The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Bill " For more effectual suppression of local dis-
turbances and dangerous associations in Ireland," brought
in last night by Earl Grey is printed. The
character and provisions of this intended law de-
monstrate the sense en.ertained by Ministers of the
cruel alternative to which they have been reduced by
the contempt for civil authority, the systematic overthrow
of peace and order, the violation of the most sacred rights
of property, and the reckless and awful sacrifice of human
life, to which Ireland has so lung been a victim. We know
nothing more deplorable than the condition of a Govern-
ment composed of honest men who find themselves unab:e,
through the most diligent and skil•ul administration of
the existing laws, to promote that end for which alone it
is worth while to establish any law at all, or to proclaim
a free constitution. Civil liberty is nothing more than
the legal security of every citizen against wrong, and civil
government nothing more than the practical enforcement
of such security. To Ministers it has doubtless appeared
that as they could not, under the old forms of the consti-
tution, discharge the first duty of a Government, by
offering to its faithful nd unoffending subjects that pro-
tection in return for which, and on no other condition,it pos-
leases the right to exact their obedience and loyalty, it
became their bounden duty to apply to the Legislature for
such additional powers as might enable them to protect
the Kin,'s subjects, and thereby to maintain his sove-
reignly, to punish acknowl, dged crime, and to remove
what trey considered to be its immediate causes. We
make no shadow of question that such have been the feel-
ings of his Maje.ty's Government on this momentous oc-
casion, or that Lord Grey and his colleagues, in settling
tthe amount of their demands upon the confidence of the
country, have kept steadily in view the minimum of excess
beyond the fixed boundaries of the British constitution,
by which they would conceive themselves qualified to
fulfil the most solemn of all their trusts,—namely, that of
preserving, or restoring rather, the reign of law and the
internal peace of society :—" either we and the people of
Ireland must submit to the outrageous and perpetual
despotism of the mob, or we must subdue it by a stronger,
though transient despotism." That is the short way of
stating the difficulty. The answer to it is seen in the
eopy of the Bill, which we subjoin :
ABSTRACT OF THE CONTENTS OF THE BILL.

The recital states, that a conspiracy exists against property
and against the administration of the laws, causing such general
alarm as to frustrate the ordinary modes of criminal proceed-
ing; that divers meetings, inconsistent with the public peace,
have been lately held ; and that the laws now in force are not
sufficient to suppress such mischiefs.
Sec. 1 enacts, that the Lord-Lieutenant may suppress, by
order, the meeting of any assembly deemed by him to be
dangerous to the public safety, or inconsistent with the due
administration of the law ; and may suppress any adjourned or
continued meeting of the same.
Every meeting so prohibited shall be deemed an unlawful
assembly, and any persons present shall be deemed guilty of a

_ .
misdemeanor.
Sec. 2 empowers two justices, upon being refused admission,
to enter by force any house or place where any prohibited
assembly is held, and there read a notice to the persons so
assembled to disperse.
Notice.

Persons so assembled, and not dispersing within a quarter of
an hour from the reading of such notice, may be apprehended
then or afterwards, and upon conviction imprisoned three
months for the first offence, and one year for any subsequent
offence.

Sec. 3 enacts, that persons prosecuted by indictment shall
plead forthwith.
Sec. 4 enacts, that the Lord Lieutenant may issue his pro-
clamation declaring any county, &c., to be disturbed, and to
require the application of this law, and that such county shall
be deemed a proclaimed district.
Sec. 5 enacts, that such proclamation shall warn the inhabi-
tants to abstain from seditious and other unlawful assemblies,
he., and to continue in their houses between sunset and sunrise.
Sec. 6 enacts, that every county, &c., so proclaimed shall be
a proclaimed district within the Act, from the publishing of
the proclamation within such district.

