The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-06 00:00:00

THURSDA Y E V 14., NIN G, NOVEMBER 6, I.Bbl.

miles.
Mr. Carew's The British Yeoman, llst 71b...(Oliver) 1
Mr. Anson's Spring Buck, lOst 51b (Jones) 2
Mr. C. Higgins's Maria Monk, I Ost 51b (C. Planner) 0
Mr. B. Land's The General, lOst 31b (Owner) 0
Mr. Tilbury's Tho Briar, 9st 91b (C. Boyce) 0
Betting-2 to lon British Yeoman and sto 1 agat
Spring Buck. This race was all one way; the favourite
taking the lead from the post, making all the running,
and winning in a canter by ten lengths. The Briar re-
fused two of his fences, sad Maria Monk stopped at
the brook in the last round.
WARWICK AND LEAMINGTON STEEPLE-
CHASES, &e.
Weights for the Grand Open Steeplechase (Free Han-
dicap); to accept on the 12th inst.
Lord George, 12st 41b—Sir John, list 91b—Duc-an-
Darras, I 1 st 61b—British Yeoman, list 41b—Lucy
Neal, list 21b—Abd-el-Tinder, list—Peter Simple, list
—Vainhope, lOst 121b—The Hero, 10st 121b—Sir Peter
Laurie, lost 111b—Fanny Eisler, 10at 91b—St. Helier,
lOst 810—Maria Day, lOst 81b—half-and-ball, lost 71b
—Miss Mowbray, 10st bib—Peter, 103 t 41b—Rattrap,
lOst 41b—Little Queen, lOst 41b—Lamienne, lOst 21b—
Thurgarton, lOst—Maria Monk, lOst—Velos, lOst—
Isaac, lOst—The Young'un, lOst—Forest Lad, 9st 121 b
—Recruit, 9st 121b—Vengeance, 9st 121b—Hardwick,
9st 121b—Defaulter, 9st 101b—Victress, Oat 81b—Car-
dinal Wiseman' Oat 71b—Ringdove, Ost 71b—Oscar, 9st
41b—Sam Hood, 9st 41b—The Screw, 9st 21b—The
Briar, 9at Loddington, Ost —Maurice Daly, 9st—
Joan of Arc, Bst 101b—The Cripple Cote Jerry, Bst 81b.
Weights for the Free Handicap Hurdle Race—to accept
by the 12th inst.
Lord George, 12s1 21b—Due-an-Durram, list 71b—
Cogia, list 210—Combatant, list—Half- and-Half, lOst
101b—Little Queen, lOst 101b—Fugitive, lOst 10Ib—
Ormsby, lOst Sib—Tom Bowling, lOst 81b—Ter, lOst
Ge-
neral, 103 t 71b—Defaulter, lOst Gib—Fanny
Elsl
61b—Cosachia, lOst 51b—Sir Robert, lOst 413—The
Count, lOst 31b—Maria Monk, lost 21b—Ballet Girl,
lOst 21b—Sir Alexander, 10A—Perjury, lOst—Cock-
crow, Oat 121b—Rembrandt, 9st 121b—Dove, 9st 111b—
Pay-your-Debts, Ost 111b—Flirt, Oat 101b—Forest Lad,
9st 101b—Sister to Legislator, 9st 101b—Bedford, Ost 91b
—Carlow, Oat 81b—Bulltinch, 9st Sib—Forrest, at
Sib
Loddiugton, 9st 61b—Ch gby Safeguard, Ost 311)
Labyrinth, Sat 101b—Secret, Sat 71b.
Weights for the Warwick Free Handicap, to accept on
the llth instant.
Miss Ann, 5 yrs, Bst 71b—Lord George, 6 yra, Sat 51b
—Backbiter, 6 yrs, Bst 31h—Duc-au-Durras, 6 yrs,
7st 121b—Mrs. Taft, aged, 7st 111b—Truth, 3 )rs,7at 101 b
—.Fornhill, 61y rs, ist 71b—Rhesus, 5 yrs, 7st 31b—Italian,
4 yrs, Tat 21b—Sauter-la-Coupe, 5 yrs, 7st—Mark Tap-
ley 4 yrs, 7st—Cockcrow, 3 yrs, ist—Alp, 5 yrs, 7st—
Goldfinder, 3 yrs, 6st 1210—Doubt, 5 yrs, Est 1116—
Achyranthes, 4 yrs, Est 111b—Trickstress, 3 yrs,
bat 101b—Agis, 6 yrs, 6st 101b—Tophana, 6
yrs, 6st 91b-Ilarquis, 3 yrs, 6st 91b —lassathe,
3 yrs, 6st 81b—Chief Justice, 4 yrs, 6st 81b—
Tonic, 3 yrs, 6st 71b—Lough Bawn, 3 yrs, Est 61b—
Bushranger, 4 yrs, 6st 51b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, 6st 5113
' The Lily, 3 yrs, 6st 41b—Warwick, 4 yrs, 6st 31b—
Snowstorm, 5 yrs, fist 31b—Little George, 4 yra, fist 21b
Julia, 5 yrs, bat 21b—Master Friday, 4 yrs, 6st 21b—
rhe Heriot, 3 yrs, 6st llb—John of Berwick, 4 yrs,
6st 11b—Perjury, 4 yrs, 6st—Tightvvaist, 3 yrs, 6st—
Harp, 3 yrs, 6st—Paquetta, 3 yrs, sst 101b—Stafford,
3 yrs, sst 31b—Britannia, 3 yrs, sst lib—lschia, 3 yrs,
4st 121 b —Avis, 3 yrs, 4st 12ib—Macaw, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b.
Weights for the Welter Cup, forfeit to be declared on or
before the 12th instant.
Miss Ann, 5 yrs, Ilst 101b—Duc-an-Durras, 6 yrs,
list 41b—Fernhill, 6 yrs, lOst 121b—Agis, 6 yrs, lOst
61b—Mark Tapley, 4 yrs, lOst 61b—Sir Robert, 4 yrs,
lOst 61b—Cocktail, 5 yrs, 10st 21b—Cockcrow, 3 yrs,
Kist—Chief Justice, 4 yrs, lOst—Ormsby, 5 yrs, lOst—
Fugitive, aged, Oat 121b—Firstrate, 4 yrs, Ost 121 b
Little Queen, 5 yrs, 9st 121b—Gay Lad, 5 yrs, 9st 101 b
—Gartorth, 4 yrs, Ost 101b—John of Berwick, 4 yrs,
9st 101b—The Heriot, 3 yrs, Oat 71b—Jack-sit bn4-ith_e-
Corner, 4 yrs, Oat 71b—New Forest Deer, aged, 9st 61b
—Harp, 3 yrs, Ost 61b—Ringdove (h b), aged, ,
Maurice Daly, aged, Bst 121b—Captain Parry, 5 yrs,
Bst 71b.

THE GRAND POLISH AND HUNGARIAN BALL AND
CONCERT AT GUILDHALL,.
f4;34/
to
hurbnse nable
xtEolEL,nzoutinEcel3trat
INSTANT.—It is most gratifying
h onlyh
se pbreohvael f ai t
isso ugrocteu
po f;
this benevolent undertaking will
relief to the unfortunate persons. 2etad
every
but also one of the most mart,
lately in this metropolis. hnelaCcoennatmeinttteeerthaainvme
f lin h the cause of the
exertion to promote the comfort of sewnt umerous company
which is expected to testify its
the floor will this time
oppressed. The hall will preseereve gall the splendid fittings
used on the Lord Mayor's-day, and
A long iof
be covered with cloth, to obviate the i
whom will
ost if the
dust arising from the chalk formerly
the patrons and patronesses, many
raiseworthy object.
