The Sun.
London, England, 1856-06-09 00:00:00

HIG►RR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAT—lforn. 7 min. aft. 6—Evening 43 min. aft. 6
T )-Nf (ARO v7-3forn. 57 min. aft. 6—Evening 23 min. aft. 7

THE WEATHEE—SuN Oman, JUNE 8.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
70 highest since noon yesterday.
5 —lowest this morning and during the night.
70—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-30•29—falling.
WIND, W.S.W. to SW.—Light, with warm summer
weather, threatening a thunder-storm.
JuNE 9.
72 —highest since noon yesterday.
GO —lowest this morning and during the night.
70 —this day at noon.

BARomrm-30.23.
WIND, S.W.-Light, with fine summer weather.

111/,
)

LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 9, 1856.

There can be no possible doubt as to the good
feeling entertained by the Government and people
of the United Kingdom towardsthe United States.
Every effort has been made by the former to
satisfy the querulous demands of the Washington
Cabinet, and to satisfy the great body of the
people that there was no offence contemplated,
sor in fact given. The amende made was to this
effect—" I am not conscious of having given you
any cause of annoyance, but if such has occurred
it has been wholly unpremeditated. I regret
that such should have been the case, and to pro-
vent the possibility of any repetition of such
unfortunate complications I have wholly aban-
doned the matters from which they arose." In
private life such an explanation must necessarily
be conclusive. No real injury had been sustained
for which a claim of compensation could be put
forward, and nothing but a desire to huiniliate or
obtain some unfair advantage from the other side,
could possibly occasion a renewal of the unplea-
sant discussion.
The recognition of the WALKER piracy, how-
ever, supplies the clue by which (together with
the electioneering dodge)
a solution of the diffi-
culty may be obtained. If the Washington
Cabinet contemplated a movement that might
occasion real offence to the British Government,
it might be well to have some fancied grievance
whereon to fall back, as a set-off against their
own aggression, and also to remove, for the time
being, a witness who might earnestly and empha.
tically protest against such unjustifiable proceed-
ings. If what has been termed " the Central
American question" stood alone, there could be
no possible objection to abide a fair arbitration,
when the nomination of the umpire was left in
their own hands. The stronger and more con-
vincing their case the more readily would they I
accept the offer, which would confer a greater

triumph than any they could hope to achieve by
force of arms. But there is possibly more than
'Beata the eye. Mr. CRAMPTON could not see
the reeetnition of WALKER'S buccaneering gang
withott an emphatic protest. He would ear-
nestly deprecate that " enlistment in the States"
—that " grievous insult to the majesty of the
Republic." Therefore it was necessary that he
should be got rid of under any circumstance
and at any cost ! Hence the insulting

tion that no further official communication would
be maintained. Hence the act that must lead t•
a suspension of diplomatic intercourse between
the Governments ! " The dodge," will be
clearly understood at no distant period. But it
may accomplish its object in the meantime, and
increase the almost desperate chances of Messrs.
PIERCE, MARCY, and CuSHING to a renewed
tenure of office.

It may, and doubtless will, be said on behalf
of the Washington Cabinet that they have but
followed the precedent which we ourselves have
established, that England has generally acted on
the principle of recognising a de facto Government
accepted by the majority of the People. The in-
stances of our conduct towards France in 1830
and 1848 may be cited in support of the argument.
Bat a broad distinction is at once perceptible.
Those revolutions were not produced or fostered
by foreign intervention. They ►ere the spontane-
ous acts of the People—not in any degree acce-
lerated or retarded by bands of freebooters from
a neighbouring state. Nor could Great Britain
by any possibility hope to annex France and
amalgamate that great empire with her own

dominions.
It is, however, altogether different in the
case of Nicaragua. There the recognition
of WALKER is clearly but the preliminary step to

a much closer connection. " Annexation" will
speedily follow recognition, and the wars which
may be proclaimed against other neighbouring
States will all be turned to the advantage of the
great amalgamator of the New World. It is
important that our own Government should be
thoroughly cognisant of these views. They have
already made every honourable, every practicable
concession. They can go no further in that direc-
tion without dishonour. It is for the Ame-
rican people or the Congress now to
to act. They should prove that they
are not parties to the wanton insults offered to a
friendly State—that they are not actuated by a
desire to "whip the Britishers," and to take
down the pride of " the unnatural mother." The
best evidence on this point will b 3 the exclusion
of those who have so glaringly violated the sacred
trusts confided to their charge, by rendering the
national welfare subservient to their own indivi-
dual interests. Let fit persons to control the
destinies of one of the great nations of the earth
be selected at the approaching elections—let
Mr. PIERCE learn that the missile which he
has so recklessly sent forth, has recoiled
against himself, and that unequivocal proof of
good feeling will be duly appreciated, and the
friendship and cordiality that ought to exist
between the two great members of the Anglo-
Saxon family will be cemented and rendered in-
dissoluble. An internicine war on such ridiculous;y
inadequate causes would be in the highest degree
criminal. But the efforts to prevent it must not
be altogether one-sided. Both parties should
place their shoulders to the wheel, and give a
long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether,
and the great desideratum must be accomplished.

