle whatever talent and
energy Providence endowed me with—(Cries of " So you did")
—and voted to obtain their freedom upon all occasions. When
the questions of ballot and of shortening the duration of Par-
liaments are brought forward, the English people will see how
Irish Members will vote; they will see how they will vote on
the question of universal suffrage. Their votes will be, that
all who pay taxes shall have a voice in the Legislature. If nobody
proposes universal suffrage, I shall do so myself.—(Cheers.)
To show you how much the Irish people are your friends, I
refer you to the minority on Mr. Hume's motion to abolish
naval and military sinecures ; that is, to abolish what the
people pay under false pretences. For the abolition of those
sinecures there were 98 English Members; for supporting them,
182 English Members, consequently there was a majority of
84 English Members for their continuance. The support of
the Scotch Members in favour of the sinecures was two to one,
that is, twenty-nine for their continuance, and fourteen against.
Now what did the Irish Members do ? Why, forty-one of
them were for the abolition of these sinecures, and twenty-three
for their support; so that if the matter rested with the. Irish,
England would have been freed from this burden by a majority
of eighteen.—(Cheers.) I mention this to show, that if
Englishmen wish to support liberty in their own country, they
will support it in Ireland. Ministers oppress Ireland, because
they know by so doing they will clip the'wings of freedom in
England. Look at what the despots are going to do in Ireland.
You don't know half of what the tyrants contemplate. They
are going to abOlish trial by jury. Can you endure such an in.
road upon the Constitution ? The same thing will happen to you.
And yet it is a Lord Grey, a friend of liberty, that threatens you,
for he threatens us. Let him propose such a measure—or let
anybody else propose it—in England, and the answer will be,
myriads of barricades. Yes, I should despise you if you did
not make such an answer. But no, you could not; for you
could not find stones wherewith to form barricades ; you
would have already flung them at the head of the monster that
durst attempt so to enslave you.—(Cheers.) Dare the Go-
vernment, then, act towards England as it does towards Ire.
land ?—(Cries of "They will.") Well, let them ; there is an
easy remedy, and I have begun this morning to make use of
it. A five pound note was tendered to me, but I refused it
until I was sure whether Trial by Jury was to be abolished or
not. Do you do the same, and they will not dare abolish it.
This Act of Parliament they are going to put in force will
permit the Lord Lieutenant to disperse every meeting, no
matter what be its character—be it political or religious.
Nay, more—any man caught but of his house after sun-set
or before sun-rise can be transported! And who is to try
the offence? A Jury? No; a courtmartial, over which
preside three military officers. By this law every human be.
ing in Ireland will be fettered. Let a tenant refuse to
surrender a beneficial lease—let a poor man complain of the
injustice of the rich man—let female purity resist undue so-
licitation, and chains will confine the claims and complaints of
the tenant, the oppressed, and the deeply insulted. The father
may complain, the mother pine, and the brother rage with indig-
nation. There will be locks and prison doors to confine them.
By Reform you have shaken off the Tories, but you have, it
seems, done it for the exclusive benefit of the Whigs, who
are as hungry as ever the Tories were.—(That's very true.)
But to return to courtsmartial and young Judges, who will
to-day dine with the prosecutor, and to-morrow convict with
all the impartiality that a well-furnished table usually imparts.
It is said that such Judges are substituted, because jurors can-
not be found courageous enough to sentence according to the
dictates of their conscience. This complaint of intimidation
is a deliberate falsehood—a living lie. This is a mere excuse
of the absentees, and Government is glad to adopt it. lam
looking to the repeal of the Union as a desirable measure, be-
cause it would make Irish landlords live at home. Earl Fitz-
william, for instance, drew 50,0001. a year for sixty years, from
the small county of Wicklow; that is to say, he has taken
three millions out of the country. Why should not
that money have been spent among the starving popula.
tion of the country, from whose produce it arose?—(Hear.)
These are the things which want remedy. Is my cry for the
repeal of the Union a proof of selfishness towards England ?
No. I tell you, that if my humble talents and efforts should

succeed in procuring the repeal, I shall confer a benefit upon
Englishmen. Would there be no advantage to the English
labourer if the Irish labourers in London could find employment
in Ireland 1 Would it be no benefit to them if every Irish
labourer in London could shoulder his shilelah and march

