The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-06 00:00:00

THE St/ N, LONDON, TEJESbAY EVENING, MAY 6, 1856

for the in'erests of this country. Tho noble earl said dered to the Black Sea to bring home the troops, but it
that the conclusion of the war showed to him the greatness was not intended generally to employ ships of war to
of the country and the incapacity of the Administration. , bring home tr)ope.
With regard to the former, he (Earl Granville) would ad- ' SOLDIERS' LOSSES.
mit that no nation could have shown itself greater than Capt. SCOBELL asked the Under Secretary for War
England had done in the late war. The unanimity which whether the soldiers who, without blame on their parts,
prevailed during the war, and the calm which had sue-
lost their kits at the time of landing in the Crimea, or at
ceeded now, was beyond all praise ; but with regard to the
incapacity of the Government who coeducted this war, it any subsequent period, had been, or would be, allowed
was a most extraordinary illustration of the noble earl's, 'compensation for the same ?
that, to prove that incapacity, be allowed that the country Mr. F. PEEL said where no blame attached to the
possessed one of the greatest armaments it ever had. He soldier for the loss corrnensatien would he allowed.
(Earl Granville) had some fear that the noble earl would SHERBURN HOSPITAL
not meet with many noble lords to concur with him if he Mr. MOWBRAY asked the Secretary of State for
were to divide the house; and he had assumed the con- the Home Department whether he intended to introduce
trary in the same way as he had that of the fall of Kars,
into the house a bill for carrying into effect a scheme of
but no doubt the noble earl had in his recollection what
the Cheri ty Comrnissionere for the reeulation of Sherburn
took place elsewhere, and he was afraid the same result
?
would follow in that house. He would, in conclusion, con- Hospital, in the county of Durham
gratulate his noble friend (the Earl of Clarendon) upon Sir G. GREY said he intended to introduce a bill to
what had passed that evening. Considering all the diffi- carry into effect the recommendations of the commis-
culties which had taken place, and considering, too, the sioners with respect to Sherburn Hospital.
difficulties of his position in settling the peace of Europe, THE WHITSUNTIDE RECESS.
it appeared to him (Earl Granville) -that all the objects of In answer to a question,
the war had been most fully and amply attained, and his Lord PALMERSTON said he bad n wish to ad-
noble friend had done this without leaving any embittered journ beyond Friday to Friday for the Whitsuntide boll-
indee deeling, oa
tri n the
um ph which he of the wouldnaons enj of Europand which he e. Thia was, days. But if the house out-voted the Government they
oy,
submit.
hoped would not be marred by any little objections to the must g
details. (Hear.) THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION.
Tho Earl of ABERDEEN said it was rot his intention Sir E. R LYTTON asked the Government if the
to enter into the details of the treaty ; but he wished to correspondence on this question was really complete or
say that as no man ever more earnestly sought to prevent not ?
Lord PALMERSTON said that the proposal made by
the calamity of war, so none could now be found to rejoice
this Government to the United States, to the request
more at the restoration of peace. The warlike propensities that this question should be referred to arbitration bad
of his noble friend at the head of her Majesty's Government not yet been received. He thought it would be better
had rendered it possible for him to make a peace wise and not to discuss the question until that answer had been
honourable to this country, but if it had been made under received.
his auspioes, it might have produced discontent, and led to
serious reprehensions. (Laughter.) He said this was a
wise and honourable peace; but it had not the triumphant
character of that treaty which it was his good fortune to
sign in the same capital about forty years ago; but this
was a treaty which amply fulfills :.1 the objects for which
the war was undertaken, and it was such as ought to sa-
tisfy every reasonable man. There might be criticism
upon the terms of the treaty, but there could be no doubt
that ultimately it would meet with the approbation of the
country, for it was a remarkable circumstance in the his-
tory of the last century that all treaties of peace, however
unpopular, and how much objected to at the time when
made, had been ultimately sanctioned by the deliberate
voice of posterity. He could state a strong instance of it.
He remembered well to have hear d Mr. Pitt speak in terms
of approbation of the peace of Utrecht ; and he was sure
his noble friend on the cross benches (Earl Stanhope) who
had done so mach for the history of his country, had he
lived at the time of that peace, would have entertained
the same opinion with his illustrious relative Lord Chat-
ham, that it was a most treacherous, insecure, and dis-
graceful capitulation. It had been the case that, for the
last century, those peaces which had been regarded as
most unpopular were afterwards regarded as most satis-
factory. He would go farther, and say that those wars
which wore popular when they were undertaken subse-
quently came to be viewed in a less favourable light. The
most popular war in the history of the last century was
that sate which Sir Robert Walpole had been so reluctantly
dragged; and now ho believed there was no one who would
hesitate to say that it was most unjust and unnecessary.
Of the last war he would say that he never entertained
the slightest doubt of its justice, but, at the same time,
he would not say what our posterity might think of it ;
but he would say that, however reluctant he had been to
engage in it, he believed the great interests of the country
required it. He was of opinion that the treaty intrin-
sically reflected credit on his noble friend, although there
were two articles on which he thought some explanation
ought to be given.
Lord COWLEY said that it was with extreme diffidence
that he rose to address their lordships, and he could assure
them that it was only a sense of duty which induced him
to do so. He had been engaged in these negotiations, and
as ho had put his name to the treaty under discussion he
thought that he should be wanting in respect to their lord-
ships if he did not say a few words upon the present occa-
sion. He would apply himself to the two questions which
had been put by the noble earl (the Eerl of Aberdeen)
The first was in reference to the neutralisation of the
Black Sea. That point had been discussed at one of the
Conferences, and it was then laid down that if either party
violated the condition, that the other Powers would at
once interfere. But that case COUI I hardly arise, because
the parties were bound not to commit any act of aggression.
