The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

It appears that the spirit of falsehood and
malignity is not laid, nor likely to be so, in the
breast of the arch-beggarman, O'Connell. He
has sent forth some recent addresses to those
whom he calls " his constituents,"—but under
which fondling term he designs the whole belli-
gerent mob of Ireland,—acquainting them that
the calm which has lately prevailed throughout
that country is not of a description to excite the
least uneasiness in himself or his beloved consti-
tuents, inasmuch as it promises no real benefit,
no sound or healthful repose to the community,
but is altogether hollow, false, and transient, and
fraught with renewed turbulence and combus-
tion. The Agitator having thus patriotically
leassured the sinking spirits of his followers, in
contemplation, no doubt, of some fresh draught
upon their pockets, opens once again his Pan-
dora's box, and lets loose tithe extinction
and repeal of the Union as war cries for the
ensuing winter, It is true he talks of waiting a
hide to watch Lord Wellesley (in whom he has
not much confidence) before the projected agi-
tation shall come to a positive outbreak, thus
holding the Noble Marquis and his Govern-
ment to bail for their good behaviour. The new
Viceroy, however, has warily outbid O'Connell
on one side, and thrown down the gauntlet to
him on the other, threatening the mob with " a
firm execution of the laws," and the Agitator
with a redress of " all real grievances," which
would be his day of doom. It was not to be
expected that at such a moment O'Connell
would forego an enjoyment always dear to gene-
rous natures, and see Lord Anglesea drop the
reins of Government, without giving the dead
lion one hearty, revengeful, kick. He loads
the departed Lord Lieutenant, therefore, with
the foulest indignities that a spiteful ima-
gination can furnish, brands him with every
opprobrious epithet, and, rising in his slander
with the consciousness of personal impunity,
denounces Lord Anglesea's Administration
as the most sanguinary that Ireland ever
knew. Yes; there was more" loss of human
life," " inure blood spilled," in that gallant sol-
dier's Ministry than during the government of
any former Viceroy ! Yes, but whose lives
were lost ? Whose blood was spilled so profusely?
Was it exclusively that of Mr. O'Connell's friends
and colleagues? Were no tithe-proctors mur-
dered ? No witnesses murdered ? No magistrates
murdered ? No policemen butchered by twenties
at a time ? How, then, was it, and where, let us
ask, that this " sanguinary" spirit, imputed to
Lord Anglesea by O'Connell, ever showed itself
in the acts or principles of his Lordship's adminis-
tration ? We answer broadly never. There never
was in possession of power a more humane or gene-
rous chiefgovernor. In the midst of base and al-
most maddening provocations, let any man point
out a single instance of vindictiveness or harshness
in Lord Anglesea. The fact is, that the gallant
soldier had too keen a sensibility, and at the
same time too open and straightforward a cha-
racter, to pass on with anything like ease to
himself through the crooked, tricky, and de-
ceitful paths of Irish party and policy; con-
scious of his own honour and of his generous
and benevolent views, he could not repress the
indignation of an ardent temper at the baseness
with which they were distorted by faction, and
calumniated. We believe that no honester po-
litician ever lived than that noble and gallant
Marquis, and it is not the dirty venom of an
unprincipled schemer that can obliterate the
proofs of general esteem and attachment, which,
in spite of political differences, were heaped upoi
Lord Anglesea at the trying moment of his de
parture from the Irish shores.— Times.

