The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-25 00:00:00

N°.18,203.] LONDON, SATURDAY E --
I Nti.,
S
JANUARY 25, 1851.

PUBLICATIONS.

THE WIDOW of the late Rev. GEORGE
EDWARD HOLLEST, of Frimley, Surrey,—Frimley, Bag-
shot, December 31,1850.—An earnest APPEAL to public benevolence
is respectfully submitted by a few friend; and neighbours on behalf
of the WIDOW of the late Rev. GEORGE EDWARD HOLLEST,
who for a period of 18 years, in an exemplary manner, performed
the duties of his church, and was distinguished by his benevolence
and charity in the wide district under his charge. The act of
atrocity by which the Rev. Mr. Holiest was soddenly cut off is
universally known, but those only who are acquainted with his posi-
tion are aware that he never had the means of making a provisian
for his widow. Under such circumstances, it is hoped that the case
of Mrs. Holiest will commend itself to the generous consideration
of those who are blessed with the means of alleviating, so far as
human sympathy and assistance can alleviate, the distress of a
family so fearfully bereft of its natural supporter. The income of
Mrs. Holiest does not exceed 401. per annum, and subscriptions are
earnestly solicited in aid of these inadequate means. Subscriptions
will be thankfully received by the following bankers :—Messrs.
llerries, Farquhar, and Co.; Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co.;
Messrs. Barclay, Tritton, and Co. ; Messrs. Coutts, and Co.; Messrs.
Smith, Payne, and Co.; Sir S. Scott, Bart., and Co., 1, Cavendish-
square ; Messrs. Mangles Brothers, Guildford; Messrs. Stevens
and Mandy, Reading; also by the following members of the Com-
mittee :
It. It. Bayley, Esq., Mitchett, Frimley, Bagshot.
J. F. Burrell, Esq., Manor House, Frimley.
11ev. J. H. Clayton, Farnborough, Bagshot.
Rev. John Lawrell, Cove, Bagshot.
Sir Walter Farquhar, Bart., Farnborough-place, Bagshot.
Thomas Longman, Esq., Farnborough-hill, Bagshot.