With regard to the question of the Hatti•Scherilf, the in-
tention was not to limit the powers of diplomatic interfer-
ence, but only to prevent general interference in the inter-
nal concerns of Turkey. He was inclined to think that
during the debate the question had been too much treated
as if England had alone been concerned in the conclusion
of the treaty. It must be remembered that we had acted
with other Powers whose wishes we wore bound to consi-
der. With regard to the operations of the war, he thought
it would have been better if there had been an undivided
command. (Hear.)
Earl GREY said that he wished to allude to the remarks
which the noble earl (the Earl of Derby) had made with re•
gard to the modifications Which had been introduced into
maritime law. So far from concurring with the noble earl,
he felt deeply grateful to her Majesty's Government, and to
the plenipotentiaries of the various Governments, for having
adopted what he believed to be one of the greatest advances
which had ever been made, in a long series of years, in the
progress of civilisation and humanity. (Hear.) The hs.tti-
scheriff was, he feared, impractic eble. The Christians were
themselves dismayed at it. could Turkey safely give equal
rights to subjects who detested her rule ? The result of the
war would accelerate the inevitable destruction of Turkey as
a Mahemedan power. He confessed that to maintain, under
all circumstances, that crumbling Power, which, he was per-
suaded, no human power could long support, seemed to him
an act of the greatest imprudence, At the same time ho felt
bound to express his thanks to the noble earl (the Earl of
Clarendon) for his conduct at the negotiations of Paris, and
for the manner in which he fulfilled the pledge he had given
to the house. (Hear )
The Duke of ARGYLL readily admitted that the clause in
the treaty, to which his noble friend (Earl Grey) alluded, as
to the HattisScheriff, by no means solved the inherent difficul-
ties which must attend upon the fact of a Christian popula-
tion being ruled over by an Ottoman Government ; but he
(lid dissent from the opinion that the clause did iu the slight-
est degree add to the difficulties or dangers of the position of
Turkey. The truth was simply this, that the Porte had issued
a new Hatti-Scheriff granting certain privileges to its Chris-
tian subjects, but stipulating that they should not interfere
with the internal administration of the Ottoman empire.
Lord CA. CLPBELL expressed his great satisfaction that in
the treaty the principle of the constitution had been strictly
observed.
The address was then agreed to, and their lordships ad
jouraed at a quarbr to 12 o'clock.

Sir E. B. LYTTON said that in consequence he
would postpone his motion on this question until after
the holidays.
THE TARIFF WITH TURKEY.
Mr. WISE asked the First Lard of the Treasury,
"whether there is any' prospect of such a revision of the
tariff, appended to the Commercial Treaty with Turkey
of the 16th day of August, 1833, as may lead to the
abolition of the duty of twelve per cent. on grain and
pulse exoorted from Turkey to this country ; and, what
is the existing position of the British merchants with re-
ference to the exportation of grain from the principalities
of Wallachia and Moldavia.
Lord PALMERSTON said it had been thouzht de-
sirable not to enter into the question as regarded the
high prices consequent on the war. The Danubian
pecivinces regulated their own tariff.
THE BUSINESS OF "THE HOUSE.
Mr. M. GIBBON asked, as Friday in W hitsun week
was to be devoted to the Government, if he might be
allowed to bring on the Abjuration Oaths Bill on that
day I -
Sir W. CLAY put in his claim to a portion of that
day for the Chu-ch-rates Bill.
Lord PALMERSTON said that ho could give no
portion of Friday for the Abjuration of Oaths Bill, but
would endeavour to name a day fnr it shortly. With
regard to the Church-rates Bill, he could make no ar-
rangement.
DISBANDING THE ARMY AND MILITIA..
In reply to a question from Lord R. Grosvenor,
Lord PALMERSTON said that the Government
would endeavourr to disband the army and militia, so
that the number of men thrown on the labour market
might produce as little inconvenience as possible.
The militia must be disbanded within a cer-
tain period after the cessation of war, and in all proba-
bility it would be during harvest, when their services
wonld be required in the respective counties. The army
could not be disbanded for some months, and then in de-
tachments as they return to this country.
THANKSGIVING DAY.
On the motion of Lord PALMERSTON, seconded
by Mr. DISRI ELI, a vote of thanks was given to the
Rev. Thomas Gamier, chaplain 'to the house, for his
sermon preached yesterday before the members of the
house at St. Margaret's, Westminster.—Agreed to.
NAVY ESTIMATES.
Sir C. WOOD laid on the table of the house the navy
estimates for the current year.
TREATY OF PEACE.
Mr. E. DENISON proposed the thanks of the
house to her Majesty for her communicating to the
house the treaty of peace lately concluded at Paris. Two
years ago a communication was made from the Throne
to this house of the cause of the breaking out of the
war, when the future appeared both vague and uncertain.
It was predicted by some that they were about to coin-
mence a war, the end of which the youngest would not
live to see, and others that it would be impossible for
them to successfully compete against Russia, and
that they would have to establish an entrenched
camp at Sebastopol. Had any person, however, pre-
dicted the events that had occurred, and that they
would cease at the end of two years, they would scarcely
have credited his assertion. Such having occurred, it be.
came the!? duty to thank the Disposer of Events, and the
gallant armies and fleets that had achieved such glories.