.of will attend,
shows the interest of all classes in this p
To vary the attractions of the ball a very se
leet
many Con cert will
take place in the Council Chamber, to which
distin-
guished artistes have generously proffered their assistance:
The Concert will be under the direction of Mr. Lindsay
Sloper, supported by Mrs. Weiss,
Mademoiselle Therese
Magner, Miss Amelia Edwards, n f rd, Miss Dolby,
Hr. W. H. Harrison, Mr. Benson, Mr. Frank Bodda, and
Mr. Weiss. Owing to a positive intimation of the illustrious
Hungarian patriot, M. Kossuth, to be present at the Ball (for
which purpose he has delayed his departure till the 14th
instant) the applications for tickets aro incessant, and the
Committee, with regard to the comfort of the visitors, have
properly limited their issue.
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE HOSPITAL.—The committee,
at their meeting yesterday, received from Messrs. Chapman,
Coningbarn, and Denton, the executors of the will of the late
Hrs. Bentham, of Gower-street, who died in the month of
August last, the sum of 3001., the amount of the legaT free
of duty, bequeathed to the hospital by that lady. hanks
were returned to the executors for the early settlement of the
bequest, and a vote was passed to place them on the list of
vice-governors. The committee resolved that the 3001•
should be added to the vested funds of the hospital ; and for
the liquidating of the remainder of the debt, and for the
future maintenance of the charity, they would trust to the
benevolence and exertions of its surviving friends.
Kossuth called yesterday (Wednesday) at Mor-
ley's Hotel, Trafalgar-sqnare, to return the visit of Mr.
Foldsom, Minister of the United States at the Hague
(Holland). He was met there by several American gen-
Lielnell _kamong whom was the Honourable Mr. Rhett, of.
South Carolina, a member of the United States' Senate), who
had been invited to be present at the interview,
f•Il iwurt f which lasted

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.!
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF TIIIS DAY.
TIMES.—The annual Message of the President of
the French Republic was read by the Minister of
the Interior on Tees lay afternoon to the National
Assembly, in presence of a very full attendance
of the representatives of France. Whatever may have
been the original intentions of the author of this docu-
ment, which were imprudently, and perhaps inaccu-
rately, disclosed by one of the chief organs of the Elyter,
subsequent reflection and the effect produced on the
country by the changes of the last fortnight have re-
duced the Message, in form at least, to a very temperate
strain of language. Its real significance is altogether
confined to one fact, which was already known—namely,
the proposal for the repeal of the electoral law of the
31st of May. That proposal is made without any qua-
lification or substitute. The measure brought forward
by the Government is a simple abrogation of the law re-
quiring three consecutive years of domicile in electors
and a return to the wider condition of six months' resi-
dence, which was the basis of universal suffrage in France
from the spring of 1843 to that of 1850. The National
Assembly is plainly called upon to reverse a statutory
enactment carried about eighteen months ago by the
united efforts of the friends of order, and all other qualifi-
cations or conditions, such as those of property or intel-
ligence, are equally disclaimed and abandoned. If this
Bill passes universal suffrage is henceforth and for ever
the absolute law of France. In the mouth of the advo-
cates of pure and absolute democracy we perfectly un-
derstand this adherence to the fundamental principle of
their system of government; but when Louis Napoleon
pledges himself by fresh assurances, and by the general
spirit of his address, to combat under every form the
anarchical tendencies of the democratic party, it is obvious
that his assent to a fresh extension of the suffrage can
only be attributed to the personal interest which he con-
ceives to be connected with it. So that, on the one hand,
he is opposed by the great majority of the party of order,
who retuse to surrender what thy regard as the barrier
of the commonwealth only to increase the chances of re-
election for a candidate who is still legally ineligible;
and, on the other hand, ho is as yet unsupported
by the democratic party, which regards this pro -
pesal as no genuine concession to its own prin-
ciples, but as an attempt to prolong the existence
of a power altogether hostile to the revolutionary
Cause, without having any solid claims to perpetuity.
The announcement of this change in the President's
policy, accompanied as it was by the abrupt dismissal of
a competent and respectable Administration, produced,
we believe, less effect than he anticipated in his favour
among the Republican party, and a far more injurious
effect than he had anticipated among their opponents—
the party of order, or, to speak more plainly, of monarchy.
In the provinces and in the Assembly this effect has been
deep and disastrous. It has powerfully shaken the con-
fidence of the country; and, however skilfully the lan-
guage of the Message may be adapted to allay this ap-
prehension and diminish this unfavourable impression, it
cannot alter the facts of the case. The Ministry has
fallen. It is succeeded by men utterly wanting in
public confidence, for they are unknown in the capa-
city of statesmen, and are probably no less deficient
in the ability required to conduct the French nation
through a passage and a crisis of unequalled diffi-
culty. The executive power is thus reduced to the
person of Louis Napoleon, surrounded by a dangerous
and unpopular knot of secret advisers, while his osten-
sible Ministers are notoriously inadequate to the per-
formance of such a task as they have undertaken; and
in this predicament the President enters upon a session
which must be decisive as to his own future career, and
way involve the dearest interests of the nation. In spite
of the strong language in which the Message speaks of
the existence of a vast revolutionary conspiracy prepar-
ing all its resources for a general outbreak in 1852, and
in spite of the assurances given by the President of his
determination to resist and attack those elements of
disturbance and evil, it was at once clear, from the
aspect and conduct of parties at this first meeting of
the Assembly, that the repeal of the electoral law
and the restoration of unlimited universal suffrage
overpowers every other consideration. The Govern-
ment found no support but from the benches of
the Extreme Left, and the first vote of the House
on the question of taking the Ministerial mea-
sure into immediate consideration was decidedly
adverse to the executive power. M. Berryer's proposi-
tion fur a committee en the state of the nation was evi-
dently received with favour by the majority, though op-
posed by M. Girt:m(l on behalf t f the Government, but
the further consideration of this measure was deferred
till the following day. We shall have occasion to revert
more fully to the arguments employed by Louis Napo-
leon in favour of a return to unlimited suffrage when
that question is debated in the Assembly; but we re-
mark with surprise his declaration that he has always
expected that it would be his duty to propose a repeal of
the law which he himself sanctioned. The importance
of such a law, regulating the suffrage, lies altogether in
its application to the great electoral acts of the nation,
namely, the choice of a President and the choice of an
Assembly. Except to supply a few casual vacancies,
which can, of course, produce no important effect on
the balance of parties, the law has necessarily been
inoperative, and will remain so until the period of the
eneral election returns. That period coincides with
the President's expiration of office, so that when
Louis Napoleon declares that he always intended to de-
mand the abrogation of this law, it amounts to a declara-
tion that he never intended it to be put in force at all,
and that it was a mere concession to the panic of last
spring, or, as he describes it, " a political act, not an
electoral law." If such were his private reflections, they
were certainly not shared by the large majotity which
voted for the Bill, or by the Ministers who have since
carried on his government, amongst whom the reporter
of the Bill occupied a prominent place. Whatever may
be the advantages anticipated from the repeal of such a
measure, and although some inconveniences and incon-
sistencies might perhaps thus be obviated, two difficul-
ties remain, which are, in fact, created and aggravated
to the highest degree by the present attitude of the
Executive Government. The first is, that the intro-
duction of such a proposal by such a Ministry and for
such purposes renders the dissension between the Presi-
dent and the majority of the Assembly infinitely more
violent and direct than it has been yet; the second is,
that while Louis Napoleon proposes to restore the un-
limited suffrage, he by no means testifies any increase
of deference for the Assembly which that suffrage has
called, and will again call, into existence. On the con-
trary, he has foun means to separate himself from both
its parties, and, according to the principle on which he
is acting, the Assembly is to be armed with all the au-
thority of a universal suffrage, but is to exercise no
positive control over the acts of the executive power.