THE MANCHESTER POLICY OF
NEXT SESSION.
MANCHESTER, FRIDAY.—An important meeting was
held here last night, at the Albion Hotel, called toge-
ther under the designation of a " social soiree," at which
was put forth by the Hon. Member for the West Riding
of Yorkshire a sort of manifesto indicating the policy he
and his friends are disposed to take on the leading ques•
tions which are likely to come before Partiament during
the approaching session. The parties invited to II e
soiree were the leading members of the committees 'n
South Lancashire and Manchester, having charge of the
registers of voters, at whose suggestion the meeting is
said to have taken pities. Mr. Alexander Henry, M.P.,
and Mr. Brotherton, M.P., were present, and took p, rt
in the proceedings. Mr. George Wilson took the chsir.
The Right Hon. T. M. GIBSON they rose, and was
received with loud and universal cheers. He said—Yr,
Chairman and gentlemen, I can of course hardly be ex-
pected to occupy your time with a lengthened disquisi-
tion upon many of our public affairs; I must simply re-
mark upon such points as strike my mind as being the
most worthy of our discussion at this moment, and
which have occupied the greater part of my own atten-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) Our worthy chairman spoke in
very high terms,—but they were terms of truthfulness.
—of the success of the commercial policy which was ad-
vocated and carried by the leading minds in the northern
parts of England. I think he expressed, in the remarks
he made, nut a bit more than the plain and naked truth.
But since those questions have been settled,—no, not
settled, because in the matter of free trade, in the sim-
plifying of our tariffs, and in carrying`out those princi-
ples upon which the repeal of the corn-law was based,
there still remains much to be done—(llear, hoar)—
still, since the great keystone of monopoly was removed,
since the repeal of the corn laws was carried, my lion.
Friend Mr. Cobden and the gentlemen who have acted
with him in the House of Commons have no reason, I
think, to be at all ashamed of the success that has at-
tended the policy which they have supported in reference
to our finances.—(Hear, sr.) Fur let us look back.
What was the state of affairs in the year 1848? We
bound the Ministry assuring Parliament that the country
was in a state of panic at an impending French invasion
—(Hear)—that it was necessary to increase our arma-
ments—that not a man could be spared. But I think I
say truly that this part of England, especially Manches-
ter and the neighbouring district, and the gentlemen who
are not politically connected with that district, were not
overwhelmed with those imaginary dangers, but that
they stepped in end tendered what I believe was prudent
advice to the Government, and checked them in a career
which, it is my belief, had they carried it out, would
have led the country into great difficulties, and would
have been the ruin of that Government itself. Now, Sir, I
think we may take credit to ourselves, and not only to
ourselves, but to the party—and those gentlemen who
have taken an economical view of these matters, and
a prudent and a temperate view of these things, they
may take credit to themselves, for having rescued Go-
vernment from the pressure that was brought to bear
upon them, and for having enabled them to resist being
carried into this unnecessrry extreme of expenditure.—
(Cheers.) There was a five per cent. income-tax pro-
posed; two per cent. in addition to the income-tax; an
increase of all your estimates. Well, when the matter
bad been well discusssed, a complete change of policy
took place. Instead of Government coming forward
and saying, " We can't spare a man; we aro threatened
with a French invasion," and all the rest of it, why we
find that they can spare a great many men, that they
have reduced very considerably the expenditure; and
hero we all are, sleeping as comfortably at nights, and as
little alarmed at these impending dangers, as men could
possibly be, with a considerable—l don't say very consi-
derable, diminution iu the public expenditure.—(Cheers.)
And now I trust we ate going to reap the fruits of that
reduction of the expenditure, and increase the income
arising from a more sound commercial and financial po-
licy, in the removal of some of those taxes which op-
press the industry and prevent the employment of the
capital of the country.—(Hear.) I will say this, that I
do not advocate tho dealing with taxation entirely upon
what I may be permitted to call the narrow grounds
of whether there is a surplus or a deficiency.—(Cheers.)
It may be said that it is more easy to make an experi-
ment in our finances when we have a surplus than at a
time when the income augments the expenditure. But
the late Sir R. Peel set an example, which I think the
present Government would do well to follow, of not
basing our financial changes upon the mere fact of whe-
ther there is a surplus of money in the Exchequer, but
upon a well-considered scheme of financial policy, to re-
peal those taxes that are the most oppressive to the in-
dustry of the country, and which in the greatest degree
contract the enjoyments of the people.—e(Hear, hear.) I
want to see our taxation based upon something like well-
considered principles, and, even if there should be a de-
ficit at any particular time, I see no reason why a Mi-
nistry should not persevere in endavouring to carry out
those financial arrangements which would enable them
to remove oppressive taxes without injury to the revenue,
and with great benefit to the people.—(Cheers.) The
experiments which Sir R. Peel made upon taxation are
pregnant with valuable lessons to statesmen. I wish
them to profit by those lessons, to see that you may re-
duce a tax without losing revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I
would mention, for example, the tea duty. I believe if
that were dealt with in a dexterous and sagacious man-
ner, the revenue which might for a moment appear to be
lost would be replaced.—(Hear, hear.) I was told by a
gentleman, who is perhaps as competent as any man in
England to judge of this
question, that if a person had
to " farm" this revenue, in order to make it as large as
he could he would reduce the duty.—_(Applause.) Again.
the duty on coffee should be reduced.—(Hear, hear.)
The duty ou foreign and colonial coffee should be
equalized; and this might be done at the present time
without the slightest derangement to any interest what-
ever; because we are exporting, as I believe, our own
colonial growth, and therefore you might, without com•
plaint, get rid of an objectionable differential duty, and
place the coffee duties on a proper footing.—(Cbesrs.)
There are many other taxes which are also open to
great objection. I hoar that the window-tax is doomed.
—(Cheers.) It was very nearly carried during the last
session of Parliatment.—(Laughter, and applause.) But
I have a nation, from what I read in the papers that
have the credit at least of giving
something like a fore-
shadowing of what the 'sites of the Government may
be, that there is to be a modified house-tax to take the
place of the window-tax. I can pronounce no opinion
upon the policy
of that change until I see the measure;
bul I would rather see the thing done clean, and the
tax entirely removed at once, without substitute.—
(Loud applause.) There is one description of taxa-
tion to which I have turned a little attention, and
which some may consider to have obtained some-
thing like a claptrap title, though I don't think
so—l allude to the taxes on knowledge.—(Applause.)
I hold that every country that professes to desire the
diffusion of knowledge among the great mass of the com-
munity, who profess to be anxious to make efforts for
the education of the people, is not acting consistently
with itself if, at the same time, it maintains fiscal impe-
diments to the diffusion of knowledge.—(Applause.) I
do not ask simply for the the paper duty
to be repealed,
but also the newspaper stamp—(Cheers)—and the ad-
vertisement duty.—(Renewed applause.) I believe, with
respect to the paper duty, that it is a question bearing
intimately upon'the interests of the labouring classes, and
especially in these districts. I know that it is thought
that the amount of paper duty on a book is really so tri-
fling, that it would not make above a fraction of a penny
of difference in price, and that it is not of the slightest
consequence to the consumer. But that is not the point
of view in which I regard this tare—(lcer.) Paper
consists almost entirely of wages and duty; it is the con-
version of a comparatively worthless material into a va-
luable article by the mere application of labour.—(Hear.)
And, therefore, as regards the working population, it
appears to me to be a duty that we ought to get rid of
if we can. With respect to the diffusion of knowledge
among the working classes, it most indisputably does in-
creasespeculations when you are
ulation and a small price for
mass of the community.—
sieti"does not sell.
Therefore it does act as a very material check upon the
spread of cheap and good literature among the mass of
is the only description of
literatureprofit; tde
turhai
psanoktdn
co
aaf
that,n aarl
e l
largetaaci xnh literaryooti
fact,rhfoea much a pound upon all
(Elm.) It naturally risks the chance of success
if you have to PaY
and that it is
notthe ptaopernothartotnisrn
publication
uedsedifinthteho
the community.—(Hear, hear.) It seems strange now
that the proprietor of a little work like the Family
Herald should have to pay 3,0001. a year to Government
in duty on the paper he uses in his little penny publica-
tion, distributed among the working classes.—(Hear,
hear.) Does not this lessen the chances of success of
such an undertaking, and make all the difference
of the capitalist being able to carry it on or not?—
(Applause.) Therefore, it is in vain to reply that the
duty on a large book or expensive publication is so mi-
nute that it is not worth consideration. I regard it as a
tax which prevents, in the first place, the employment of
labour in the conversion of a worthless material into a
useful article; and as a tax that prevents the diffusion
of knowledge among the working classes, and, thus both
in reference to the physical and moral condition of the
masses, I think it would be wise to deel with the paper
duty. —(Cheers.) Now, I :know that there is about the
stamp duty a prejudice in many minds: I, for one, hold
that if you want progress in a country, you must have
a free press.—(Hear, hear.) You must have competition
in your press.—(Hear, hear.) You mast have an un-
shackled press, and you must have a cheap press.—(Ap-
plause.) You cannot diffuse facts amongst the great
body of the people, and facts aro the foundation of all
right knowledge—(Hear)—without you can publish
newspapers at such a price as that the poorer classes
can buy them.—(Hear.) I therefore advocate the re-
moval of the stamp duty on newspapers. I know there
is a feeling (not common with the whole of the press—
God forbid! but amongst a portion of the press) that the
established newspapers are in favour of being taxed, be-
cause it keeps other people out of the trade—it creates
a'congestion of capital in that particular article.—(Hear,
hear.) I don't believe that opinion to be shared by the
great majority of the Liberal established press of this
country. Why, for people to desire their own taxation
for their own benefit seems, on the„ face of it,w mon-