This war had broken the great alliance of the North
that kept men's minds in check from the north
of Europe to the heel of Italy. They had
released Russia's grasp of Sweden, and with restored
animation she bad entered into an alliance with the
Western Powers to hold Russia in check for the future.
The late Emperor of Russia, the aggressor in the war, had
sunk under the exertions of the war, and they bad heard
from the walls of Moscow that public opinion was
against the policyof Russia, and that p )licy must he aban-
doned, which was to be looked upon as an augury for
the benefit of Russia and mankind in general. With
the termination of the war they bad secured the integrity
of Turkey, and secured her for the future by the destruc-
tion of Sebastopol and that fl-et which for so long bad
floated on the waters of the Euxine a terror to Turkey.
Turkey was now received into the great family
of Europe, and the Porte bad commenced re-
forms which mast be of the utmost importance
to all connected with that part of the world. Much was
due to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and he was sure the
house would recognise his important services in that
respect. He referred to the 20th article of the
treaty relative to the line of demarkation laid down for
the frontier harrier between Russia and Turkey, and the
words used in that respect he looked on something like
a material compensation to Turkey. He expatiated
on the great advantages that had resulted from
the French alliance, and also that of Sardinia. She had
shown herself not inferior in heart or spirit to either of
the great nations who had been at war, and had shown
herself worthy to stand beside them both in the field
and at the COU' cil table. He rejoiced that the voice of
Sardinia was heard at Paris on the Italian question.
(Hear, hear.) England, he felt certain, would never
forget that in the moment of her greatest trial
when other nations stood quietly by and looked on,
Sardinia took her share in the struggls—(cheere)—and
she bad thereby earned thelasting friendship of England.
He was happy to find that they hal n )vr obtained an
honourable and safe peace, notwithstanding the people
bad not received it with that enthusiasm they could have
wished, but which might be fairly accounted for
in a variety of ways, and not to the simple
supposition that they, were averse to the details of the
Treaty. That clause in the Treaty which provided for
arbitration was an important one ; and were the
honourable members for Manchester (Mr. Bright) and
the West Riding (Mr. Cobden), whose absence
heldeeply lamented, present, he was sure it would meet
with their approval. After passing a high eulogium on
the abilities of Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon in
concluding such an honourable peace, he concluded by
moving the address.
Mr. H. HERBERT seconded the address. The hon.
mover had adverted to the want of enthusiasm with which
peace had been received, which he (Mr. Herbert) thought
did not arise from the feeling that the terms of the treaty
were not satisfactory, butfrom a variety of circumetances.
One was that our army was in such an efficient state that
it would have been able in another campaign to have dis
tinguished itself more than it had already done, and con-
sidering the suffering the army had encountered, they
almost hoped such an opportunity would have been given
before peace was concluded. The hon. member then
proceeded to review the position of the respective coun-
tries which had been engaged in the war, at the time it
broke out, and said he thought the character of the peace
was such that the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment and his colleagues were entitled to the thanks of
the country. Ha would merely add a word as to the
present position'of this country. England had carried
on the war with energy, at least the latter part of it, and
she had formed au alliance with France, by which addi-
tional security would be given for the continuance of
peaces which would enable her to pur us the arts of
peace and promote the cause of civilisation at borne and
abroad. He trusted the house would agree to the terms
of the address, especially the last words, which said,
"that the peace which has now been concluded may.
under the favour of Divine Providence, long continue to
shed its blessings over Europe, and that haernony
among governments, and friendly it terconse among na.
tions, may steadily promote the progress of civilisation,
and secure the welfare and happiness of mankind.'
(Hear, hear.)
Lord .L MANNERS said he rose, not to oppose the re-
ception of the address, but to say that ho had strong ob-
jections to some of its terms. He objected to the asser-
tion that the conditions of the peace "fully accomplished
the great objects for which the war was undertaken."
Those objects were—first, the present integrity of the Tur-
kish empire ; and, secondly, the security of its indepen-
dence and integrity in future. The first object he believed
to hive bon' most fully attained; but the second and all-
important abject had not been secured. That object might
be divided into two—the independence and integrity of
Turkey in Europe, and in Asia ; and the latter--the
most important of the two—he contended, had not
been carried out in the treaty, there being no security
taken against the aggression of Russia upon the Tur-
kish Asiatic provinces, except the poor and pitiful
attempt of Lord Clarendon to prevent the re-erection of
the Russian forts on the Black Sea. He enlarged
upon the importance of those provinces and upon the
injustice and dishonour of abandoning the Circassiane
and the tribes of the Caucasus. Either, he said, the British,
Government regarded the people as inslependeut, cr as de-
pendent upon Russia, and therefore insurgents ; but he
denied that Europe had ever recognised the right of Russi
to Circassia. If this proweding was so devoid of justice
and of honour, where was the policy of handing over these
tribes to Russia? An author, now a member of her Ma-
jesty's Administration (Mr. D. Seymour), had represented
the Caucasus as " the real citadel of Russian power in the
East." Lord Palmerston had acknowledged that there was
nothing iu the treaty to prevent R :ago. from re-construct-
ing her forts on the Circassian coast, and could any one
doubt with what object they would be re-erected? Lord
Clarendon, in the Conferences, had argued that the forts
could not b) rebuilt, but the Russian Plenipotentiaries
maintained the contrary opinion, and the consideration of
that point was adjourned. At Vienna it was one of our
objects to secure the independence of the Traue-Ceucasian
tribes; but by the treaty these gallant people were handed
over, without pity or remonstrance, to their implacable
foe. Again, when Count Walewski referred to the presi
of Belgium, and threatened that country with an armed

HOUSE OF COMMONTS.---YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a third time and paused :
--The Leeds Improvement Act Amendments, and the
Leeds Water.
