The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING JANUARY 9, 1856.

to them after a journey of a twelvemonth from
their own territory in Siberia and North America."
We cannot concur in his ♦iews respecting the

Free-trade side of the picture, inasmuch as it is
founded altogether on the discretion and prudence
of the AUTOCRAT of the day, and the alarm which
he would naturally experience at the conscious-
ness " that not merely his flourishing sea-ports,
but every village in his empire would feel in its
daily avocations the evils of a state of hostilities,"
Such considerations would clearly be inadequate
to restrain a semi-insane fanatic from carrying out
to the utmost extent the mission which he con-
sidered himself appointed to discharge. The argu-
ments on the side of Protection cannot therefore
be neutralised by a repetition of the exploded ab-
surdities and pompous platitudes of the Peace
Society, of which painful experience has proved
the complete futility.
He also points to the extraordinary advantages
which Russia possesses for carrying on the War
by means of a depreciated (i.e., a paper) currency,
and threatens our own naughty boys, if they do
not accept his notions to their utmost extent,
' with—fearful calamity—" a relaxation of the
currency laws and a large issue of bank notes."
He even goes further, for, once more assuming
the mt.ntle of prophecy, he says—" I have no
doubt that if the War goes on these modern
alchemists, who believe that they have discovered
the universal menstruum in a few square inches of
paper, will be indulged with their panacea of
one-pound notes." Awful vision 1 Terrible pre-
diction! If we do not at once elevate the man o
" unadorned eloquence" to the Premiership, vice
PantEßsToNsusperseded, England may be reduced
to the condition of Scotland and Ireland, by hav-
ing an issue of 11. notes tolerated, the effect
whereof will be " to release our sovereigns from
the functions of currency, and convert them into
capital to be sent abroad to pay the expenses of
the War I" This possibly might convert "Mer-
cator" and some of his disciples, but that, unfor-
tunately, his doctrines are founded on the basis
that sovereigns are not only capital already, but
the only capital which the nation possesses, and
that, deprived of her yellow counters, she must
be poor indeed ! Warmed with the prospect,
however, and affeetedly in jest, but really in
earnest, he places himself, " but merely for the
sake of argument" (the italics are his own), in the
position of the present Government, and assumes
the responsibility of their policy and antecedents.
He then sets forth the programme of a
COBDELN Cabinet, in five articles, which we have
inserted in extenso in another part of this day's
impression, in order that the public may learn
the inestimable benefits which they will forfeit
if "plain RICHARD be not forthwith pitchforked
into Downing street, aye, and into its warmest

corner."

Ist. He will forthwith withdraw every British
soldier from the Russian territory, for the admir-
able reason that they now have an opportunity
of running away without any very great danger of
pursuit or loss in the operation.
2dly. He will require no terms of peace, be-
cause he should attach no value whatever to the
promises of Russia. He is manifestly a convert
to the Hudibrastic argument that

" 'Tis he who makes the oath that breaks it—
Not he who for convenience takes it."
Ind would save Russia from any possible charge
of treachery by not requiring any pledges what-
ever.

3dly. He would leave everything to Austria,
Prussia, and Germany, because there is not the
slightest chance that they " will join us in the
present War." A very strange argument of the
non sequitur class.
4thly. As to the settlement-of-the balance
of power, which should be "the work of
peace," he would appeal, " not only to Ger-
many, but to all the States, small as well
as great, of the Continent, for such a
union as would prevent the possibility of any act
of hostility from the common enemy." But
should we fail, what then ? Why, "he should
be disposed to reconsider his own views on the
subject, and doubt whether he might not have
been led away by an exaggerated alarm.
sthly, and lastly, "Whilst attaching no value
to the limitation of the number of Russian
ships," he should endeavour, as far as in
his power, to cut down the English Navy,
and convert all our vessels of war into a nice
commercial marine, laden with cotton and broad-
cloths. If he had his will, England should no
longer trust to the protection of her wooden walls,
but would remain exposed to the first attack of
any Power that could be so unconscientious as to
disregard the dictates of natural justice.
We leave Mr. COBDEN to the public opinion for
which he once professed unbounded respect, dis-
missing him with the adjuration—

" RICHARD, we loved thee once ;
But never more be ofScer of ours."