strous thing, because it would come to this, that
the more you taxed them the better it would be for the
newspapers and the better for society. The advertise-
ment duty is another branch of this lot of taxes.—(Hear,
hear)—and the repeal of which I know would be
very beneficial to the trade of this country, and to the
established press The advertisements aro the source
from which flows a great portion of the profit of the
newspaper—perhaps the greatest—and to fine people
Is. 6d., for every time they advertise in a newspaper is a
sure way to drive them to find out come other mode of
making known their wants—the sure way of crippling
the newspaper press, and of destroying its independence,
and of preventing it from having all those means of sup-
port to which it is legitimately entitled.—(Hear.) If a
man puts a bill on a wall, or in his window (though I am
not sure whether it ought not to be stamped), you doe,t
fine him Is. 6d., but you say to him, "If you put it into
s newspaper I will fine you ls. 6i. for making known
your wants there." Why is that attack upon the press?
Why, if it is right to have a duty upon advertisements,
don't you put it wherever you find the advertis-
ment? As a very able writer once proposed, you
should have an exciseman to follow the town crier
hrough the streets of the village, and every time he is.
going to announce that a sale is to take place the excise-
man should step up and say, " Don't speak till you pay
me my 181"—(Cheers.) That is the principle of the
tax. I say, if the penny postage was au advant3ge to
the nation—if the greater facility of communicetion in
various ways which has arisen in this country be appre-
ciated by the country, and be beneficial to the trade ard
industry of the country—l say that the facilities of
making known your wants through that legitimate me-
dium, the newspaper, must be a great boon to the trade
and industry of the empire.—(Cheers.) And what ie, the
,amount of this tax? A paltry 158,0001. a year! Why,
the advertisements in the United States papers are legion
as compered with ours; and I maintain that, in the com-
petition between countries, a check to communications
of this kind must have a very prejudicial effect. I hope
/0 may see that, with a little pressure, these duties may
be removed.—(Cheers.) Government are in a little
trouble just now with respect to this newspaper stamp.
The thing has slumbered for many years ; and it seems
they are now beginning to look round amongst the
small publications that are in circulation amongst the
humbler classes of society and endeavour to exercise a
species of censorship—that is, not the Government, but
the Stamp-office, which acts according, I suppose,
to its own discretion. I don't know who advise them.
they are the Executive in fact.—(Hear, hear.) They
are now singling out some small publications, and " put-
ting them down" by stamping them, leaving others that
%re doing precisely the same thing untouched. Within
a short time three or four publications, published monthly
at a penny, most respectable publication, giving a very
useful record of the facts of the month, have been inter-
fered with by the Stamp-office. There was a little paper
called the Norwich Reformer, published monthly, and a
letter came to the publisher from Landon, telling him
that he was publishing a column of news, and wanting
to know what he had to say why ho should not be pro-
secuted. Well, as an hon. friend of mine said to me,
" he died of fright."—(Laughter.) But that is not so.
Fie did not die spark out; but, after some controversy
with the Stamp-office, he brought his little publication
Out without the most interesting part of it, namely, the
column of nows.—(llear, hear.) Then there was an-
other, the Stroud Observer, which was a most respect-
able paper, iu the hands of most respectable people,
doing a vast amount of good, as I am intorme3, having
attained a circulation of 17,000, only published once a
month, and not coming into competition with any daily
or weekly newspaper, and circulated mainly amongst
the working-classes. Down came a letter from the
Stamp. office to ask why this gentleman should not be
prosecuted for issuing unstamped news?—(Hear.) He
vroto a letter, expressing no wish to break the law, and
promised that he would not persist in publishing the
caper if the Stamp-office would forego the prosecution,
and that bargain was agreed to. But I say, if the prin-
ciple is right, they are bound to carry the thing on.—
(Applause.) They must say, " We mean to stamp all
the monthly publications that contain any news. Stamp
all or none; let us have no favour, no privilege; and,
above all, let us have no censorship of the press at So-
merset•house in the Strand."—(Applause.) A prosecu-
ion, as we were publicly informed by one of the Minis-

ip X HIBITION OFFICIAL CATALOGUES.
.4 ADVERTISEMENTS are now being received for the First
Edition of a Quarter of a3lillion of the Small Catalogue; also for the
Illustrated, and•Geipnan, and French Catalogues.
SPICER BROPIIERS, Wholesale Stationers.
CLOWES and SONS, Printers.
Office, 29, New Bridge-street, Bla Afriars.

Captain Charles Edward Mangles, Poyle-park, Farnham, Surrey.
The Commit'ee have the sitisfaction to state that her Majesty the
Queen, the Duchess of Gloucester, and the Bishop of Winchester,
have sanctioned their exertions by very liberal donations.
The CommAle° return their grateful thanks for the lib-ral manner
in which their appeal has been responded to, and they thankfully
acknowledge the Mowing
ADDITIONAL SUBSCRIPTIONS.

The Lord Bishop of London - -
The Earl of Aberdeen - - -
The Earl of Sefton - - -
The Right Hon. S. Lnshington, LL.D.
Sir Frederick Theslger, Q.C.
Per Mr. Folthorpe, Brighton. 1
WV. L. - - -£1 001
D. T. L. - - - 5 0 0
J. G. Y. - - - 1 001
H. W. M. - - - 1 001
J. R. E. - - - 1 00
Mrs. W. - - - 0 501
J. R. B. - - - 010 0:
J. D. T. - - - 1 0 0
T. C. - - - - 0 501
L. B. - - - 010 0
ft. - - - - 5 001
C. and V. T. K. - - 1 100,
J. S. - - - 010 0.
R. G. - - - 2 20
Per Barclay and Co.
--- 1 1 0
- 2 0 IT
- - - - 1 101
.E. M. and F. E. - 2 00
Per Messrs. Coutts.