Sec. 7 enacts, that all justices, constables, &c., and all com-
missioned officers of the line, in Ireland, and all persons autho-
rized by the Lord Lieutenant, shall be required to put down
and suppress disturbances and outrages in the proclaimed dis-
tricts, and to search for, arrest, and bring to trial offenders.
Sec. 8 enacts, that the .Dublin Gazette shall be conclusive
evidence of the issuing of the proclamation there contained.
Sec. 9 enacts, that no meeting be allowed in a proclaimed
district for petitioning Parliament, or for discussing any al-
leged grievance, or any matter in Church or State, without a
previous written notice of ten days, specifying the objects of
the meeting, given to the Lord-Lieutenant, and his consent
obtained, &c. ; and all such meetings without such notice and
consent, are declared to be illegal assemblies, and every person
attending to be guilty of a misdemeanor.

See. 10 enacts, that the Lord-Lieutenant may appoint corn.
missioned officers of the line for trial of offences within this Act.
Proviso as to age and time of service.

Sec. 11 enacts, that any number of persons so appointed, not
more than nine nor less than five, shall be deemed a court-
martial for the trial of offences within this Act, and shall have
the powers of any courtmartial, and also the powers of any
court of oyer and terminer, gaol delivery, or sessions of the
peace, and may pass judgment in like manner as might be
done by any court of oyer and terminer, &c.
Sec. 12 enacts, that the Lord-Lieutenant shall nominate a
sergeant-at-law or King's counsel to act at such courtmartial,
who shall perform the duties of a judge.advocate, &c.
Sec. 13 enacts the oath to be taken by persons so nominated.
Sec. 14. enacts, that the decision of the majority of suet
courtmartial shall have the same farce as the decision of the
whole court.

Sec. 15 enacts, that such courtmartial may issue orders for
bringing before them persons charged with offences under this
Act, or for carrying into effect their sentences; and all jus.
flees, sheriffs, &c., shall execute the same.
Sec. 16. gives power to such courtmartial for compelling the
attendance of witnesses, and for committing in case of refusal
to give evidence.

By sec. 17, any person liable to be prosecuted within any
proclaimed district for any offence against 27 Geo. 111., c. 15
(I), 50 Geo. 111., e. 102, 1 and 2 Wm. IV., c. 44, or 2 and 3
Wm. IV., c. 118, or with any offence against this Act, may be
tried by such courtmartial, who may, in case of conviction,
pass judgment as any court of oyer and terminer, or gaol de-
livery, or other court of criminal jurisdiction, might have
done, whether the offence has been committed before the
issuing of the proclamation or not.

Provided that if the offence is capital the courtmartial shall
not try it without the special direction of the Lord Lieutenant;
but the court, being so directed, may try such offence, and sen.
tence to transportation for life, or for a term not less than
seven years.

Sec. 18 enacts, that any magistrate, peace.oftiCer, pr other
person authorized by the Lord Lieutenant, may commit to
prison any one found out of his house in the proclaimed dis,
trict from one hour after sunset to sunrise, who may be tried
before any such courtmartial, and if convicted shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor.

Sec. 19 enacts, that any justice, or any person with warrant
of justice, accompanied by a commissioned officer or efilef con-
stable, may, from one hour after sunset to sunrise, demand
admission into any house In a proclaimed district, and if en.
trance is refused, may enter by force any house from which
he suspects the inhabitants are absent, and may search for
them, or for arms, weapons, &c. ; and all persons absent shall
be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, unless they prove some lawful
occasion of absence.

Sec. 20 enacts, that if, on search, arms are found, and the
person inhabiting the house, or having possession of the arms,
has been called upon to deliver them up, such person shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and punishable by a court-
martial, unless he make it appear that the arms were there
without his knowledge.
See. 21 enacts, that any person who disposes of a seditious
paper in a proclaimed district, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor and liable to imprisonment (for not more than
twelve months), unless he discover by whom he was so em-
ployed.

