The Sun.
London, England, 1856-06-06 00:00:00

LONIION, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 6 1856.

AUSTRIAN DESPATCH.

The following is the text of the dospatch ad-
ressed by the Cabinet of Vienna to the representa-
tives of Austria at Florence, Romes, Naples, and
Modena, under date of Vienna, 18th May :--
"The interpellations addressed to the President of
the Council of Ministers of his Majesty the King of Sar-
dinia, on the treaty of peace concluded at Paris the 30th
7.4-arch, have given rise in the Piedrnonteee Chambers to
debates which have excited the serious attention of the
Government of --, as was the case with ourselvea.
In the course of these debates Count Cavour declared
that the Plenipotentiaries of Austria and Sardinia, at
the congress of Paris, had separated with the intimate
conviction that the two countries are more distant than
ever .from an understanding on their policy, and that
the principles represented by the two G-overnneents
are irrecencileable. After having taken note of the
declarations made by Count de Cavour to the Pied-
montese Parliament, we cannot do otherwise I ad-
mit than .subscribe to the opinion which he expressed
respecting the insurmountable distance which separates
us on the field of political principles. Amongst the
documents submitted to the examination of the Chain-
here, the note dated 16th April appears te us to merit
earticalar attention ; it is the note remitted by the
Piedmontese plenipotentiaries to the heads of the Ca-
binets; of Paris and London. This document, reduced
to its simple . meaning, is only b, pavienate p'ear7ing
against Austria. The system of compression and of
violent reaction which was established in the years 1848
and 1849 cannot fail, according to Count de Cavour, to
maintain the populations in a state of continual excite-
ment and revolutionary ferment, and the treasures em•
ployed by Austria to suppress this ferment destroy, saes
the Vr"eiiid-66144rtfiie-Cininell, the equilibrinin re-stab-
liaised by the treaty of Vienna, and continually menace
Piedmmit, The dangers which accrue to Sardinia are
so intense (brulants); in the eyes of Count de Cavern.,
that they may from one moment to another orce Pied-
mont to resort to extreme measures, the consequence of
which would be incalculable. It is thus that the fears in-
spired in the head of the Sardinian Cabinet by the atti•
tude of Austria in Italy serve for pretext to hurl against
us a menace :which ie scarcely veiled, and has not bet et
provoked by anything. Austria, 'on her side, can ie
nowise concede the mission of speaking in the name of
Italy, claimed by Count de Cavour for the Court of Sar-
dinia. There are in that peninsula different Govern-
ments, completely inde )endent of each other, and recog-
nised as such by the public law of Europe. But this
law contains obsoletely nothing of that kind of protec-
torate which the Cabinet of Turin claims for them, As
far as we aro concerned, we knew how to respect the
independence of the different Governments which exist
in the Peninsula, and we think we give them a fresh
proof of that respect by making an appeal to their im-
partial judgment. We are convinced that we shall not
be accused of saying anything contrary to the truth,
when we state that Count de Cavour would be much
less distant from the truth if be had made use of a com-
pletely opposite reasoning. According to his account,
the prolonged presence of our auxiliary troops in some
of the Italian States keeps up discontent and fer-
mentation in the public mind. Would it not be
infinitely more just to say that the continuation of
the occupation is only necessary on :recount of the
intrigues of the revolutionary party, and that nothing is
better calculated to encourage their criminal hopes and
excite their angry passions; than the incendiary speeches
which have been lately delivered in the Piedriecntese
Parliament? Count de Cavour has stated that Sardinia,
jealous of the hadependenc3 of other nations, will not
admit of any nation whatever having a right to inter-
fere in another State, even if that state should formally
demand it. To push respect for the independence of
Governments to the extent cf disputing their right of
asking for assistance for their own preservation, is a
theory to which Austria has always refined her assent.
The principles which Austria admits in such matters are
too well known for it to be necessary for us to seain
explain them. The Emperor and his august predecessors
have on more than one occasion, in the exercise of an
undoubted right of sovereignty, given an armed astist-
mice to neighbouring iStates who- have demanded it
against either foreign or domestic enemies. Aue
trio maintains this right, and reserves to herself
the power of using it when necessary. Can it,
moreover, be peralittecl for any one to raise doubts
R 4 to the intentions which have ruled over the
interventions to which Austria has en several
occasions consented, when history stem; that we have
never been influenced by any interested motives, and
that our troops have withdrawn as soon as the legitimate
authority has declared that it was in a condition to
maintain public order without any further foreign assis-
Vence. Such will always be the caco. Is the same way
that our troops left Tuscany when legal order was
s-arcely secured, they will be ready to evacuate the
Pontifical Slates as soon as the government of that coun-
try shall require no further assistance against the at-
tacks of the revolutionary party. We are far from
wishing to exclude from the number of means proper for
securing that result the wise internal reforms which we
have recommended to the governments of the Peninsula
within the limits of sound policy, and with all the
consideration due to the dignity and to the in-
dependence of States, and with regard to which
come:els we do nit admit the right of the Cabinet
cf Turin to set itt-elf up as the censor. But, on the
other hand, we are convinced that the revolutionists
will not cease to point their artillery against the exist-
ence of the legitimate governments of Italy as long as
there are countries to support and protect them, and
statesmen who do not fear to appeal to passions and
efforts which have a revolution for object. In a few •
word', far from allowing ourselves to be turned aside
from our conduct by an unjustifiable attack, which we
willingly admit was brought about by the necessity of a
Parliamentary victory, we shall await with firmness the
progress of events, and are convinced that the attitude
of the Italian Governments which, like ourselves, have
been the object of Count de Cavour's attacks, will not
differ from our own. Ready to give our approbation to
any prudent reform, and to encourage any useful ante-
lioratinn emanating from the free and enlightened will
of the Italian Governments,' and to offer our moral and
zealous co-operation for the development of their re-
sources and their prosperity, Austria is also firmly de-
cided to employ all her power toyepel any unjust attack
from any quarter that it may come, and to co-operate,
wherever its circle of action extends, in causing to fail
the efforts of the concocters of disturbances, rind of those
who promote anarchy. I charge you, sir, to communi-
cate this despatch to —, and to make known to me
the declarations you may receive in reply.—Accept, See."