-XlO 0 0
-2000

-5 0 0
- 10 0 0
- 10 0 0

(Gibson, G. J. Esq. - 5
g rwisysnell , T., Esq. -100 0 0
0
(Godley',
- - 1 0 0
msrloollected by 1 0 0

11Grace, Henry, Esq. - 2 0 0
illarcourt, Rev. L. V. - 3 0()
I,Harcourt, Hon. Mrs. - 2 0 0
IFlyndman, J. 8., Esq, - 2 0 0
Hopkins, Mrs. Robert - 2 0 0
l!flart, Rev. H. C. - - 1 1 0
;Hughes, Rev. J. W. C. - 1 1 0
I Hopper' Rev. A. M. - 2 0 0
Herd, W., Esq. - - 5 0 0
!Ilankey, Thos., jun., Esq. 2 0 0
Two Friends, per ditto - 3 0 0
Handley, Mrs. - - 0 5 0
Hulse, Rev. J. - - 10 0 0
Hulse, Miss - - 5 0 0
Hart, Messrs. - - 1 0 0
Holman, Mrs. H. - 010 0
Jervoise, the Rev. Sir
S. C., Bart. - 5 0 0
,Johnson, Miss - - 2 2 0
James and Shakspeare,
Messrs. - 1 0 0
Jones, Mrs. - - 010 0
:Kennedy, lion. John - 1 0
Kelly, Rev. Walter - 1 0 0
IA Lady, per Mr. Fol- -
thorpe - 0 5 0
Ditto, per Beckett and
Co., Leeds - -
Ditto, per Barclay and

'. O. L.

L. M. - - - 2 0 0
J. D. - - - 1 0 0
L. M. - - - - 010 -0
L. M. W. - - 2 00
P. 11. C. - - 2 00
E. C. T. - - - 1 00,
A. C. G. - - - 5 00,
Anonymous - - 1 0 0
W. J., Hants - - 5 0 0
W. s. C. M.- - - 210 0
J. L. M. - - - 1 0 0
C. L. C. - - - 3 0 0
J. M. - - - 010 0
Mrs. K. - - - 5 0 0
Per Herries and Co.
C. W. C. - 1 0 0
M. F. H. - - - 10 10 0
Per Messrs. Mangles.
H. V. Z. - - - 5 5 0
J. G. - - - 5 00
Per Messrs. Scott and Co.
W. S. T. - - 1 1 0
Per Messrs. Smiths and Ce.
G.H. - - 5 00
K. W.R. - - - 2 0 0
C. V. - - - - 3 00,

2 0 0

. .
Co. - - .
- 10 00
Ditto, per Coutts and Co. 5 0 0
Ditto, per Williams and

Co._ - 2 00
Ditto per Mr. Folthorpe I*o 0
Ditto, per ditto - - 010 0
Ditto, per ditto - 0 5 0
Lee, Richard, Esq., - 10 0 0
Lambert, Rev. A. L. - 5 5 0
Luxmore, Rev. C. T. C. 2 0 0
Littlewood, Mr. - - 1 0 0
A " Lay Impropriator" 5 0 0
Lucena,John S., Esq, - 2 2 0
Luttrell, Miss M. F. - 2 0 0
Loraine, the Lord - 10 0 0
Leigh, Rev. J. E. A. - 1 0 0
Mabbott, W. C., Esq. - 1 0 0
Murray, Mrs., - - 2 0 0
Morgan, Henry, Esq. -, 1 1 0
Manse], the Rev. Lort 1 1 0
A. Mite - - - 010 0
Massingberd, Mrs. - 1 0 0
Miles, Jonathan, Esq. - 5 0 0
Miles, Miss - 2 0 0
Musa, per Drumm nds- 1 0 0
Mears, J., Esq. - 2 0 0
Morley, C., Esq. - - 1 0 0
Marden, Rey. Owen - 1 0 0
Norris, Sir Wm. - - 1 0 0
Nreame, Charles, Esq. - 1 0 0
Nell, Wm., Esq., Cardiff 1 0 0
Newman, J. 11., Esq. 1 0 0
Oakley, Mrs. Frank - 1 0 0
Onslow, Sir Hy., Bart. 1 0 0
Place, F. W., Esq. '" 1
Penfolds, the Misses - 1 0 0
Palmer, Rev. H. - - 10 0 0
Perkington, Rev. H. - 2 0 0
Penrose, Rey. Dr.,Writ-
tie -

J. -

. o 501

R. - - - 010 0
Per ➢iessrs. Stephens and Blandy.

- - ' - - 0100
Per Messrs. Williams, Deacon,

and Co.

T. and J. 11. - - 5 0 0
11. - - - 1 00
J. C.'g Mite for the

Widow
J. E. -

- 0 10 0
- 2 00

I.E.M. - - - 5 001
Por London and County Bank,
Dorking. _ _ _

A. C. - - - 5 0 0
A. 11. C. - 7 - 5 00
C. Y. and W. H. - - 1 0 0
Ashburnham,lion. Mrs. C. 5 0 0
Archer, W., Esq. - 2 2 0
Arkwright, Mrs. E. A. 2 0 0
Abinger, the Dowager
Lady - - - 2 6 0
Anderson, Rev. Jas. S. M. 1 0 0
Bedford, Mrs. - - 2 0 0
Baker, Rev. Thos. - 010 0
Baker, Mrs. Thos. - 0 5 0
Borrer, J. Hamlin, Esq. 5 0 0
Borrer, John, Esq. - 1 0 0
Brown, Miss Georgina 2 0 0
Boileau, Sir J. P., Bart. 5 0 0
Butterworth, J. W., Esq. 1 1 0
Beeton, Mr. - 1 0 0
Brands, Everard, Esq, 1 0 0
Braude, Mrs. - - 1 0 0
Brande, Miss - 1 0 0
Booty, J. G., Esq. - 1 1 0
Bethell, Rev. G. - - 5 0 0
Birch, Rev. E. - - b 0 0
Badcock, R. G., Esq. - 1 0 0
Bathurst, Lady Emily C. 5 0 0
Blayds, Rey. - - 2 0 0
Bigge, John, Esq. - 1 0 0
Banbury, E. S. P., Esq. 010 0
Blackstone, Rev. F. C. 5 0 0
Berens, Rev. E. - - 5 0 0
Bockett, Mrs. - - 1 0 0
Bockett, Rise - 010 0
Bockett, Miss H. S. - 1 0 0
Blandy, Rev. F. J. - 1 0 0
Brinckley, R., Esq. - 1 0 0
Baynes, Sir Wm, - 1 0 0
Boyes, Jno., Esq. - 1 1 0
Barclay, C., Esq. - - 5 0 0
Barclay, A. K., Esq. - 5 0 0
Boulton, R., Esq. - - 2 0 0
Benson, Mix. - 010 0
Bowes, Rev. T. F., D.D. 2 0 0
Chatfield, Rev. Dr. 1 0 •
Chatfield; Charles, Esq. 1 0 0
Chadwick, Charts., Esq. 2 2 0
Contributions from 42
Friends, collected by
Mrs• henry Janson,
chiefly in half-crowns,
by Ladies.-
A Clergyman's Wife
Cunningham, Rev. F. -
A Clergyman's Widow,
per Child and Co.
Cameron, J. C. Esq. -
Cranley, The I ord
Cust., Hon. and Rev.

