The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

" No comment can be necessary (says the Times
of the 11th, inviting the attention of its readers to its
Thames-police report), to those who have hearts and
heads that are neither impenetrable nor distempered ;"
Ind it follows the pathetic appeal of the 12th, by vitu-
Jerating an evening print, in its usual style, denomi-
nating all who are hardy enough and presume to differ
from it " as hangers-on of the Poor-law Commission-
ers," and by saying—" We cannot, for the life of us,
see anything to chuckle and rub our hands at, in
the appearance of a naked and hungry poor ; and
so far from considering that there is a sight very
pleasing in the wan visage and shrunken limbs of
a starving and houseless fellow-creature, we have
bad taste and sentimentality enough to think the
sight positively disagreeable. But, seriously, can the
Times, with any title to consistency, continue to " eat
its own words," quoted in the able history of that
journal, by its quondam friend and admirer " One of
the Middle Classes ?" In speaking of the Bill about
to be introduced on the report of the Poor-law Com-
missioners—the same in plan and principle with the
Poor-law Bill, now the law of the land—their labours,
and the system recommended by them, are thus eulo-
gised by the "Jupiter Tonans." (Times, April 22,
1834) ; " All we can say of the plan contained in the
Bill is, that it is less revolting to our feelings than
others which we have heard from men ofacknowledged
virtue and humanity." Can we repeat, the Times
think that the Bishop of London, and the other
Lay Commissioners, with the vast majorities of both
Houses who accorded in their views, and carried the
Bill, are men " without heads and hearts," or could
" chuckle and rub their hands," if the effects of the
clauses relating to the relief of the sick, the aged, and
, destitute poor, were such as are represented, or rather
we should say misrepresented—and we believe wilfully
—not by the Redacteur, but the " old whipper-in"—
the Berkshire magistrate, whose power, as a magistrate,
it somewhat curtails. But, to use their own powerful
language, in the advice given to the enemies of the Lord
Chancellor—" The right mode of answering false impu-
tations is to put the accuser to open shame by the clear
- light of truth." In the police report referred to by the
Times, it appeared that Mr. Broderip, the sitting
magistrate, could not relieve three poor widows who
had respectively received the weekly sums of 2s. and
is. 6d. from the parish ; for his power as a magistrate,
ordering the overseers to give relief, was taken out of
his hands, and the overseers themselves were prohibited
by the Board of Guardians of the new poor-laws from
giving any more out-door relief in money; and why ?
because it is a well-known fact, and has been corrobo-
rated in hundreds of cases, where the parties have been
watched, that a portion, if not the greater part, of the
2s. and I s. 6d., doled out to the poor charing widows—
the Higgins and Kennedys " earning their small pit-
tances," and now taken, for the first time, under the con-
doling sympathy of the Times—have found their way to
the counters of the splendid gin palaces, standing
where they " wend their weary way" in search of
home, not to the comfort and consolation of their
poor little ones in bread and fuel, but in procuring a
drag of the cratur, in the upholding and sustaining
the " inner man" in the more cheering, if not so solid
comfort, of "gin and bitters, and apple fritters." The
law of indiscriminately bestowing out-door relief in
money is wisely altered ; therefore, under the Bill
read a second time and carried by the Lord Chan-
cellor, who estimated its effects in the increased com-
forts of the poor and the general interests of society—
[the conclusion of his Lordship's splendid speech. on
moving the second reading of the Bill to Amend Poor-
laws, and which ought to be in the hands of every man
capable of judging and reflecting for himself] —"h oping
for no other reward than an approving conscience and
the judicious verdict of the enlightened, the rational,
and the honest part of mankind ;"—relief, we
say, under this Bill is given to out-door poor
in articles of absolute necessity—such as bread,
shoes, flannel, &c., which may be deemed by other
philanthropists than the Times as acceptable to
" expectant children " as the warm savour ema-
nating, not from the gin bottle, but the maternal ca-
resses of the distressed widow, who had visited the