Yesterday, what might be called an Aggre-
gate Meeting of the various Associations of the
metropolis, for effecting the abolition of the
Assessed Taxes, was held at the Yorkshire
Stingo, New-road. The room, which was
capable of containing about 2,000 persons, was
two-thirds filled at the commencement of the
meeting, and was soon after filled to overflow,
and continued crowded to the end. Our re-
porter states, that the persons assembled ap-
peared generally to be tradesmen and mechanics,
that is, the class constituting the bulk of as-
sessed tax-payers. As some doubts have been
expressed with regard to the pledge of Ministers
to repeal the House and Window Taxes, we
will here allude to what Sir Samuel Whalley
stated on that subject at the meeting :
" He held (he said) that Lord Althorp was pledged to
him and to the House of Commons that he would repeal
the House Tax certainly—(lt is of no use !)—when the
Parliament met. It was no wonder, under this distinct
pledge, that he had formed such an expectation, and he
did not suppose that this was put forth to keep the ' pro-
mise to the ear, and break it to the sense.' He did not
believe that the Minister could incur the charge of
destroying the Administration—he did not believe they
would free the Legislative Assembly if they were guilty of
such a dereliction of honour which would stamp infamy
upon a man in all the relations of private life.—(Cheers.)
The Government was pledged—irrevocably pledged—at
an early period after the meeting of Parliament, to do away
with these taxes, which the people were not able to bear,
and which fell particularly heavy on the metropolis."
But even if Lord Althorp were not pledged,
we have no doubt that Ministers would not,
under all circumstances, think of continuing a
tax so generally odious to their fellow citizens.
It may, we think, be taken for granted that the
tax will be repealed. As we have more than
once stated, even worldly prudence ought to
have dictated to them the propriety of abandon-
ing a tax which was so peculiarly unpopular in
the metropolis. It is never wise, by continuing
what is more peculiarly unpalatable, to tempt the
people to venture on courses which, without
safficient encouragement, they would shrink
from. We from the first declared ourselves
strongly against the house and window tax, be-
cause we foresaw the handle that would be made
of it ; and pressing as it does with such
peculiar severity on the metropolis, which has
necessarily so much influence on the rest of the
kingdom, we have always stated that no Minis-
try could afford the damage which their popu-
larity would sustain by refusing to repeal the tax.
We have been unjustly accused by some of our
contemporaries, who are not very scrupulous as
to the grounds on which they make their state-
ments, of having been silent when the subject
of the assessed taxes was before Parliament.
This is not the case. We have never allowed
any occasion to pass by without advocating the
abolition of them. We see no reason to doubt
the repeal of the house anti window tax ; and
vie therefore regret exceedingly that the people
should, with so fair a prospect, wantonly enter
upon a course which men ought never to adopt
but in those great emergencies when, from the
impossibility of obtaining redress for intolerable
evils by the ordinary legal channels, nations are
led to put them all to hazard. No man contends
that any such necessity exists now. No man will
refuse to admit that,under the Constitution which
now exists, the people may obtain any measure
on which they are bent. But even if there were
doubts on this subject, and doubts as to the

disposition of Ministers to redeem Lord Al-
thorp's pledge, the same desperate remedies can
be resorted to six mouths hence as well as now.
Is it, then, worth while to trample on the Con-
stitution, and to enter on anarchical courses,
when so short an interval will serve to show that
they are unnecessary ? We regret exceedingly
to see the people act with so much levity and
wantonness. The Constitution, which all were
so enthusiastic in praise of a short year or two
ago, is now, after one year's trial, thrown aside
by sober English tradesmen and mechanics, as a
child throws aside its toy, because they cannot
have at once all their desires gratified. Let the
people beware how they make light of constitu-
tional protection. Their enemies are now re-
joicing at their thoughtless conduct, and they
may have occasion to repent their conduct
sooner than they think —Morning Chronicle.
From the number of gross abuses in the dif-

ferent corporations, already brought to light by
the Commissioners, the public will derive the
greatest benefit. Were it not for the evidence
of the parties themselves, it would hardly be be-
lieved that such things could have been so long
tolerated. In the Cambrian, of Saturday last,
we have accounts of the proceedings under the
Commission at Swansea, Carmarthen, and Neath,
which afford strong examples of the oppression
to which the inhabitants of these places are sub-
jected by the corporations. Were the Commis-
sion to be productive of no other benefit, it will
have the effect of putting an end to a system of
municipal pillage, which often reminds us of
what takes place under Eastern despotisms.
Thus, for instance, Neath, according to the evi-
dence of David Powell, Esq., constable of the
Castle, was governed under a charter granted in
the reign of James IL, from 1802 till within the
last six years, which required that there should
be twelve Aldermen, and fifteen Common
Councilmen ; but finding twenty-seven in-
dividuals too large a body to be easily managed,
about six years ago the charter was aban-
doned, and a corporation by prescription set up
in its place, of a manufacture, however, quite
different from that which existed previous to
1802, and suited to the exclusive views of the
governing party, without reference to the rights
and privileges of the freemen of the borough.
Before the new regulations, freemen attended
and voted, but since 1802 they had been ex-
cluded, and the constable and twelve aldermen
had the sole control. The portreeve, an office
of profit, is filled by an alderman ; and as the
constable names the portreeve, by this patronage
he manages the aldermen. And what is the