ters(the Under-Secretary of State, I think) last session,
is about to take place against &Ir. Charles Dickens.—
(Hear, hear.) And for what? For publishing a work
called The Narrative of Curreit Events—a most excel-
lent periodical, containing a compendium of the news of
the month. This prosecution is about to go on; and if
they succeed in carrying a verdict against Mr. C. Dickens,
all the other monthlies must look about, for the Stamp-
office cannot then stop and allow the law to be broken
by so many with impunity as it now is. On these very
grounds, because it is administered with such in-
equality and irregularity, I think the stamps on
newspapers ought to be abolished.—(Hear, hear.)
I have thrown out these few observations as concerning
matters that I should be glad to advocate in our finan-
cial system. But I think that our electoral system can't
stand where it does.—(Cheers.) We advocate a large
extension of the franchise, a better distribution of the
electoral power, an abolition of that system which enables
little corrupt boroughs to have as much power in the
Legislature as boroughs like Manchester and Liverpool
and Leeds.—(Hear.) I suppose that at the present time
it is considered that every man who presumes to have
an opinion on public affairs should be able to say ex-
actly what should be done with the Roman Catholic
hierarchy.—(Laughter and applause.) lam not so far
advanced on this important branch of political knowledge
as perhaps many others, although I have read a fair
supply of arguments, of logic, and of declamation upon
the subject in the papers,—nearly the whole press has
been teeming with "No Popery." Occasionally I
fancied I was reading the Morning Herald, from the
tone of the leading article, and, making a minute exa-
mination satisfied me that the paper I had hold of was
the Times.—(Laughter.) In fact, the whole of the
London morning press, with some ose exception, seem
to me to bare taken views which—no doubt quite
sincerely and with great talent—the Morning Herald
bite been taking on this subject for some time past.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, what is to be done, people say,
with the Roman hierarchy?—(A Voice—" Let them
alone.") A gentleman came to me in London and asked
vie to sign a memorial which was going about against
the Roman Catholic bishops. I said, "Itis an impor-
tant matter, especially for an M.P., to commit himself to
a public document of this kind; pray what is your
ground for asking me to sign it?" " Oh," he said,
" you must really join; every man who is loyal, or who
is not indifTerent upon religious matters, must join. The
time is come; we can stand it no longer; we must join
in checking the progress of the Catholic power in this
country," which he considered would be materially
benefited by the episcopal organization.—(Laughter and
cheers.) My reply was this—" lam a staunch Protes-
tant; but tell me in what way these Roman Catholic
bishops will interfere with my civil liberty—(Hear)—
with my religious opinions—(Hear, hear)—or with my
purse.—(Loud cheering.) Don't you think it might be
wise for people to mind their own affairs, and look
after their own bishops?"—(Cheers.) The fact is, gen-
tlemen, I really am quite at a loss to know what t0..d0
with what is called the Roman Catholic hierarchy except
to let it alone.—(Cheers.) There may be some pet
scheme hidden in the recesses of Downing-street, but,
as far as I am capable of judging, I am quite at a less
to know upon what ground a country which professes to
have adopted the principle of religious liberty, to be pro-
gressing towards the abolition of the word " ascen-
dancy, and the repudiation of the word " toleration"—
(Cheers)—a country which professes to ask for religious
equality—upon what rule can such a country make the
Roman Catholics an exception to the rule?—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) If the Roman Catholics were to
come to Parliament and say, " The head of our Church,
the Pope, has given us bishops, and we ask you to give
these bishops legal recognition—powers by law to en-
force their jurisdiction," then I should say that such a
demand must be visited with the most strenuous oppo-
sition.—(Cheers.) But if amongst themselves they sup-
port those dignitaries by their own voluntary contribu-
tions, having no jurisdiction except such as the free
will of the English Catholics choose to accord them,
then I say that it is extremely difficult, without violat-
ing those principles of religious equality on which I am
prepared to take my stand—(Cheers)—to bring forward
any legislative enactment bearing upon it the stamp of
disability upon religious grounds. The American papers
seem to wonder what is the matter with us.—

- 5 0 0
-5 0 0
1 00
- 1 0 0
- 3 0 0
-5 0 0
10 0 0
5 00
- 2 0 0
- 010 0
2 2 0

Powell, Mrs.
Pearson, Rev. C. B. -
Pinchin, G., Esq.
Parson, Mrs. C. A.
Palmer, Misses -
Palmer, Robert, Esq.
Porcher, Henry, Esq. -
Pole, Rev. H.
Poole, W., Esq.
Finckard, G. IL, Esq.
Page, T., Esq. -
Portman, Mrs.
Parker, T., Esq. -
Phillimore, Mrs. -
Paine, Lieut.-Col.
Preston, Miss -
Roberts, Admiral, J.
C. G. -
Rickards, W., Esq.
Richardson, W. S., Esq.
Robinson, Mr. W. - -
Richardson, Mrs. and
Miss - -
Rankin, Mr. -
Russell, Misses -
Rodwell, Rev. J. M.
Robinson, C. F., Esq. -
Rainier, Miss -
Rolles, Mrs. Admiral -
Rathbone, Miss -
Stone, Mr. John, jun. -
Skirying, W., Esq.
Smith, Graham, Esq.
Stacey, Miss (Cardiff) -
Storks, Mr. Sergeant -
Saunders, Miss -
A Soldier's Daughter -
Straghan, Mrs. -
Simcox, Roy. T. G.
Seawell, T. A., Esq.
Skinner, Rev. Wm.
Sparkes, J , Esq. - -
Simonds, Messrs., ant