The Assembly has, indeed, on several former occasions
placed itself altogether in the wrong, by ridiculous ap-
prehensions and by shameful coalitions against the
Ministerial adherents of the President. But the more
serious the aspect of affairs has grown, and the more
nearly the decisive moment approaches that will termi-
nate the existence of both the powers of state,
the more temperate and firm its conduct has seemed
to become. We sincerely hope that at this
trying moment it will persevere in the
same moderate course; for at the first act dictated by
passion or by violence its cause is lost. The Government
of a
Some great
e
conditionn no ts beo
f carriedag ree onm e
nbty
mu
a y perpetualthe
contest.rties in this conflict will only
found, or both the p
achieve their mutual destruction; for no attempt to place
the constitution and the government of France on a se-
curesuccessful
ant
dlastingin t 1 g
ewhichn c eo
id
theoe s
not
combifoundationne
the
politicalstrength
the people or by the hereditary rights of the monarchy.
The latter contingency is still so improbable or so re-
mote, that we have yet to learn that any other combina-
tion presents at the present time as good a chance for the
maintenance of order as the re-election of the President,
provided it be accomplished by legal means, and pro-
vided he retain or regain the confidence of some class of
statesmen in the country.
if not the only portion
DAILY NEWS.—The chief,
of the Message of the French President, which com-
mands universal interest and attention, is that in which
he proposes to abrogate the law of the 31st of May,
1850. That law is neither more nor less than the Con-
servative charter. The revolution of 1848 opened the
sluices of power to the popular torrent. The artisans
and the working classes composed the indubitable ma-
jority of electors, both for the Legislature and the Exe-
cutive, and with how little selfishness and astuteness
they exercised it, stands on record in the composition of
the National Assembly and in the choice of the Presi-
dent. Bat popular wisdom, it was feared, could not last;
and it was considered safest to exclude from the
franchise the very electors who had returned
nt
a
Conservative Assembly and a princely Preside.
The opportunity was taken immediately after the
Paris election of 1850. The metropolitan voters then
returned M. de Flotto and M. Sue. The ono was an
insurgent of June, the other a philosophic Socialist.
M. Tenors declared, that in consequence of the return of
these two members, the Assembly was bound to revise
the electoral law. This was precisely the same as if M.
Ledru-Rollin had moved, that because M. Thiers avowed
his aversion to the republican form of government, a
law should be passed prohibiting all who had been func-
tionaries or ministers, from serving as members of the
Legislature. One was
just as legal as the other. The
opportunity, however, was too good to be lost. And a
project of law was got up, examined, reported and passed,
which, in fact, disinherited and disfranchised the entire
of the working
classes, and handed over their electoral
rights and influence into the hand of the Go- I
vernment and of the middle class. In order
fully to render this intelligible, let us con-
sider
what was the nature, and is the result,
of the obnoxious measure. The law of the 31st of May,
1850, is in fact a law of household or rating suffrage,
substituted fur the law of universal suffrage, which
formed the great basis of the republican constitution
of 1848. It is much more restrictive than a rating
suffrage would be with us. By the law of the 31st of
May, no man is entitled to exercise the franchise unless
he can prove himself to have had a domicile for three
years in one given district. In the first place, this mere
condition of a domicile for so long a period excludes
the young, the active, the adventurous, altogether from
the electoral urn. The artisans who crowd from country
to town never obtain a three years' fixed domicile till
they marry, and that is late in life. Those who have not
a domicile of their owu, but who, as workmen, servants,
sons, or clerks, inhabit the household or annexed build-
ings of a master, may enjoy the franchise, but only on
their master or parent choosing to come forward to pro-
cure it for them. Here are two large classes eliminated
from the suffrage. Still there would remain household
suffrage for persons of three years' fixed residence,
but for another quirk in the French law. According
to it, there is but .oin way of proving a domicile—that
of having paid in t the personal or furniture tax.
The mode in which this tax is levied is as follows:—
The total amount being fixed, it is distributed between
the different departments and communes, and a certain
gaga of isod t 9 each, according t 9 Mit* posilotip

and property. This quota is again distributed amongst
the inhabitants able to pay the tax ; and the distribution
is made by the mayor, a functionary completely in the
hands of Government, and greedy for its honours. Louis
Napoleon, in his Message, boasts of having dismissed
soave 500 of them. The mayor may exclude from the list
of ratepayers, and, of course, from the electoral lists
whomsoever ho pleases. And, as a rule, if any citizen or
artisan has ever received succour from a bureau de bien-
faisance in hard times, which is universally the case
when a man has nothing but his earnings to depend on,
and when he is seized with sickness, this man is
always struck from the list of ratepayers. Thus, in the
department du Nord, a manufacturing district, oae-half
of the adult male population were excluded from the
rate-paying lists, and would be, of course, deprived of
the franchise. We have a somewhat similar case in our
ten-pound householders, for so many of whom the lend-
lord undertakes to pay the rates, charging the poor
tenant in the rent, but excluding him from the franchise.
Supposing this done, not to save trouble and seek
economy, but for an organized political purpose of nar-
rowing the franchise, and you have the French law of
May in all its odium and its exclusiveness. It is well
known that great numbers of the disfranchised
class, amounting, according to Louis Napoleon,
to three millions of men, but which we
should say amount more nearly to five millions,
have de'ermieed not to submit to the law, and that they
purpose, on a general election, coming to the hustings,
armed, if necessary, and prepared to defy, by their
numbers, any force of military or police that Govern-
ment could bring to prohibit the exercise of what they
deem their right. In coming forward to propose the
repeal of the obnoxious law, Louis Napoleon has taken
advantage of the rumour, which ho holds in terrorcm up
to the Conservatives, adding to it the assurance ac-
quired by his police of a general insurrection being
orgenized all over Europe. We must confess that upon
hearing that Louis Napoleon had determined to repeal
the law of the 31st of May, and that he had dismissed
his Ministry in order to form another favourable to
so popular a measure, we entertained hopes that
he had at length awakened to the necessity of a more
liberal policy, and that he was prepared to use concilia-
tory language towards the people. His Message, how-
ever, undeceives us. Its language is still that of the
policeman, not the statesman; of the terrorist, not of the
liberal. Even his proposal of abrogating the law of
May does not strike us as sincere. It leaves the six
months' domicile as a condition, the mode of proving the
domicile remaining the same, which would not restore
the disfranchised classes to their rights. Then he makes
the distinction between the expediency of universal suf-
frage for electing the members of the Assembly and its
necessity for choosing the head of the executive; all of
which sounds as if, were the broader principle granted
for his election, he would leave the Assembly to be re-
elected by the restricted franchise. To procure a more
enlarged constituency for himself, and to obtain the re-
peal of the clause prohibiting his election seems, in fact,
to be the sole selfish aim of the President. Ho is driv-
ing a bargain with the Assembly, cajoling and menacing
its conservative majority almost in the same breath, and
employing not even that outward respect for the popu-
lar and liberal side, which would be but decorous in
him, were it not also politic. On the whole, Louis Na-
poleon's Message strikes U 3 as calculated neither to dis-
arm a foe nor to make a friend.