•
result ?
" The power possessed by the Portreeve of holding
Courts Baron and Court of Pleas, has fallen into disuse,
and the only department of his office which he appears not
to have neglected is the collecting of his tolls and dues ;
here there has been no falling off, and the only law go-
verning these exactions upon the merchant and the trader
has been the conscience of the Portreeve for the time
being. No table of tolls existed ; in most instances they
have been increased, and in some cases doubled, and the
public at large have been left to the tender mercies of a
dominant faction, who were neither to be entreated nor
frightened out of their pound of flesh.' An instance in
point—an appleman from the opposite coast brought over
a cargo of apples ; lie sold at Briton. ferry more than one•
half of his stock, and to facilitate the sale, he brought up
the remainder to Neath, and deposited them in a warehouse
near the river side. A demand was immediately made
upon him for the Portreeve's Dues,' but instead of the
accustomed charge of Id. per bushel, 4,1. per bushel was
required, and that upon the whole of the cargo, including
that portion of it which had been sold at Briton-ferry.
The charge was high and the man was poor ; he de-
murred, but the Exactor of Dues demurred nor, the
window shutter of the warehouse was broken, forcible
entry made, and the apples seized, and in addition to the
4d. per bushel, he was compelled to pay some thirty
shillings costs to the Officers of Justice. The Corpora-
tion of Neath levy a tax upo❑ all persons bringing articles
for sale into the town, however trifling in amount those
articles mAy be, and from the farmer who brings his bag
of potatoes, to the poor cottager who offers her small
basket of herbs, all are alike the objects of Municipal care."
This is more like the doings of an Arab
Chief in the Desert, when a caravan falls in his
way, than the proceedings of a Magistrate of a
civilized country. So much for Neath, At
Swansea the Corporation seem to have de-
livered over the inhabitants to a system of
arbitrary exaction, for they farmed the port dues
to two individuals, who levied ad libitum.
"T. Rosser, sen., and T. Rosser, jun., sworn and ex-
amined—We were the renters of the tolls ; we collected
according to the old docket, and lately by the new docket.
[Mr. Philipps read a notice served on the renters, which
was received by the Commissioner.] We have no entry
of the tolls collected ; we keep no account except the dues
for flour and goods for shopkeepers, which is made up
monthly ; the tolls from strangers are not entered. How
much profit have you made from the tolls?—From 200/.
to 3001. a year profit—about 250/. ; out of which we
pay for collecting.—What was the largest sum given by
you for the tolls ?—lt was at the rate of 700/. a year up
to the 25th of March, 1832, and it was then lowered.—
Have you never varied in your charges from the docket ?
No.—What is bran in the docket—have you never varied
your charges on bran ?—We do not think we ever have,
that we know of ; we charged 10d. per ton on bran.
"Mr. Philipps-10d. per ton is id. per cwt. or sack
of bran. Have you ever charged Tregaskis 2d. per cwt.
for bran-300 per cent. increase ?—We charged for the
sacks, but we did not know what was in them. [Two
bills were handed in, in the handwriting of Messrs. Ros-
ser, with their receipt of 2d. per sack for twenty sacks of
bran-3s. 4d.]
"Mr. T. Edw. Thomas—When Messrs. Rosser rented