Sec. 22 enacts, that any person who shall injure the pro-
perty or person of any one who has appeared as juror, wit..
ness, or prosecutor, or for the purpose of any prosecution or
civil proceedings, or who by menaces or otherwise shall deter
Any one from appearing as juror, witness, &c., or otherwise,
shall be triable for such offence if committed within any pro.
claimed district, by a courtmartial, and on conviction be liable
to transportation for 7 or 14 years.
Sec. 23 enacts, that nothing done in pursuance of this Act,
in any proclaimed district, shall be questionable in any civil or
criminal court ; and that all officers and soldiers acting in
pursuance of such power or authority shall be responsible only
to courtsmartial.

Sec. 24 enacts, that in the case of any person arrested under
this Act, the person to whom the warrant is directed may de.
Lain him in any place within Ireland, and the place where he is
detained shall be deemed a lawful gaol for his detention.
The Lord-Lieutenant, or Chief Secretary, or any Command-
ing-officer, or person authorized by the Lord-Lieutenant, may,
by warrant, change from time to time the place of safe custody.
Sec. 25 provides, that copies of such warrants shall be trans.
Milted to the clerk of the Crown, and by him filed. '
Sec. 20 enacts, that any person knowingly swearing falsely,

in giving evidence before any Court under this Act, shalt be
liable to all the penalties of corrupt perjury.
Sec. 27 enacts,that in case of a Habeas Corpus sued out within
three calendar months by a person detained in custody under
the powers of this Act, it shall he a sufficient return that the
person so detained is detained by virtue of this Act.
Sec. 25 enacts, that offences under this Act shall not be
bailable, and that persons arrested shall be brought to trial
within three calendar months.
[The next three clauses are money clauses, which are left
to the House of Commons.]
See. 32 enacts, that Magistrates of next adjacent counties
may execute this Act within counties of cities (except in county
of city of Dublin), and magistrates of counties of cities may
execute it in the adjacent counties at large.
Sec. :13 enacts, that powers given by this Act to magistrates
of counties are given also to magistrates of counties of towns or
of cities.

Sec. 34 enacts, that any action against a person for anything
done under this Act, not within a proclaimed district, shall be
commenced within three months after the Act complained of
was committed ; and the person sued may plead the general
issue.

Sec. 35 enacts, that in case of verdict for the defendant, the
judge may certify that the act complained of was done by vir-
tue of this Act, and the defendant in that case shall be allowed
his treble costs.
Sec. 36 enacts, that in case of verdict for the plaintiff in ac.
tion for false imprisonment, or entering a house, if it appear to
the judge that there was probable cause for so doing, and he
certifies accordingly, the plaintiff shall recover only 6d. da-
mages, and not the costs of suit ; but plaintiff shall recover tre-
ble costs if the judge certify the act to be malicious.
Sec. 37 enacts, that the Lord Lieutenant may by proclama-
tion revoke any former proclamation.
Sec. 3S provides that nothing in this Act shall be construed to
take away or annul the prerogative of the Crown to resort to
the exercise of martial law, or to any pewers given by law for
suppression of insurrection.
Sec. 39 enacts, that this Act is to continue in force for
years.

The Insurrection Act is not unknown to Ireland,
and we are sore that the efficiency of that tremendous
measure, was always equal to its harshness. In some
important respects, the present Bill creates the same
restrictive and coercive powers as the Insurrection
Act. In others the machinery which it employs, is
at once less exasperating and more formidable. At
the same time, it is hut frank to confess, that in its
actual shape we would not vouch for the Bill making
way through the House of Commons. The Bill assumes,
and we hive expressed our acquiescence in the probable
truth of that assumption, that the attacks upon life, pro-
perty, and the public peace throughout Ireland, have had
politicsl meetings for their innisediute movers. That no
meetings, no agitation, no efforts at excitement of the pas-
sions, could have wrought with such mischievous success
upon a we'l-governed and prosperous people, or could
therefore have been just objects of alarm to the Legisla-
ture, it is quite needless to insist. Agitation may have
been, probably has been, the proximate mover of the crimes
which are now to he repressed, but what has armed aei
tation itself with its power of working evil ?—National
yrierances—deeply. routed, inveterate, odious grievances.
Hut to return to the Bill, that is, to some of its
clauses. The Lord-Lieuten int may suppress, by or.
der, any meeting which he thinks dangerous, and any
adjourned or continued meeting. We believe that a
similar provision existed some two or three years ago,
hut that in practice it was found extremely difficult of
xecution. Two Justices msy enter such meetings by
force (if neces•ary,) and there read a notice to disperse,
which must he complied with in a quarter of an hour, on

