The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-23 00:00:00

'RESEIV7'ATION OF
_THE BOROUGH

OF SOUTRIVARK.
Considerable excitement prevails in this extensive
borough, relative to its present representation in Par-
liament, and in consequence of the singular apathy to
the wishes of the constituents recently evinced, not
only by Sir William Molesworth, but by Mr. Alder-
man Humpherys. Local meetings are already being
held in the several parishes of St. George's, South-
wark, St. Saviours",and St. Mary's, Bermondsey,
with a view to call one great meeting at the Town-
hall, to fix upon a choice of names for the future
election of Munbers. At one of these preliminary
meetings, held in St. George's, an influential elector
observeu, " that if anything above another had been
required to increase the smouldering fires of discon-
tent throughout this truly unrepresented borough,
it was the apathetic bearing of one of
their Members, Alderman Hunapherys, on the
occasion of the late meeting at the Town-ball, at
which the deputy high bailiff presided, on the re-
quisition of nearly four thousand electors, regarding
the question of offering, in common with every other
division of the metropolis, a right English welcome to
the noble Hungarian patriot—Kossuth. Although
within three hundred yards of the Town-hall, Mr.
Humpherve had declined attending, and the construc-
tion to be put upon such a refusal was most obvious
Neither Sir William Molesworth nor Alderman Hum-
pherys entertained sympathy for the illustrious Kos..
sulh! The vast majority of the electors of the
borough of Southwark did, as would very shortly be
adlermeaodnys triant e dc.o"in
naTuhnei
cal
teiaodni n glv
tLhi b rnael electors
n tem a are73,a
Member for one of the western boroughs, whose
return for Southwark is said to be certain. Mean-
time the several districts, as before stated, are holding
local meetings, and organizing plans previous to
calling a general public meeting, for the obtainment
of the proper representation of the inhabitants of
Southwark.—Advertiser.
EAR-

.L DELAW ARA ON FREE TRADE.
At a meeting of the Agricultural Association of
Groombr:dge, 'Cent, a letter was read from Earl Delcas-
vvarr, who is now at Geneva, which is describ:,._dthe
having made a deep impression upon the minds f
farmers present. The following is the most_i_
part of the Noble Earl's communication:—" Tft
TODOUSCO
not far distant when the country will havenretostlicted im-
portation upon the experiment ofhtehre
articlesu of
agri.
portation of foreign grain red all oto
shc
11 have a large
culture! produce. In this verdict we irep:ioomrtesnist
will to governed.
share, and by it our futuhreovionto
Well, therefore, does it be
netgedricuhl;
beat
with
the
cy thoserlpaerernoatesprptheyge
yr ui:cnylwdac
asoialsulflemshl
calmly
he o st eo
fr by union and but
firmly prepare tthchoice of their representatives. ' Coaling
says"ee the poet,mslel: cv
rhooesstfmtobreeati
mesas
sesdhpiandoo
our
r-s
powerbei' before.' .'
show
threatstil well-beingr
et
coorni consider
i cdbeetirhus : how
o wup
.
thet h e
which wo set upon the pursuits of agriculture as the
• of all national prosperity, by straining every nerve
basis
to follow out the modern improvements in every branch
valuemePvi le4eaYnnttsi in
e, let
of farming, cautiously blending theory with practice,
thus proving to our fellow-countrymen that we deserve
their
drai good n
our will. Let us improve our breeds of stock, let
us wet fields, let us edept improved machinery
on our farm:, let us sedulously attend to the comforts
and general well-being of cur labourers--of the ' bold
peasantry, their country's pride.' Up-hill course as all
this may seem to be at present, let us be assured that it
it be manfully and with confidence adopted, we shall
reap eur rest ail. Let our motto be, ' Live and let live,'
for we have yet to learn that the prosperity of our
manufactures depends upon the ruin of agriculture.
Why should not the plough end the spinninjg-enny
` speed ' concurrently as they have done heretofore,
not
in painful antagonism, but each contributingto th
com-
mon weal, respecting end respected by each othee r,andbr
lyg theirthe vast
asjointt fabric
0 influenceon, and
national h ar m
oenriaonudscu r action-
'' uphold-
i

The report that her Majesty's visit to Liverprol
will cost 20,000/. or 30,0001. is without foundation. The
expenses Will not be more than 9,ooo4—,Liverpoel Xercury.

THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS IN
FRANCE.
SPIRIT OF THE PARISIAN PRESS.

The Assemblee Nationale says :
"When M. Louis Napoleon was placed at the head
of the Executive Government, the Monarchical party,
in its two shades of opinion, afforded him honest sup-
port and ',powerful assistance. It was necessary to
combat the revolution, to drive it back, and to wrest
society from its fatal embraces ; and all, Legitimatists
and Orleanists, lent their efforts. But it happened
that this co-operation was singularly understood by
the President of the Republic. He appeared to be-
lieve and to hope that those who gave it would
abdicate in his hands their past, their souve-
nirs, their rights, and their cause. That was de-
ceiving himself strangely. The Monarchical parties
cannot have any other idea, any other object than the
re-establishment of a veritable monarchy. They
will not make themselves the instrument of an Em-
pire, or of a Consulate for life. They will not abdi-
cate. Is it because he has been deceived in this
hope, that the President of the Republic now de-
mands forces from the revolutionary party ? Already
may the reception his advances have met with cause
him to reflect. The more he engages in this fatal
path, the more his disappointments will become
embittered. It is thus that, in giving himself up to
an exclusively personal ambition, he has become
isolated, and lessened in importance. If he had
shown himself impassible and disinterested in the
midst of parties, he would perhaps have been
pressed to keep a little longer an impartial and
moderating power. The President has not had this
prudence. There is henceforth between him and the
majority, not only distrust, bat a question of honour
and dignity. This new scission has rendered the
ground more unsafe. We cannot in these agitated
times guarantee the future, but whatever may hap-
pen,
the majority will prove its existence by re-
=lining the courageous guardian of order, of the
laws, and of society. The gravity of circumstances
in extreme ; in some parts anarchy has already com-
mitted acts of savage fury; the faults of the Execu-
tive Government have caused trouble and disquietude
in pablic opinion. Bat the evil would be still
greater ; it would be irreparable if we could not say,
with reason, and in spite of the sophisms by which
it is endeavoured to misrepresent facts, that there is
a majority, and that it will know how to give proof
of energy and power."
The:Debats says :—" The Ministerial crisis has ad-
vanced but little, but we cannot say that it has gone
back. A journal of the Left had announced that M.
13illault has definitively failed in the mission which he
had received to form a Cabinet. According to reports,
which were afterwards in circulation, that journal
was ill-informed; M. Billault continued his measures,
and bad not lost all hopes of success. Now, there is
no longer any talk of M. Billault, who, it is said, has
already set off on his return to Nantes, and the
'names of General Le Pays de Bourjolly as Minister
of Foreign Affairs ; General Leroy de St. Arnault as
Minister of War ; M. Girand (d'Angers) as Minister
of the Interior; M. Bineau as Minister of Finances;
Ducos as Minister of the Marine ; and of M.
Tlippolyte Fortoul as Minister of Public Instruction,
have been brought forward. We confine ourselves to
mentioning these reports under all reserve. The only
thing which can be positively stated is, that up to the
present time nothing has been definitively decided on,
and that apparently nothing will be decided on until
the President of the Republic shall have completed
the drawing up of his Message. The public waits for
the cleinonement of the crisis with a calmness which is
not the least singular trait of the present state of affairs.
At the Salle des Conf4rences, as at the Bourse, the
physiognomy is the same ; every one seems agreed to
allow the President of the Republic to be at his ease. It
is not the country, it is not the Assembly, it is not the
Permanent Committee, which has created the present
crisis; it is not parliamentary exigencies and annoyances
which have driven the President into the strait in
w, nich he is so painfully placed. It is from his own
fell and free will that M. Louis Napoleon undertakes
so solve such a difficult problem as that of repealing
the law of May 31 without openly breaking with the
majority, who regard that law as the basis and the
corner stone of its policy. It is, therefore, for M.
Louis Bonaparte alone to seek an issue from
this strait. In remaining an impassable and
cool spectator, the country understand and keeps
its character. When we say that the problem
is difficult, we forget that other writers have
found the means of simplifying it. To set aside
the obstacle which the resolution of the President is
to meet with in the majority of the Assembly, these
writers, who are known to be fertile in expedients,
have suggested the plan of suppressing the majority.
There is no longer a majority. This expression gets