" gin-shop" in her way from the Board to her little se-
questered home. But as the pen of a Canning would
be here necessary, and we can never hope to be a
" Homer or Nebuchadnezzar"—to compose such
strains as " The Needy Knife-grinder," " The Rocks
of Blarney," or even those of the author of " Cock
Robin," or its Travestier—we shall content ourselves
by refuting our contemporary—" by putting our ac-
cuser to open shame by the clear light of truth." By
referring our readers to the act itself, they will find
that the 52d clause directs the Commissioners to direct
and declare to what extent and for what period the re-
lief is to be given, even to able-bodied persons or their
families out of the workhouse, by payments in money,
or food, or clothing, in kind, or partly in kind, or
partly in money. The 54th -clause, for the better
regulating vestries, though it enacts that it shall not
be lawful for any overseer to give any further relief
from the poor-rate than such as may be ordered by
the guardians or select vestry, authorizes it, in cases
of sudden and urgent necessity; in which case he is
required to give such temporary relief as each case
shall require in articles of absolute necessity, but not
in money, and whether the applicant for relief be
settled in the parish where he shall apply for relief, or
Not. 0 ! cruel bill I 0 I headless and heartless Com-
missioners ! 0 ! sentimental Times ! Who, then,
that contemplates this dereliction of all principle in the
conductors of the Times—at one time holding up to
reprobation, at another to admiration, the conduct and
motives of public men—now advocating measures, the
adoption of which, they assure their readers, will best
tend to the security of the country and the welfare of
the community—then suddenly (though the measures
in principle and effect be the same) pointing them out
as destructive to the classes who, we were but just now
told, were to be benefitted by them—and all from some
private pique or imaginary offence ;—who shall say
that a Companion to a Newspaper might not occasion-
ally be useful ? Is that only to be considered as law
and, gospel, true and apostolical, which is thundered
from the Vatican in Printing-house-square ?—Morn-
_
in cf Chronicle.
We this day devote a large proportion'of our paper
to a meeting of the Protestant Conservative Society in
Dublin, omitting or abridging with deep regret many
excellent and incontrovertible speeches in support of
the cause-of Protestantism in Ireland, for the purpose
of making room for an unmutilated report of the elo-
quent, argumentative, and convincing address of the
Rev. Mr. O'Sullivan. We recently laid before our
readers an abundant specimen of the manner in which
the leader of Irish agitation can vituperate and misre •
present the character and purposes of his Protestant
fellow subjects, secure that in thus addressing one of
the present Ministers of the Crown he must find a
congenial auditor. We printed this document in order
to assist in exposing to the British public the vitupera-
tion and the calumny by which a man professing to call
himself the ally and confederate of the Administration
has ventured to assail his Majesty's Protestant sub-
jects in Ireland, in the well-founded confidence that
neither from Ministers, nor from any over whom they
could have influence, would he have any reply to en-
counter or any rebuke to apprehend. But we aided
the circulation of Mr. O'Connell's false and calum-
nious manifesto in a reliance equally confident and
equally well-founded with his own, that it would not
long be permitted to go without an effectual reply, and
an appropriate reprehension ; and we now direct the
attention of our readers to the admirable speech of the
Rev. Mr. O'Sullivan, as a triumphant and over-
whelming answer to the letter by which Mr. O'Con-
nell ,nrescribes and indicates the course which he
wills -and expects his obedient servant the Secretary
of State far the Home Department to pursue for
the extirpation of Protestantism in Ireland. The
Reverend Orator enters into no competition of
sarcasm or invective with the turbulent dema-
gogue, against whom and against whose confede-
rates it was his high and virtuous purpose to arouse
the feelings, and array the power of the Protestant
people of Ireland and of Great Britain. By such a
warfare he might justly have felt himself degraded.
The weapons that he weilds are of brighter polish, of
a finer temper, of a keener edge. He appeals to the
facts of Irish history, as they are supplied by authori-