Out in the biting frost, braving the assaults of
the piercing north wind; out in the blinding sleet
or drizzling rain, plodding along the cold and
muddy pavement ; out in the dull, damp atmo-
sphere of a cloudy winter's day, envying in either
case the lot of those who can afford to stay at
home, and, protected as well as you can be from
head to foot against the cruel vagaries of the
weather, a half-clad and not less obviously starving
wretch accosts you. To all appearance he has
not worn away seven winters ; yet he looks so
wintry that the thought of connecting summer
with his experience never crosses your mind to
stimulate your sympathy. By look and gesture
almost as much as by speech ho appeals to your
charity and asks of you an alms. So young, so
miserable, and so defenceless an object, be you
ever so impatient with your own sufferings, can-
not but move you to compassion, and suggest pri-
vations and an endurance from which you feel
inclined to pray all of your kith and kin may
mercifully be spared. No household comforts, no
home, food hardly sufficient to preserve life,
days of physical endurance which would
bow the heads of strong men, and nights
that chill the blood to think of—nights spent in the
dark and mouldy arckway, or in the cold and ex-
posed area, where the bleak wind, hurrying onward,
whirls round as if in sheer wantonness to search
out the marrow of the poor wretches hiding from its
power, suggest themselves to your imagination.
Is it possible for a Christian man not to put his
hand in his pocket and bring out a few odd cop-
pers to relieve a morsel of humanity in so wretched
a condition as this ? Would it not be cruelty,
and cruelty of the most reprehensible kind, to turn
a deaf ear to his petition ? A thousand voices
will be ready to give the most emphatic answer
possible in the affirmative—an answer how far
from the truth.

If those who are best acquainted with the his-
tory of our mendicant population, more especially
of great cities, are to be believed, the cruelty
really is to give alms to these miserable creatures
at al]. Instead of contributing to their relief,
the coppers of the benevolent go to prolong, if not
to create, their misery. The half-clad and starved
little wretches', we are told, are, in effect, foragers
for idleness, drunkenness, and crime, and the
more they bring in the more surely will they be

sent out to bring in more, and brave as best they I
can the inclemenoies of the weather. Followed
to their haunts they are found to hand over the
fruits of their endurance and pitiful supplications
to bloated ruffians and unwomanly hags, who de-
pend on them for the means of purchasing the
sensual enjoyments to be had in the gin-shop.
Not to bring warmth to the chilled limbs,
or food to the hungry stomachs of starving chil-
dren, is the real destination of your pence,
but to inflame ruffianism to crime and sensuality
to naadness, to stimulate the virago to provocation
and her paramour to murder, and to deprive the
object of your mistaken charity of all chance of
redemption in the future. What says Sir R.
CARDBN, an experienced City Magistrate, on this
head I—" There is no practice so injurious as that
of street alms-giving ; and the kindness, or rather
the criminal infirmity, of the shopkeepers who
allow these infant beggars to beg round their
houses is a great encouragement to the trad^,
which is of all trades the most likely to ruin the
minds of the wretched children. They go 011
from begging to thieving, and they ieill continue in
that horrible progress till they sink into the grave,
to long as the mistaken humanity which my
brother Magistrates and I are constantly depre-
cating is without restraint. lam confident that
many of the low gin-shops would be obliged to shut
'p if they were not fed by the money procured by
these children for their unnatural parents ; and the
system is carried on in such a manner that it cannot
.scape detection by any one acquainted with life."
Well, under such circumstances, might he add--
"I trust that the public will look to this great evil,
for the sake of the poor objects themselves." The
lesson doubtless is a hard one, but for charity's
sake it should be learned. Probably enough
there are individuals to be found glad
of any excuse to escape alms-giving, but to
persist in giving pence to these street mendi-
cants, in the face of a warning like this, involves
a dereliction of duty too great to be extenuated
by any excuse such a fact can furnish. Better be
considered selfish and inhumane than actually be
oruel. Better forego the momentary gratification
arising from the indulgence of an otherwise laud-
able feeling than purchase that indulgence at a
cost, trivial it may be to yourself, but so frightful
to the object of your pity. True benevolence may
seem cruel to be kind, but can only be cruel in
the guise of kindness through ignorance.

was signalled from the Castle of Kronsborg, and
remained quietly at Elsinore ever Blue, had taken
advantage of the decided thaw that has set in, and
the absence of British cruisers, to sail to a Russian
port ; and there is no reason to doubt that many
other Russian vessels .which have found a safe
refuge in different Scndinavian ports will now be
enabled to return !twine. Why were not a couple
of fast steamers. left here during the winter ?