The following bills were real a second time :--Dublin
(City) Steam Packet Company, and Swinnerton's Name.
The following bills were considered and ordered to be
read a third time :—Carmarthen and Cardigan Rail-
way, Crowland and Eye Road, E astern Counties Rail-
way, Honitou and liidmouth Road, Lowestoft and
Beccles Railway, Luton District Road, Thames Haven
Dock and Railway, an f Torrnoham Wa,er.
A number of petitions were pre3ented against the
Abolition of Church Rates, against the Vaccination
Bill, and against the Maynouth grant.
DUBLIN HOSPITALS.
Mr. GROGAN asked the Secretary to the Treasury
if any and what steps had been taken to carry out the
recommendations contained in the report of the commis-
sioners appointed to inquire, &e., into the Dublin hospi•
tals ?

Mr. WILSON said the question had better be re-
peate I to the Secretary for Ireland.
CONIMUNICATION WITH IRELAND
Viscount BERNARD asked the Secretary to the
Treasury whether it was intended to make any altera-
tion in the present mode of conducting the postal com-
munication in the county of Cork, and to make use of
the Cork and Bandon Railway for the conveyance of the
mails ?

Mr. WILSON said a commenication had taken plane
relative to the use of the above railway, but the charges
required by the company were far too high when com-
• pared to the advantages to be obtained therefrom. The
terms of theliPost-office for the accommodation remained
the same as those already proposed, and no alteration
would be made in thorn.
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY BILL.
Mr. HEYWOOD asked the President of the Poor-
law Board if he would be prepared to move that the
Cambridge University Bill be considered in committee
after Whitsuntide, and if so, on what day ?
Mr. BOUVERIE said the bill stood on the paper for
to-day, but it was not likely to come on ;he therefore
proposed to postpone it till after the Whitsuntide holi-
days, and then to get an early day from the noble vis-
count on which to bring it on.
NIGHT COFFEE HOUSES.
Mr. BRADY asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department if he intended introducing any mea-
sure, in accordance with the recommendation of that part
of the report nf the committee (whit I sat in 1853) " to
examine into the system under which public house-.
hotels, &c , were regulated," wide t relates to night
coffeeshops, with the view to their being for the future
closed at pr )per and stated hours, many of which are
now open through the night as harbours of refuge for
abandoned ehlracters of both sexes ?
Sir G. GREY said an act of Parliament would be
required far the purpose, but no measure was at present
in preparation.

RIOTS AT GEORGE TOWN.
Mr. MEAGHER asked the Secretary of State for the
Colonial Department it there was any foundatVna for re-
ports made in public prints, that in consequence of
fanatical harangues made in the streets of George Town,
Damerara, by a stranger from another country, of the
name of Orr, riots and disturbances had taken place,
and the persons and properties of peaceable inhabitants
been injured ; and if so, whether any steps had been
taken to prevent a recurrence of such scenes ?

Mr. LABOUCHERE said the reports in the papers
were, he was sorry to say, quite true. It was also true
that those riots originated in consequence of the ha-
rangues of Orr against the Catholic religion, but
the real Ca 08,3 was the jealousy with which the
coloured population viewed the industrious Portuguese
immigrants. The governor of the colony bad taken
efficient steps to suppress any other outbreak that might
take place. It was but just to ackn.wledge that great
assistance had been rendered by a French and Dutoh
vessel in repre'sing the disturbance.

intervention in case repression wore not sufficient and
successful, Lord Clarendon, as the representative of a free
country, said ho could not associate himself with any mea-
sures against the press. ;rial cheers.) Why, the
hon. gentleman wero astounded at the boldness of the noble
lord—(a laugh)—iu declioint to associate himself with a
crusade against the press. Let us be grateful for small
mercies, though it was hardly the language they would
have expected. The fact was said to have been that Lord
Clarendon was commissioned to Paris to 'accept a peace,
however pitiful and poor. He had been successful. How
could he be otherwise when such was his errand and com-
mission ? In conclusion, he must raise his protest against
the secdncl paragraph of the address as being exaggerated
in language respecting this treaty ; and if it was an
object with the Government to carry the address nem,ine
contradiscente, the noble lord would sea it advisable to mo-
dify the address in that particular. (Fleur, hear, from
the Opposition.)
Mr. M. MIL NES said he must differ from those on the
opposite side of the house, for he thought there was nothing
either dishonourable or disgraceful in this peace. He must
admit that the treaty was not all that the hopes of the peo-
ple had led them to expect, for they had looked at the war
and the objects in a light and with feelings far different
from those that influenced the Government. The Govern-
ment regarded the war simply in a political point of view,
and contemplated no other than political objects. But he
thought the feelings of the people would meet with this
gratification, that the integrity of Turkey had been se-
cured by a guarantee such as, under the circumstances,
they could hardly expect. That was a guarantee which
would effectually prevent the use of the forts on the Cir.;
cassias coast from being used against Turkey, and that was
a consideration which disposed of the arguments on that
point of the noble lord opposite. At the same time that
noble lord's fears for the vengeance which might overtake
the Circassian people would be solaced by his hearing that
the chief of that people had through the war maintained
friendly relations with Russia—a circumst:ance which ac-
counted for the very little co-operation which we had from
those tribes. But, on the point of sympathy, he must be
allowed to say of his noble friend below him (Lord Pal-
merston) he was sorry, after the Polish captives and re-
fugees were embodied into a regiment to fight for this
country, and Poles had been placed in command over it,
that no consideration had been had for the future condi-
tion of that people. He regretted that the great problem
of Italy remained unsolved, but the peace held out every
prospect of the future tranquillity of Europe.