ties the most inimical to the Protestant Church, and
to the connection with Great Britain. He appeals to
the doctrines and practice of the Church of Rome, as
they are to be gathered from the most unquestionable
sources. He appeals to the feelings, principles, and
habits of mankind, as experience shows them to have
been generally modified and guided by the various pe-
culiarities of circumstances and position. And from
all these views and considerations, combined with
matchless skill and irresistible effect, he educes a perfect
demonstration that the present situation of Ireland is
one of real and substantial, of imminent and appalling,
danger to the Protestant inhabitants of that country.
Thus he answers the questions, "Of what grievances
have the Protestants of Ireland to complain ?" Can
there be, indeed, any greater grievance than the well-
founded consciousness of insecurity for life and pro-
perty? Has a people no right to complain who are
defrauded by the connivance and aid, we will not say
of Government, but of some undefinable thing which
usurps that exalted name, of the very object for which
men have every where united themselves in civil so-
ciety, and for sake of which alone they have agreed
to submit to its restraints and its obligations ? Can
any state of society be imagined more pregnant with
danger and calamity than that in which an extensive
class of proprietors are collectively and indiscriminately
shut out from the protection of the law ; and the con-
spirators, who overrule the law, are in undisguised al-
liance and confederacy with the Executive Govern-
ment ? The speech of Mr. O'Sullivan effectually puts
down the insulting pretence that the Protestant people
of Ireland have nothing to complain of. Our
space will not permit us to follow the Reverend
Gentleman throughout the various interesting topics
upon which lie insists, and the whole of which he
discusses with the, fearless intrepidity of truth, at
once tempered and strengthened by the calm,
candid, and Christian spirit which breathes throughout
every passage of his manly and eloquent address. But
we cannot refrain from recommending to the particu-
lar attention of our readers that part of the speech
which consists of a defence of the Orange Institutions
of Ireland. The people of Great Britain are per-
haps more in want of accurate information upon this
subject than upon any other connected with the com-
plicated relations of society in Ireland. Persevering
abuse has, we fear, been too successful in creating
impressions unfavourable to the Orangemen of that
country. But we venture confidently to say that it is
impossible for any man of ordinary candour to rise
from the perusal of Mr. O'Sullivan 's speech without
an intimate conviction that a combination of the na-
ture of Orangeism was and is absolutely necessary to
the Protestants of Ireland as a measure purely of self-
defence ; and that this calumniated Association of
Protestants has contributed more than any other sin-
gle cause to the maintenance of the connection between
Ireland and Great Britain.—Morning Post.
Other matters have for some days past diverted our
attention from that condition of things, and more espe-
cially from that temper of what Mr. O'Connell calls
" the popular party" in Ireland, which forms the sub-
ject of two letters recently published by that gentleman,
—the first directly to the " people of Ireland,"—the
second equally written for their benefit, though ad-
dressed nominally to Lord Duncannon. Besides, it
was unnecessary for us to be in a hurry to notice them,
as the articles of our cotemporaries would keep them
well before the public. The appearance; however, of a
third letter from the same Whiteboy Chesterfield—his
second letter to Lord Duncannon—has induced us to
break silence. It is not saying much for either of the
first two of these productions, to acknowledge that we
have read others from the same hand which exceeded
them in coarseness, virulence, and intemperance, but no
one which ever surpassed them in its involuntary
evidence to the extent of the writer's schemes for re-
volutionizing the relations between Great Britain and
Ireland. The first letter appears to have been sug-
gested by the unfortunate vote of the House of Lords
against the Tithe Bill, and by that absurd and mis-
chievous meeting (so called Protestant) in Dublin,
whereat Lord Roden presided, and at which Lord
Winchilsea spoke. This letter is, on the face of it,
but introductory to a series. It abuses the Orange-
men,—predicts the murder of innocent Catholics as a
necessary consequence of the language ascribed at the
above meeting to Messrs. Beresford, &c.,—inculcates
on the Catholic multitude the utmost possible animo-
sity towards their " Orange oppressors," and just so
much practical resistance and vengeance as can be in-
dulged without the risk of hanging,—deprecates
" prxdial" offences as most injurious to the cause " of
the people,"—recommends the establishment of " li-
beral clubs" throughout the counties for the promotion
of certain political objects which are enumerated,
and among which are specified the extinction of
tithes,—the return to Parliament of " friends
to Ireland"—i. e., nominees of Mr. O'Connell,—
and, finally, the restoration of a domestic
Legislature, otherwise a legislature to which the learned
gentleman himself might dictate laws. Such is the
outline, the tangible and distinct outline, of the letter
to " the people of Ireland," But there are one or two
characteristics of it—common indeed to all Mr. O'Con-
nell's writings—which call for a brief remark : first,
the tacit assumption that all Protestants are Orange-
men,—that Protestant rule is despotic rule,—that
" British domination" is, as Mr. Hume alleged in the
case of Canada, " a baneful domination to the people
of Ireland,"—and that the " people of Ireland" are all
comprised in the apostles of agitation and their follow-
ers. These facts are worth attending to, when ever
we have to reason upon the state of Irish parties, and
the principles of Government as applicable to them.
Mr. O'Connell, in adverting to the Orange faction,
insists that all the woes and sufferings of Ireland " are
traceable to it alone—that there never was a faction so
stained with crime, or so steeped in human blood."
This is not quite true. Since the first invasion of Ire-
land by Henry 11., as before it, whether native or
Englishman was the Governor, Ireland was always
ruled by force. But the wicked murders and vile and
treacherous atrocities of which the Irish records are
full, were displayed with far more revolting frequency
and fury under the indigenous savages who called them-
selves Kings of Ireland, or of its several districts; than
ever they -have been since the English power •pre-
vailed. Internal peace could never be relied upon for
an hour, and war was unredeemed by one Usage or
sentiment of mercy. towards •the vanquished. It was
not a single faction or tribe, but every tribe and, every
faction of the Irish. From the firs light.that Oicvneti
upon English domination until *the_ipa•esent" hour,
though there may have been ever more oeldss of blood-
guiltiness, yet it has been as almost pothing in the scale
when weighed against the deadly atrocities of inde-
pendent indigenous Irish rule. It was not afterwards,
the English Protestant only, but the Irish Catholic, who
became steeped in crimes and blood. The existence of
England was always for the last five centuries as it now
is—bound up with the subjection of Ireland to the
British Crown, and the prevention of any foreign
sovereignty over it. There were then but two modes
of maintaining that dominion. Ist. Through the na-
tural authorities and influences of the country itself,
including (after the Reformation) those of the Popish
priesthood—an instrument which was (unhappily, but
perhaps unavoidably, under the spirit of those times)
rejected—inasmuch as the British Government, which
transferred their property, declared war against the per-
sons of the clergy, and against the temporal existence of
their church. 2d. By military force, which as the
evil genius, whether of a blind-choice, or an over-ruling
necessity, commanded, became thenceforth the expe-
dient of the subjugating power—disguised at first
under a separate, afterwards under an incorporated
parliament, and employing for its agent or auxiliary
whatever Protestant strength could be found through-
out the country. This has been the real history of
English dominion over Ireland during two centuries
and a half ; and however we may have cheated our-
selves, for the other party has not been imposed upon
by names, yet it stands an unsolved problem, how to
change the principle of the Irish Government, without
a total sacrifice of Ireland as part of the British Em-
pire. Mr. O'Connell assumes that lie ltas solved the
question, in a way of his own. He takes for granted,
in words at least, that England cannot govern Ireland
according to Irish interests—in other words, that the
interests of the two islands are incompatible ; for,
twist his proposed repeal of the Union how you will,
it comes to this, and this only—that there are im

