The Sun.
London, England, 1856-03-04 00:00:00

Ollit RELATIONS WITH PERSIA.

Mr. LAYARD said that. before the chair was vacated he
wished to call the attention of the house to the state of our
relations with Persia. His reason for doing so was, that in
his opinion we were aboutto enter upon a quarrel with that
power, with the right against us, a quarrel which once in
we could not get out of, and which if engagedinmight lead
to disastrous results in Asia. He knew that eastern ques-
tions were unpalatable to the house, a most extraordinary
fact, seeing that England was one of the greatest of the
Eastern Powers. lie should have brought the question
forward a week ago, had he not hoped that it would bo
settled and publicity avoided, but hearing that the autho-
rities wore about to take hostile steps against Persia, and
that a number of vessels had sailed from India to Bnshire,
he felt that he could refrain no longer. Three years ago
he had continuously called attention to the state of affairs
in Central Asia, and what he then anticipated had, to a
certain extent, bean realised. The house would recollect
that he had almost bored them ea the subject of Kars—
(hear)—and had directed particular attention to the Per-
sian mission, which ho then believed to be in inefficient
hands. He believed that the hon. member for Poole had
intended to give a notice respecting our mission to Persia,
but the hon. member had unfortunately been dragged into
the Government Maelstrom in which so many valuable mem-
bers were shipwrecked. He (Mr. Layard), while beaming
testimony to the ability of Mr. Murray, thought it unfor-
tunate that at a moment like the present, when our in-
fluence cud interest ought to be sustained, a gentleman
unacquainted with the manners or customs of the country
should be sent'on a mission to the Shah. The danger that
he then contemplated had since come to pass. He believed
it would be found that they had got into a serious quarrel,
owing to the want of those qualifications in our Minister
which he had pointed out as necessary that a British nli-
nister to the court of Persia should possess. He would
state the facts briefly, as he understood them. He might
be met by the Government with the objection thatbe ought
first to have asked for the papers relating to the trans-
action before he brought the subject forward for discussion.
That was the answer an independent member always re-
ceived when he ventured to call attention to any subject
connected with our foreign relations in time for some
step to be taken by which war might be everted. But if
he had moved for papers, he would have been told that it
would be inconvenient to the Public) service to produce
them while the question was Stilt pending, and the proba-
bility was that before they were produced the country
would find itself embarked in another war. He would
state the case then as he had beard it from persons who
were friendly to the British mission in Persia on the one
hand, and from those who might be said to take the view
friendly to the Persian Government on the other. Ho must,
say, however, that we stood in this matter very much in
the position of the lion iu the fable—for while the British
Government had the power of stating their view of the
case by means of blue books, parliamentary papers, and
explanations in Parliament, the Government of Persia, hav-
ing neither blue books nor a Parliament, were obliged to
submit to having the story told by their opponents in their
own- way. It appeared, then, that a certain Al ira-s Hi/shins
—a Persian subject—who had some dispute with his govern-
ment in reference to pecuniary matters, anticipating that
he might meet with ill-usage, took refuge in the British
. embassy. Whether the man was really indebted to the
Government of Persia, as was alleged, he would not stop
to inquire, as it made no difference in the result. There
was a law in Persia that a man accused of any crime might
take refuge and obtain sanctuary either in a mosque, under
a gun, or in a foreign mission. This person took refuge at
the English mission. Whether Mr. Murray, our minister,
was there at the time, or whether the mission was then in
the bands of Mr. Thompson, the charge d'atfaires, he was
not certain ; but, at all events, if Mr. Murray was not
there when the man took refuge, he found bins these when
he returned. The difficulty mv is to get rid of him. Ho
could not turn him into the street, for that would be to ex-
pose him to the ill-treatment and injury from which he
had claimed the sanctuary of the mission ; so Mr.
Murray hit upon the plan of nsming him British agent.
The Persian Government then said, "That is ell very well
so long as this man is kept by you at the mission ; but as
he owes us money, has infringed our laws, and is our sub-
ject, while we respect the rights of the mission by not Mo-
lesting him theme, wo will seize him the moment we find
him elsewhere." This Mires fir/shim, it appeared, hail
married a princess —a member of the blood royal of Persia
—a lady, however, who did not hole every high reputation
for virus or morality. St • was seized by her brother, who
would not allow her to go with Hasbim, and by doing so
probably bring scandal upon the royal house. net ho had
a right to seize her under the circumstances he believed was
unquestionable. The British Minister demanded the resto-
ration of the lady to her husband, and the demand gave
rise to a bitter correspondence, in which threats were used,
and not only the Minister, bat the Shah himself, he must
admit, had indulged in the most unjustifiable language,
in a letter reflecting upon the personal character of the
British representative. The consequence was that Mr.
Murray sent an ultimatum to the Shah's Governinent, in
which he demanded, first, that the lady should be ,given
unconditionally; secondly, that Mirza Hashim should be
recognised as the British agent ; and thirdly, that the
Shah should apologise to the British mission. To this the
Persian Government refused to consent. Mr. Murray then
further extended the time for the acceptance of the ulti-
matum, but the Persian Government still declining to com-
ply with the conditions ho hauled down his flag and left
Teheran. Now he thought the house would agree with
him, that if this statement of facts was correct, we had
neither justice nor right on our side in the present quarrel,
and he must say that those who upon Persian affairs were
entitled to be regarded as the beat authorities were of that
opinion. Now what was the effect of Mr. Murray's
demands? In the first place, he demanded that the
lady should be delivered up to the British mission.
Everybody who knew anything of the Eastern nations'
would know that if there was one subject upon which
the people of these countries were more jealous and