pain of caption, trial, and imprisonment, on conviction of
the parties. This is all that relates to the agitation class
of offences; all the rest of the (viz., 36) sections deal
direc ly with outrages upon life and property, and the
King s peace. We refer our readers to the clauses. The
Act empowers the Lord-Lieutenant to appoint com-
missioned officers of the line to try offences in the pro-
claimed counties, the Court thus composed having the usual
powers of Ccurts of Oyer and 'rerminer and gaol delivery.
There seems, however, to be one or two points open to
animadversion in the concoction of this Bill, and of extreme
importance. Murder and arson being by Jar the most
terrible crimes which prevailed, and those, in fact, on
which the chief stress has been laid by Lord Grey in his
recommendation of this strong measure to Parliament, it
strikes us as extraordinary that they are precisely the very
iffences for the trial and punishment of which no provision
whatsoever has been made in the Bill, the powers of the
courtmartial being limited to sentences of imprisonment
and transportation, and, of course, to the trial of minor
or mitigated felonies. Another apparent defect is, that
no time has been distinctly specified within which an
accused party must be brought to trias, unless we can
take it as an implied obligation to that effect, that a

detention under this Bill" shall be a valid return to a
writ of habeas corpus only, if the writ be issued within
three months from the caption of the party : the two
sections relating to these points may bear this meaning,
but should be expressed more clearly. Thete is, how-
ever, one difficulty with which the Bill contends in vain,
nor do we see by what expedient or contrivance it can
be fully overpowered. The intimidation of juries ha,
been comphined of, and no doubt with justice; a new

tribunal—that of commissioned r fficers—has been there-
lore constituttd, and to that extent the change will pro-
uility be favourable to the due administration of jus-
i;ce. But, are jurors the i.nly parties intimidaied ? On
;he contrary, in almost every instance where a prosecution

Las Idled, it has been from the want of evidence, owing to
the fears of popular vengeance entertained by witnesses who
durst not attend, or, if they did attend, durst not speak
truth. How, then, can the suhstitution of a military
1.4. a civil tribunal supply that inherent and fundamental
want in the machinery of judicial pro.•eedings—the absence
of testimony on which to pronounce judgment ? It wit-
nesses ate .tfrsid of their lives in one case, will they not in
both ? We see not how this is to be obviated. The Act

does, indeed, compel the attendance of a witness, hut how
does it conquer the fear of speaking truth ? We do not see.
Upon the whole, as we have great confidence in the inte-
grity of those who have called fur this precautionary" mea-
sure, and not less in the honour, and humanity, and good
sense, of the noblemen by whom it is to be administered,
we struggle hard to vanquish in its favour the antipathy
ind repugnance with which it is impossible not to comm.
Wate any proposed accession, in a free state, to the power
of the Executive Government over our fellow-citizens;
nor shall we feel at ease u,til the necessity for such power
shall have terminated,—the free action of the community
been unmanacled,—and the ordinary course of law and
justice between Crown and subject been restored.—Tines.