THE SUN_ LONDON FATURDAY, SFPIII4,`,\IBEE rt. 1Q

portant questions upon which the two Parliaments
would form opposite decisions, and vote in each other's
teeth ;if not, cui bono the repeal ? So let this like-
wise be kept in mind when we touch, as we shall do
slightly, on the learned gentleman's letters to Lord
Duncannon. Further, the learned agitator advises
that " above all things, and before all things, Repeal
is not to be made a sectarian question ;" meaning
thereby a question on which Protestants and Catholics
are permitted to feel that they have opposing interests.
Why, what extreme impudence is this, or what wretched
trifling ! It is just tantamount to telling the Pro-
testants of Ireland, " We Catholic priests and agita-
tors know well enough that we have no means of do-
mineering over you Protestants, and you large proprie-
tors of estates, except by throwing off the authority
of the United Parliament, and getting the whole
game of legislation into our hands ; we therefore
entreat that you Protestant inhabitants of Ireland
will have the good nature to blindfold yourselves—
that you will have the extreme liberality not to see
how deep a stake you have in this question, and how
nearly it concerns you, if you value your own exist-
ence, to oppose this our Repeal-plot with all your
power." That is what the learned Jesuit really signi-
fies by not letting his project be held up as a " secta-
rian question." He needs no ghost to satisfy him,
that it is intrinsically, and in its essence, a sectarian
measure ; but he will on no account confess that it is
one to the sect which would be destroyed by its accom-
plishment. Every man of reflection sees at once that
the fierce and unlettered Catholic multitude, led by its
priests and their momentary confederates the agitators,
would rule Ireland despotically from the hour in which
the sway of the British Parliament was withdrawn ;
and that not man's life, or liberty, or property, not even
O'Connell's, after the first fortnight (though he does
not think so) would be worth a shilling. But now we
come to the epistle to Lord Duncannon, wherein Mr.
O'Connell appeals with so much unction to " common
sense," as that great standard by which all men and
things should be appreciated. We shall probably find
occasion ourselves to join issue with the Learned Gen-
tleman before the same tribunal ; confining ourselves,
however, to a single topic, and to one definite
view of the subject of which he treats. Mr. O'Con-
nell severely lashes Lord Grey's Government for having
selected its Irish functionaries from the ranks of Orange-
men, and he enumerates some high legal appointments.
We are not going to defend the individual objects of
Lord Grey's or Lord Anglesey's preference, believing
that his Chief Baron, though an eminent lawyer, was
too vehement and conspicuous a professor of ascendency
doctrines, and that his Chief Justi©e of the Common
Pleas, though a moderate politician, was also rather
too moderately qualified as a lawyer ; but sure we are
that each of these gentlemen, and, moreover, that Mr.
Blackburne too, was a much more eligible person for
the office assigned to him than any other was likely to
be with whom Mr. O'Connell would have been satisfied.
The main gist of the learned gentleman's expostulation
with Lord Duncannon is to complain, that the officers
of the executive Government have not been selected
from the popular party, and that in those two
long" months which have elapsed since the Noble
Viscount came into the Cabinet, the persons chosen by
Lord
,Grey, whom the agitator accuses of Orange
politics, the Orange magistrates, &c., have not yet been
displaced, and members of the " popular party" in-
stalled in their several places. We acquit so clever a
disputant as Mr. O'Connell of the absurdity of de-
manding that Judges should be removed without the
regular Constitutional process, or by the mere motion
of Executive Government; but can a Justice of
the Peace be struck off the roll for no cause alleged,
beyond Mr. O'Connell's declared opinion that he
holds Orange sentiments ? Ought Mr. Blackburne
to be dismissed on such a naked plea ? Is that the
toleration of the " popular party ?" But what is
this same popular party, and how is the phrase un-
derstood by the Learned Gentleman himself ? He
qualifies the " popular party," and denominates and