The quotations for despotism are rising. Last
autumn, when the demolition of Cronstadt and a
campaign in Poland appeared to be the " next
and next," that kind of stock had fallen consi-
derably. It reached par again, however, on the
Ist of April, and probably now is higher than it
has ever been since 1847. Russia has gained by
the death of NICHOLAS a really kind and benevolent
CZIR ; it is even reported that lie visits his sick
mother every evening ! that he attends to plans
for railroads, and promises an amnesty to the
Poles. Now, we own at once we have no faith
in Czars—one may be tamer than another, may
have more of the fox in him and less of the bear,
but he must be a Czar still. If, for instance,
ALEXANDER were sincerely concerned for the
civilisation and improvement of his vast Em.
pire, why, now that peace is assured him,
should ho direct his first attention to for-
tifications and troops ? Why make peacea
bonfires of Circassian villages ? and why substi-
tute for an amnesty, an invitation to Polish
patriots to beg pardon through Russian Consuls
and Ambassadors in the countries to which unpar-
donable perfidy and cruelty have driven them
With the least spark of right feeling in his
bosom, he would have begged pardon of them for
the atrocities of his uncle and father—have im-
plored forgiveness, and entreated them to
bestow on their fatherland the industry and
talents of which the Czars deprived it by their
expulsion. The exiles appear, however, to un-
derstand Czardom better. They observe that the
Peace of Paris has put Alexander in a position to
warn them against "dreams "—meaning thereby
Such a nationality as a predecessor had guaranteed
them by the Treaty of Vienna ! We do not wish
to disparage even a Czar unfairly ; but when the
railroads are notoriously planned for military
rather than commercial purposes, and when, in
softer words, the arguments are as hard as those
of preceding Czars, we can but perceive that
Russian despotism feels reassured.
As to Austria and the petty Italian despots who
nestle under her wing, she and they have been
quite courageous since the peace. Austria now
denounces Count CAVOUR'S memorandum as a
passionate denunciation of herself, and an encou-
ragement to revolution ; and writes to her repre-
sentatives at all the Courts to apprise them of her
disinterested motives for all she has done in Italy.
Sardinia had complained, and justly enough, that
by occupying the Duchies and Legations with her
troops Austria had destroyed the balance of
power in Italy, and stood in a menacing position
towards Sardinia itself. The reply is, that Italy
consists of independent States, whose indepen-
dence Austria knows how to respect, while Sar-
dinia violates that independence by professing to
speak in their name ! Every intervention of
Austria in Italy is affirmed to have originated in
the most disinterested motives. They have
always been, she states, at the invita-
tion of legitimate governments, and as soon as
the legitimate governments have boon strong
enough to preserve order without her she has im-
mediately withdrawn her troops. She avows, in
explicit terms, the right of intervention on behalf
of other Governments against either "foreign or
domestic enemies, and reserves to herself the
power of using it when necessary."
We fear that Austria, in using this Hely Alli-
ance phraseology, feels but too secure of giving
effect to it with impunity. She apprehends
'''thing from the Emperor of the FRENCH, who
by soldiers at Rome and by threats in
Belgium, and whose autocracy at home is as com-
plete as that of Austria. Nor does she fear much
England.wfreomeanopenletters
for She knows full well that while
her in our post-office, yet,
Sicily and Genoa being witnesses' we could always
desertua n t
whose liberties we had
Guaranteed, and peoplehandtlisea over with apparent
araeneyd
again. Lord
indifference to absolute masters
CLARENDON will certainly not go beyond the old
precedents of polite suggestions to most gracious
tyrants professing, entire confidence in their royal
motives.

Of course, the petty Austrianised Duehies—
Parma, Modena, and Tuseany—are too insignificant

to Fsp4al( for thenuelveb leaat they have not yet

The POPE, however
spoken. , has uttered his de-
fence, and King Tt
_OMBA.
is preparing his. At
Rome all, we are told,
since the POPE'S return,
has self, and we can believe the
PONTIFFbeen
himselfclemency
it,
tr J be a good and mild old man,
and that, under the eye of the French officers,
ecclesiastical c..tuelty has been obliged to veil, if
not to repriiss, its most abominable proceedings.
All accounts, however, are utterly in the wrong,
if the inlabita,nts of the Holy City have not, for
the lasts evert years, had a most wretched life of it,
under the. joint evils of foreign occupation and
priestly b aired of liberty ; and if, supposing they
were ass ,ured of impunity, they would not re-
establial a the Republic in twenty-four hours, and
reduce; , or rather exalt, the POPE to the simple
bishop: ric of Rome. The King of NAPLES we
shall h ave in the hands of Mr. GLADSTONE, but
we certainly are curious to sea how he will justify
his faithlessness and cruelty towards the noble
POE nis and his companions.