FRANCE.
PARIS, TUESDAY EVENING.
The following telegraphic despatch has just been
received here :

" BERLIN, Jan. B.—The reply of the Cabinet of
St. Petersburg to the propositions of peace commu-
nicated by Count d'Esterhazy have been sent off to
Vienna."
General Bosquet dined on Sunday at the Tuile-
ries.

BOURSE, Jan. 8,--The following are the last quo-
tations :

Cash. fr. e. End of Month.
4i per Cents 9l 75 —f. --e.
3 per Cents 62 85 63 5
New Loan 63 85
Bank Shares 3175 Roman
Credit Mobilier 1235 Austrian
Bolgian Fives. ..... .. Spanish Threes •••
Piedmontese B6 50 Home Debt

RAILWAYS-lou CASH.
fr. c. C.
Orbians
Northern
Lyons .—... 1105 New Ditto 740
Mediterranean ...... Grand Central 563 75
Lyons Geneva ...... 675 Teste ... 6OO
Cette

PRUSSIA.
A correspondent of the Weser Gazette writes from
Berlin as follows :—" In the communication which
the King of Prussia has addressed to the Emperor
of Austria, it is said that he has expressed his re-
gret that Prussia was not invited to aid in drawing
up the propositions sent by Austria to Russia, and
asks for some explanations as to their object and
motives. Prussia, he says, though ever ready to
co-operate in the restoration of peace, refuses pro-
visionally to adhere to conditions agreed to with
the Western Powers without her participation,
and communicated to her with the express under-
standing that they do not admit of any further
modification."

AUSTRIA.
A letter from Vienna, in the Post 4mpt Gazette
of Frankfort, says :—" Count O'Donnell, aide-de-
camp to the Emperor of Austria, has not left Dres-
den on private business, but with political pur-
pose in view ; as, before returning to Vienna, he
will visit some of? the smaller German courts. Col.
Manteuffel is likely to prolong his stay until the
middle of next week. Count Coronini, the com-
mandant of the Principalities, will leave for Bucha-
rest about the 15th."

A letter from Galatz of the 2Gth ult,2 in the
Monitcur, says :
"It has been already announced that the reigning
Prince had instructed tne administrative council to pre-
pare a bill for the emancipation of the serfs belonging to
private individuals, and to fix the indemnity to be paid
to the latter. If this principle of indemnity be gene-
rally accepted, the total expense caused by the measure
will be considerable, however small the sum fixed for
each slave may be. According to the calculations of
the great Logotbete Nicholas Soutzo there were, in
1849, 4,163 families of serfs, which at E persons to each
family will give more than 20,000 slaves. This number
has not much changed since, as the freedoms granted
have been very few. An expectation, however, appears
to be now entertained that the majority of the persons
possessing serfs will not accept any indemnity, and this
expectation is founded on the fact that several boyards
have already given freedom to the whole of their serfs,
without waiting for the promulgation of the new law."

TVHAT NEXT-AND NEXT ?

A pamphlet has just appeared with the above
title, written by Mr. Cobden, devoted to the con-
sideration of the various phases which the war may
assume. Mr. Cobden, premising that the allies
have lost in killed and wounded nearly as many
men as it cost Napoleon, in actual combat, to gain
possession of Moscow, and still Sebastopol is not
wholly in our power, proceeds to mention a variety
of hypothetical positions into which the contest
may resolve itself. These supposed positions form
the basis of arguments and anticipations as to the
mode in which peace may be brought about, or the
war continued. Mr. Cobden enters into various
statistics respecting the policy, trade, and general
condition of Russia, and then describes the feelings
of the Russian people, both religious and political.
As a discussion of the correctness of Mr. Cob-
den's views and assumptions would open a wide
field for argument, we now content ourselves with
extracting the concluding portion of the pamphlet,
so as to enable our readers to form their own opi-
nions of Mr. Cobden's advice as to the best course
to be adopted to terminate the great contest in
which England has engaged.
"One word before concluding. I have been asked,
by those who have the right to make such an inquiry,
what course I should take if, without reference to the
past, I were from this moment responsible for the policy
of the country I I have no hesitation in answering this
question, and, to be still more practical and unreserved,
I will place myself—but merely for the sake of argu-
ment—in the position of the present Government, and
assume, for the moment, the responsibility of their ob-
jects and antecedents.