describes it throughout his letter of three news-
paper columns, to be neither more nor less than the
" Repeal Party"—the party which, in obedience to
Mr. O'Connell, maintains the Repeal of the Union
with Great Britain, to be the great, the chief, the
most important, the ultimate, invaluable, and indis-
pensable aim and end of II true Irish Patriots !
This Mentor, therefore, of the Home Secretary of
State, who condescends to identify the politics of his
Majesty's present Cabinet with his own, has made it
a prime condition and characteristic of his concurrence
with the said Cabinet, that it should appoint its func-
tionaries, and in virtue of the same principle frame its
measures, in a spirit calculated to favour the repeal of
the union between these islands—that it (the King's
Government) should carry on his Majesty's service,
with a view to the dissolution of the British empire,
and to the fulfilment of that purpose which Lord Al-
thorp, a leading member of the Cabinet, announced to
Parliament and the country that he would go to war to
defeat. We are aware that there is nothing sheep-
faced about Mr. O'Connell, and (notwithstanding the
feeler in the Globe) that neither Lord Duncannon
nor Lord Melbourne could have been consulted by
the learned gentleman, or left any choice as to the
" free and easy" step which he has taken in thus boast-
ing of a political kindred, nay a decided partnership with
them in their plan for the government of Ireland,--Ave
are not therefore authorized to do more, nor would the
country require more than that the Noble Lord with
whom Mr. O'Connell has presumed so far, should, in
conformity with the manliness as well as discretion
which is generally ascribed both to his noble colleague
and himself, take some fit opportunity of disowning
the impeachment cast upon them by this artful and
dangerous demagogue, and of assuring the well-
disposed portion of their Irish fellow-subjects—Ca-
tholic as well as Protestant, including the bulk of men
of property among both—that there is no communion
of principle or feeling between those whose first duty
is to preserve the State, and him the tendency of all
whose efforts is to disturb and undermine it. Had Mr.
O'Connell not meant mischief towards Lord Mel-
bourne's Government, he never could have so beslob-
bered it with hypothetical and treacherous adulation.
If we thought the Premier would either obey O'Con-
fiell's spur, or submit to be reined in
with Lord
..'Broualiain's curb, we should have no doubt what fate
was in store for him ; but we have no reason to doubt
that Lord Melbouine will find a way to spill both
df the old agitator and the new " Conserva-
tivi.."—O'Connell and the Chancellor. Mr. O'Con-
nell's second letter to Lord Duncannon the
third of the series—may be disposed of in a
.few words. The learned gentleman begins by the ex-
pression of a strong desire that he may be allowed to
nominate some friend of his own to the seat on the
bench that has become vacant through the death of
Judge Jebb, and he plainly imitates that he will en-
dure sio refusal on this point. The Government, it is
clear, have no time to lose in sending express for the
learned gentleman's conge d elire. To this succeeds
some abuse of Lord Anglesey, which is alike remark-
able for its injustice and its ingratitude, and the letter
ends with bitter complaints that the " repealers are
not nominated to offices at the " Castle." We are
aware that we have expended upon these letters more
space than any notice of them deserves to fill ; for they
are (to omit all other objections) utterly unworthy of
the tact and talent of Mr. O'Connell, whom it would
be difficult to excuse for writing so ill, and to so little
purpose, while he has abundant leisure for the accom-
plishment of good and substantial results.—Times.

PROTESTANT CONSERVATIVE MEETING.

. _
A numerous meeting of this' Society took place at their
rooms in Grafton-sireet, Dublin, on Tuesday last, the Earl
of Roden in the Chair.
On the motion of Mr. Boyton, it was proposed and
agreed to " that all Protestant clergymen shall be ad-
mitted to this society by the usual ballot, but without pay-
ment of the annual subscription, except in the form of a vo-
luntary donatiOn."
The Earl of RoDEN hoped he would be permitted to ad-
dress a few words to the meeting before business of greater
importance should be entered on. " Gentlemen (said the