X Vhen, however, will our Government boldly
and firmly confront the Austrian doctrine of the
right of intervention to assist another Govern-
ment against domestic enemies ? Italy can never
be relieved till this plausible but wicked phrase
be interpreted aright to all Europe by some first-
rate power, and there is none to do it but Eng-
land. France, her EMPEROR we mean, would
have no reason to complain ; we have not inter-
vened to prevent any of the domestic enemies of
successive Governments of that country from up-
setting them when they pleased. When Louis
NAPOLEON was the domestic enemy and overthrew
the Republic, we left him and the Republic to
settle matters as they best could. We could,
therefore, appeal to him to join us in demanding
that Austria should treat the Italian States as we
treated him, and could fairly ask him simul-
taneously to leave Rome to the Romans, just as
we left France to Frenchmen. If our " loyal
Ally" would do this—and why should he not ?
the thing would be settled. It is just this foreign
intervention against domestic enemies, in other
words, intervention for tyrants against their
people—which has kept Hungary and Italy under
Austria—indeed directly and indirectly all the
German Principalities under their respective
despots.

It is to be heped some independent member
will feel it his duty to call the attention of the
House of Commons to the disgraceful fact an-
nounced in our present impression, viz., that at
Melbourne they had, prior to the departure of the
Alexandria, been 108 days without advices from
England. Bad as we believed the treatment
of the colony has been, in the matter of steam
communication, we never dreamt it was so bad as
this !

With all the immense flotilla of steam-vessels
at the disposal of Government, since the
conclusion of Peace, could not one have been
spared to keep up a communication with our
second best customer ? The plea of the exigencies
of the War, paltry as it is, could not have the
semblance of force the moment the War was over.
Then there could have been no difficulty, had the
will existed, in resuming, after some practi-
cal fashion, the interrupted communication.
But, unfortunately, the will is but toe often
wanting to do justice to our colonists ; they aro
looked on as snobs, with no pretensions to gen-
tility, and who ought to wait. Had they a
King Boxtna. or OTHO over them they would, in
all probability, not merely have more Ministerial
attention, but also more Ministerial respect. One
hundred and eight days without advices from Eng-
land ! The important traffic between a rapidly
improving colony and the mother country sus-
penclel or carried on in the dark for almost ono-
third of an entire year I A colony to which we
look for the supply of gold to carry on our mer-
cantile operations, which takes our goods i n ex-
change, and which everywhere is regarded as the
promised land for redundant labour ! The folly,
the criminality of neglect like this, is absolutely
astounding. How the colony, not to mention
those who trade with it at home, has contrived to
stave off depression and to present the flourish-
ing appearance it now does is one of those pro-
blems which are best solved at haphazard,
and may as well be accounted for on the principle
that Australia is indestructible, self-supporting,
and superior to neglect asy an another. Supposing
no advices from London reached the provinces for
the same period, what a commercial shock would
be experienced by both. Absolute ruin would
stare hundreds, if not thousands, in the face,
and thunders of execration would be directed
against the guilty cause. Australia, however, is
only a colony, and, having worked through, may
thank its stars, we suppose, matters are no worse
thaw they are.
The prosperous state of Australia, however,
must not be taken to imply that it can do without
steam communication, and that no injury has ac-
crued to it from this long period of neglect.
Regularity of communication is as essential to the
safe investment of capital in colonial schemes as
rapidity is to the due development of traffic, and
it is a matter of impossibility for the element of
uncertainty to pervade the mercantile world even
of a colony without occasioning serious injury.
Australia and exporters at home have already
suffered from overstocked markets, the result, to
a large extent, of the tardiness of communica-
tion between the two countries, which prevented
any adequate check being given to the fever of
speculation : and, if the commercial relations of
that colony are to be placed on a satisfactory
basis, a rapid and regular communication with the
mother country must be kept up. This is felt to
be the case at Melbourne, as is sufficiently shown
by the fact of the Legislature having voted
75,000/. per annum to re-establish a steam com-
munication, an instance of liberality and public
spirit which serves to aggravate the culpability
of Ministerial neglect. The blame, it is true,
does not exclusively rest with the present Go-
vernment—the suspension of the previously ex-
isting communication, by steam, being attributable
to the Duke of NE♦vCASTLE, of whose administra-
tion it was wittily said by Lord STANLEY
—" It was rather remarkable that, at that
time, when every order that emanated from
that department of the public service went
to the wrong person or the wrong place, and when
every act was either left undone, or, if done, was
done six months after it was decided to be put in
force—the one act that was well and effectually
done was that of stopping the Australian postal
service." The blame, however, of not causing it to
be resumed up to the present time, and that with-
out the shadow of a reasonable excuse, does—and
ate as repentance seems to have arrived, it would
have been more satisfactory had the symptoms
taken a more conclusive form. Our colonies do
not hold out many temptations to the aristocracy
by which we are overridden. If they did, and a
portion of that aristocracy were exported, what-
ever might be the loss of the colonies in other re-
spects, we are quite sure the means of rapid com-
munication between them and the mother country
would be scrupulously attended to. One-third of
a month's delay would in such case be nigher the
mark than one third of a year, were the want of
advices complained of. It jai really painful to

reflect what sources of strength and future stability
our incompetent rulers persist in doing their best
to deprive us of.