The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-12 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

There can be little doubt that the result of the
late war has been matter of deep disappointment
to the continental Liberals. The unhappy bands
of refugees who are dispersed through the cities of
Belgium, England, and America expected much
from the coalition against the great Noithern
monarchy. The minor despots were falling from
the side of their leader, the Holy Alliance was
breaking up—what, then, might not the freedom-
loving peoples of Europe hope ? Poles could not
believe that the world was. again to settle down
with the Russians still at Warsaw. They looked
seriously upon every move of the allies, as it had
reference to strategic operations in their own coun-
try, and blamed the Crimean campaign because it
would be difficult to march:from Sebastopol to the
Vistula. The German Liberals hay, been also
deeply mortified at the tame conclusion of the
great drama, at the tragic scenes which are now to
end with the joyous spectacle of a coronation. But
from these disappointments we should have thought
that Italy might naturally be free. Those who
think most ou this question are the most firmly
convinced that the gains of Italy have been most
important. True, Rome is still full of foreign
bayonets, the Legations are still the prey ofAustrian
oppression, the best and wisest of the Neapolitans
groan in dungeons, and mankind are still liable to
cry with bitterness " How long ?" Yet, in the
position which the Constitutional Government of
Piedmont has taken moderate men are inclined to
see the beginning of a new period. Even those
who generally despair of continental constitutions
are now disposed to give Victor Emmanuel, his
Ministers, and his Legislative Assemblies a chance.
He has not only promised, but performed. Libe-
ralism is established in opposition to a priesthood
at home, an inveterate enemy on the frontier, and
the recognised chief of the despotic Sovereigns with
his barbarous armies in the North. The English
people, often hasty and ill-judging, yet not likely
to be long deceived, have for two years seen in
Sardinia the only centre from which Italian liberty
can be extended ; and this feeling leads them to
take a practical interest in the events of the Penin-
sula at the present day. Much the same thing
may be said of the French. If, then, the sym-
pathy and assistance of these two nations are worth
having, they will be best insured by au adoption
of what may be called the Pied montese programme.
For the present, therefore, it seems but prudent
for Italian patriots to refrain from enunciating the
extreme opinions which found favour three years.
M. Mania has made himself the spokesman of
a moderate Italian party, and for this offence he
incurs the severest anger of the prince of demo-
crats, Mazzini. This last gentleman's third letter
appeared in our columns of yesterday. He will
adhere rigidly to Republican principles, ono of the
most deeply fixed of which is, that a liberal Mon-
archis more subtle and dangerous than the avowed
despot. Mania had written of Victor Emmanuel
as a King destined to unite Italy. This is a hope
which may possibly not be realised, yet it is surely
a natural and by no means a blameable expecta-
tion. But M. Mazzini can pardon no one for hop-
ing a good act of a legitimate Sovereign. His letter
is entitled " The Case of Italy Stated ;" and he
proceeds, amid much angry vituperation of his an-
tagonist, to give his reasons for rejecting Victor
Emmanuel, the struggles of the Piedmontese people,
and the deeds of the Piedmontese armies. The
moderate refugee hopes that a time may come when
even the King of Naples may be led by the force
of events to practise a liberal policy. If the Sove-
reign and his people can be brought to a good un-
derstanding, the primary rights of Neapolitans es-
tablished, and subjects, ou the other hand, taught
that due moderation and submission to law are
required even from a free people, he has much hope
of Naples. Now we, who know that good govern-
ment is more like a plant which grows than a work
of art to be extemporised from the brain of the theo-
rist, will be very much of the opinion of M. Manin.
But this will not do for M. Mazzini. It will be diffi-
cult, and will take time. We might observe that all
great and lasting works are the fruit of time and la-
bour. But the democratic leader wishes for a shorter
course. Whether it would not be better to raise
" barricades at once and rid themselves of their
hated Government is a question that the people of
Naples must themselves decide." So does M. Maz-
zini counsel the inhabitants of a great Italian State.
We take this, the first paragraph in his letter, as
a sample of the rest. After seventy years of un-
successful insurrection in Europe, after failure upon
failure under his own eyes in half the capitals of
Europe, after the orgies of insurgent democracy.
have been followed again and again by years (.!f
despotic insolence and leaden oppression, this
patriot would have the Neapolitan Liberals, with
King, troops, priesthood, and lazzaroni against
them, not to mention Austrian legions in the back-
ground, to stake all on the chance of a street fight.
All that the cause of freedom has gained by the
genius of liberal statesmen, the success of a civi-
lised alliance, the glory of a constitutional Italian
army, and by the folly and the crimes of autocratic
rulers and their satellites, is at once to be abau-

Boned, and the Neapolitans are to rest their future
destiny on the chance of a mound of paving-stones
resisting the fire of 24-pounders. This is what is
called the philosophy of Republicanism ; these are
the counsels given in what passes in the demo-
cratic world for noble and eloquent language.
The language is indeed of the usual kind.
There is the tumid eloquence and misty imagery
to which we have long been accustomed. Italy has
suffered, therefore she is " the Christ among na-
tions ; she will burst the sepulchre and rise, thus
inteceding the final resurrection of nations." Pur-
suing the comparison, we aro told she will bring
redemption to the world. It is needless to say
what follows after such a commencement. No
plan of action is recommended, not a single word
of practical advice is given to any Italian of any
State, large or petty. Only from such intimations
as the following can we learn what is the Italian
. policy of M. Mazzini :—" Return to us, Manin,"
says the patriot, " and the Italians will respond by
deeds which shall be to the glorious deeds of '4B
what the conflagration is to the sparks that foretell
it." We should not discuss this violent tirade if
it merely related to a quarrel between two foreign
politicians. But few in this land of open debate
and clear common sense can well appreciate the
power of such harangues on the fiery Italian na-
ture, half-smothered as it is under the pressure of
regal and priestly oppression. To thousands of
young men in Milan, Florence, and Rome, such
writing as M. Mazzini's is eloquence, and his wild
and hazy views are the teachings of deep political
philosophy. We cannot afford to leave them
unnoticed, to fancy they will meet the disre-
gard they deserve, and that in foreigners, as in
us, they will excite only feelings of indignation or
ridicule. Unhappily, the annals of more than one
Italian State in these days bear witness how much
misguided men have listened to M. Mazzini, both
as an orator and a publicist. The Italians may
certainly have learnt wisdom since, and we see in
M. Mania the representative of a more thinking
class, but the hasty and the over-sanguine may be
still a majority. We therefore feel it necessary
once more to warn all who have the cause of Eu-
ropean liberty at heart, that it has no worse enemy
than the man who would associate it with all that
is sanguinary, violent, and anarchical.—Times.