" 1. I would seek above all things to withdraw every
British soldier from Russian territory, the invasion of
which was a heedless blunder in both a political and
strategical point of view—l mean a blunder in those who
still would have carried on the war in other directions.
Our army may now be brought away without further
loss or discredit. It may not always be so. Russia has
been to all former invaders the grave or prison of armies,
dynasties, and even of empires.
"2. With regard to the terms of peace, I should at-
tach no value whatever to the promises of Russia as a
guarantee for the future—the very word guarantee im-
plying that you obtain other security for the performance
of a contract on the part of one whose good faith or com-
petency you mistrust. We are now at war because
Russia would not agree at the Vienna Conference to
sign a parchment promise not to maintain more than
four line-of-battle ships and a proportionate number of
frigates and transports in the Black Sea.
"The terms which are now tendered to Russia are of
an analogous character, calling on her to promise not to
do certain acts in her own waters or on her own terri-
tory. Yet we are told, at the same time, through the
very organ of the Prime Minister which announces these
terms, that the Russian Government is `free from the
ties of truth and principle, usually binding on nations.'
But although we believe those promises, if obtained,
would not be worth the parchment on which they are
written, yet Russia will refuse them with a pertinacity
greater and more enduring than probably any terms we
could have demanded. It is considered a point of honour
in a great empire not to consent to an invasion of the right
of sovereignty in its own territory. Diminutive Greece
may submit to a Pacifico outrage, and, by a pathetic appeal
to the principles of justice, gain a moral triumph, in the
world's opinion, over our dozen line-of-battle ships. But a
first-class Power would he dishonoured in submitting to
any humiliation of the kind until after its powers of re-
sistance and endurance were completely exhausted.
There could, perhaps, be nothing devised whiCh would
lead to a longer struggle than were England and France
to attempt to force America to sign a treaty binding her-
self not to keep more than four-line-of-battle ships in the
Gulf of Mexico ; and yet she has only one such vessel in
commission, and is not likely to have more. We have,
therefore, hit upon terms which involve the maximum
of resistance before they will be yielded, and the mini-
mem of advantage when obtained. I would abandon
such a policy as repugnant to reason. What course,
then, should I pursue
"3. I should recur to the policy which our Govern-
ment adopted at the outset of the negotiations, when
they turned to Germany and Austria as most nearly
concerned in the danger, and the only countries which
could obstruct the march of Russia westward ; for if
they leave the door open, it is vain for us to try to close
it. Now, the geography of Europe has not changed
since the first negotiations at Vienna. If Germany and
Austria occupied an important position then, they are
relatively more powerful now, inasmuch as the other
Powers are weakened by war, and, if hostilities go on
for a year or two, and they remain at peace, their rela-
tive weight in the European scale will be still more
increased. We must discard the idea that Austria,
Prussia, or Germany will join us in the present war. It
has been a sad reproach to our sagacity that for
18 months,—since the retreat of the Russians from
the Danube began,—we have been deluding our-
selves with the notion that those countries, whose
interests are on that river, would follow us in our inva-
sion of the Crimea. When the Duke of Newcastle wrote
his celebrated despatch to Lord Raglan, on the 29th of
June, 1854, recommending in these terms the expedition
to the Crimea—'the retreat of the Russian army across
the Danube and the anticipated evacuation of the Prin-
cipalities have given a new character to the war, and
will render it necessary for you without delay, &c.'—he
and the Cabinet must have known that this retreat of
the Russians from Silistria and their return across the
Pruth were steps taken by the Russian Government to
conciliate Austria, and that from that moment (as stated
by Lord John Russell in his despatch from Vienna,
April 16, 1855), we could no longer count upon her an
an active participator in the war.
"But Austriaand Germany, although theyare too wise
and selfish to follow us to the Crimea, where their inte-
rests do not, as they think, beckon them, yet with regard
to all the future objects of the war they are as completely
identified with us as when our Government summoned
them to the first conferences. In fact, they occupy
for the future the diplomatic ground we wished them to
take from the first. Austria has a treaty with Turkey,
binding herself to make the invasion of the Principalities
a cagus beili against Russia. Prussia and Austria have
a treaty, making it also an act of war against them, if
Russia pass the Balkan; and Prussia and Germany