CHRONICLE.—The majority of the French As-
sembly have lost no time in unmasking the breach which
the late proceedings of the President had opened be-
tween himself and the members of the Legislature. The
alacrity with which they have hastened to give the
counter-check quarrelsome to the new Ministry of
Louis Napoleon, is a pretty clear intimation of the spirit
in which the present eventful session is to be conducted.
By way of indemnification for the refusal of the Com-
mission of Permanence to accelerate tho meeting of the
Assembly, they have taken care to use the first moments
of their revived activity to declare their antagonism in
the most unambiguous form. Since the time of Napo-
leon, no public manifesto has been looked for with more
anxious interest than the Message of his nephew, which
we published in our second edition of yesterday, and
which appears also in our impression of this morning.
It is justly felt that the destinies of France
implicitly involve the interests of the whole
continent of Europe. The central volcano has
an unseen, but not unfelt, communication with all the
craters of eruption which are smouldering around us.
It is, therefore, a matter of no slight moment that one
source of public anxiety—in which, however, we have
never ourselves shared—has been removed by the mani-
festo in question. We never for an instant gave heed to
the rumours that, by the dismissal of the Faucher Ad-
ministration, Louis Napoleon intended to adopt the
policy of the Left; nor did we imagine that he meant
even to conciliate their support any further than might
bo indispensable for his own particular purposes. The
terms of the Message have set this point definitively at
rest; as that document is conceived in a tone evidently
dictated by an anxiety to soothe the irritation of the
great party by whom the President has hitherto been
supported. Beyond a somewhat significant sop to the
military—in the shape of a project for rewarding the
old remnants of the armies of the Republic
and the empire—and an allusion, unconsciously
ironical, to the tardy organization of the Roman
Government, the Message contains little of
general interest, till we arrive at its chief proposition
for the repeal of the law of the 31st of May. The pro-
posal of the President is the absolute abrogation of the
existing Electoral Law, and a return to the law of the
15th March, 1849, which requires only a six months'
residence in order to confer the franchise. The propriety
of this course is maintained in an elaborate argument at
the close of the Message. With that invincible love of
epigram, which no Frenchman can resist even in a State
paper, universal suffrage is said to have been the means
of regenerating the social fabric, " by:substituting a
right for a revolutionary fact." Is the basis of this
right, it is asked, to ho narrowed? Is it not unwise to
leave any pretext to the enemies of order for question-
ing the legitimacy of the new powers which will be
called to preside over the destinies of the country ?
The scheme of the 31st of May, we are told,
was a political act rather than an electoral
law. In its application, it effected a far
ehmorenyemi r
si e
s sweepingof authorss society
i; e t
yaexclusionhhdavthe
h era
iri eetsinhou anl
advantage
lw
adbl
iae,n hasat
as
sgb
ee contemplatede
on f
appliedit
rhs that
st
o s tthhh
iee-
fest injustice. If it is object
election of the Assembly, it is still more so as regards
that of the President. The Constitution decided that
2,000,000 votes should make the election of a President
valid—on the hypothesis of a constituency of 10,000,000;
but the present law, by reducing that constituency to
7,000,000, and consequently changing the requisite
number from one-fifths to one-third of the whole number
of votes, has actually and most materially altered the
conditions of eligibility. Finally,
it is asserted; the
restoration of universal suffrage is the last chance of ob-
taining the revision of the Constitution. Such, con-
cisely, are the grounds on which Louis Napeleon de-
fends his proposal. The first and most obvious
reflections suggested by them is, that they are none
of them new; for they are precisely the arguments
aianestopotfedtheilliontteu
which wore urged by the most rational among the
minority who voted against the law of May 31'
For our own part, we have never concealed our
opinicn that the existing law is a bad one; and even
the organs of the party which clings most tenaciously
to its principles, are now reduced to admit that its pro-
visions are faulty. A heavy responsibility no doubt at-
taches to the Bight for the rashness and violence with
which this measure of restriction was framed. They
acted like headlong politicians instead of sagacious states
men, for panic-struck at the Socialist elections of Paris,
they passed a measure, which they thought would suit
their present purpose, without considering whether it
was one which they would have the power to maintain,
or the opportunity to revise. It was, doubtless, their
business to look well to the seaworthiness of the vessel
before they launched it in waters which they knew to be
so stormy. But conscious as the Conservative party have
become of their remissness in this respect, and of the
errors of the existing law, there is no reason to doubt
that they are almost unanimous in their resolve to adhere
to its principle ; for, in their view, it is not an isolated
enactment, but the programme of a policy. They are
precluded, therefore, from accepting the project
Louis Napoleon has submitted to them, inasmuch as it as-
serts, in point of fact, not the law of May 31 is defective,
but that it is absolutely unnecessary . and wrong.
If, indeed, it were pretended that anti-social doctrines
which
are on the decline, it might be proposed with some show
of reason to remove restrictions which were imposed
under apprehension of their spread; but on what ground
can a Government, which is daily declaring whole dis-
tricte in a state of siege, advise the abandonment of a
which the edicts of the Presi-
dent are now directed? Rave the Party
of Order less
the anticipation of
those very dwaingeherswaags
1850? The proclamations
_, dangers t.l
r• But a the same ate
too significant an answe . r furms only
to fear from the Socialists now than they had in May,
o they to adopt the proposi-
tionremain, then the Right,
and reverse their policy.
but abandon their principles
the Socialists now make
If, as the Message alleges,
suffrae as an aru-
use of the restriction of the
for imagining
of the President, wouldwor not only rescind their votes
thatthextensioney
went, as an instrument?
will not make use of its
with public eon on
Louis Napoleon, as is
usual
protestations of his disinte-
restednesssuch occasions, makes loud
ment, what ground is there for g
f r thatshould we only
we to accept these
literally, we ea
appearance of ambition.
be able to compliment his p
self-sacrific® has never
his adroitness; for certainly _
in the course whaitcrhiohtiesmhaastputhrseueexd.penWseeroof
stsken, if the announce-
The
world iso
Prince de Joinville was
ment of the candidature of thet_o
step
which has led, at
not the immediate cause of h
o certainlyg rossly
muchinto thinei
this critical moment, to his fatal rupture with the majo-
e.sus Prince were notoriously
Dietician, who has been
of France, for the sole
for so many years the evil r liresident;
rpiotyt.forTwhaerdclhayimstboaftthioetrOigrout
ps
and they are now
may not stand in the
purpose of embarrassing the t'
At the same time,
way of a coalition to destroy h
P with which
there is no doubt that
the d his former policy, at the
Louis Napoleon abandoned withdrawn solely in order that thig.
the confidence of that
dangered, had seriouslyhe
t little sympathy for the
large middle party which, with'factions, has a very lively fear
views of the contending
moment when his individual
vve
baii_nethercst appeared to be
observe that that an impor-
tant anarchy and insecurity.
de Montalembert, do Broglie,
Pyramids—of which MM.
were named presidents, for the
Dare, and Odilon Barret,
he majority, and establishing
purpose of reconstractingft
calfth ua di Binh, the basis
tant meeting was held on Monday, of the Club of the
relations with the party o
of the Electoral Law
though not to the moditicatio
r'obable that the Pro-
of May 31. Nor is it P
assistance even from
sident will derive much . .
