The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-30 00:00:00

NGE YESTERDAY.

Leghorn 4B
Genoa 25 65
Milan it
Venice 47
Naples
Palermo per oz. 122
Lisbon
Oporto 514
Rio .Taneiro
Bahia 3l
Buenos Ayres
Dublin, 21 days' sight —
Cork

BULLION, PER OZ.
X. d.
Portugal Gold, coin 0 0 0
Foreign Gold, in bare 3 17 10i
New Doubloons 0 0 0
New Dollars
Silverbars, standard, 0 4

Arrived. Due.
O Hamburg 0
O Holland
0 Jamaica.. 0
O Leeward Islands
O Lisbon 0
O Malta 0
O Sweden
2 Waterford

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Morning .. 34 minutes after 3.1 Evening...4B minutes after 3.

On the Ist of November, complete in 1 vol. price 65.,
revised and corrected by the Author, with New Intro-
duction and Notes, neatly bound and illustrated, and
printed uniformly with the Waverley Novels.
THE BORDERERS;
Or, The WEPT of WISH-TON-WISH.
By the Author of " The Spy," &c.
Forming the Thirty-third Volume of the
STANnARD NOVELS AND ROMANCES,
1,..62;„ta,c nruuctay I, ()fumes by
Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street.
Of whom may he had, complete in 1 vol. 65.,
A new and revised Edition of
THE HUNCHBACK OF NOTRE.DAME.
By VICTOR HUGO.
Translated expressly for this Series by FREDERIC
SHOBERL.

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LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 30, 1833.

The Paris papers of Monday arrived this
morning. They contain no political news of
interest. The King and Queen of the BEL-
GIANS arrived in Paris on Sunday, and M.
MIGNET was said to have arrived from Madrid
on Monday. There is an order of the das of
General HARISPE to the troops forming his
division of the Corps of Observation, but there
is not the slightest indication in it of an inten-
tion to enter Spain. There has been a progres-
sive rise in the French Funds, and some eminent
stock-brokers, who had been speculating largely
for a fall, have become defaulters.

FRENCH FUNDS.—Paais, OCr. 291.
Five per Cents., 102 f. 10c. 30c.
Three per Cents., 74f. 85c. 75f. 10e.
Rank Actions, 1,730 f.
Rente de Naples, 91f.
Roman Five per Cents., 90U.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 16.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 377 i.
Royal Spanish Loan, Ti.,4
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 6314.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 95.
Haytian Loan, 25.5 f.

Letters have been received from Bayonne to
the 24th inst. They state that the communication
between Madrid and France by Vittoria was
still interrupted, but that EL PASTOR had
cleared Guipuscoa of the rebels, and was marching,
towards Burgos with a large force. These let-
ters state that the troops which were sent from
Pampeluna against Colonel ERA so, had com-
pelled him to seek refuge in France, and had
then marched against the Carlists at Olitiogavia.
They add that RODIL, as well as SAARSFIELD,
had declared to the QUEEN REGENT that he
would do all in his power to prevent Don
CARLOS from entering Spain, and that SAARS-
FIELD had forwarded the despatches which he
had received from CARLos, unopened to the
Spanish Government. As RODIL was the only
officer of note on whom Don CARLOS placed
reliance, his adhesion to the Government is
a formidable obstacle to the success of the
Pretender.

We have no information, in these Papers, of
the movements of Don CA RLos, but there is
a letter from Lisbon, dated the 20th, and
addressed to an official personage here, in
which it is stated that he was still linger-
ing between Abrantes and the Spanish fron-
tier, waiting for accounts from Spain, which
would determine his future proceedings. If
this be true, the Pretender will probably remain
with MIGuEL until the latter shall be compelled
to negotiate for his own safety, when CARLOs
will avail himself of the protection of the
English to withdraw to Italy, or perhaps to this

country, which is the refuge of the destitute o
every kind of politics.

It appears by letters from Brussels that a
strong opposition is expected to the 'Ministry
at the opening of the Chamber which is to take
place on the 12th of November. The agents ofthe
King of HOLLAND have taken care to apprize
the leading Members of the Opposition of the
extent of the concessions agreed to by M. Van
de WEYER without adding that they were all
conditional, and as some of them were of a
character not to be tolerated by the nation except
in exchange for very important advantages, the
Opposition Members will not fail to make the
most of the information with which the King
of HOLLAND has so obligingly supplied
them. The visit of King LEOPOLD to the
King of the Fr.Excx, is undoubtedly for the
purpose (2, C consulting Ptpa Beau P?re, as he
is st-yild in Brussels, on the speech with which
LEOPOLD is to open the Chamber. The
Belgian Question is now in a position
which will admit of no more dallying, and
the King of BELGIUM must either assume
the part of an independent Sovereign, and try
the mettle of his people—a doubtful experiment,
we would admit, if the Belgians were not anxious
to efface the discredit of their last struggle—or
he must at once avow himself the mere puppet
of his father-in-law, who will hesitate at no sa-
crifice of national honour to perpetuate the coute
qui coute policy which has made him contempti-
ble in the eyes of Europe.