Lsst night End Grey introduced to the House of Lords
the measure, with respect to Ireland, for which we wtre
prepared by the King's speech. The measure is one of
very great severity. But will it produce the anticipated
results? We confess we were somewhat astonished at

hearing a statesman like Lord Grey, expressing himself,
with respect to Ireland, in this manner:—
" It has been said that all the disturbances which have arisen,
have arisen from a mere sense of injury, and that reparation of
injury, if alone, will be sufficient to restore tranquillity to Ire-

land. Would to God, my Lords, that I could lay that flatter-
ing unction to my soul, that any hope arising from past eipe-
rience, or from the present aspect of affairs, would allow me to
Indulge in the hope that, by a redress of grievance alone, the
peace of Ireland could he established. My Lords, we all re_
member the Catholic question.—(Hear.) Nobody was more
sanguine than I was in my hope that that great, that necessary,
and fundamental measure would have produced peace and con-
tentment throughout Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) ➢ly Lords, I
say it—the truth obliges me to say it—but I say it with regret
and pain, that hope has been grievously disappointed. Nobody
indulged In it more fervently than I did, and I expressed that
feeling in every debate upon the subject, that though this was
the' necessary, the primary, and fninfarnental-rnessure, stilt,
that that alone would be found insufficient; and that it must
Xie followed by other measures of an alleviating and effectual
nature to repair the injuries of centuries.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
But I did hope that that measure having been once passed with
this earnest of the Legislature and the Government to attend
to the just wants and complaints of Ireland, it would have enabled
us to pursue that course undisturbed by popular agitation."
When did it ever yet happen in the history of the world,
that a people in the condition of the great body of the
Irish, possessed the patience expected from them ? All the
circumstances enumerated by his T.ordship, prove that the
agitation in Ireland is a struggle between irldividuals fur
existence. Alen who are in easy circumstances, or at least
who have a house over their heads, may wait with patience

for the effects of healing laws; but the wretch who is
turned out to the highway without resources, has recourse
to the knife or the torch. The description of the offences

given by Lord Grey proves that they are not political, but
the offspring of desperate circumstances, " ffndoubtedly

(said his Lordship) there is a strong feeling again:f tithes
in Ireland, the unfortunate consequenc,s of which are
to he regretted; and it is still more to be regretted
that something was not sooner done to remove or obviate

ite effects; but the ass,mblies I speak of are not exclusively

directed to attain the object of getting rid of tithes. They
prescribe on whet terms land shall be let, and who shall

hire it ;—they prescribe the mode in which a man shall

dispose of his property, under the penalty of death." That
is, they endeavour to escape death by starvation, by in-
flicting death on those who would take their possessions
over their beads, We are astonished that Lord Grey
should express wonder that the victims should be the poor
and defenceless. "Of one hundred and fifty victims (he
said) not one is connected with tithes--not one victim was
a gentleman or man of fortune, but the poor and defence-
h-sir ; labourers, women, and the most helpless c'ase of the
community were the victims of that tyranny which was

carried Uri in such a relentless spirit, and in such blind

obedience to a cruel system." Why all this is perfectly
natural. A gentleman or Loan of fortune does not choose
to place himself in jeopardy by taking a farm over the
head of another. It is the poor and the necessitous alone,
who, to escape destitution, brave the vengeance of those
whom they expose to destitution. This is the same sort
of reasoning which we hear employed in England in the
ease of the Knobsticks. It is not the tnanufac:urers who
are named in the case of turns-out, but the poor and
the necessitous who offer to take the work which
the members of the combination decline. The combina-
tion of peasants is the same in principle with the
turns-out in our manufacturing towns. No man can mis-
take the cause. And every man can understand why the
poor should he selected as victims. The peasant knows
that, if he can only intimidate the poor from taking his
farm, he is in no danger from the rich, who can only act
on him through the instrumentality of the poor. He is
not such a fool as to attack the barricaded mansion, when
he can effect his object without danger by firing the cot-
tage. The provisions of the measure are dreadfully sp.
vere. The Lord Lieutenant is to be armed with power
to disperse meetings de•med by him dangerous, and the
offence of non-compliance with the proclamation is mis-
demeanor. The Lord Lieutenant may also declare dis-
tricts in a state of disturbance, and all persons in a pro-
claimed district must be in their houses from sunset to
sunrise. The offenders to be tried by courtsmartial, con-
sisting of not more than nine, nor fewer than seven per-
sons, and the highest sentence to be transportation. The
powers are, indeed, terrible. Let us hope that, as the
Government have the power of c &Iling the law into action
through the Lord Lieutenant, Ministers will be careful
how they abuse the powers. We are glad, at all events,
that the power is taken from the ordin.ay Magistrates.__
Morning Chronicle.