the tolls of me as Portreeve last year, I gave them a copy
of the new docket, and directed them to show it to every
person that required it. Commissioner—Have you taken
any steps to give publicity to the public of the rate of
charges, by printing it ? Mr. T. Edw. Thomas—The
new docket has not been published. Commissioner—The
corporation are to blame for not having published their
docket; they have thus afforded their servants an oppor-
tunity of overcharging the public.
Mess, s. Rosser—We charged one bushel on every
hundred of wheat up to three hundred. We charged Is.
a hundred on deals. Mr. Philipps—lt is only 4d. in
the docket.—We charged 2d. for some articles which were
formerly charged 6d. Mr. Philipps—b tallow in either
of the dockets ?—No. What did you charge for casks of
tallow ?—We cannot say unless we could see the casks.
We charged what we thought to be reasonable. Is canvass
in the docket ?—No. What do you charge for canvass?
—We charged according to the Bristol and London
freights; id. on Is. freights from London, and Id. on
every Is. on the Bristol freights.
" Mr. Cock—They charged me 2d. per box for
candles; I paid only 10d. freight."
The corporation of Swansea has a number ofl
charters, but the Recorder, T. Thomas, Esq.,
steward to the Duke of Beaufort, calls it a char-
ter by prescription, and it appears that it is a
corporation by charter and a corporation by
prescription, just as it suits the views of the men
in power. The corporation appeared to be in
debt about 23,0001. The following evidence
of Mr. Davies, the treasurer, will partly explain
why the corporation, notwithstanding large re-
venues, are so much in debt :
" Mr. Philipps—Do you recollect an election at Cardiff,
in which Mr. Ludlow, the auditor of the Duke, was a
candidate, in the year 1820?—Yes; he is one of the
Alderman of Swansea. Who paid his expenses of the
election ?....The corporation paid 3111. for the conveyance
of burgesses to Cardiff and back, and their maintenance
there; several gentlemen went at their own expense.
There were ten shillings given to each of the Loughor
burgesses to go to - • -
Reform Bill, a deputalio
MA The bulk of the burgesses
voted for Mr. Ludlow In the elections previous to the
and Loughor always went
from the boroughs of Swansea
their own expenses and tothe Cardiff to vote ; some paid
sum was paid for law charges ?...Mt Ithe rest. What
to the Recorder in the last three years l'o'3roolaiw. was paid

When orders for payments are made at a Common Hall, I
must obey them."
Carmarthen is a corporation by charter. The
last, the governing one, granted in 1761, recites
all the rest. In this corporation there are 178
resident burgesses and 468 non-resident, and in
effect " the non-resident burgesses destroy the
voice of the resident freemen and inhabitants."
The following evidence is highly instructive in
this respect :
" Mr. Geo. Thomas—Why, Sir, the effect is this, that
people who have no interest in this borough come here to
vote, and exercise privileges, or abuse them, at the beck
of the party in power. An instance of this kind took place
on last Charter day, when Sir John Owen and others, non-
resident burgesses, voted for three several orders for payment
of money, the first of which was for defraying the costs
of an action brought against two magistrates, for false
imprisonment, about ten years ago. The second was for
the costs of a prosecution against the Welshman, by the
late Mayor of this borough. The third was a case in which
an action was brought by a young man against Mr,
Saunders, a magistrate of this borough, for an assault,
and a verdict was returned against him, damages 101
The Learned Judge decided that he (Mr. S.) did not act
in his capacity of magistrate, and notwithstanding this,
these out-voters came he-e last Monday, and voted the
money of the corporation away. I demanded a poll upon
each order separately, but the Mayor refused, and the
distant burgesses were allowed to vote for three orders in
a lump, which was done by Sir John Owen, and several
others, one of whom admitted that he had not heard the
orders read, and did not, of course, know what he was
voting for. In consequence of this course being adopted,
I threatened the Mayor with a criminal information if he
signed the orders, and advised my friends not to poll at all,
unless the orders were taken separately, and none of our
party did poll.
" Commissioner—And did the Mayor sign the orders?
—Mr. Thomas—He did, and they were entered upon
the Common Hall hook before it was brought to the Hall.
" Commissioner to Mr. Rogers—Why was this money
paid, and on what grounds ?—:l3ecause he acted in his
capacity of magistrate.
" Commissioner—No, that cannot be, or else the Judge
would have nonsuited the plaintiff.
"Mr. Rogers—We intended then to move for a new
trial ; but I don't know that we shall now.
" Commissioner—How does this Magistrate vote?—
For the Corporation.
" Commissioner—lf you voted for all three orders at
once, it is a most improper way of voting.
" Commissioner to Mr. Rogers—Now, if this Magis-
trate had voted against the Corporation at the last election,
would this order have been made ?—I think not."
The evidence as to the mode of adminis-
tering justice in this borough of Carmarthen is
really quite astounding. There is a Mayor's
Court, for instance, but it was stated that Judp,e
and Jury are partisans, and the clerks, even in
the office of Town Cleric, practise, and then
tax their own bill of costs, and the Jurors arc
all summoned on one side. The following
evidence was given respecting Juries :
" Juries—Mr. William Rogers (ex-Sheriff) examined
—Who selects the Jury for the General Sessions and
Assizes ?—The Sheriffs. How is it done ?—The names
are selected from the list of burgesses. How does he
select them? The two Sheriffs select sixty, who are em-
pannelled, out of which twelve are chosen, who act as
jurors. Who summons the Jury for the Fortnight's
Court ?—The Town Cleric.
" The Commissioner proceeded to go over the list of
the Jury of the last Spring Assizes, several of whom were
labourers, &c.
" Mr. Rogers examined—How many labourers serve
on each Jury ?—Perbaps one. If all the inhabitants of
the town were allowed to serve on Juries, would such
Juries be more respectable ?—They would. Do your
Juries generally form a party of partisans ?—Most un-
questionably. Have you ever known the improper ac-
quittal of a burgess, by a Jury of burgesses ?—Certainly.
" Mr. George Thomas here referred to the circum-