- 0 26
- - 5 00
- 6 10 0
- 5 00
- 1 0 0
0 10 0

-2 2 0
2 0 0
2 2 0
5 00

- - 5 0 0
- - 2 0 0
-5 0 0
-1 1 0
5 0 0
- 2 0 0
1 0 0
- 1 0 0
5 0 0
- 1 1 0
-1 1 0
0 10 6
1 1 0
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- 0 10 0
-1 1 0
-5 0 0
- 5 00
5 0 0

- 11 10 0
-1 1 0
1 00

- 2 0 0

2 00
- 2 2 0

Co. - -
Sheldon, Rev. R. - -
Stillwell, Mr., Dorking -
Shelley, J. N., Esq.
Stroud, Mrs. -
Satibergue, P. L., Esq. -
Stent, Mrs. - -
Steer Mrs. - -
Sheffield, the Lady
Tetlow, W., Esq. -
Taylor, the Misses
Taber, John, Esq. -
Tidswell, Robert, Esq. -
Tyler, Chrlstr., Esq., -
Tenney, W. IL, Esq. -
Crenchard, Rev. J. A. -
Thackeray, Lieut.-Gen.
Thresher, Rev. W.
Taunton, R. C., Esq. -
fyler, Rev. James, and

H. C. -
A Curate's Wife -
Corbett, Mrs. .
Cameron, Rev. A.
Christie, Rev. J. F.
Canning, Mrs. -
Cherry, Rev. 11. C.
Curtis, J. A., Esq.
Cubitt, T., Esq. -
Cooke. Mrs. -
Doinville, the Misses -
Darwell, Thos., Esq. -
Day, Rev. E. - -
Day. Miss - - -
Darby, Rev. W.
Dodgson, W. 0., Esq. -
Dent, John C., Esq. -
Dawson, the Lady Ann
Maria - - 1 0 9
Dumbleton, Thos., Esq. 5 0 0
Dewar, D. A. 8., Esq. 5 0 0
Drummond,H.,Esq., M.P. 10 0 0

3 0 0
1 00
1 0 0
1 0 0
1 00
1 1 0
1 0 0
1 00
5 0 0
1 0 0

5 5 0
1 1 0
1 00
0 10 0
1 0
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2 00

2 0 0
- 1 1 0
2 0 0

- 1 00
- 1 0 0
- 5 0 0
1 1 0
1 1 0
0 10 0

Family -
Tegg, Mrs. - -
Tayler, Robert, Esq.
Tomlinson, Rev. J. P. -
Tomlinson, the Misses -
Vaughan, Miss, Cardiff -
'Upton, Lieut.-Gen. Hon.

Davies, ➢ir: -

- 5 50

Dent, Mr. - - - 1 001
DAniele, Mrs. - - 1 10,
Elwood, Lieutenant,
Colonel and Mrs. -
Erskine, Right Hon. T.

- 3 00
- 1 00
- 1 00
- 1 00
- 1 00

A. P. - -
Watts, W. M., Esq.
Winslow, Miss -
Wharton, Miss -
Wharton, Miss C. -
Wood, Wm. Page, Esq. -
Wood, H. Esq. -
wWestmoreland, the Do-

Exley - - - 2 0 0
Eveleigh, Rev. J. - - 1 1 0
Everard, the Misses - 5 0 0

b 00
- 2 00

Ellerton, Dr.

- oto 01

Edward

- 2 001

Ewes, G., Esq., - - 0 501
Evans, Miss- - - 010 01
A Friend, pa Mr. Fol-

-2 2 0
- 5 00
b 00

ager Countess of
Wyatt, H. Esq. -
Wyatt, Miss -
Wrightson, W. B , Esq.,

5 00
2 00

thorpe - - 0 10 0
Foster, Mr. and Mrs. J. 2 0 0
Fox, Messrs. - 2
Fox, Mrs. C. - - 3 0 0
Friends„threugh Miss J.
Harvey -
Fits Wigram, Sir R.,
Bart. - - - 5 0 0
A Friend, per Messrs.
Mangles - - 5 0 01
Fearon, Rev. H. - - 2 2
A Friend - - 0 5 0
Frond, Rev. E. - - 2 0 01
Filiter, Geo., Esq. - 5 0 0
Fisher, Mrs. - - 1 0 01
Fisher, E., Esq. - 1 0 0
Greene, H. S., Esq. - 1 0 01
Gibson, Mrs.- . 0 10 01
Gore, Rev. George - 5 0 01
Gore, Mrs. George - 1 0 01
Grant, J. P., Esq. - 1 0 0
Garrett, M i - - 1 0 0
Garratt, Miss Jane - 2 0 0
The Subscription will be Cli

M.P. -
Watson, Joshua, Esq. -
Weston, Ambrose, Esq.,
j un. - - - 010 0
Williams, Rev. R. - 1 0 0
IWay, Rev. H. H. - - 2 2 0
Wigram, Sir J. - - 30 0
Whewell, the Rev. Dr. - 2 0 0
Winthrop, Wm., Esq. - 10 0 0
Walpole, R. 11. Vade,
Esq. - - - 3 00
West, C., Esq. - - 10 0 0
Whittaker, A. 11., Esq. - 1 1 0
Williams, Josh., Esq. - 2 0 0
Weyland, John, Esq. - 5 0 0
White, Mrs. E. C. - 5 0 0
White, James, Esq. - 1 0 0
Wydham,Campbell,Esq. 2 0 0
Walker, Mr. and Mrs. - 5 0 0
Walton, Major-General 1 0 0
Wolfe, Major - - 1 0 0
Yealdon, Mrs. - - 5 0 0
Young, Wm. 8., Esq. - 1 1 0
Losed on the Ist of February.