sensitive than any other, it was their women. The
differences which occurred some years ago between Russia
and Persia erase from the murder of an attachim of the
Russian legation, in consequence of its being suspected,
he believed, that a Persian woman had been inveigle) into
the Russian mission; and it was also genesally admitted
that the original cause of the Affghanietan war was the
suspicion that a woman of Cannahar had been inveigled
away by some persons attached to the British mission
there. The Shah, then, was perfectly justified in refusing
this demand, The second demand was, that this Mires
Hashine should be recognised as the British agent.
Nothing had produced more evil than the system which
had grown up of late of protection of native subjects
by the European missions. Ins Turkey, whore up to a
short time ago this system prevailed to a great extent,
any man being able for a few piastres to find a refuge in
the foreign missions, whatever crime he might have com-
mitted, he was happy to say a considerable alteration
for the better had taken place ; but in Persia it went
on as before. So far as be could understand this man
had no right to British protection ; but Mr. Murray not
only extended that protection to him, but demanded that
he should be recognised as a British agent. Now by the
short treaty of 1841, consisting only of two articles, it was
distinctly stated in Article 2 that we should have no com-
mercial agent in any part of Persia, except at Tubberan
and Teheran. It might be urged that this man was not a
commercial agent ; but if he was not a commercial, Mr.
Murray must have claimed for him the privileges of a
diplomatic agent; but how diplomatic business could be
•arried on with a foreign government through the medium
of a subject of that government who had himself quar-
relled with it, and was accused by it of contravention of
the law, heicould not understand. (Hear, hear.) But he
(Mr. Layard) doubted whether wo had any right to have a
diplomatic agent there ; and on no ground, therefore, as
far as he could discover, was Mr. Murray justified in de-
mantling the second condition of his ultimatum. The third
condition demanded, viz., the- apology from the Shah,
was even more indefensible. He might have been might in
demanding an apology from the Minister who had used
unjustifiable expressions in his correspondence, but he had
no right to ask for an apology from the king, whose dignity
would be lowered by making as apology. They ought to
assume that the Minister was responsible for the acts of the
king, and his apology ought to have been satisfactory. The
Shah was not so much to blame in the matter. Ho (Mr.
Layard) did not mean to say that his conduct towards
Mr. Murray was in all respects justifiable, but when hesaw
this woman—his relative—demanded by the British Minis-
ter, he was likely to entertain some suspicion, and might
reasonably ask, What can the British mission want with
my female relative ? " (Laughter.) Such was the
origin of this quarrel, to support which Government
imal takes the first step towards entering upon a war I
with Persia. He trusted, however, that the House
of Commons ann the country would raise their voices
so unmistakeably in condemnation of such a perversion
of justice as was attempted in the matter, that war
might yet be averted. (Hear.) It might be said that,
having commenced this quarrel, such was the character of
the Eastern nations, that to withdraw would be fatal to
our influence. That was a false and most pernicious doc-
trine, and one that had gone far to ruin our character in
the East for honest and fair dealing, and had led in India
to the infliction of an enormous amount of injustice. He
(Mr. Layard) had hail as much experience as most men of
the Eastern character—expetiense derived not from mere
reading or from official position, bat from having travelled
and mingled amongst them, and be was happy to believe
that be had obtained the contideece and good. will of all
with whom he had corns is contact. Bat the reason was,
that he had always done by them what he c insidered just
and right. When an Eastern form l that you did just and
right by him, he respected you and confided in you; but if
you (lid not he had no confidence in you, and the present
position of the British name in the east was *wire to the
infraction of that principle, and that only. Thane was
another point for censideration. If we enterelupon a war
with Persia, upon whom would the whole burden of it
fall? Upon our fellow subjects in India, who were already
borne dawn by the weight of taxes, and who, as had been
shown, were subjected to the torture to compel them to
give up to the Government a portion of the produce of
their half cultivated fields. He would ask further, was it
politic to proceed with this war? (Hear, hear.) Wes
this the time to make as enemy of Persia? If we sent a
13i eTvt i t ye° ri thetowards
fleet to Btishire they might Make the Persians yield ; but
Tend that produce amity on the part of the Persian nas
ntthraisryc,o
innwtroyttlivdhcircehatme iagphrtenjtsierobiteadrea.
(1- (Hear, hear.) They had heard. t -
about to b I
.peace was
In
a hadeacone Concluded with Russia. ems told that
abroad, abandoned all her !leheines of aggrandisement
and s about to Mira her attention to internal
improverneute ; but
the history of that everybody who knew anything et
liable it was that szeunt must be aware hew ilnpro-
policy which, for morelVry d give up, in one day, tho
grand'aim of the Russian r
an a contrry, had been the I
Sho might not again, for
eaz,e/ It was impossible. (Roan)
repose of Europe--she n time to come, threaten the
'gist withdr Lion, but it would be only teen aw before the coali- I
better able to meet it, and then she
she might prepare to be
whole of Europe. (man)
But a 'would again defy the
than in Europe that Russia would Ipv"ein 4"in rather I
seen as she was in a condition to do 'ars
:J her policy as
grudge, and she owed England a • -0. She owed Asia a
in Central Asie that she woum- tinudge, and it would be
could be mere favourable a "1. seek her revenge. What
than a war between E., ' .0 Russian operations in Asia
of nnY success in „wand and Persia? The importance
nations of tbs ASIA was infinitely greater amongst the
In ma"-- onst than any victory gained in Europe. ;
re.
parts of Central Aide the name of Sebastopol had i
.r been heard of • but Kars was known everywhere.
Though the rerched
a
fall of gebastopol might never have
them, the news that Kars had surrendered to Russia, and
that an English general had been captured
,t i
and
paraded all
through Georgia as a prisoner, they might depend
upon it,
en
, had spread all over Asia, and Russian agents, they might
importance of the
be sure, would take carols) magnify the

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