stances of the last Lent Assizes, when he was indicted.
The Grand Jury were 20 in number, composed of parti-
sans, all of one party except three—the Foreman being
one of the committing Magistrates, another the son of
another committing Magistrate, and a third the brother of
another. Mr. Thomas handed in the list, and called
upon the Corporation side to contradict his statement.
They were, however, silent. The Common Jury Pannel
was chiefly composed of the Corporation party, in the
proportion of four to one, the majority of whom were
violent and strenuous supporters of the Corporation. At
the last Assizes, an action was to have been tried against
the Magistrates; but in consequence of the Jury being
packed, notice of trial was countermanded, and a delay of
justice has taken place.
" The Commissioner called over the list of the Spring
Assizes with Mr. Rogers, when the immense number of
corporation jurors forming such a tremendous contrast,
excited much laughter.

"Commissioner—There were only twelve Blues selected
out of sixty, and two who did not vote. The rest were
all declared by Mr. Rogers to be corporation men. Such
a jury is monstrous ; and there can be no doubt that it

is highly improper that these burgesses should serve at all
on jurie., for both the pannels were of that partial charac.
ter that no justice could be expected.
" Mr. George Thomas—That was the jury summoned
to try me upon four indictments, two for capital offences.
It is no wonder that such a grand jury, 17 to 3, found
bills, and had I been tried by the borough petit jury, there
could have been no doubt of my conviction ; hut the
judge ordered the case to he tried by a county jury, and
I was acquitted."

One deviation from justice leads to all manner
of deviations from justice, as, according to the
common saying, one lie requires a hun-
dred to support it. The want of responsibility
to the inhabitants by those who govern neces-
sarily leads to all manner of frauds and peculations
to support the usurpers. Thus the people are
taxed, not for public objects, but to support a
party who oppress them. To keep up out-voters
and the rent of the machinery by which the
inhabitants arc deprived of their rights, the public
money is diverted from the proper channels.
Tt►e following evidence is most instructive on
this head :

" What is the Admiralty Court?--It is at present a
mere form. The Mayor, attended by a band of music
goes once a year, and holds his Court on board a vessel,
where he summons a Jury to report all nuisances and eb.
structions in the river. Is there any money expended by
the Corporation on this river ?—Not a farthing. Are
there tolls exacted ?—There are for landing at the quay,
called Water Bailiff Fees. What is the name of the Water
Bailiff?—Thomas George. Who appointed him ?—The
Corporate Body.
"Mr. Thomas Rogers, Custom-house officer—The river
is in a very bad state, vessels have been allowed to throw
their ballast into it.