(Laughter.) A correspondent of one of them wants to
know whether the nature of the demand of the Roman
Catholic bishops was that they should share in tho
Omporalities of the Church—(Laughter)—for he thougl3
there must be more, in order to create such a burst of
what is called indignation, than the mere attempt to
carry out amongst themselves their own ecclesiastical
discipline.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) I am afraid
that the Church party, who feel that their time is
coming—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—think it good policy
to get us into a quarrel with the Pope, in order that they
may be safe.—(Hear, hear.) I contend that it is in the
direction of our own Church, in the direction of that
" ascendancy" principle, that we have to turn oar atten-
tion.—(Cheers.) If we allow ourselves to be carried
away by these bewildermonts, and be contented with
hutting a rod herring ins'ead of a real fox—(Laughter)
—then we are not using those political advantages of
which we are possessed to the best account.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) But this question involves many mat-
ters important to this country. If you make a retro7ade
step with regard to religious equality, it is not clear
that you may not do so in civil and commercial freedom.
—(Hear, hear.) The same principle of injustice is at
the bottom of political economy, commercial monopoly.
and religious monopoly.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Favouritism to class against class is at the bottom of all
these monopolies; and we should combat the ascendancy
principle, whether we find it in religion, in politics, or ina
eommerce.—(Cheers.) It was the desire to f
few which lay at the root of the support of
rtihvneilecgoernin-
law ; it is the desire to maintain favour and
a class that creates such opposition
aintainiff, prin-
ciples
the feanehise; and it is the desire of fto the elltension of
of ascendency in the Churche_.:t._ha(t rousedr this
animosity against the Roman Catholics.--(Beat', ar, hear.)
I hope, therefore, whatever coursgeuesmtisoyn:ct,hiaitt mynyud‘u‘,tiyil
to take in Parliament upon this
believe I am actuated by a sincere desire to carry into
practical legislation those principles of religious
L equality which believe to be beat calculated to promvto

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[PRICE SD.

the social happiness of all in this country.—(Loud
cheers.) Error may reign for a time; but let us combat
error with truth, and in the long run truth will van-
quish error.—(Cheers.) It is better to risk the tempo-
rary success of error than to encounter the dangers of
orewal
eimgaisolnleusg Catholics
persecution.aantcheoltiocs a
tsrhoortei—i
igd
sit eoatiern.n)tateW Whet a monstrous
straining of gnats and swallowing of camels does it ap-
n
pear to be that the people should rest contented that the
R
laws for them, and yet tell us that the Roman Catholics
actuated by a desire to spree that and Parliamentt
h at theylpotentate,an m :ainrc
and
not tho Government of the country in which
they live, and become frightened out of their
senses when tho Roman Catholics merely change
vicars-epoetolic in bishops.—(Leughter and applause.)
I have perfect confidence in the sound policy end
wisdom of acting consistently upon the broad principles
of religious equality. Under those principles I believe
truth will triumph, and a greater amount of individual
and collective happiness will bo secured than under any
principle of ascendency which the ingenuity of man
could devise.—(Tremendous cheering.)
Mr. DYER and Mr. ALEXANDER HENRY having ad-
dressed the meeting,
Mr. J. BRIGIIT, M.P., rose next, amid loud ‘and pro-
longed cheering. He said—When I entcre i the room
to-night I was a little puzzled to know whether the
meeting was to be more social or political; but on look-
ing around upon those who are present, and observing
those who entered after I entered, I found out of neces-
sity, lot it be as social as we will, it could not he other-
wise than highly political. After all, I agree very much ,
with what has been slid by Mr. Dyer, who is not by
any means a dull observer of what is passing around
him, that, although there is whet is termed a lull in
political affairs, people are nevertheless thinkitig of this
past, and are anticipating something for the future. I
suppose that nations are in these matters somewhat as
individuals are—that, after any great exertion and great
excitement, the people requiee, at least it will ,have,
something like quiescence for a time. Now, if we look
back for the ten years from 1840 to 1850, I do not think
any of us can say that the Liberal party, or that portion
of the people who wishes political reform, has been
idle, or that its labours have been unproductive.—
(Hear, hear.) For, surely from 1840 to 1846, so far
as we were concerned, we did our full share in keeping
the country in the greatest possible tumult of diocus-
sion, which ended at last, in 1846, in securing pro- t
bably, as far as the material interests of the people are ,
concerned, the greatest victory which the people of this I
country have achieved over class interest during the
present century.—(Applaeisc.) Then we must bear in
mind that after this great exertion, and immediately after
it, there came circumstances of a very calamitous na-
ture to a large portion of the people, especially of the
middle classes; there came the commercial disasters of 1
1847 and 1848, by which not only distress was serious in
almost all channels of mercantile undertakings, but also '
more widely than common on account of the vast invest-
ments which the people had, perhaps unwisely, made in
improving the communications throughout the country. I
I find very earnest men expressing discontent that we
are not going on so fast in 1850 and 1851 as we ap-
peared to be in 1845 and 1846. Now, lam a very ear-
nest man in my political convictions, and I am as anxious
probably as any man living that we should be constantly
making some progress, and as rapid progress as is
consistent with a full discussion of public questions, and
with a settlement of them upon the basis of ail intelli-
gent public conviction; and with this opinion and with
these feelings, lam bound to say that on looking over
the present calm which appears to exist I can detect, I
think, signs that we aro not going backwards, but that,
in point of fact, we are gradually but certainly
gathering strength for future progress and for fu-
tare successes. The surface appears very smooth;
but who will deny that in these days of calm,
opinions are being created, and former convictions are
sinking deeper and deeper, and men whom we know no-
thing of—whom we never see in public—by the di:=cus-
eions which are going on in the newspapers and through
the press—are gradually unravelling some of those mys-
teries in which we have hitherto dwelt, and ere becom-
ing more alive to the necessity of those changes which
we believe to be inevitable. My own experience leads
to this remit, that since the repeal of the corn-law in
1846, there has been an extraordinary advance in poli-
tical opinion among a large class who before that period
thought we were a moat dangerous and almost treason.
able set of men. I believe the repeal of the corn•law
itself—showing how public opinion becomes omnipotent,
and the fact that the result of that repeal has been to
justify all our predictions—(llear, hear, and cheers)—
and to add enormously to the wealth of the country mild
to the comfort of the people—has led thousands of men
to review their political position, and to come to the
very safe conclusion that they have been labouring under
delusions upon political questions, pinning themselves to
old prejudices and to old creeds; and that, in point of
fact, it is high time they should take up something new
and something wiser, or they will be left entirely behind
in the progress of public opinion. This progress is
going on quietly and in this calm is not seen; wo do not
observe the formation of opinion; but when there comes
a violent and tumultuous action, then we see all at
once that great progress is being made. But that acti'un
itself can hardly ever come, or if it does come, it can
hardly come happily to the country, unless before it
there had been this calm inquiry, this gradual but ad-
mirable contemplation which I believe is going on now
upon public questions, and whereupon only any safe le-
gislative action can be fairly based. Let us, for a mo-
ment, when we are attempting to despond, recollect that
there are thousands of agencies of progress at this mo-
ment afloat—agencies which tend to improve the phy-
sical and intellectual condition of the people and to raise
their moral tone. We aro in the midst of all those agen-
cies which are tending to improve the condition of the
people of this country, and we are too apt to fancy that
there is no motion and no progress whatever. Now, I
have been reading within the last few days a book just
published in this town, written by our excellent friend
Mr. Prentice—(Cheers)—containing historical sketches
and personal recollections of Manchester and its popu-
lation since the year 1792. Now, Mr. Dyer has spoken
of the year 1810; it is a marvellous thing his living
to tell us of that year, Reading over the first few
chapters of this book, we find that people who live
wassamtheeraceas
? It was not
Man-
chestertnho
those
e nw
who
oxacnlhic
lived
dgs teehrtehra
eer
ne
inno no tlsBal
market
all.a
r klove ft h theda tay
an assembly of rational beings like the great majority of
those who now assemble there ; but the concourse was
composed of a number of men who held priciples of
Church ascendancy of a moat furious and bigotted cha-
racter. They were actuated by a sentiment of the
most brutal and cruel nature which they called loyalty.
They were in favour of war to a degree which you
would not expect to find among any tribe of savages—
(Applause)—and it is more akin to the character of the
jungle tiger than to that of an Englishman—(Loud ap-
plause)—and is their political partisanship they were so
ferocious that excellent, worthy, and intelligent men,
who held opinions in favour of reform of any kind what-
*lover, were, many of them, forced to leave the town,
settling in other towns where political feelings did nut
run so high. And same men who have lived since to
distinguish themselves above most men among whom
they have lived, left this district and settled in the
United States of America.—(Applause.) From 1790
to 1820 may be considered the dark ago of modern times.
It was positively a reign of terror in Manchester ;
to be a dissenter was to be only some verminous animal
upon which high churchmen and the loyal and patriotic
men, who shouted—
" Britons never shall be slaves,"