Mr. LAYARD was willing to accept the address, consi-
dering that the great objects of the war had been accom-
plished, so far as intende I by her Majesty's Government
who entered into it; he had always been of opinion
that the original error was committed by Lord Aberdeen's
Government, but when once we had entered into the war
it was too late to change our policy. The questions re-
lated to the Christians, the Principalities, the navigation
of the Danube, and the Russian forts on the Black Sea.
With respect to the first, more, he said, hail been done
than he had expected, and he thought Lord Clarendon had
acted wisely when he supported Aali Pasha in not having
the firma inserted in the treaty. He thought, however,
that the extension of the conscription to non-Muisultuau
subjects of the Porte was unwise. Upon the whole, he
gave credit to the Turkish Government for its liberal po-
licy. In respect to the second question, too, the Princi-
palities of Wallachia. and Moldavia, more had been done
than he couldshave possibly hoped for, and ho thought
Lord Clarendon had originated a most liberal policy in cog-
geecine the union of th two Principalities, which was
opposed by Austria. He rejoiced, also, at the manner in
which Servia, a country with a great avenir, had been
dealt with. As to the Bleak Sea, he suggested various
doubts, and especially in respect to the Circassian coast.
Was the blockade to continue, and were we to be excluded
as hitherto from commercial intercourse with a country
the right of Russia to which had never been recognised by
any document or declaration? Were our ships, and our
Consuls to be excluded from Sebastopol and Nicolaieff ?
With regard to the navigation of the Danube, he thought
the provisions in the treaty ex -client. Upon the whole,
he was of opinion that the Government deserve.l groat
credit for the treaty, which far exceeded, he said, any rea-
sonable expectations he had formed, and he was bound to
thank them for it, as fulfilling all their objects, looking to
the pi inciples upon which they embarked in the war. In
discussing the treaty it was unfair to omit all allusion to the
protocols. Let them consider for one moment the Roman
States, two-thirds of the population of which were monks,
priests, and others connected with the Church. The
whole of these persons were exempted from the operation
of the civil law, and the cardinals were subject to no law
at all. The priests paid no taxes, and what was the result
of all this? An immense idle population iu Italy was sup-
ported by the industrious portion of the people, who were
crushed by this weight upon them. The consequence of
this state of things was, that the Roman States were over-
run with banditti, and thus gave an excuse to Austria to
keep up an armed occupation. No man's house was safe
for a moment, for bishops could imprison, the Inquisition
could imprison, and the police had a right to imprieon.
Add to this state of oppression, the Austrians compelled
the people to pay for the troops occupying the country.
France, he was happy to say, did not pursue a similar
course. In 1831 the Powers of Europe united to recom-
mend a form of Government to the Pope, which had for
its object the secularisation of his Government and the in-
troduction of the French code of laws. Those suggestions
however were despised, and no alteration had yet taken
place. Look at the state of Sicily. There was scarcely a
road in the island ; not a shilling was given to promote
education, and its best men were banished. Sicily was
now a desert through this atrocious system. He believed
that the flourishing state of things that existed in Sardinia
would exist over the whole of the Italian •ctates if they
were only given a chance of governing themselves. He
trusted the house would have some explanation from the
noble lord at the head of the Government in reference to
the question of the press in Belgium. He had read the
resume of Count Wale. ski on this subject with astonish-
ment, and he did not think he was justified in what he
said from the terms of the protocol. We have obtained a
great deal by this peace. The condition of the Christian
population in Turkey was improved; the protectorate of
Russia was abo'ished in the Principalities; the principle
of equalisation in the Black Sea was admitted, and
Turkish integrity was guaranteed, and Turkey itself was
admitted into the European family. This being the case
with regard to the treaty of peace, how was it that the
people of this country were not satisfied with it? In the
first place, they did not believe that Russia was sincere,
because they were impressed with the conviction that she
would not, after a war of two years, renounce the policy
which had hitherto formed the very essence of her power,
and they also thought that our reputation as a nation and
our resources were not at present such as they were at the
commencement of the war. He could not conclude with-
out expressing his commendatiou at the manner in which
the negotiations had been carried on by Lord Clarendon,
than whom no diplomatist was more entitled to public
gratitude. In those Conferences he had maintained the
honour of England in a conspicuous manner, and had
shown a knowledge of the subject which did him honour.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the question now brought for
the first time regularly before them was the great question
which for more than a century had occupied the minds of men
and would probably occupy them again. It was of so much
importance to consider the terms of the peace, that he could
not refrain from offering some observal ions. Believing_t hat
the conditions of the peace were such as to be satisfactory to
the Crown and to the country, he thought that no lower
terms than those of the address ought to be used to express
their sentiments. The Ministry that brought forward the
peace of Amiens had not introduced the terms of " an hon-
ourable peace." In so doing they condemned their own policy.