Noble Lord) Lam anxious to take this opportunity of say-
ing a few words respecting the commission about to be is-
sued throughout the entire of this country, having for its
object the numbering of, particularly, the Protestant portion
of its inhabitants (and we should ever bear in mind what
the object of it is), with a view, nothing more nor less, than
to destroy the Protestant faith in those parts of the coun-
try where a given number of persons professing the Pro-
testant religion do not reside.—(Hear, hear.) This Com-
mission is about to enter upon its various duties throughout
the country, and I wish my voice could reach every parish
which will be visited by it.—( Hear, hear.) I would im-
press upon that respectable body of men, the clergy and cu-
rates, as well as Protestant laymen of those parishes, the ne-
cessity there exists for attending all the meetings of those
commissioners which will be held in open Court, and. I would
implore of them to do so with a jealous and close attention
to the proceedings, for in them we may expect the grossest
falsehoods to be promulgated, and every possible artifice
made use of, in order to bring the Protestant religion into
disrepute. I would implore of them, as they valued the
supremacy of the Protestant, faith in Ireland, to attend,
during the whole of the labours of this Commission, and
communicate to the Secretary here any circumstances that
may bear upon the objects we have in view.—.(Hear, hear.)
Since our meeting on the 14th ult., I have visited the North.
I find our proceedings in Dublin on that day have not been
as widely disseminated amongst the humbler classes of our
Protestant people as they ought--our Roman Catholic
neighbours have also been deceived by the scurrilous and
false statements of our speeches, as have appeared in the
newspapers which have been disseminated amongst them.
The proceedings of that meeting, great as it has been in its
effects, and important in its results, as the violence and abuse
of our adversaries demonstrate, ought to be as widely cir-
culated as it has been faithfully reported. I conceive this
measure the more necessary, in consequence of the publica-
tion of two letters, signed Daniel O'Connell, containing
more scurrility and falsehood than any publication I ever
saw ; and I would not stop now to notice them, were it not
for one expression which has gone forth to our Roman Ca-
tholic countrymen, and which must excite in their minds,
if they believe it, an alarm and uneasiness which could not
long remain quiescent in any state of society. In the let-
ter to Lord Duncannon, it is asserted that the Orange
leaders, at the meeting of the 14th, proclaimed the exter-
mination of the labouring classes of the Roman Catholics.'
—( Hear.) lam one of those individuals who I suppose
is referred to. I was present during the proceedings, and
I need hardly tell you that no such sentence, I will take
upon myself to say no such statement, in the remotest de-
gree, could be ascribed to any individual engaged in that
discussion.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " No.") I believe
the best friends to the Roman Catholic labouring classes
are the Protestant resident gentry.—(Cheers.)
The following resolution was then proposed and carried :
" That the form of the returns from the country clergymen,
as submitted by the Rev. J. C. Martin, be adopted, and pub-
lished as such ; and that the society respectfully request that
returns, according to this form, be sent to the secretary of this
society as soon as is convenient, and be published by him as
they are received."

AUDACIOUS IMPOSITION.—Mr. James Kennedy,
late a clerk in the branch of the Provincial Bank of Ireland
in this city, who eloped from that establishment in the spring
of this year with a considerable sum of money, and has been
since, it is understood, residing in France, practised a most
impudent ruse in Paris last monthovhere he contrived to in-
troduce himself to Mr. Mansel, an officer of the Royal Navy,
pretending that he had the pleasure of being acquainted with
that gentleman's brother, Lieut.-Colonel Mansel, Brigade-
Major in this district, and professing the most warm attach-
ment to both. Having mentioned the name of this gallant
officer, and others in Limerick, the generous son oflieptune
thought all was right, and with very little difficulty his new
acquaintance,-on the plea of being just then short of a remit-
tance from his agent, induced Mr. Mansel to adviiiice him IN.
for which Mr. Kennedy promptly and with gratitude for the
accommodation, presented. his friend a cheque on the Provin-
cial Bank at Limerick for the amount, where he alleged a
large sum lay to his credit. The order was yesterday received
in this City, and presented at the Bank, to the utter surprize
of the Cashier, The return of course was " Nulla bona.",
Limerick Chronicle.