rid of the difficulty. Such a puerile remark does not
merit to be seriously discussed. We are aware that
the Parliamentary majority is composed of several
parties, which, on a capital but reserved question,
have contrary views and hopes and engagements we
know that it has amongst it Legitimatists, and Orlean-
ists, and Fusionists. But what we also know is, that
beyond these reserved questions, on all others which
affect the general safety, and which interest in common
the great party of order, the majority has never been
diri led. What we have not forgotten is, that it gave
433 votes to this law of May 31, which it is now pro-
posed to repeal. We, for our parts, hope that the majority
will not show itself less united in the defence and
maintenance of that law than it was sixteen months
ago in adopting it. Do those who say that there is
no longer a majority understand themselves what they
say? For, in fact, if there be not a majority to de-
fend the law of May 31, how can there be one for its
repeal ? This is an enigma."
On the other side, M. de Girardin in the Presse
says—
" On the 30th May, 1850, 433 representatives of
the people voted for the suppression of universal suf.
frage. On the 19th July, 1851, 446 representatives
voted fir the revision of the Constitution. Such
is the double knot of a situation which cannot be
untied but by obtaining from those who voted for the
law of May 31 to vote against it, and that those who
voted against the revision should vote for it. If
the 278 representatives who voted on the
19th July, 1851, voted against the revision of the
Constitution persist in that vote, the 433 representa-
tives who voted on the 30th of May, 1851, for the
suppression of universal suffrage, will also persist in
voting for it. The 433 will justify their refusal of
re-establishing universal suffrage by the refusal of the
278_ to vote the revision of the Constitution. The
278, in their turn, will justify their refusal to vote
the revision of the Constitution by the refusal of the
433 to vote the re-establishment of universal suf-
frage. Does not the evidence of the state of things
and the imminence of this danger strike every eye
that is not blinded by party spirit ? The 433 per-
sisted in the feeling which on the 30th of May, 1850,
made them vote the suppression of universal suf-
frage; the 279, persisted in the opinion which made
them, on the 19th of July, 1851, vote the rejection of
the revision, to what will this pertinacity and this
emulation in blindness lead ? They lead, I admit, to
maintain the non-eligibility of the actual holder of
the presidency, but on one fatal condition—the con-
dition of civil war. Who can foresee what will be
the result of this civil war ? What I know is that,
either the traditional monarchy, or the constitutional
monarchy, or the consulate, or the empire, have only
this chance of return. Let those, therefcre, who
logically push forward to this civil war accept the
political responsibility of it before the civilised world
and before history !"
We read in the Pa? •
" There is one consideration which should induce
the President the Republic not to separate the
revision of the Constit
law 31st May, in theat odanr from the repeal of the
up of his message,
and in the composition of his
snew Ministry. The
m
consideration is this—It
y. be believed that, in
proposing the pure and
simpleNapo leorne-establishment of
universal suffrage, Louis
for and excites a coup d'etat of the people hy a Bonaparte hopes
move-
ment of gratitude, or by the glare of popularity.Bu
if at the same time he proposes the revision, it is not
only his re-election which he endeavours to secure,
but, before all, the will of France, which he wishes to,
consult, and the Government which he wishes to
strengthen and consolidate. How much better will
his situation' be before the Assembly with this object
of public safety. It will not be a personal interest
which will be at stake, but a social one. Legitima-
tate, Orleanists, Republicans, majority and minority,
all will be dominated. They must either yield or
The in insurrection,: not against a man, but against
Country: They will yield—let the eo•us not doubt it.
They •
will yield, in order to set aside from them an
immense respon •b"• field also in order
to maintain %), .nits. will
ballot-box thpublic peace, and to remove from the
Constitution lec.vimminent violation the
peril of a of
the President-of ththe
people themselves, renominating
magistracy into a Republic, and transforming a
charged to
support dictatorship. The Ministry
perils, to crush civil wthais, to set aside these
right and of the law, tord t()
assure the respect of
France the plenitude of demand of the Assembly for
of revision, and the her sovereignty by the vote
difficult to form. It
sum e such a Ministry is not
Their probity end gr
to'
have honest men.
render them illustrious, if
,to' will quickly
They will find in this trial Zaafree not 1' o alrody.
issue of it, the most lasting and enev:tr MaY be the
tration, that of public gratitude and of thet,orious illus-
posterity." esteem of