He would consider the articles of the peace in their order, as
they had been presented on a former occasion, and as they
Were presented on the present. The first was that which
regarded the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachie. This
was a question of the greatest gravity. In 1774, by the
treaty of Kainardji, special powers of interference had been
given to Russia; this treaty had not only been renewed but
strengthened from time to time. The supremacy of Russia
over the nominal sovereigns of that country was more and
more developed. At the time when the alliance between
the Emperor Napoleon and Alexander seemed ready to
divide the world between them, the great object of Alexan-
der was. to obtain the su remo sovereignty over the princi-
palities. Russia had now declared herself willing to give up
her treaties; and to consent that there should be no exclusip
protectorate over the Christians in these Principalities on her
part. The conditions by which the arrangement 'was to be
carried out seemed to be very efficient for their object.. The
Porte has declared that it left to the Christiauslthe privilege
of immunities. The great dispute had always been on this
point, the Porte declarink that their privileges and immuni-
ties depended upon its own power and free will, while Russia
tried to induce the Principalities to secure them herself, and
to rest their hopes upon her. All this was put an end to by
the present treaty—in article 20. This article had iu fact been
agreed to at Vienna. The great objection urged against the
Vienna article was, that by thgt it was supposed that Russia
had the power of coming into the Principalities iu case of civil
commotion. Now no such article was in the Vienna proposi-
tions. There was only an arrangement of European interference
in the case of internal tumult. It was now simply thus—that
the Sultan cannot send certain troops into the Priecipalities,
but they were not to be allowed to become a scene of anarchy
and confusion, and this was provided for by the 29th article
of the treaty, which was so far different from that of the
previous treaty that the Sultan was not allowed b put down
a disturbance by armed interference, except by the agree.
ment of the other Powers. All were agreed that something
should be done to prevent disorder in the Principalities.
The next paint was the navigation of the Danube. Hero it
was that our success at Sebastopol was most fully taken ad•
vantage of so as to obtain a security which we could not ex-
pect so long as our arms were not successful before Sebasto-
pol. The forts of Ismail and the others on the river at Bee.
s trabia were given up, and the course of the Danube would
now be free from the vexatious interruption to which it had
been subjected by Russian policy. The greatest advanteges
to commerce might spring up from this article, for the re-
sources of the countries through which the Danube gassed
were undeveloped and as yet unknown. The whole course of
the Danube was open, and commissioners had been appointed
to carry the provisions of the article into effect. The third
point was the great stumbling-block at Vienna, and the one
which prevented the agreement of the belligerents. Now, it
appeared that on this point it was impossible to get entire
security against Russia. No terms could be devised in which
Russia could not pick up holes if sire was determined so to
do ; if she was resolved to prepare secret hostilities, it was
impossible to prevent her. But those who objected to Ruisia
that she was a power with whom no terms could be kept,
were using afo dish argument. No doubt she wis ambitious,
and when she had the opportunity she got rid of treaties
which were unfavourable to her, she could only do as other
powers could do under similar circumstances. In urging
this question of the Black Sea, the hon. member for Ayles-
bury last year seemed to object to the system of counterpoise,
and now they had heard from him something against neutra-
lity. Now, iu the treaty all had been done that it was possi-
ble to do; all the security had been taken in the terms of
the treaty which it was possible to take. Lord Clarendon
had well observed to Count Orloff that th, treaty would be
nullified if Russia constructed is many ships .as she chose at
Nicolaieff, and that he should consent to the destruction of
the works at that place. She might build arsenals under the

government of the provinces ; and who, if it should become
necessary to enforce obedience, wouid employ regular troops
,to carry these orders into effect. (Hear.) With regard to
1 the war, we had a perfect right to assist the Sultan against
I Russia. But if we bad begun the war with no other pro-
; spect than that of continuing abuses and misgovernmeet, we
•, should not have been justified in entering into that war. But,
i while we prevented au ambitious neighbour from taking hold
of territories to which he had no title, we opened to the in.
habitants a prolspect of better government, and greater secu-
rity for life and property. The articles of the treaty were
drawn up with great care and skid. •ut he did not think
that any articles, however framed, would give a certain se-
curity against aggres4on on the part of Russia (Hear.) At
the commencement of the d'spute, he remembered being par-
ticularly struck by a prediction made by Napoleon when re •
siding at St. Relena That great man said that the next
war in Europe would very probably be owing to the attempt
of Russia to get possession of Constantinople ; that that was
the only thing that could cause England and France to unite
in one object ; that it was likely Prussia would join in the
resistance ; but (and this was the most remarkable part) pre-
dicting that Austria would take part with Russia, in order to
share in the spoils of the declining empire ; and that the
efforts of France, Great Britain, and Prussia would fail in
preventing the Russian march of ambition. Napoleon saw
that such an event would occur in about 35 years, and that
period came to an end in 1852. (Cheers.) There was one
thing in this prediction which could not fail to be very
striking, and that was the confidence with which Napoleon
spoke of the accession of Austria to the projects of Russia
against Turkey. In the year 1553 the Emperor Nicholas
spoke with a similar confidence on the agreement of
Austria in any plan which ho might proposie respecting
Turkey. Now, in resisting these projects, was it not de-
sirable to obtain the assent of Austria. That was the course
followed Ilby Lord Clarendon amidst many diseouragements,
but it was persevered in, and the result was now before the
country. The treaty thus signed afforded this.security—
that Austria had entered into a treaty with England and
France, by which the independence and integrity of Turkey
were guaranteed, and by which any attempt to violate that
independence and integrity would be made a castes belli. Such
being the arrangements for the future, he thought the house
had every reason to be satisfied with what had been done. If,
as had been said, we might have obtained greater victories in
1856, it was only the more honourable to the Government
that, having the assent of the country to carry on the war,
they, feeling satisfied that the object of the war had been ac-
complished, preferred peace to farther bloodshed and expen-
diture. Such was his opinion with respect to the treaty.
