The Sun.
London, England, 1851-07-05 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY'

the progress of the measure—when it was at its first
reading, he believed—in Merchant Tailors' Hall. la so
doing he ehould not detain the House any time. The
Noble Lord said at the banquet there given him—" I
would have proceeded on the first occasion either by re-
solution or address, or by a declaratory Act directed
against that particular aggression on the part of the
Pope, which was felt at once to be an aggression and
au insult to the country. But I added further that the
course cf policy which was indicated in the Papal re-
script night require that the subject should be deeper
looked irto—might require that the relations of Roman
Catholicsubjecte of this country to this country and to
the Papal See should be carefully and diligently inves-
tigated, and that con so large a branch of the subject,
involving so many delicate and difficult questions, it was
not desirable to proceed hastily and rashly, to hold out
threats which we were not able to execute, and to show
resentmert which we were not able to carry into effect.
On that :ergo question I desired that there should
be no la,aty legislation that there should be
an immediate reply by Parliament to the insult which
had been offered to ass, but that subsequently a full in-
quiry should be made upon the subject, vhich would
place our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects in a position
that would not only secure and extend their civil rights,
but would secure to this country, be it Prceeetant or be
it Roman Catholic, the independence of its temporal
concerns from the control of any ecclesiastical bier-
archy, or from subjection to any foreign Pontiff. Some
have supposed that I proposed the ques'ioa should be
waived for two years. What I said was, that such an
inquiry, even if it were to occupy the whole of one ses-
sion or of two sessions, would be less dangerous and
hasty, and passionate and rash, and a nore effective
mode of legislation. I know not the COW'S() her Ma-
jesty's Government now intends to pursue. But I know
that on introducing this measure, Lord John Russell
laid a basis broad enough to repeal, not only the Act
of 1829, but to renew the penal code; old that upon
this mighty foundation a superstructure was reared of
microscopic dimensions—a superstructure vhich has ex-
cited contempt not unmingled with irritatbn; and mi-
croscopic as the measure was at first, it .s now to be
more microscopic still." The opinions contained in that
extract he (Mr. S. Herbert) held to bo alatesmanlike;
they were those of a man who, having been himself a
Minister, knew the difficulty of governing a country.
He (Mr. S. Herbert) was glad to have that opportunity
of assenting to these opinions, because of beir intrinsic
worth, end because also the station and position of the
Noble Lord made every word that fell 'corn his lips
of the utmost importance. A Noble Lord had said
that the Bill was a persecution or a nullity, and the So-
licitor-General had described it as a vexaticn and not as
a persecution. It could not be more correctly described.
He (Mr. S. Herbert) did not think it a statesmanlike
course to give their fellow-countrymen the fullest poli-
tical powers with no restriction to its use and employ-
ment, and then to pass a measure which, without in the
slightest degree diminishing that power, was calculated
to annoy and vex them. He regretted to see this done
all the more, because the time of the House in so
doing had been occupied to the exclusion of other far
more important matters. Ho should have preferred,
for instance, to see measures introduced calculated
rather to prevent the spread of their religious opinions
than to coerce the Roman Catholics. What, however,
had happened? The measures for the amendment of
abuses in the Church promised to the Hon. Member for
Cockermouth had got no further than the House of
Lords, and were not likely to get further this session;
the church-rate question remained as it was:; while the
motion of his Noble Friend the Member for Woodstock,
for preaching the Gospel, had only received the assent
of the Government on condition that it contained no
specific proposal to that effect. All these questions
were, obstructed by the Bill before the House, which
was vexatious in its nature, powerless to prevent evil,
and incapable of effecting any real good, at tho same
time that it deprived the Church of England of the
strongest ground on which it stood—namely, the truth,
which needed no assistance from penal legislation in its
favour.

The amendment was then negatived w ithout a divi-
sion; the title of the Bill was adopted, and the Bill
was passed.
ASSESSED TAXES COMPOSITION.

The House then went into Committee on the As-
sessed Taxes Composition Bill, which was afterwards
reported.
PUBLIC WORKS, FISHERIES, &c.
The Public Works, Fisheries, &c., Bill was passed
through Committee.
PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND).
The Public Works (Ireland) Bill went through Com-
mittee.
The Chief Justices' Salaries Bill passed through Com-
mittee.
The Ecclesiastical Property Valuation (Ireland) Bill
was read a third time and passed.
The Summary Jurisdiction (Ireland) Bill was read a
second time, and was ordered to be committed on Mon-
day next.
The Land Clauses Consolidation (Ireland) Bill went
through Committee pro forma, and was ordered to be
recommitted on Thursday next, at twelve o'clock.
The other business on the paper was disposed of, and
the House adjourned at Half-past Eleven o'clock.

Mr. W. 0. Gore, jun., paired in favour of the Eccle-
siastical Titles Bill with the O'Gorman Mahon against.
Colonel Chatterton paired off with Sir De Lacy Evans
on Friday night.
Mr. Pigott was accidentally shut out of the division on
the third reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption
Bill, which he intended to bupport.