home? and I can tell you that Irishmen are fond of their
home—travel as they may, their heart is still in the green valley
where they were born. The cause is a common cause. The
same oligarchy trample upon both nations ; both nations have
the same remedies for their grievances—domestic legislation
and demcicrittc liberty. I will tell you another feature in this
Bill, You may imagine, perhaps, that the provisions of it ex-
tend only to offences which may be committed after it shall be
passed. No, no; they may go back as long as they please; they
may go back for forty years; there may be some one here now
taking down my words, and I may be tried for what 1 am now
uttering under an Act which does not now exist. On this side
hell, nothing so infernal was ever invented as this Bill. If it
pass, there is an end to liberty and security for ever. A man
will have no more security in his house than he would have
in Constantinople. Instead of British liberty, we shall have
Algerine slavery.—(Cries of" Worse.") Now, after the victim
is imprisoned, how long do you think he is to continue in prison ?
As lung as the petty despot who has imprisoned him chooses.
And all this is to be inflicted at the will of every petty ensign
who can "strut and starve on 50/. a year." Ireland knows
what martial law is. Sir Edward Crosby, for instance, a gen-
tleman of an ancient family, near Carlow, in rather embar-
rassed circumstances, who very properly lived within his in-
come, unfortunately fell under the imputation of being a Whig.
Some officer took offence because he had never invited him to
his house. He was brought to a cnurtmartial. Major Dennis,
who presided, asked him whether he was a loyal man ? Sir
Edward Crosby answered, that he considered himself to be so.
How can you be loyal, answered the Major, when you never
invited a single officer of the garrison to your house ? He
was convicted, and, as a matter of course, executed. Every
man in Ireland knows that that execution was a murder. The
Government themselves are aware of that. His son has been
restored to the property of his father, and holds rank in the
army ; but what compensation is that to the murdered father ?
In my native county, that of Kerry, during the rebellion, only
one murder took place. The rebellion was attributed to the
Catholics ; but, in fact, in the great Catholic counties there was
no rebellion at all. Yet there was not a single soldier within 26
miles. I had a younger brother, it is true, who took a fancy to
wear a uniform, and spend a day in shooting occasionally—yet
not a single outrage occurred till a foolish General took it in his
head to make some regulations about the soldiers leaving their
arms. A witness, named Grad y,when examined at a trial, on look-
ing at theperson, declared that he had been mistaken—that he
was not the man—that he could not swear to his person.
He was asked whether he did not swear to his identity at a
former trial Yes, he replied; but he was not then present,
and I had no opportunity of identifying him —(Cries of
"Shame, shame.") What was the consequence? He was

ordered out and received one hundred lashes. He was again
brought in, desired to look at the man, and asked whether he
could now identify him. He still refused to commit perjury,
and he was ordered to receive one hundred lashes more. He
received in all three hundred lashes ; and the trial only ended
in consequence of his falling into a dead faint, from which he
was with difficulty recovered. Now, they wish to consign the
people of Ireland again to courtsmartial—the people of Ire.
land, who recollect such things as these. But why should I
enter into details ? If this Bill pass, liberty in Ireland is at
an end. 1 warn the Press of England of the danger to which they
are about to be exposed from one clause of this Bill, which em-
powers these courtsmartial to try for sedition any person who is
the means of circulating papers of any kind of which they may
think it necessary to take cognizance. It is not like England,
merely, as in the ease of Hetherington, for want of a stamp, that
prosecutions may be instituted. The Editor of the Times
thinks himself secure; but if he dares breathe one word of
dissent, should circumstances alter, he will find himself mis-
taken. He may be secure at present; but who knows how
soon a Tory Administration may not succeed to the Whigs
who have brought in this Bill ? Is he sure that a Tory Admi.
nistration might not punish him inlreland for what he may write
in this country ? I may be told that that is impossible, because
he cannot be taken over to Ireland from this country ; but I
can tell you that there is an Act, called Judge Johnson's Act,
which empowers any Irish Magistrate to arrest anybody in Erg.
land and take him over to that country. Thus the Habeas
Corpus Act, even in this country, is rendered useless ; and no
Englishman even is safe. This measure is brought forward on
the worst possible grounds—upon false, lying calumnies. I say
it is a false, a lying calumny to assert that the disturbances in
Ireland are connected with political agitation. Never was a
calumny so false invented in hell. Never was there a lie more
outrageous advanced. It is contradicted even by the evidence
of the officers of Government themselves. Englishmen, Ireland
is now arrived at a period, when the most outrageous despotism
is about to be founded on the most outrageous falsehood ; but it
would be a libel on our species to suppose that you will suffer
My countrymen to be subjected to such a measure. We have
stood by you—stand by us.—(" We will—we will." Hi.
therto, what has this Union done for the benefit of Ire-
land ? How anxiously did we look for the assembly of a Re-
formed Parliament? What hopes did we not entertain of
what was to be done when the real representatives of the pia
ple should meet in Parliament ? What must we think of sue!'
a dawn as this, when crimes are proposed more atrocious than
ever degraded the worst days of corruption ? What is there
still to aggravate this conduct ? It is ungrateful. We stood
by you in the fight for Reform ; we aided in securing the vie.
tory ; and are these to be our rewards ? If the oligarchy now
be prostrate, it is much owing to the exertions of Irishmen 1
appeal to all of you ; I call upon you to help us with every