,heir hostility has never
of the agreement to be an opphion to the abrogation,
the seal of the Left. Th
hen rumours
for an instant, even
were most rife of his disposition w 'd f h '
guPPert; and they have POW P,PP
anted their rendesvous to lai or t eir

at " Mother Redcap's," in May, 1852, and have no in-
clination to miss their appointment by loitering at the
" Napoleon's Head" on the road. The gravity of the
crisis is seriously complicated by the very injudicious
language which has been addressed to the army by the
Minister of War, and which we see M. Berryer intends
tomake the subject of interpellations in the Assembly.
Such phrases as " the true military spirit now more than
ever is the assurance of the safety of society;" and al-
lusions to the probability of the " army being the re-
sort to which society will have recourse in the hour of
peril," are exactly the topics calculated, in skilful hands,
to inflame the jealousy of a Legislative Assembly already
sufficiently insulted by a Ministry imposed upon it against
the will of the majority, and almost entirely relieved, by
its constitution, from its surveillance. Altogether, the
aspect of affairs seems more than ever threatening, and
a peaceable solution further than ever removed.
HERALD.—It may be remembered that during the
last three or four weeks—and since the commencement
if what is called the Ministerial crisis in France—we
waintaincd that the " interregnuu3," us it was called,
gee by no means so serious as the Parliamentary chiefs
wished to make it, and every day that has since passed
has convinced us of the truth of these our first impres-
sions. The capital of France for now thirty days has
presented an appearance of the profoundest tranquillity,
indeed, coneiderint the circumstances, of the profoundes;
aoathy and indifference. Even the Faubourg de
Marceau, is times of former Ministerial crisis so instinct
with life, motion, and physical and mental excitement,
eas eminently passive; and the Bourse itself, generally
so sensitive to political movements, has on this occasion
only slightly fluctuated. The state of the departments
in no respect differed frcm the condition of the capital.
Everything betokened repose among the millions,
though a certain agitation and nzalaice were visible
among what are called the higher political circles. The
reason of this was obvious enough. The great body
of tee population felt that the announced policy
of the President was one of justice and conci-
liation ; while political intriguers agreed to con-
sider it as ono not favourable to their diverse
views, whether Legitimist, Orleanist, Fusionist, Regent-
ist, or Joinvilleist, To the last moment reports were
industriously circulated that the head of the Executive
would recede from his expressed intention of proposing
a total repeal of the law of the 31st May, 1850 ; but they
who circulated these misgivings must see how futile were
the tactics to which they have had recourse. The
Message, which appears at length in this day's Morning
Herald, and of which we gave a summary yesterday, at
once dissipates the allusions and disappoints the hopes
of the enraged and perplexed Burgraves. The Presi-
dent, without qualification or circumlocution, proposes
the restitution of universal suffrage on the broadest
basis, but, nevertheless, winnowed from impure and
irregular elements. He says, and he says truly, that
the law of the 31st of May went beyond the object
sought to be attained. That law was passed in a
moment of overwhelming trepidation, if not of
dismay, at the election of several Socialist
candidates for Paris, and it has gone beyond,
indeed we may say gone far beyond, the object
intended by its framers, it men, then so operated upon
by fear as the Parliamentary majority, had any very de-
. finite and precise objects in their hasty and timorous
legislation. The result has been the utter extinction of
upwards of three millions of electors, twos thirds of whom
• were peaceful, small proprietors in the country—men
I who, above all others, are the most interested in the
• maintenance of tranquillity. The result of this exclusion
has undoubtedly driven some of the excluded into the
ranks of the anarchists, and has served as a pretext—
" to use the tone and forcible language of the Message—
to the leaders of a party who cloak their detestable, de-
signs beneath the appearance of a right withdrawn and
to be re-conquered. These are the men who, in various
parts of France, have made pessionato appeals to the ex-
cluded millions to join in Socialist, Communistic, and
Babouef conspiracies, but we sincerely and firmly be-
lieve with far less success than the President and his
Ministers suppose. Under, however, the responsi-
bility of his oath of office, and under their united
responsibility as a Government—the President and his
Ministers tell us a vast demagogical conspiracy is or-
ganizing in France and Europe. But though, judging on
oar own opportunities of knowledge and observation, we
consider this statement exaggerated, yet we admit that
secret societies have been extended rapidly in France,
more especially in some of the departments placed in a
state of siege, although not, we contend, in such degree
as is described in this vest demagocical organization, or
anything at all like it. Indeed, even in one of the worst
departments, that of the Nievre, and in the very worst
portion of it, the military promenade—to use a Gallic
phrase—of General Pellion and of the Prefect of the
Nievre have served to produce a better understanding,
if not to overawe the disaffected. But, admitting that
the disease were to the full as bad as is represented in
the Message of the President, and the symptoms as dan-
gerous as is represented in the State paper before us, we
ourselves most potently believe that the best specific—
the most sovereign remedy—indeed, the only antidote for
the evil—is to be found in a healing and conciliatory
policy, and in restoring the franchises for three mil-
lions of, for the most part, well-disposed and well-af-
fected men. At every period of the wildest and moat
frenzied period of their revolutionary history, the
French people have always been deeply influenced and
affected by a policy of kindness and of justice; and such
a policy is worth a trial now, after so many essays at re-
pression and coercion by both branches of the Bourbons.
By satisfying the just demands of the well-intentioned
the Government will have essureteran inexpugnable po-
sition—a position, from whose secure basis it may, if
needful, stringently and severely operate against the
wilfully disaffected and factious. Will, however, the
Parliamentary chiefa of factions enable the President to
re-enact the lase of the 15th of March, 1849, or any law
resopening the franchises to three millions of electors,
requiring only to be of ago, and to bo six months resi-
dent in the commune or city in which they vote?
This is, indeed, doubtful ; and if we were to
judge from present appearances, and from the
attitude of M. Berryer, we should decidedly say No.