The proceedings in each of the two Houses of Parlia
ment last night were of the very highest interest. Jr
the Ilouse of L .rds they related to one of the most im

portant and difficult of the domestic embarrassments of the
empire; and in the Commons to a subject of foreig❑
policy in which the interests and the honour of the country
ale deeply involved, and in respect to which the interests
and the honour of the country, it may now be said without
the fear of contradiction, have sustained in the hands of

the present Ministers the deepest injury. In the House
of Lords the Premier introduced the measures which, in the
judgment of the King's Ministers, the actual state of Ireland
renders necessary. We do not dispute, in this instance, the
correctness of the Ministerial judgment. The state of
Ireland—of Ireland, the petted child, whom successive races of
British Ministers have contributed to spoil, and whose froward-
ness was never cultivated to its highest point of perfection
until the Whigs came into power—is unquestionably
such, at the present moment, as to furnish at least a
plausible apology for the sudden and violent transition
from weak indulgence to rigorous and lawless severity which is
now seen to be the last resort of Ministerial wisdom. Ireland
is to be committed to the hands of a military dictator, by virtue
of whose uncontrolled authority any portion of her population
is at any time to be deprived of all the legal protection for li-
berty, property, and life which the Constitution of Great
Britain has hitherto thrown over all who have had the happi-

