The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-19 00:00:00

who had freqsently urged his Majesty's Ministers to bring
forward some measure to vindicate the law, and for the
purpose of affording protection to the well-disposed com-
munity of Ireland, and of showing that the Government
was ready to defend it, it could not but be a gratification.
although a surprise, to witness this new dawn—this new
system—this new light, which bad broken in so suddenly
upon his Majesty's Administration. During the past year,
during even the last session of Parliament, crimes of equal
atrocity, though certainly not of equal frequency, as
might be proved by the papers shown to the Noble
Earl a short time ago, disgraced the country, and yet
no means were taken by Government to enforce the
law. The Magistrates were left paralysed and ex-
posed to every possible risk from those with whom
they had to contend, deserted and unprotected by
Government. This was suffered, too, when Parliament
was sitting, and when the highest legal authority—he
called him so from the situation he held—had asserted that
the Government of the country was in possession of a power
almost equal in extent to that which it was the intention
of the present Bill to give ; because he stated the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland had himself the power of suspending
the Habeas Corpus Act. Astounding as it might be,
during the progress of all this activity, the agitators—
the instigators to those crimes were decked out
with silk trappings, and ushered into the highest
places. It was impossible then not to consider
that all those crimes were considered secondary in compa-
rison to the measure which Government theta had in con-
templation. There was nothing considered improper to
resort to for the purpose of strengthening their own
power, and undermining and weakening that of their op-
posers. Hence all this apathy at that moment respecting
the state of Ireland ; but no sooner had they
carried their measure—no sooner had they allied them-
selves to these powers, than they separated themselves
from them, cried out--" Down with the priests and the
agitators"—throwing them aside now like lumber. He
was sure, however, that Ministers intended well on
this occasion. At the same time it seemed to be
sonsidered neceessary to conciliate one party While
they coerced the other.—(Hear, hear.) This was
manifest when, at the very moment 'bat the leading Mi
mister of one House came down and proposed a mea•
sure which could not have the effect of tranquil
lizing Ireland, the leading Minister of the other House
came down broaching a doctrine which could not
he looked upon without serious alarm. A mea-
sure, however, founded upon such doctrines, had not
yet reached the Upper House, and it was to be
hoped it never would. He could not think of it without
horror at the animus of a Government who could lay
their sacrilegious hands on the venerable pile of the
Church of England. It was impossible to think
of such a measure without considering that it was
intended to destroy that branch of the Church of Eng-
land which extended itself into Ireland for the purpose of
erecting in its place some flimsy, fanciful structure
which might only gratify the eye of the agitators
and demagogues of the present day.—(Hear.) No doubt
their Lordships would be told, as they had been, that
it was necessary to introduce some measure of conciliation,
in company with their measure of coercion ; but no sooner
would tiley carry into effect some other new-fangled measure,
of conciliation then they would find some new class of
property to sacrifice—some new set of men to immolate.
Nothing could be more dangerous than proceedings
of this description. He thought that the question of
the repeal of the Union was one cause of the Govern-
ment taking the present steps. To that subject he was
very much disposed to think more importance had
been attached than it deserved. It did appear at first view
that that subject had taken deep root in the minds of the
people, when 40 Members were returned to the House of
Commons pledged to the repeal of the Union. But the
fact was the question of the repeal of the Union bad only
been used as a watch-word ; any thing else would
have answered the end just as well. The wonder was
that such a large portion of the constituency had been
found to support gentlemen opposed to that measure,
in spite of the threats held out to them. (Hear,
hear, hear.) In his opinion, there was never a question
which had so little to recommend itself to Parliament.
It was impossible not to consider into whose hands
the powers of this Bill were to be placed.
It was a curious fact that there was but one point
upon which all parties in Ireland were agreed. It was in
condemning the conduct of the Lord Lieutenant. He thought
the Noble Marquis had been unfairly treated. It arose
from his not having sufficient power of his own.
He conceived that it was of great importance that the
Lord Lieutenant should have as his Secretary, a Cabi-
net Minister. It had been the cause of many of
the misfortunes which had fallen on the Irish Government.