But when, on the other hand, the majority find—as
find they must—that they are wholly unsupported by
public opinion out of doors—and that the President
does not desire a better position than they would create
for him by a factious opposition to the Ministry, and a
perverse hostility to a popular measure—they may
change their Parliamentary tactics and only seek to
modify, or, perhaps, altogether to allow to pass a mea-
sure which they at first recklessly opposed. The latter
supposition, indeed, is more likely to be the case, for
the question is one in which the army as a body would
be neutral, though a vast and overwhelming majority of
its Members is known to be favourable to the repeal of
the law of the 31st of May. The situation is, we ad-
mit, not without a certain gravity—but that it can
lead to any extreme results wo deny, for army
and people are in the main and majority agreed to
the necessity for the repeal of a law, which
is only supported as it now exists by an experi-
enced, though not a wise, able, or long-sighted party of
Parliamentary chiefs. Irrespective altogether of its
wise recommendations as to the electoral law, the Mes-
sage is a State paper of very great general interest, and
more than average ability. Its tone is conciliatory and
healing, but it is at the same time highly Conservative
in the best and only proper sense of the word. It ex-
presses the philanthropic desire of the President to give
an extension to railway labour, and to those great public
works which afford efficient and useful means of em-
ployment, while they add to the means of public conve-
nience and to the sum of public wealth. There is abun-
dant opportunity in France for extending inter-
communications and advancing agriculture and
commerce, of which the head of the Executive
dexterously avails himself in his recommenda-
tions, not merely in reference to public buildings
and to now streets, but to railways and canals, and in
reference to the culture of flax as practised in Belgium
and Holland. While the sum expended on public works
in 1851 has greatly exceeded that disbursed in 1850, it
is, satisfactory to know that the direct taxes are paid
with promptness, and that the finances of the country
are in such a position as that the deficiency will net ex-
ceed the provisions of the Budget. Under such circum-
stances, and notwithstanding the perverse and indefen-
sible conduct of certain political leaders, we are of
opinion—the heart of the people being sound—that the
nation will recover its energy and elasticity, and disap-
point the vaticinations of those prophets of evil who
have predicted a year of disquiet—if not of anarchy, in
1852.
POST,—The Message of Louis Napoleon to the
French Assembly, which wo publish in detail this day,
contains, as prescribed by the Constitution, a faithful
exposition of the state of the country based on a review
of what has been done during the past year in the se-
veral departments of the State. This, however, though
in bulk and in substantial information the main part of
the important document, evidently occupied a compara-
tively small space in the attention andinterest of those to
whom it was addressed. It would seem that to face a
political crisis, not to review the past, or consider the
present, condition of the country, is the object for which
the Assembly considers itself summoned. Of the hour
and a half occupied in the delivery of the Message, proba-
bly the last fifteen or twenty minutes alone were generally
received as comprising the real and stirring business of the
occasion. In this short space was included the important
proposal of the President for dealing with or midgets
ing, the complicated dangers which surround the simul-
taneous close of his term of power, and of the present
Assembly's existence. The character of the principal
measure to be urged, that of a return to universal suf-
frage, by way of a road to constitutional revision, was
indeed foreknown; but a strong and natural interest was
attached to the manner in which it might be brought
forward, and to the objects which it might be made to
defend. The President, as we anticipated, repeated
fully and firmly the enunciations of Conservative prin-
ciple, and of national policy as opposed toparty objects,
by which he conquered the general approbation of the
friends of order at the cpening of the session in Novem-
ber, 1850. Compelled, by the nature of the step which he
proposes, to encounter the strong opposition of the Con-
servative majority, Louis Napoleon has not been
tempted, for the sake of support in another quarter, to
recede, by
_word or act, one inch from his position as
the defender of France against the dangers of anarchy.
If the democratic or revolutionary character be gene-
his
rally attributable with justice to the three millions
lar.
o
ult
whom it is supposed that the repeal of the law of the
State with
concession. The po-
sition May would add to the electoral body, it cannot, at
Message or in his recent coursettohf action, has htoas
tbhied
As-
sembly
the principles of the
avtasßhliealt eimni
Right.
purchase
igteyo. renfc. hsst bh:
Ttysehb:hutll Chief
sufficiently
lusite ogeemest:ilett etdahhyseti talaoytSttl lee tn:t
enough, the this
of the
ngaotuverranllyon
gislate in accordance with the wishes of the Left,
yet to choanstinbuneent,o
Ministry on their first proposition—the t the
question
of the electoral project of la
,w should he considered
urgent. The grculacls which fire brought forword OS

warranting the proposed abrogation of the present re•
strietions on the suffrage are such a 3 might have been
expected; and, in fact, do not differ from those suggested
by us in some very recent remarks on the subject. It ie
urgei that the law of the 31st May, 1850, was not an
electoral provision, but a political expedient. The Demo-
cratic party was then iu full activity throughout the coun-
try, the Conservatives were divided, ill-organised, and, in
the provinces especially, apathetic as to the exercise of the
franchise. There was thus danger that the cause of order
might be swamped by the revolutionary principle, not
because the latter was really the stronger in the country,
but because it was more ready for action, and more able
to concentrate its force on a given point. But it is now
alleged that, while the blow then struck crippled the
electoral action of a dangerous party for the moment,
it left them permanently a fertile source of strength and
organisation, a telling pretext in the grievance and de-
clared injustice of the extensive disfranchisement. It
it said that the measure nee possed its limit of useful-
ness, and that the votes or the three millions
are less to be dreaded than the cry which the restric-
tion has raised, " refuse our votes and we will tender
them with arms iu our hands. Beyond these
arguments are the reasons for change offered by the
coming Presidential election. Louis Napoleon shows
that, the number of votes required by the Constitution
to make au election valid being two millions, and the
constituency being reduced to seven instead of ten
millions, this now proportion unfairly and unconstitu-
tionally throne the eventual choice into the hands of the
Assembly. Lastly comes the warning, that the greatest
dangers in the spring of 1852 have been fully recog-
nised by the majority of the Assembly itself, by the
Councils of Arrondissements, by the Councils-General,
by two millions of petitioners, and that these impor-
tent bodies generally egreeing in the itrpossib.lity cf avert-
ing such dang as except by revising the Constitution,—
an object which the President thinks may be gained, or
of which at least an additional chance may be offered by
the reiteration of an unlimited suffrage. It is impossible
not to see, nor does Louis Napoleon himself fail to re-
mark, that, in bringing forward these arguments, he
acts under a strong snd damaging suspicion of serving
his own interests while appealing to others to sacrifice
theirs. " Revision" is very generally interpreted to
mean re-election; and the restoration of the three mil-
lions of voices might, in no small degree, swell the ex-
pression of the will of the people, which it is supposed
may be set against the decisions of the Assembly and
the necessities of existing constitutional law.
In denial and refutation of such motives and of such
a charge, the President appeals to his conduct for the
last three years; and it must be admitted that his worst
enemies would be puzzled to point out a single instance
of a principle abandoned or an intrigue adopted to serve
a selfish end. So much certainly cannot be said for
either of the leaders of that restless opposition by which
the course of the Executive has been so vexed and
thwarted for the last twelve months. We have thus re-
capitulated the grounds on which the Assembly is in-
vited to adopt the somewhat startling means of preserv-
ing order in 1851, by a return to the very system which
was considered its destruction in 1850. The reason
which guided the authors of the restrictive measure in
its original preparation, and which may have determined
them in resistance to its proposed repeal, scarcely
need repetition at the present moment. What
may be the issue, or even the course of the
discussion, it would be unsafe, if not idle to predict. It
is nct for us, occupying, as we do, the position of mere
spectators and impartial well-wishers, to suggest to
either of the contending parties the decision to which
they should come, or the possibilities of compromise
which may present themselves. Should we do so, we
do not know where we should look for a better or more
just recommendation than that contained in the declara-
tion of the President himself, that his duty is " to pro-
pose every means of conciliation, to use every effort to
bring about a pacific, regular, and legal solution, what-
ever may be its issue." In these remarks on the important
state paper before us, we have confined ourselves to ono
among the many subjects which it embraces. At any time
but the present, in which this subject appears the key of so
threatening a difficulty, wo should not have omitted to
notice more fully than our space will now allow us the
more general topics of which Louis Napoleon speaks in
his Message._ In the treatment both of the domestic pro-
gress and foreign relations of the country, many points,
however, will be found of very deep practical interest to
all who wish well to the prosperity of France. The cor-
dial co-operation of our own Government with that of the
President in many of the vexed questions of Europe, con-
tinues to be a subject of congratulation to both countries;
and the well-placed acknowledgment of the treatment
of French industry at the Great Exhibition is in good
contrast to the unhandsome manner in which the same
subject has been viewed by the press, though not, as we
believe, by the public of France.