There were some matters on which explanations might be re-
quired. He thought it would have been better if the decla-
ration of Count Orloff, with respect to Nicolaieff, had been
formally delivered to the different powers. Then, with re-
gard to the Circassian forts, he considered that the power
which Russia possessed of restoring those forts would be a
great means' of confirming her power in the Black Sea. It
had been urged that Russia had no right over Circassia. He
believed her right was confined to what was formerly the
right of Turkey. At one time Turkey had certain ports
which were garrisoned by Turkish troops. But she did not
possess any sovereignty over the land. At the treaty of
Adrianople these forts were surrendered to Russia, and
Russia inherited the rightd which Turkey had possessed, but
had no claim to any ground beyond that on which the forts
stood. These forts afforded means to Russia to send troops
to the Asiatic coast, and afforded great facilities of conquest
over those tribes which had so long maintained their inde-
pendence. (Hear, hear.) He would much rather have seen
a stipulation with respect to these forts than that which had.
been made respecting the Aland Isles. He would now
remark on one or two matters which had been brought under
the consideration of the conference at Paris. The French
Minister alluded to the state of the Belgian press, and ob-
jected to the abuse of the freedom of the press which belong
to that freedom. (Hear.) The Belgian press was secure;
and trial by jury, fo 7 offences committed by the press, was
secured by the Belgian constitution, and no proposition had
been made for subjecting it to a censorship, or a mere sum-
mary interference. He could not but think that while the
Emperor of the French regulated the press iu his own coun-
try, he ought to respect similar rights in other countries—
(hear)—and not call upon the Minister of England to do what
must be abhorrent to the feelings of the people. (Hear, hear.)
Another question discussed at the conference was the state of
Greece, which is a melancholy one ; but in spite of the disor-
ders and corruption which are too prevalent, that country
exhibited some of those fruits which independence must ne-
cessarily produce. (Hear.) But there was another subject
still more melancholy, and that was the state of Italy. (Hear.)
At the end of last session he called the attention of the house
to this subject, and his noble friend at the head of the Go-
vernmeut stated he would do what he could to relieve the
people from the oppression under which they were labouring.
The people were living in an atmosphere of oppression, which
destroyed the whole enjoyment of life. (Hear.) And how
was the system kept up ? By foreign intervention. (Hear.)
That intervention had lasted for several years. Ho thought
the time had come when it was necessary toask, do you mean
this to be a perpetual occupation ? or when do you mean to
withdraw from it ? If it is perpetual it is equal to adding new
territories to the occupying Power, and overthrow the balance
of power—(hear)--but if you do not mean to occupy, to what
measures are we to look for the restoration to power of the
legitimate authorit^9 (Hear.) This last question might be
answered by the sallce of a great deal of priestly power,
which has been the arc° of the abuses of tae government—
(hear' hear)—by the sacrifice of the protectorate of Austria
over Italy. (Hear, hear.) The position of Austria in the
'centre of Italy was eminently useful. But she had no claim
to the protectorate of Italy beyond certain bounds, which
were laid down for her; and he trusted the words used by
Lord Clarendon at the Conference would not be allowed to
fall to the ground. (Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that
the Government would take such measures as they considered
necessary. They would, he was sure, do nothing hasty or
abrupt. Theseeproceedings should be taken in cowed with
the Emperor of.. the French, who found his troops in Rome
protecting the person of the sovereign. He trusted there
would be no resolution or address upon the subject, Ira that
the matter would be left in the hands of the executive Go-
vernment, who were well aware of the feelings of the people
of this country on the subject. (Hear, hear.) The people of
Naples and Sicily were subjected to a rule still harsher and
more iniquitous. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, with regard to
the army, that the Government would take such measures as
would improve the staff of the army, and make it more suit-
able for warlike requirements. (Hear, hear,) But he felt
sure they would not be led into any false notions that this
country ought to be a great military nation. He trusted nut
while we kept up, not a respectable but a considerable naval
force, we should not extend our expenses on that scale to the
army. (Hear, hoar.) He trusted that in accomplishing the
necessary changes the error, of the past would not be over-
looked, but that every part of our establishments would be
fully considered, and that without the pretence of being a
great military power we should do justice to the military
qualities of the people, and preserve our station in Europe,
as we deserve to retain it, bright and unimpaired. . (Cheers.)