COUNT MONTALEMBERT AND THE
PRESS IN, FRANCE.

The following is Count de Montalemberes speech
in fho sitting of the Legislative Body on the 31st
ult., on the bill (projeCde loi) for sending printed
papers by post :
" I wish to state in two words why I shall not vote
for the bill, despite the progress which it realises in cer-
tain respects. , I cannot approve the first two arlicles,
which keep up, and even exaggerate, the distinction of
the postal tariff for political and nonpolitical journals.
I can understand that this distinction was made formerly,
when politics played a leading part in France. Yes,
when liberty was universal, when political agitation
reigned everywhere, when men leant on that side at the
risk of upsetting, as happened more than once, I under-
stand that the Government and that statesmen of every
opinion thought it wise and prudent to endeavour to
check the excessive development of the political press.
But now a far different spirit prevails, not only in public
offices, but throughout the whole country. What neces-
sity is there for maintaining a heavier tariff for political
journals than for others in a bill which proposes to sim-
plify and ameliorate the position of the press in general??
Surely the present Government is not insufficiently
armed against the political press. There is first of all,
the stamp imposed exclusively upon political publications. I
Then there is the necessity of obtaining a preliminary per-
mission, which did not formerly exist, and which is now the
common law for every political publication, either for anew
publication or for one where there is a change in the
direction or editorship. Then there is, again, the heavy
penalty of warning and suppression after two warnings.
I shall not examine now into how far this penalty has
been properly applied—ewhether innocent and legitimate
discussions have not often been punished when what was
really dangerous and cUipable has been spared. The
right of warning and the execution of that right are not
brought in question now. But, considering the obstacles
and penalties I have just. enumerated, I ask whether a
postal tariff ought still to be retained which makes the
position of political journals harder than that of other
publications ? According to my ideas, there is no ground
for this distinction. Once more, I admit that formerly,
considering the overwhelming political excitement of the
country, a moderating check was necessary ; that check I
never sufficiently existed, but, as is always the case in
France, the absence of a check has been supplied by an
excess of one—and what has been the result ? What has
been gained ? The suppression of all political life. And
that political agitation evhich might with justice be do
plored, by what has it been replaced ? By the whirl of
speculation ; the great French nation could not resign
itself to slumber, to inactivity. Political life was re-
placed by the fever of speculation, by the thirst for lucre,
by the infatuation of gambling. On all sides, even
in our small towns, even in our villages, men are
carried away by the mania of making those rapid
fortunes of which there are so many examples—those
fortunes achieved withoat trouble, without labour,
and often without honour. I seek fOr no other
proof than the bill which has just been laid before you
against anonymous so cieties (societes en commandite).
Copies have just been distributed to us ; I have not had
time to examine it ; I feel, however, inclined to support
it, despite the not a little Draconian regulations which I
fancy I discovered there. If the remedy is so urgent
and so considerable the evil must be so likewise. The
real source of that evil is the sleep of all political Fp rit
in France. The acts of self denial which interrupt m,
warn me that my appreciation is not that of ex eu one .
Such is my conviction, and I will be allowed to adhere
to it. And the evil which I point to is not the only one
r , resulting from the same source. While the higher and
middle classes, those ancient political classes, give them.