ADVERTISER.—The Message of Louis Napoleon
to the National Assembly is by this time known in all
parts of France. Before the close of this day it will
be in general circulation throughout England. It is, on
the whole, an assuring document. Considering the state
of matters which for the last three years and a half has
prevailed among our neighbours, it might have been ex-
pected that the Presidential Message would have to tell
a dolorous tale. Not that we mean to say, that there are
no drawbacks to the gratification with which it will be
read. That would be out of the question. No reasonable
man could have expected that the picture would be with-
out its proportion of shade. The great wonder is, that
it is so bright—that the preponderance of light, over
colours of a darker hue, is so great. On home subjects,
the Presidential Message is fall and explicit.
It admits the prevalence of Socialist principles
—principles utterly subversive of all order—
which prevail in particular parts of the
country, and avows the firm determination of the Exe-
cutive to deal with Socialism and Red Republicanism,
with a rigorous hand, wherever they are found to exist.
On the subject of the financial position and prospects of
France, the Presidential document speaks a language
which must surprise, while it gratifies, even the most
sanguine. With one great revolution, preceded and fol-
lowed by a series of insurrections, in the short space of
three years and a half, the ground for marvel is, that
the financial position of France is not one of utter dis-
order, if not of irretrievable ruin. Had that great
country been, with regard to its finances, engulphed in
the abyss of bankruptcy, the fact could not have caused
the least surprise. Time after time, financial difficulties
of appalling magnitude environed the Executive,
owing to the derangement caused by revolutions, insur-
rections and anarchy, and the sea of uncertainty as to
the future, into which the French people were
plunged. The past, the present, and the future,
seemed to be leagued together, to crush the com-
mercial energies, and consequently to dry up the
sources of financial prosperity in France. None but a
great country—one possessing marvellous elasticity—
could have survived the financial crisis through which
France has passed. There are only two other countries
in the world that could have passed through so severe
an ordeal without being destroyed. Can it be necessary
that we should name those two countries? There is
not one of our readers to whom the names of the two
countries will not at once occur. America and Great
Britain will suggest themselves to every mind. It must
be exceedingly consoling to France to feel a thorough
and well-grounded conviction that were the political
differences which now distract that unhappy country
once satisfactorily settled, its financial prospects would
not only be bright but brilliant. If France is in so
favourable a pecuniary position, comparatively, with so
many causes in operation to impair her financial pros-
pects, what may she not expect to become when these
causes have ceased to operate and full scope is given to her
resources? Louis Napoleon adverts, in emphatic terms,
to the great progress which France has recently made,
and is still making, in the construction of railways in
all parts of the country. To the intersection of France
by means of railway transit, he does not by any means
attach too much importance. Much, very much, of the
financial prosperity which Franco enjoys, and the still
greater measure of prosperity which is iu reserve for
her, is to be ascribed to the opening up, over so large a
portion of the country, of railway intercommunication.
The system is yet but in its infancy. When more fully
developed ; when the whole of France is overspread with
a net-work of railways, the commercial and financial
prosperity of Franco will reach a point which would, at
present, appear altogether visionary, even to the most
sanguine. Louis Napoleon makes an allusion to the
Great Exhibition, which must prove highly gratifying
to all classes of her Majesty's subjects, from
Prince Albert to the humblest peasant in the
kingdom. It is due to him to say, that in thus alluding
to the Great Exhibition, he does not do so with the view
of paying us an idle compliment. He is not a man to deal
in imaginary and unmeant compliments. Whatever other
defects may attach to his character • whatever may be his
other faults, insincerity is not one of the number. What
he says, he feels. When he uses language, it is not to
express principles which he never entertained, or emo-
tions which he never cherished. Language is, with him,
a symbol of thought and feeling. We can therefore all
the more appreciate the compliment which he pays us,
because we know he thinks it is deserved. From that
great gathering of the nations of the world, Louis Napo-
leon is known to anticipate the happiest results to huma-
nity. And ho is right. It is impossible it could be other-
wise. From so free, so full, so extensive an interchange of
kindly offices, as then took place among the various
nations into which the great family of man is divided,
consequences of the most beneficial kind to the whole
species must of necessity arise. The Presidential ad-
dress adverts, as was to be expected, to the political re-
lations of France with other countries. These are spoken
of as being of an assuring kind. Louis Napoleon seems
to have no apprehension of any unfriendly demonstra-
tion on the part of other European powers. He does not
betray the slightest symptom of a notion that theyWe willevseany
entertain a hostile feeling to France.
nothing on the latter point. The despotic courts cannot
see how any useful end may be served Uy showing
teeth, when they cannot bite. We rather
suspect that
their
neither Russia nor Prussia, has any very
tion for Republican France—republican, ardent affec-
name. But let that pass. We quite concur with
lea Louis
Napoleon, that France has nothing in the meantime
to fear from the northern Courts. They have each
enough to do, just now, to look at , home; and they
will have enough for some time: to come. They will
find they have quite sufficient occupation in preserving
their own countries from revolution, instead of intermed-
dling in the affairs of other lands. Bat Louis Napoleon
f
does more than allude in his address to the absences
hostile purposes on the part of the despotic powetre. Bre_
says they are desirous of seeing the coreple
the
establishment of confidence—of
_allegiancewedon doubt that
Go-
vernment—and of social
t. But why these absolu-
Louis Napoleon i 3 so far rig
tist aspirations after contentmtehast
inasntdituqttueinestuodfethiant
France ? Is it from any love. to
country, that the feeling springs ? Louis Napoleon is
too shrewd a man to be deceived by any pretensions of
that kind, should any such be made.
anxiousnussia, Afe usr t rti hae,
Prussia, severally and jointly, ate
complete re-establishment of order and contentment
iwice, pequee they knew full well, chit alay

ST. ALBAN'S BRIBERY COMMISSION.
En ALBAN'S WEDNESDAY.—To-day the Commis-
sioners re-assembled to resume their inquiry at half-pat t
10 o'clock in the Town-hall, which was crowded in the
usual way, chiefly by men of the working class, and
amongst whom were understood to be many of those who
had received head money for their votes. There were
also many of the gentry on the seats around the Com-
missioners, and several ladies, who appeared to take
great interest in the proceedings. It is stated that the
counsel who applied, but unsuccessfully, to be permitted
to represent a section of the elentors, who fear that the
may deprive them of their eye.
result of the inquiry
torsi rights, and injure the trade of the town, received
100 guineas for his retainer.