I Brussels Papers to the 28th inst. and German
Papers to the 24th arrived this morning. The
Courrier Beige of the 27th states that the Go-
ment of Louis PHILIP has forbidden the
entrance into France of any more Polish Re-
fugees, and adds that a respectable Polish
officer who has been long established in trade
at Brussels, wishing to go to France, a
few days ago with a passport in good order,
was obliged, when he reached Valenciennes, to
turn back, having received an intimation that no
more Poles were to be admitted into France.
If this statement be true, it exceeds, in
political atrocity, anything that we have wit-
n sed in the members of the Holy Alliance.
They are open and avowed despots, and the se-
curity of the system of Government which they
hold from their predecessors requires the exclu-
sion of freemen from their dominions ; but that
LOUIS PHILIP, a Sovereign who owes his
elevation to the declaration of free principles
—who sits upon a throne cemented with the
blood of the defenders of these principles,
should, in a base truckling to the Holy
Alliance, exclude from a country which
the revolution of July declared to be a land of
liberty, the most respectable, but at the same
time most unfortunate, disciples of freedom,
is so monstrous a fact, that, although in
unison with many of his acts, and therefore
but too probable, we can hardly give credit to it
on the assertion of a single paper. We shall
look with some anxiety to the French official pa-
pers for a notice of this charge. If it be no t
at once contradicted, and its falsehood made
manifest, we shall set down Louis PHILIP as
one of the most despotic, and, at the same
time, most degraded Sovereigns of the Conti-
nent.

An article from Berlin, dated the 17th inst.,
states that the King of PRUSSIA, who appears
to be a very prudent man, has turned a
deaf ear to the proposals which have been
made to him to interfere in the affairs of
Spain. The news of the death of the King
of SPAIN had produced a general sensation at
Berlin, but it was not expected to lead to any
political result of consequence.

In the Bury and Norwich Post, we find an
account of the trial of several men for rioting,
which presents several features of interest. It
appears, that owing to the working of our Poor
Laws, whilst labour is being well remunerated
in other parts of the country, it is, in many
parishes of Norfolk, so reduced in value as to
compel the labourers to dispense with many of
the luxuries they have been used to. The law
of settlement hems in the labour of each parish,
instead of allowing it to find its level with that
of the country generally, and the consequence
is, that half a dozen men marrying at nineteen
or twenty, upon the strength of the parish sup-
porting their children, not only burdens the
parish with their pauper offspring, but reduces
the comforts of even the provident labourer, by
diminishing the value of the only article he has
to sell. It appears that at Ashill, in Norfolk,
wages fell a week or two after last harvest to Bs.
or 9s. a-week. A number of men resolved not
to work for these wages. Undoubtedly, if they
chose not to work, but preferred starving or
living upon their harvest earnings, they had every
right to do so to live, or so to starve; but not
content with acting themselves according to their
own free will, they determined that no one else
should work at the reduced wages, and actually
went and drove men from their work; and in
one instance, where a man would not leave the
barn where he was working, three of them car-
ried him out by the shoulders and feet. Four
of the most conspicuous of the rioters were
apprehended and brought to trial at the last
County Sessions. It was clearly proved that
work was offered every one of the rioters, at
wages which, in Ireland, would maintain three
families ; but they thought the parish officers were
bound to give them, without labour, the money
which others had earned with labour. This
the parish officers refused to do, and one of the
prisoners, in his defence, says that the refusal
was accompanied by a recommendation, con-
veyed in the grossest language, for him to pros-
titute his wife. If the newspaper report be
correct, we cannot but regret that the Magis-
trates did not ask the overseer whether he had
used the language imputed to him, for if he
had, reprehension from the bench of the strongest
kind was the least it deserved. The man was,
no doubt, erring, but he was erring in conse-
quence of the artificial and improper state in
which he had been brought up, and should have

had explained to him the difference between
charity and wages. The Chairman, in summing
up, very justly observed :
" When a person came to the parish officers for relief
—and he particularly wished to impress this on the minds
of the poor—it was to solicit charity for support; and
when an application was made to a Magistrate, it was for
him to force money oat of the pockets of others for the
support of the applicant,—to take the money from one man
which he had secured by his own industry, and for the
support of his own family, for the support of those who
had spent their money lavishly, or brought incumbrances
upo❑ themselves without a prospect of maintaining them,
or doing any work at all. Eighteen-pence a day was not
high wages, but if that had not been sufficient, it was the
du y of the man to have applied to the parish-officers for
more, and if they were not successful in that application,
to make their complaints known to the Magistrates, who
he was sure would always pay a due attention to such
applications. Of course it was not forgotten in these
cases that harvest was but just over; and from what was
paid to men at that season, and what was picked up in
the gleaning field, it was hardly likely they should have
been without money or food; and if men would spend
their money at beer-houses, they ought not, in justice, to
be allowed to force others to furnish them with a fresh
supply."