have engaged to defend Austria if she should be attacked
by Russia. Here we have these powers committed
to the object we profess to have in view, not exactly in
our way, a little more complex, and somewhat slower in
execution, but still, subsequently, nearly all we want; but
more important still, at the close of the last Vienna Con-
ferences Austria offered to enter into a tripartite treaty
with France and England, binding herself by a positive
engagement (which she never proffered to do before), to
resist, in future, any attack made by Russia upon Tur-
key, or any attempt to maintain an exaggerated naval
force in the Black Sea ; and it was this offer, I have no
doubt, made at the very close of the negotiations, which
converted M. Drouyu de Lhuys and Lord John Russell
to the cause of peace. Now, here are grounds for
believing that, for the future, Germany may be reckoned
upon, by Western Europe, as a bulwark against Russian
aggression. It is thither that I should direct my dipie.
macy, if I were in the position of our Government and
shared their fears for the safety of Europe. Let them
try to condense these various and complicated engage-
ments, to which I have alluded, into one simple treaty
of the whole of Germany. There may be a difficulty in
convincing its Governments, or people, of the reality of
the danger which so alarms us. Hitherto I believe the
Teutonic family have been in no fear of being absorbed
by the Sclavonic race. Their traditions and experience
point towards France rather than Russia as a source
of danger. Their defensive fortifications are on the Rhine
not the Niemen. But let our Government point out to
this intelligent people the grounds of their alarm, and,
it they be deemed well founded, there is quite as much
love of fatherland' to reckon upon for repelling an in-
vasion in Germany as in any part of Europe.
" 4. But we talk of this as a war which affects the in-
terests of all Europe ; and we hear the phrases ba'ance
of power' and international law ' frequently re-
peated, as though we were enforcieg the edicts of some
constituted authority. For a century and a half we
have been fighting, with occasional intermissions, for
the balance of power, but I do not remember that it has
ever made the subject of peaceful diplomacy, with a view
to the organisation of the w hole of Europe. Now, if
such a pact or federation of the States of Europe, as is
implied by the phrases, ' balance of power' or inter-
national
law' should ever be framed, it must be the work
ofpeace and not of war. In the present case our Go-
vernment has entered into war on the assumption that
the European balance has been, and still is, endangered
by the ambition of Russia. Has the rest of Europe
ever been, as a whole, consulted in a time of peace, and
in a deliberate manner, upon this danger, and invited to
take a part in averting it I If not, what shall we say of
our Government, or our governing class, or diplomacy
in general I Now, assuming again, that I occupied the
position of our Government, and were in earnest in
my fears for Europe, and attached a real meaning to
those phrases just quoted, I should not only appeal
to Germany, but to all the States, small as well
as great, of the continent, for such a union as
would prevent the possibility of any act of hostilitaynfdrotron
the common enemy. This is the work of peace,
this end, with the views and responsibilities of the Go-
vernment, I should address myself. If I found that I
failed to impart my apprehensions to the other nations
of Europe, if they declined to form part of a league or
confederation against Russian encroachments, I should
be disposed to renonsider my own views on the subject,
and doubt whether I might not have been led away by
an exaggerated alarm. In that case, at least, I would
forego the Quixotic mission of fighting for the liberties
of Europe, and pursue a policy more just towards the
interests, and more consistent with the prosperity, of
the people whose welfare I was more especially charged
to promote.
"Finally.—Not to incur the charge of vagueness ; I
would not risk the life of an Englishman, or spend an-
other shilling, for the chance of the barren triumph of ex-
torting pacific pledges from the Russian Government ;
and having come to this determination, there would no
longer be an obstacle to peace. But, while attaching
no value to the imitation of the number of Russian
ships exclusively, I should not lose sight of the policy
of dealing with the amount of naval force as a European
question. England and France will find themselves
with more powerful navies at the close of the war than
were ever before possessed by two allied Powers, from
which state of ,kings embarrassments may possibly arise ,
in more than one direction. This naval armament has ;
already roused the susceptibilities of the United States,
and led to an augmentation of their navy. Hitherto
that country has not entered into a rivalry with the
States of Europe in their military and naval establish-
ments. But, impelled by feelings of ineeouxity or pride,