Lord C. HAMILTON said he oousiderod the portion of the
treaty of peace which referred to the forts along the Circas-
sian coast most objectionable. The second paragraph of the
address he considered most objectionable, and in respect of it
he would move an amendment. That' amendment was, that
after the word " condition," the words be added, " on the
conditions which accompliShei to a great extent the objects
for which the war was undertaken." These words he pro-
posed to add instead of the words, " on conditions honour.
able to her Majesty's Crown, and which fully accomplished
the objects of the war." He considered that the state in
which the negotiations had left the Circassian coast, so far as
Russia was concerned, would lead to continual turmoil. The
case of the ship Vixen, about which so much was heard some
years ago, arose out of exactly similar occurrences which
would occur under this treaty on the coast. The charge made
against the commander of that vessel was that, having come
within the range of a Russian fort in an unauthorised sea, he had
rendered himself subjectto the forfeiture of his vessel, the ports
at the time being said to be in a state of blockade. It turned
out, however, that there was on the coast at the time no
blockade, and then the matter resolved itself into a breach of
trade, an 1 the vessel was then taken into Sebastopol as a
prize. The very circumstances, however, of that case showed
that, under the present treaty, cases of the same kind would
continually be occur, ing. On those grounds, then, he denied
that Russia ever had any right to the Circassian coast; and
yet they bad now allowed her claim to it, and had banded
the Circassian people over to her tender mercies, at a time
when they might have obtained better terms for them than
they over could before. It was said that the Circassians did
not deserve our sympathy, because they had not shown any
alacrity to co operate in the contest that had just closed ;
but the fact was that they bed boon disappointed, because,
after being led to believe that Asia would be made the chief
theatre of the' war, and that they would have British troops
to act with them in Circassia, they found that no British
force would be sent to Asia, and that they were expected
to act alone and unaided. This disappointment had
created a feeling of di trust among them, and when,
at length, a Turkish force only was sent, they fancied that
they were to be incorporated with Turkey, and hence their
reluctance to give up their independent action. As it was,
however, they had done good service by harassing the Rus-
sians and creating diversions, and therefore they had a claim
still to our sympathy and support. Inst!ad of that, they
had abandoned them altogether, they had made no mention
of them ei her in the treaty or protocols, and for tint reason
he should refuse to look upon teis as au honourable treaty.
A good deal had been said about the neutralisation of the
Black Sea, but then it was added that the admission of com-
merce to the eastern coasts of the Black Sea was to be " sub.
ject to the regulations now iu force." Why, those regula-
tions were, and had been • ?or five and twenty years, a
rigid blockade ! What was that but an unconditional
surrender to Russia of the claims she had always p,t for-
ward? Then, again, Russia was to be allowed to have—not
men-of-war, but transports in the Black Sea, "with a suitable
armament." Why, with such a definition, a 1:,0-gun ship
might be a transport. Another great feature was the full and
entire amnesty that each nation was to grant to those of its
subjects that might have been engaged against it, if claimed ;
but how did that give any protection to the Circassians, who
denied they were the subjects of the Czar, and who, there-
fore, would never claim that protection from the vengeance
of Russia, which they could only obtain by renouncing their
cherished independence. (Hear.) The noble lord then re-
ferred to the case of the protection which this British afforded
to the people of Parga against the oppression of Ali Bache,
as a precechnt for affording similar protection to the people
of Circassia, and quoted a speech made by Lord J. Russell in
1820 en that subject in support of his argument, as precisely
applicable to the present case. He concluded by moving, as
an amendment, to omit in the second sentence the words
I / joy and," and in the remainder of the sentence to leave out
all after the words " on conditions," in order. to insert the
words "which have accomplished, to a great extent, the ob-
jects for which the war was undertaken."
Sir C. WOOD denied that we had handed the Circassians
over to Russia, since they were left in exactly the same con-
dition as before the war, and observed that the stipulation
as to the forts on the Black Sea aplied to both Turkey and
Russia, and if Russia were required not to reconstruct the
forts on the Circassian coast Turkey should be called upon to
demolish Varna. The hon. member for Aylesbury had ex-
pressed himself dissatisfied in some respects with the retmlts
of the war in time East ; other hen. gentlemen had expressed
dissatisfaction that nothing had been done for Poland, and
that the Austrian dominions had not been placed on a better
constitutional footing, but he doubted if the house was dis-
posed to censure the Government for not having catered into
subjects foreign to the object for which we went to war. The
right hon. Bart. then proceeded to enter into the various mat-
ters contained in the treaty which were subjects for contem-
plation, • The security of Turkey had beet obtained by the
stipulation of a treaty as binding as words could make it.
Moro had ben obtained for the Christians in Turkey than, as
the honourable member for Aylesbury had said, could have
been expected. The navigation of the Danube had beeu
thrown open, and be, (Sir Charles Wood) had heard no ex-
pression of dissatisfaction. The power of Russia in the
a
Black Sea had been destroyed, and s'.e was now limited to a
small fleet there of eight vessels of smaller size than our
second-class gun-boats, and to have two others larger, bat '
under 800,tous each. A claim was made on the part of
Russia that she might have arose 1 transports in the
Black Sea ; but that was objected to, amid she did not I
press it. It might be difficult to divine the terms of a treaty
that the ingenuity of the mind of man might not be able to ,
avoid ; but if Russia, attempted it, and proceeded to trans-

name of fortificatiOns—she might construct steamers as sail,-
ing vessels, whch she might use in case of ar. Against all
that it was impossible to provide; all that could be said was
that all the security had been provided which it was possible
to provide. This plan of neutralisation was the great favour-
ite of M. Dronyn de Lhuys, who might be said to have been
the inventor of it. With regard to the actual Government
of the Turkish empire, be had uo very great respect for it,
Every one knew that at a distance of two or three hundred
miles from the Sultan the pasha and his officers took very
little notice of any firman that might be issued, and sent their
irregn ar troops, .ho carried women and children into slavery
in spite of all the laws which the Sultan !night make. Ho
trusted the day would soon arrive when the sultan would
be able to make just laws in Constantinople, and would
be able to appoint persons in whom be could put trust to the