heart and every head. Let every man among you become an
apostle in our cause ; let him talk to his neighbour of our
grievances ; let him speak of them in the public-house which
he frequents ; in the streets let him speak of them—let him
take every honest Englishman that he meets by the breast,
and tell him the injustice which is contemplated for Ireland !
(Great and long-continued applause.) I thank you for that ho-
nest shout. I heard in that the old English tone which fright-
ened despots in former times. That was the tone which
frightened the tyrant John, when your ancestors extorted
Magna Charta from him. It was such a shout as that which
hurled the ensanguined Stuart from his throne, and afterwards
went too far in making him a bleeding sacrifice. It was such
a shout that arose from the British army encamped at Black-
heath, when the acquittal of the Protestant Bishops was an-
nounced to them, in the time of the tyrant James 11. They
joined in one tremendous shout, and James asked the cause ;
he was answered, it was nothing but the soldiery shouting for
the acquittal of the Bishops. Call you that nothing ? said he.
I think I have heard the echo of that shout to-night. On
Monday I may be blamed for this speech by the press of the
faction, of the coalesced faction ; but my answer is, heard you
the echo of the shout on Blackheath this night? Call you that
nothing ? The people of Ireland, I can tell you, too, deserve
that shout. They begin to lay aside their differences in that
country. I have received the Orange papers this day; and
though I have differed much from them all my life—though I
have been subjected to every species of abuse and vilification
from them—l must say, in justice to them, that they now display
the feeling of Irishmen, unwilling to see their honest neighbours
oppressed and put down. I forgive their former attacks on me
—I had forgiven them before—but now their conduct shows
that the people of Ireland deserve liberty. They show a spirit to
join their countrymen in throwing off despotism—to cast to the
winds all party feelings and passions—and to shout for old Ire.
land alone. Englishmen, I come here not to fight for the li-
berties of Ireland only; I come to contend equally for the
liberties of England. I will strive for you to shorten the du-
ration of Parliaments to at most three years ; I will struggle
with you for the vote by ballot ; I will tight by your sides until
I see every one of you entitled to vote by his representative in
the House of Commons. I will contend for liberty for all—l
care not of what colour, cast, or creed the slave may be. In
what field of battle, in which 'he people of this great and
mighty nation have been engaged, and in what field of battle
have they ever blanched ? Did not Irishmen stand by your
sides ? Their native strength and valour aided in all your
victories, with whatever part of the civilized world you con-
tended. It is your duty, then, to assist their descendants.

The decks of your navy have been washed with Irish as wel

_
as with English blood. Where was there ever a fight when
the meteor flag of England was displayed in which the sons of

Green Erin did not bleed equally with the Scotch and English l
In every foreign fight—in every domestic struggle for liberty,

we were with you. I will not, then, come to you to entreat
your aid for Ireland ; but, as a brother freeman, I will command
it.—(Mr. O'Connell was repeatedly interrupted by enthusias-
tic cheering and expressions of assent from -individuals in the
meeting.)
The resolution was then read from the Chair, and passed
amidst the loudest cheering.)
Dr. LYNCH rose to move the following resolution :

" That as Earl Grey has avowed that the measures intended

for Ireland are illegal and unconstitutional,' and is about to
trample upon and commit treason against the principles of
Magna Charta, it therefore becomes the duty of every English-
man who loves freedom to vindicate the laws, by preventing
him from carrying into effect his coercive and brutal measures
against our Irish brethren; being well assured that, if the pre-
cedent be established, the same military and revolting despo.
tism will be executed against themselves."
Mr. Mae seconded the resolution.

Mr. HAYDON had, on former occasions, seen Bills of the same
nature with that now about to be passed for Ireland in force in
that country, but he had never seen such a Bill passed regard-
ing Ireland, which was not followed by a similar one in Eng-
land.—(Cheers.)
The resolution was then pissed, amidst loud acclamations.
Mr. CLEAVE had great pleasure in moving the next resolu-
tion, which was—
" That the thanks of this meeting are eminently dqe, and
are hereby given to Daniel O'Connell, Esq, for dividi?lg the
House of Commons on the address; and to those who voted
with him in the minority on that occasion."
Mr. BAYLEY seconded the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
Mr. HAIG moved that the thanks of the meeting be given
to the Rev. Dr. Wade.