less to be the subjects of the British Crown. The Go..
vernment, when it pleases, is to assume the power of con.
signing to prison whom it pleases, and for any period that it
pleases. The Government, when it pleases, is to subject the
inhabitants of any district in Ireland to the jurisdiction of
military courts, as a substitute for trial by jury, in any case not
affecting life. The Government, when it pleases, is to
asssume the power of removing persons accused of capital
crimes from the cognizance of their natural Judges, altd of trans-
ferring the decision of their fate to a Jury empannelled in any
county in Ireland, however remote from the domicile of the
accused and the scene of the alleged crime. Thus a Presby-
terian from the North may be tried for his life in Tipperary,
and the Whitefoot of Mayo be arraigned before an Orange
Jury in Derry and Cavan. These are terrible powers to confer
upon any Government, and still more terrible when they are
to be conferred upon a Government composed of men whose
selfishness, folly, and want of principle, have produced the
necessity for such violent outrages upon the Constitution.
But it is not and cannot be denied, that the necessity exists for
arming the Executive Government with extraordinary powers;
and as these are the powers which the actual Government de-
clares to be necessary in order to enable it to exercise its func-
tions, and as it is plainly essential that there should at length
be a Government in Ireland, the danger would probably be
greater of withholding these powers, arbitrary, despotic, uncon.
stitutional as they are, than of granting them. The Con-
servative party, the only party in the State that
has any sincere and rational attachment to the Con-
stitution of the country, cannot risk the destruction of Ireland
by withholding the powers which the King's Ministers, upon
their official responsibility, and with their superior means of
forming an accurate judgment, pronounce to be indispensable
to its preservation. It will be recollected that. when in former
times it has been the misfortune of Tory Administrations to
be compelled to apply to Parliament for powers unknown to
the Constitution, in order to avert some extraordinary and ur-
gent danger to the State, they have never failed to submit, in
the first instance, to Committees of the two Houses such evi-
dence as was sufficient to satisfy those Committees of the
reality and cogency of the impending danger. The Whigs,
however, have a more compendious course when the esta-
blishment of a temporary despotism seems to them necessary
or convenient. After flattering and rewarding traitors for a
period of three years, they suddenly turn round and say,
" It is now time to suppress treason ; therefore, without more
circumstance at all, we hold it good that you, the Parliament,
suspend the Constitution." Now we cannot but think that the
Tory practice was the better of the two, inasmuch ac the pre-
vious inves igation by Committees of the two Houses of Par..
liament, if good for nothing else, was at least good for this,
that it served to show the degree of reverence in which the
Constitution was held, and proclaimed to the world that some-
thing more of form and circumstance was required in suspend-
ing it than in passing a Turnpike or Canal Bill. But our
notions are old-fashioned, and much too narrow for the present
enlightened age of intellect and liberality, of which the despotism
to be established in Ireland, without trouble or ceremony, is, we
suppose, to be considered as one of the most splendid triumphs.
The subject of discussion in the House of Commons was the ern_
bargo laid upon the Dutch vessels in our ports, and the other mea-
sures of hostility to which the British Government has had re.
course against Holland. And we need only refer to the masterly
and splendid speeeh of Sir Robert Peel, and to the speech, as in
courtesy we suppose we must call it, of Lord Palmerston, to
vindicate the language we have employed in describing this
question of foreign policy, as one in which the honour and the
interests of Great Britain are deeply involved, and in respect to
which it may now be said, without the fear of contradiction,
that, in the hands of the present Ministers, both the interests
and the honour of the country have sustained deep and irre-
parable injury. Contradiction and dispute upon this subject
are no longer possible. The commanding eloquence, the tri-
umphant and irresistible argumentation, of Sir Robert Peel
have finished the business; and had they not done so, it would
have been finished as completely by the deplorable, wretched,
contemptible failure of Lord Palmerston. Between the
talents of the two men it is quite certain that nobody
would ever think of instituting any comparison ; but no dis-
parity of talent that can possibly exist between two beings of
the same species will fully account for the elevation of the one
and the relative depression of the other, that were last night
exhibited. These can only be explained by the facts that the
former was the bold and vigorous champion of right, and the
latter the laborious, tricky, and unprincipled advocate of wrong.
Would that the noble-minded King of the Netherlands could
have been a witness to the scene. It was a treat to all honest
and virtuous men to see the friends of the Administration hang
down their heads abashed, and skulk away from the House, in
visible fear lest they should meet some acquaintance in the
lobby or passages, who, in malice or in sport might talk to them
perchance of Palmerston or of Peel. The triumph of right
over wrong, of sense over folly, of British wisdom and integrity
over revolutionary and dishonest partialities, was complete and
decisive; nor can it fail to produce beneficial and permanent
effects upon the character and fortunes of the country.—
Morning Post.

THE NAVAL AND MILITARY GA-
ZETTE. No. 11. price 7d., published this day at
19, CATHERINE.STREET, STRAND, contains an
Address to the Services—Distribution of the Royal Navy
at the present time, from the most au•hentic sources—
The late•t India❑ Intelligence—An elaborate Review of
Colonel Mackinnon's History of the Coldstream Guards,
wi'h Extracts—Also of the Memoirs of Sir William Hoste,
K.C.B.—Funeral of Lord Exmouth—Memoirs of the late
Generals Lewis, Mackenzie, and Sir John Macleod—The
United States Navy—The " Pennsylvania" of 200 guns
—Promotions and Appointments—Courts Mar ial—Ge
neral Orde: s—Correspondence—New Ships Building—
Presentation of New Colours, by Sir FL Vivian to the
90th Regiment—The Grand Sitnor and the Pacha of
Egypt—Con.piracy against the King of Spain—Prepara-
tions in the United States for War with Carolina—News
from Van Diemen's Land—Parliamentary Proceedings—
Case of Admiral Sir Charles Neale—Hume's Motion re-
•pectine Naval and Mili,try Sinecures. &c. &c.

Orders received by ,11-Bo..k•ellers and Newsmen.