Unfortunately, these are lessons which have
been too long forgotten, and it can hardly
be expected that the labourers, who have
had their notions of ineunz and tuum
deranged by the working of the Poor Laws,
should be the first to remember them. We
should say, therefore, that the condemnation of
the men, three of them to 18 months', and one
to 12 months' imprisonment, will be generally
thought punishments too severe.

In the review of Lieutenant BRETON'S work
on the Australian colonies, in The Sun of
Thursday, allusion was made to the impolicy of
certain parts of the new land regulations. At
a time when the attention of the public appears
to be every day more and more turning to
emigration as a means of escaping the tithes,
taxes, and artificial scarcity of food, which
bow down the necks of the people of this
country, a separate consideration of the terms
on which the emigrant may obtain his land in
our colonies may not be considered out of place.
Till within these few years, our readers are
probably aware, land was granted in Australia
to all settlers, in proportion to their capital.
They were not requ►red to pay for it, but sim-
ply to show that they had the means of culti-
vating the quantity they applied for. The
grants thus made could not exceed 2,560
acres, unless under special circumstances.
At the end of a period of seven years, the set-
tler was obliged to show that he had laid out a
certain amount of capital on his farm, and
upon doing so, had the fee simple made over to
him on the payment of a quit rent of sixpence
per acre. The advantage of this plan to the
settler was that it left him free to employ his
capital in the mode he thought most advantageous ;
but the Crown, finding difficulties in the way of
afterwards collecting the quit rents, resolved at
once to sell the public lands. This was, in some
sort, a breach of faith with those who went
out to New South Wales with large families,
under the impression that they should be able
to provide for them in the old way ; but on
the whole, the determination of Govern.
ment to sell the crown lands was a just one, and
accompanied with proper regulations could not
reasonably have been complained of. There are,
however, two of the regulations most impolitic,
in their nature, and unjust in their operation.
It having been provided that applications for
land chilli be niadc in a particular fulin, the
second regulation says,
" That after three months' notice the lands so applied
for will be put up to sale by public auction (subject to all
risks arising from any inaccuracy in the description), at a
price not less than five shillings per acre. If estimated at
a higher rate than five shillings, the applicant will be duly
apprised previous to the land being advertised."
There are several grounds of complaint in
this regulation. Lieut. BRETON thus states
one :

" Let it be supposed that the emigrant has travelled to
some distant part of the colony, and that, having dig.
covered and selected land suitable for a farm or sheep_
walk, be returns, and applies to have it put up to auction.
Of course no person would wilfully purchase indifferent land
at a high price; the Government being aware of this,
the surveyor is directed to inspect it ; and, perhaps, after
the expiration of several weeks, the emigrant receives due
notice that the estimated value of the land in question is
above five shillings per acre. In despair of findine, with-
out great delay and manifest inconvenience, another spot
equally eligible, he is compelled to pay the sum demmded.
But, if from inability, or some other reason, he objects to
give beyond five shillings per acre, will he not have to set
out in search of another track ?"

But this is not the worst consequence of the
regulation. The old settlers, who possess large
quantities of land, have not so much reason to
complain of it, for its effect must clearly be to
raise the value of their property ; but has not
the public, to say nothing of the new settler, a
right to complain of the minimum of price fixed
upon ? If all the Crown land in old located
districts was announced for sale, in certain por-
tions, annually, at what it would fetch, although
the first year's sale might produce less than had
the land been kept for ten or twenty years longer,
competition would next year, if it did not the first,
make the land fetch its true value ; and although
that might be short of five shillings an acre, the
public would not lose the interest of the money, and
would obtain all the benefit that results from a
combination of power. At present, population
is absolutely prevented from condensing itself,
and all the weaknesses of a widely scattered
po-
pulation, multiplied unnecessarily; for, of course,
I men will not pay five shillings for land worth
only two shillings, when, by going a hundred
miles further, they can procure land which, in
spite of its greater distance from the capital, is
worth five shillings. In perfectly new districts,
perhaps, some nzininzum of price may not be
so objectionable ; but it is clear that the impe-
diment it throws in the way of the growth of the
population in the old districts, must occasion
an enormous public loss.
But the most mischievous provision in the
regulations, is that at the close of the fifth,
wherein the Crown " reserves to itself all mines
of precious metals and coals." The miserable
ignorance or thoughtlessness with which this pro-
vision has been made is almost beyond belief.
The absurdity about the precious metals is of old
standing, and as it does not much interfere with
the progress of the country in population,
happiness, and civilization, it may be allowed
to pass unnoticed ; but that a Government
in the nineteenth century should propose to
establish a monopoly of coal, is perfectly
monstrous. New South Wales has few navi-
gable rivers ; the water power it can command
is trifling and irregular ; steam on its roads,
steam in its mills, was looked forward to as a
means of supplying the defects of nature. In
addition to a soil, in many parts fertile in the
extreme, Australia is blessed with abundant
supplies of coal ; but the Government stretches
forth its hand, and converts the blessing into a
curse. This limitation does not, we believe,