thought they might trample with impunity. To speak
in favour of reform of any kind was to be prosecuted;
and Church-and-King mobs assembled with impunity,
broke the windows of a Liberal newspaper-office, pelted
the editor, demolished his property; and I think ebout
180 or 190 publicans in Manchester signed a solemn
declaration that they would not have any of those pesti-
lent reformers of any kind whatever in their tap-rooms
cr bar-parlours, and that they would not even sell them
anything to drink, or give them any kind of entertain-
ment whatsoever.—(Laughter.) Now, that mad spirit
I went on up to 1820; and about then was the time when
we may observe a turning of the tide. IVer—all its
consequences—were then telling upon the country, and
telling very much upon the population in this town and
in this district. In 1819 was the celebrated meeting
about which we have all heard accounts since we were
children, when the people were not permitted to petition
quietly for Parliamentary reform or for a repeal of the
c )rn-law. But 13 years after that—not a very long time
—the Reform Bill was passed; six years after that the
Anti-corn-law League was in operation; and eight years
after that, that great Bill, the Corn Bill of 1815—that I
Bill which reallythe foundation of England'sepf_o_2
perity"—which gave everybody wages that had to woeri,,ur
that Bill which was really the foundation-IT:v(3y
i i
modern constitution, constitution, was actually
and in fact
pealed.—(Laughter.) Now, I maintaainnd4hoPa:t
period to which I have referred, from Ilhaeo gradually
-within that !
from 1810,—the people of this cont Y
h have had two or
this moment there
accomplished a revolution, and thahicca_ttr
are countries one could point
stosrwago
and sanguinary and
three revolutions of the most
occurred there a more en-
ii sorts of constitutions; and
violent character, and hadaes
a and in their opinions and
yettiro I d
changeon' don't believein their
thorn,s i
tiho
n which they act, than may be
in the priaciples
fromthat up
had not given that money
-now, this. Mr. Dyer ~..,
traced in the carceurp ofo
wisheso lis
he country
of. course,. not that he wants th,,.! money,
I do not asish it at ,11—(Laughter)—for the
-110 W,
thinks it might have been laid out better—
that is it. Well, lam in favour of the Refortn Bill,
and lam in favour of many of its resu!ts; and I
bßuetrohrom Bill;'
think that one great result has been that it has given
to Lancashire and Yorkshire, and to the industry
and intelligence of those two counties, a position in
the councils and in the Government of this empire
which they could not well have had if that Bill had not
passed.—(Cheers.) Why, before 1832, Manchester was
virtually ignored ; it was not considered anything.
There are very large towns that now send Members to
Parliament that Lord Grey had never heard of when
he was drawing up a list of new boroughs that were to
be enfranchised. It is true Manchester was not one of
those, nor yet Birmingham, bet positively neither of
them was allowed to say anything except by petition,
and now and then when the people, goaded on by mad-
uess which their sufferings caused, protested in thm
shape of ovl3lo incipient iusurrectieu. Sat tv Wyk at