The Rev. Mr. MORTIMER O'SULLIVAN then rose amid
loud cheers. The Rev. Gentleman spoke at such length
(his speech occupies nearly ten columns of the Dublin
Evening Mail) that we cannot, consistently with other de-
mands upon our attention, give even a comprehensive ab-
stract of his address. After stating that the principle of
self-preservation was the principle of their union, he pro-
ceeded to say—" Our adversaries ask what grievance have
we to complain of—in what do we suffer wrong ?—as if the
graves which cover the honoured remains of many murdered
ministers of our religion had covered also the memory of
their pious and charitable lives, and their martyrdom in
death. They ask us what are our grievances ?—( Hear,)
as if the frequent aspect of many of their afflicted survi-
vors, driven from a home where their free charities can no
longer protect them—where the law does not, had dulled the
feelings with which we contemplate their destitute condi-
tion, and see them driven from the competence which re-
warded meritorious exertions, and condemaed, in their ma-
ture or declining years, to seek, among comparative stran-
gers, some humble employment, which may gave them
sustenance for their families. They ask us, what are your
grievances ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) I answer, that what
we complain of is this—that there is in Ireland an
extensive and well-organised conspiracy to extirpate Pro-
testantism, and that the conduct pursued by Government
towards Protestants and their enemies is calculated to
strengthen it ; that the disfavour by which Protestants are
discountenanced and rejected—the capricious demeanour of
Government towards their adversaries—now curbing, now
caressing, is eminently calculated to inflame an evil purpose,
and encourage and facilitate an attempt at massacre.—
(Hear.) But do not I think so ill of my countrymen as to
apprehend such an attempt ? Ido not think evil of them.
Without further preface, then, I undertake to prove three
propositions from which our grievances and our alarm may be
understood. Ist, There is a party in Ireland, comprising
a very large portion of our population, desirous to extirpate
Protestantism, and to effect a separation of this country
from England. 2d, The moral and physical force of the com-
bined Protestants, especially in Ulster, constitutes the great
obstacle by which this party is discouraged. 3d, The conduct of
the British Government, in its acts and omissions, is calculated
to weaken and, if not counteracted, ultimately to destroy this
power, to which, speaking humanly, Ulster is indebted for
its tranquillity, and the other provinces of Ireland, for that
(however imperfect) protection, which the union with Great
Britain affords them.—(Hear.) I maintain, that it is rea-
sonable to suspect more ambitious designs in the spirit
which engenders Irish disorder, than that of providing for
individual want, because religious prejudices are very
strongly felt by Irish Roman Catholics—because their na-
tural feelings combine with their religious in exciting hos-
tility to England, and because tradition keeps alive in their
memories a persuasion that their ancestors were unjustly
despoiled of their possessions, and that those _who are now
masters of large estates have no title by which they could
justly retain them. There is another reason why I am
disposed to believe that the Roman Catholic peasantisy en-
tertain larger views than the mere acquisition of some per-
sonal comforts. It is generally said, and is, indeed, so
well known, as to render proof superfluous, that Mr.
O'Connell is, as Mr. Poulett Scrope affirms, the organ of
the popular feeling in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He has
proved that he has power to appease or excite, as if he
were not only the organ but the director of their feelings.
—(Hear, hear.) He retains his place and power, notwith-
standing the disappointment felt by the peasantry in the long-
sought emancipation, which they now complain has proved
no advantage for them. I could quote many proofs of
this disappointment, but I spare you. Now, it is a very
memorable fact, that Mr. O'Connell has never, in any
single, instance, attempted a measure by which the peasantry
could be benefited.—(Hear, hear.) Any remission of tithe,
all men know, would induce a corresponding increase of
rent. The remission of church cess has the same effect,
and Mr. O'Connell has himself characterised it as paltry—
but even this is not his measure. The peasant complains
of excessive rent, and parades this complaint as one of his
justifications for conspiring against the law—Mr. O'Connell
has never attempted to regulate rents. The peasant com-
plains of insecurity of tenure—Mr. O'Connell has never
endeavoured to give him permanency of possession. The
peasant, complains that his labour has no adequate remu-
neration—Mr. O'Connell has never contended for a rise of
wages. The peasant complains that the unemployed, the
old, and infirm, are not supported—Mr. O'Connell has in-
variably opposed the enactment of a poor law--(Hear, and
cheers) ; and yet Mr. O'Connell is the organ and the di-
rector of popular feeling, and a people suffering under
va-
rious privations, and conspiring against law, for no other
purpose than to procure clothes and food (if we are to
believe modern politicians), look up to one who never took
any thought to provide them either—acknowledge him
as their organ—respect him as their director, aud, out
of the extreme poverty to the enjoyment of which
lie very composedly resigns them, create for him,
it might be said (for it seems to be formed
from nothing), by voluntary contribution, a larger salary.
all things considered, than rewards the exertion of
any Minister or any officer under the Crown.—
(Laughter.) After reviewing the circumstances and ob-
jects of the Rebellion of 1798, and of the different combi-
nations, such as Ribbonism, Whiteboyism, &c., which have
since made their appearance, the Rev. Gentleman inferred
that mere want was not sufficient to account for the spirit
manifested upon all these occasions by the Irish peasantry,
but that political and religious feelings were strongly mixed
up in the causes of disaffection. He then took an exten-
sive survey of the history of Ireland, and commented upon
various acts and speeches of Mr. O'Connell and other indi-
viduals distinguished as public characters in the different
periods at which the speaker glanced, still deducing from all
the evidence of religious bigotry as one of the main ingre-
dients in the present feeling of the Catholic party. The
speech which, as we have already stated, extended to consi-
derable length, was received with loud applause by the
assembly.