"Mr. William Philipps—There has not been a shilling
expended on the river for forty years, and the obstructions
have accumulated. There is a toll imposed upon large
vessels, from 7e. to 15e. at the option of the Water Bailiff.
" Mr. John Williams attempted to defend the neglect of
the Corporation, but the Commissioner said it was quite
preposterous to make such excuses, because if they were
in earnest to do the town good, they would at once go to
work, and not expend their money on out-voters,"
But we might go on for ever were we to
attempt to give even an outline of the mons-
trous abuses perpetrated under these usurping
self-elected bodies. It is not without reason
that the enemies of all good government were so
peculiarly inimical to these Corporation In-
quiries. They knew that the exposure would
annihilate the monstrous system ;—that an
indignant country, on being made acquainted
with the working of the system, would call
loudly for its abolition. Corporations can only
be of benefit to the country when those who act
under theta are responsible to their respective
communities. When the few are allowed to
tyrannize over the many, the result must always
be peculation, deep injury to the interests of the
community, and a partial administration of jus-
tice. The greater the oppression, the greater
the difficulty of obtainnig redress ; for, by the
money taken from the people, they are enabled
to hold them at defiance in Courts of Law and
Equity.—Morning Chronicle.

The violent tone in which the Ministerial
papers now attack the Russian policy, as being
incessantly directed to the establishment of an

insolent control or secret influence in all other
nations of Europe, forms a remarkable contrast
to the deferential and, sometimes, eulogistic
style in which those journals used to speak of
the Cabinet of St. Petersburg!) for a consider-
able time after the Whig Ministry came into
office. Yet Russian policy is the same thing
both in spirit and complexion now that it was
then. The same jealousy and hatred of liberal
institutions in every country of Europe—the
same persecuting malice against all political im-
provement—the same indefatigable intrigue and
grasping ambition characterise the Russian Go-
vernment at this day, when our Ministerial
journals so fiercely assail it, as distinguished
it at the time when it received the tribute
of their servile admiration and fulsome
praises. We recollect when the expression
of a doubt upon our part of the sincerity
of the Russian Government, in pretending
to be most anxious to arrange and settle, to the
satisfaction of all parties, the Belgico-Dutch
question, was accustomed to be met by the inso-
lent sneers of the Ministerial Journals, followed
up by panegyrical allusions to the " honourable
conduct" and " good faith" of the Russian Go-
vernment, which it was stigmatized as almost
high treason in us to suspect. If the Ministerial
Journals have altered their tone in relation to the
great Northern Power, in pursuance of instruc-
tions from the Treasury, it shows that our Whig
Ministers are at last beginning to open their eyes
to the evil consequences of the weak and truck-
ling course of policy which has distinguished
our political relations with Russia ever since
their accession to office. But we fear they have
become wise too late. To ingratiate themselves
with the Autocrat they allowed Poland to be
sacrificed, in violation of a solemn treaty, to
which the name of England was signed; for the
same unworthy purpose they induced a servile
Parliament to vote away millions of the gold of
the people of Great Britain, as a bribe to
Russia, under the pretext of the Russo-Dutch
Loan, which seasonable supply of British gold
enabled the Autoorat to accomplish the destruc-
tion of Polish independence, and facilitated his
schemes of ambition, subsequently, in the East
of Europe. Let it also be borne in mind that
this money was lavished upon the Russian
Despot while Government professed its inability
to repeal the Assessed Taxes, to which it stood
pledged—both because those taxes had been laid
on expressly as war taxes, and because of their
own votes against those unequal and most op-
pressive imposts when out of office. We saw and
we said, from the beginning, that our Govern-
ment was acting with weakness and folly that
would bring it into most perplexing embarrass-
ments, by sitting down in conference with Russia
and her despotic allies on the affairs of Belgium.
It was the infatuated subserviency of our Go-
vernment to Russia which gave the Autocrat
the bloodless conquest of the Turkish empire.
Ministers cannot make out a strong case against
Russia without passing sentence of condemna-
tion on their own policy.—Morning Herald. ,