He trusted, if that Right Hon. Gentleman were appointed
to some situation in this country, some other person would
be appointed as Irish Secretary who was not a Cabinet
Minister. Ile concluded by saying that he should give
no opposition to the second reading of the Bill.
Lord MELBOURNE said that the principal difficulty
under which the Government now laboured arose from
not having come to that House before; but they must
remember that they at that time hoped to put down
the dis ‘rders existing there by the constabulary law as-
sisted by the large military force stationed there. He
positively denied the truth of the assertion made by the
Noble Lord opposite, that the Government had been ac
tuated in its conduct in this matter by the desire of gaining a
party. The Noble and Learned Lord made it a matter of
charge against his Majesty's Government, that they ac-
companied this measure of coercion with measures of con-
ciliation and the remedy of grievances. He (Lord Mel-
bourne) pleaded guilty to that charge. The Government
bad too long acted upon the plan recommended by the
Noble Lord of bringing in coercive measures, without
showing a desire to do justice. When that wise, prudent,
and cautious Statesman, Mr. Grattan, recommended
some measures on the subject of tithes, he was told that
the country was in a state of disturbance, and that
quiet must be restored before anything could
be done. Coercive me 'sures were accordingly adopted,
and the consequence had been the disturbance and tur-
bulence which had since existed. With respect to
what a Noble Lord opposite had said upon the
character of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the high
name that Nobleman bore, rendered it unnecessary
for him at that time to enter upon his defence, but he
must say he could not see the prudence and discretion
of the Noble Lord in striving to weaken the hands
into which the House was about to intrust the power
which they had. As the House had no objection to the
provisions of the Bill, he would not trouble their Lord-
ships further.
The Earl of LONGFORD said that be had blamed
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, because he thought
the Noble Marquis had misgoverned that country,
and tended to increase the agitation.—(Hear, hear.)
In private life be believed the Noble Marquis to be an
amiable man, and, as a soldier, they all knew his cha-
racter stood high ; but with the distrust the Pro-
testant population had in him, he was not fit
to govern that country. Last year the Noble Marquis
must have been well aware how inefficient the law in
Ireland was to maintain the authority of Government.
He ought to have then asked for protection to have saved
the well disposed and respectable part of the population.
Tee Earl of RODEN said, that on the first day of the
session be stated if the measures which were to be in-
troduced by the Noble Earl with respect to Ireland, were,
in his opinion, to benefit that country, they , would meet
with his cordial support. He had looked at the Noble Earl's
Bill with some attention, and he could not let the present
opportunity pass without giving the Noble Earl his weed
of praise for so faithfully keeping the pledge he had
then given, by the introduction of the Bill which
then stood for a second reading, which he thought would
be the salvation of his unfortunate country,—(Hear.) He
was, however, sorry, that last session when he brought
forward the question of the then state of Ireland, his Ma-
jesty's Ministers had not at that time brought forward
some such measure as was now before the House. (Hear.)
He had at that period the honour of submitting to the
House a motion on the state of Ireland. His proposi-
tion was not acceded to; but he would take upon him-
self to say (notwithstanding all that bad been observed
with reference to the obedience shown to the common
law of the land at that time) that insubordination and
!mtrage were then general. He had at that period produced
information, well-knownrmation, coming from men of well-knon probity,
which proved beyond a doubt that the common law of
the land was insufficient to secure the peace of the
country, or to afford protection to the lives of persecuted
Individuals. However, notwithstanding that information
—notwithstanding the documents which had been laid
upon their Lordships' table, his Majesty's Government by
their conduct showed that they were unwilling to inquire
into the subject. They now, it appeared, took shame to
themselves for their tardiness,—they lamented their want
of decision, and at length introduced a measure which,
if proposed at an earlier time, would have prevented
those evils which had since occurred, and saved those
valuable lives that had been most inhumanly sacrificed.—
i
(Hear, hear.) He had knownindividuals who were in
being at the time to which he referred, but who had since
that time fallen the victims of assassination in consequence
of their steadfast attachment to the Established Church.
He believed that Ministers were now repenting, were
deeply lamenting, the course which they had hitherto
pursued.—(Cries of " Hear, bear," and " No, no.")
Well, he thought they were.—(" No, no.") If they