Mr. i3orrox could not let the opportunitY pass without
adverting to the calntnnious attempt which had been made
to fasten upon the _meeting of the 14th of August, and

~~ T

consequently upon the whole Protestant body of Ire-
land, a feeling of illiberality and animosity against
the Roman Catholic population. They desired to
fan the flame of dissension and hate, because, for the
present, it answered their purpose for the furtherance
of obstruction to the collection of Church property.—
(Hear, hear.) Surely every one must see that, if the
Church property were abolished to-morrow, the landlords
would be the gainers. It is to the credit of the Irish land-
lords, the support they have rendered the Church—that
they have supported us firmly, notwithstanding the appeal
the Government have just made, under the advice of Mr.
O'Connell, to the cupidity of human nature ; but surely if
we judge merely from the position in which we stand in re-
spect to the two classes, and did not know the support we
receive from the one, and the miserable delusion which pre-
vails in the other, we should say the former were our natural
enemies, and the latter our natural allies and friends.—
(Cheers.) But this delusion will pass away. The Rev.
Gentleman concluded a most able speech by observing
" the resolutions I have to move are in reference to some
accounts received from England. I observe there has been
lately a splendid meeting of the South Lancashire Conser-
vative Association ; the manner in which many of the indi-
viduals at that meeting spoke of unfortunate Ireland was
most affectionate and most cheering, and assuredly if we
sent over some of our numbers, they would be received
with attention.—(Hear, hear.) There is about to be also
a meeting at Bristol, I therefore move—
" That a letter be written to the President of the South
Lancashire Conservative Association, stating the satisfaction
with which the recent proceedings of that body have been
witnessed by the Conservative Society of Ireland, and stating
further, that while we are aware of the sympathy with which
our trials are regarded by our English brethern, we believe that
they are to a great extent unaware of the condition of Ireland,
and that it is the request of this society that the Conservative
Association of South Lancashire will appoint a day for the
meeting of the Association, at which a deputation from Ire-
land will attend.

" That a deputation do attend, on behalf of the Protestants
of Ireland, at the ensuing meeting about to be held at
Bristol."

The two resolutions proposed by Mr. Boyton were then
put from the chair and carried.

The Chair having been vacated, Sir Richard St. George
was called thereto, when

Mr. BOYTON moved that the thanks of the meeting be
given to Lord Roden.

The motion having passed, the meeting adjourned.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, SEPT. 12.

(Before the Chief Commissioner.)
IN RE WILLIAM KENDRICK.

In this case a question of considerable importance arose.
The-opposing creditor (Mr. Watson) had, since the claim
made by him against the insolvent, enlisted as a private in
the Honourable the East India Company's Service.
Mr. Cook (counsel for the insolvent) said that the oppos-
ing creditor had left this country for India, and consequently
the Learned Gentleman contended that his attorney, Mr.
Poole, in his absence, could not support an opposition with
effect against his client.

Mr. Woodroffe, for the opposing creditor, put up a wit-
ness named Gardiner, who deposed that his client gave in-
structions, before he left the country, to his attorney to
oppose the insolvent's discharge on account of his bill of
costs in a trial commenced by him against the insolvent in
which he recovered a verdict for 301. and costs.

Mr. Cooke contended that the party being out of the
jurisdiction of this Court, the opposing creditor had no
locus standi to oppose.

Mr. Woodrofte maintained the contrary.
The Chief Commissioner said it would be a dangerous
precedent to allow such 'a loophole, and directed the oppos-
ing counsel to proceed with the case, which was this :
The insolvent kept the Hand and Flower at Fulham,
which being about to quit, the opposing creditor bargained
with him for the same, who deposited 301. under an agree-
ment. The opposing party not being able to make up the
whole of the money brought an action to recover back the
deposit, which action the insolvent defended. The Jury
found for the plaintiff, and hence the opposition for vexatious
proceedings.

The Court held that the opposition.did not come within
the meaning of the Act, and discharged him.

PALACE COURT, SEPT. 12.

THOMAS V. GREW.
In this cause a question of considerable importance to
the medical profession was raised. The action was tried a
short time ago. It was brought by Mr. Cornelius Thomas
a surgeon and apothecary, residing in Gloucester-terrace,
Vauxhall Bridge-road, to recoVer of the defendant, a mas-
ter tailor, living in the neighbourhood, the sum of
71. 15s. 5d., for medicine to himself and wife. The de-
fence was tat the plaintiff was not qualified to practise,
having no certificate from the Apothecaries' Hall. It was
rejoined that he was in business before 1815, the period
when the act became operative , rendering diplomas from
that body necessary. To prove that point many witnesses
were examined, and it was admitted that the plaintiff was
then a minor, and a verdict was given for the amount
claimed. A rule was, however, obtained to enter a non-
suit, on the ground that the platntiff could not have been
established in practice, being a minor, at the time the act
was passed, and on Friday last it came on for argument,
and ultimately stood over for the Learned Judge to consi-
der the point.

The Learned JUDGE to-day, after citing various cases,
decided that the plaintiff could recover, notwithstanding
he was in business when a minor, and when the act became
operative.
The rule was therefore dismissed.