Mr. GRADY seconded the motion. He knew, and O'Connell
knew it too, that O'Connell had only to raise his hand, and
500,000 Irishmen would bristle at his back.—(Loud cheers,
and cries of " Let him do so.") No, no. He (Mr. Grady)
agreed with O'Connell in thinking, as it was said in the Pro-
verbs of Solomon, "'There is a time for every thing ;" and
there would be a time for that—he doubted if that time were
distant.—(Loud cheers.)

Dr. WADE returned thanks ; after which three cheers were
given for " O'Connell and old Ireland ;" three cheers for "The
People," and three cheers for " Cobbett," after which the
meeting dispersed.

FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HO USE OF COMMONS.
NOTICES OF MOTIONS AND ORDERS OF THE DAT WFIICH

STAND IN THE ORDER-BOOK FOR THE ENSUING WEEK•

MONDAY, FEB. 25.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
Mr. Estcourt—Bill to alter and amend the Acts under which
the County Stock is raised and applied, in England and
Wales.
Mr. Sheil—Bill to entitle Roman Catholics to hold Scholar-
ships and Lay Fellowships in the University of Dublin.
MONDAY, FEB. 26.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
Mr. O'Connell—Bill to amend an Act of the last Session of
Parliament, intituled, " An Act to amend the Repre.
sentation of the People in Ireland," and to extend the pro-
visions thereof.
Mr. O)Connell—Bill to repeal the Laws respecting the regis-
tering and taking of votes for Members to serve in Parlia-
ment for Counties at large, Counties of Cities, and of Towns
and of Boroughs, in Ireland, and to substitute other provi-
sions in lieu thereof.
Lord Viscount Althorp—Bill for the Commutation of Tithes.
Mr. Portman—Bill to consolidate and amend the Highway
Laws.—(Tuesday, Feb. 26 )
Mr. Edward Ruthven—Return of the state of the Curragh of
Kildare, setting forth the number of acres contained in it,
and all rents, issues, or profits derived, paid to, or demanded
by any person or persons on the part of the Crown; and also
a Statement of all cesses or charges paid or demanded from
the said lands, setting forth for what purposes, and to what
uses such charges are applied or applicable, and likewise a
Statement of all expenditure of any sum or sums of money
for the purpose of preserving the rights of the Crown upon
the Curragh of Kildare, and of making, as well as of repair-
Ng roads, or making other improvements upon the said
Curragh of Kildare.
Mr. Cobbett—Address to his Majesty, that he will be gra-
ciously pleased to cause to be laid before this House, an ac-
ccunt of all sums of money, issued from the Treasury of
Great Britain, and that of the United Kingdom, to be paid
to the Government of the United States of America, or
to the citizens of those States, in consequence of the award
of the Commissioners constituted and appointed in fulfil-
ment of the seventh Article of the Treaty of Amity, Com.
merce, and Navigation, between his Britannic Majesty and
those States, which Treaty was signed at London, on the
19th of November, 1794 ; together with a Statement of the
grounds on which the said sums respectively were so issued
and paid, and specifying, severally, the dates of the said
payments :—Also, Account of the several sums, so as
aforesaid issued, to pay the salaries and allowances of the
said Commissioners, and specifying the sum which each Com-
missioner has received :—Also, Account of the several sums,
so aforesaid issued, to defray all other charges, demands, and
expenses, arising out of the appointment and the proceed-
ings of the said Commission.
Mr. Ruthven—Return of the state of the Phoenix Park ad-
joining the City of Dublin, with a specification of the num-
ber of acres contained in it, as well as their appropriation,
and to what public or private purposes the said Park is ap-
plied; and also a Return of any expenditure incurred for
its improvement or embellishment during the last seven
years, specifying each year respectively, as well as a Return
of the profits during the same periods, if any, derived from
the said Park for the benefit of the public.
Colonel Perceval—With reference to the Return ordered 14th
February (Trial for Offences, Ireland), to add the words,
"distinguishing Roman Catholics from Protestants."
Mr. Hume—List of Colonels of Regiments; the offices they
hold; their length of service abroad and at home.
Mr. Hume—Account of expenditure of Great Britain for the
Colonies.
Mr. Hume--• Petition from the Metropolis against Capital Pu-
nishments.