Mr. Blagg, the town clerk, was examined at con-
siderable length relative to the part he took in the late
electioneering transaction!. lie gave a historical state-
ment, already recapitulated in the evidence of Edwards
and others, relative to the corrupt practices that had
prevailed in the borough at the past and previous„elee-
tions. He admitted having given " head money, sup-
plied by Edwards, to voters for their votes; and what
Edwards had stated in his evidence on that subject was
perfectly correct. Ho (the witness) had given sums of
from 51. to 71. to about 13 or 14 voters. This system had
been more or less pursued in the borough for the last 20
years. As far as he himself was concerned, he had
been a great loser by thes3 transactions. He had lost
upwards of 2,0001. by it on the occasion of Mr.
Turner's election in 1832; for Mr. Turner went out
of the country, and witness never recovered a penny.
He had never received more than three elec-
tion fees during the whole of the twenty years that
this sort of thing was going on, and these three did not
in the aggregate amount to more than 800/. Witness
was a Conservative in politics, but wished what was
known in St. Alban's as the compact adhered to, hut
unfortunately some'of the party broke away from his
lead, and opposed Bell, and joined the third, or contest
party, who were always ready for a struggle and for ex-
pense, for the outlay of money without any regard to
principle whatever. In consequence of a portion of his
friends refusing to observe the compact, and determining
to oppose Bell, witness felt it was but right that he should
support Bell himself, and this he did throughout the last
election. He had been accused of obtaining some per-
sonal advantage by remaining neuter and observing the
compact, and he was so disgusted with this accusation
that ho made a declaration on the hustings that he had
determined to support Bell.
Sir IL W. Carden was next examined. He gave a
history of his introduction :to the borough, his canvass
of tho constituents, and its unsuccessful issue. Origi-
nally, certain parties, professing that they were dis-
gusted with the impure practices :that bad so long pre-
vailed in the borough, and which they stated had cast a
deep stigma on the constituency, came to him and re-
presented that they wished some one to come forward as
a candidate on " purity principles;" and that if he (Sit
H. W. Carden) did so they would give him every sup-
port. They told him at the samo time that the cost of
acquiring the seat, and to defray the election expenses,
would be 5001. At first he declined having anything
to do with them, having heard that St. Alban's was so
notoriously bad, aria thinking that he might get a
better and purer place wherein to commence his Parlia-
mentary career; but at last be responded to the persua-
sion of the parties, entertaining the hope that he might
be the first Member to be returned for a long time
past upon purity principles, or that lie might to some
extent give a tendency to redeem the disreputable
character of the constituency. With these views, he
consented to stand. lie believed that, with few excep-
tions, he had on his side of the poll all the respectable
people of the place. Money, he found, was used by
the other side to such an extent that he soon disco-
vered there was no chance of success unless the rival
candidate did likewise; but, notwithstanding, he deter-
mined on adhering to his original intention of not
offering money to influence voters. He entirely repu-
diated have given any authority for, or having had
anything to do with, the payments to voters for their
services mentioned by Mr. Law, the local agent con-
ducting the election. He knew nothing of it. Had
paid about 4001. for the expense of his election, and
5001. for the expense of the proceedings on the peti-
tion complaining of Mr. Bell's return before the House
of Commons. Mr. Law's bill has not been paid yet,
and witness did not know what it was.
After some further evidence, the Court adjourned to
this day, when Mr. Law (of the firm of Vanderoom,
Law, and Cree) the London agents for Sir H. W.
Carden, will he examined, together with individual
voters who were bribed.

COURT CIRCULAR.
WINDSOR, Nov. 5.

The grand dinner party yesterday, in the Waterloo
Chamber, consisted of her Royal Highness the Duchess
of Kent, the Duchess of Norfolk, the Dukes of Norfolk,
Wellington, Bedford, and Cleveland ; the Lady in Wait-
ing to the Duchess of Kent, the Baroness do Speth; the
Marquises of Lansdowne, Salisbury, Hertford, and
Camden; the Earls Fitzwilliam, de Grey, and Mulgrave;
Lord Edward Howard, the Rev.LordWriothesleyßussell,
the Bishops of Winchester and Oxford, Lady Adeliza
Howard, the Ladies Charlotte and Dorothy Fitzwilliam,
Lady Caroline and Miss Barrington, Colonel the Hon.
Charles and Mrs. Grey, General and Lady Isabelle.
Wemyes, Colonel and Mrs. Bouverie, Lady Emily Sey-
mour, Sir George Cowper, the Rev. Mr. Birch, Mr.
Glover, and Mr. Becker.
The band of the Royal Horse Gaards was in. attend-
ance during the dinner, and performed the following
music:— Auber.
Overture, " Masaniello"
Waltz, " Roser d'Amour" Kcenig.
Selection, " Le Favourite" Donizetti.
Selection, " Antigoir',
Her Majesty's private band attended afterwards in
the evening, and played the following selections:—
Overture, " L'Entant Prodigue"
Scene de Dance," La Bayadere" Auber.
Krieges Marsch, " Athalie"
AdagiogatinedenAlwleagirkoe:il: MendelsBollll.
theilusgorne Park alltidisaiger.
Thethe Slopes
this morning.
The Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the
younger members of the Royal Family, took their usual
walking and pony exercise.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert, accompanied by
the Marquis of llertfort and the Earl of Mulgrave, went
out shooting this forenoon, attended by Lord Charles
Fitzroy and Colonel F. H. Seymour.
The Duke of Norfolk, and Lady Adeliza Howard, the
Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Cleveland, the Marquis
of Salisbury, the Marquis of Hertford, the_.M.arquirf
Camden, Earl de Grey, Earl Muigrave, the .0 11n_oPard
incheeter, the Bishop of Oxford, and Lord
noon.
Howard, took their departure from the Castle this after-

The Lords of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy
Council will meet in tho Exchequer Cham,
tber
settle at West
the
miuster, on Wednesday, the 12th instanto
roll of Sheriffs for the ensuing year.
with
A deputation, consisting of Mr. A. Anderson, M.p.,
Mr. Gregson, Mr. Briggs, and Mr. Larking, had an in-
terview on Tuesday with Lord John Russell, at his
cCeo.namission had a meet-
ing
official residence in Downing-street.
Colonel Fancourt had an interview yesterday
ffiyresidenee of the First Lord
the Bishop of Chester, Sir
E aTr lyh
ees Grey,te r daa3t,,
Cambridget hate
tChuoe Colonial-office.
D official v icart-iot
and the Rev. W. IL
John Herschel, Professor Sedgwiek,
of the Treasury. Presen
Bateman (secretary), _ _

Viscount Palmerston left town on Tuesday evening,
for Brecket•hall, Herts, the seat of Viscount Melbourne

It appears that the announcements of the appoint-
ment of Mr. Walker and Mr. James as Masters in Chan-
cery were premature. It is now reported in court that Lord
3. Russell, as.Premiedinsists onplis right to nominate, and:on
the duty of the Lord Chancellor to appoint the nominees.
Mr. Temple and Mr. Bellenden Kerr are said to be the
persons fixed on by his Lordship as the successors of Sir
R. Kindersley and Mr. Senior. A third vacancy
.is spoken
of in the retirement of Mr. Farrer, and the candidates are
\numerous.
The Ossovatore Romano states that upwards of
160 foreiguera arrived at lime from the 17th :9 $ll9 .