The Sun.
London, England, 1851-02-25 00:00:00

THE S IT N 5
~_...

taea.,
et, m that of the true causes which have led matters
W.ga'iar,r_Pre, seat position, nothing has been yet explained.
tea_ deemed it a solemn and a sacred duty earnestly
kit Ppeal to the friends of the public cause not to be 1, d
iG i.),taa instant to waver in the most perfect confidence
o,na Stanley by a statement evidently made to
tit him, and to which his antagonist knew he could
tiar,-1),:Y• We protest we hardly thought even Lord J.
'"atenetorions unscrupulousneas in servieg party
v'euld have I, d him to give a version of vshat pass, et
t?pri7ia another individual and the Sovereign wiehou
at, .g that other individual of his intention, that. he
tie thought fit, seek her Majesty's permission
at, waitn_als etatenaent upnn the subject. Nay,
Russellw?t„
liked some surprise that when Lord John
tith,t_aterviews either of his own or of Lord Stanley
ad
obi Sovereign, he did not state that he had sought
kali,• alined the Queen's permission to make them
lily ta It is quite true that this is in perfact keeping
been "Q whole tone of the Noble Lord. Nothing has
01a,enleore!emarkahle in all the official papers of the
tae :aura—even his state paper to the Bishop of Dur-
l'ales-etlaan, the manner—very grating to those anus-
tete traditions; of our ancient monarchy—in
ftsnt, he ceastantly speaks of himself as the Govern-
ts liihout that respectful and deferential reference
'teats,
lac icy
as the ruler, and the Ministers, as ser-
-51 the iauleb pervades the similar writings of statesmen
ae e. 6t generation. Whatever, however, be the cause,
4e r4lll.l°t help being struck by the fact that when
,i/eltted, with almost Republican freedom, what
latieeBtY had said to him, or what he supposed
curers to Id said to her Majesty—(a use we humbly yen-
ifsty, which never ought to made of her Ma-
trta4 sacred and honoured name)—lie never took the
itatat e °f telling the House that he had sought her ala-
tiel'etl Permission to make these revelations of confiden-
for u'llize munieatiens with the Crown—a mark of respectd
with th monarchy which perhaps might have interfere
Cale'hel..entlausiasna of the support which it appears Mr.d
--ilaireC:as promised to his revived—if it can be revive
ape,
whasstration.
We decline, however, to speculate
tit fun ~"at is passed. A few days must, no doubt, give
Bible `ll3lanation. Let ua deal with that which is tan-
atten,r,a,liti real, Lord John Bussell is engaged in an
callar" to Perform an operation, which he is pleased to
to reconstruction of his Cabinet; that is, an attempt
combineJareea with some Members of that Cabinet Sir
fc'tfueta;'rlittaen and the few followers who adhere to the
'for then °I that versatile chief. We verily believe, that,
411 hltaeatise of the National party, the best thing that
pep is the formation of such a Cabinet. We
kartof aotning worse to any Ministry than the acces-
tQa ta ah'ir James Graham. It is said that among the
?tat) Herbert,
to accompany
aar,h-aerbea.
him are Mr. Cardwell, Mr.
'bi and the Duke of Newcastle,—and that,
'tane7 -"°wne, Lord Minto, Sir John Hobhouse, Sir
rakea' Baring Mr. Labouchere, and that brilliant and
tiller 44411 financier 'who holds the seals of the Exche •
lee are ao
eenki make way for the Peelite reinforcement.
ucderstand a coalition between the Graham
Lord-,11,1 the Grey section of the Cabinet, excluding.
eapo -arrti Russell and Lord Palmerston; bat what is
allteettn-a"--, that which alone, it seems, the Queen has
rretai"--is the continuance of Lord John Russell as
liaPe., a-r. it is impossible to conceive a coalition founded
Which more odious oblivion of all past pledges than that
mere;; suggested. To have Earl Grey and Lord Palh-
Ituerea,L° one Cabinet is bad enough; but how, wit
4fleetion of the debate on foreign policy of last
4144° Sir James Graham and Lord Palmerston meeth
taa teriolitune Council board? With what face can te
Puseyite Mr. Sidney Herbert look upon the
lkipeas`ja who denounced his crosses and genuflexions as
tret Llttous
Mummeries? It is not merely personal
.dif-
aliVhee,e6 that will embarrass this heterogeneous collection.
laed"re they to do with the Papal aggression? Will
fi;talt:,lln Russell eat his Protestant words or Sir James
_eke ? and Mr. Herbert gulp down their Popish predilee-
`k,estif, :'°toriously those who are still by courtesy termed
a"! I,lea-rallr° opposed to any legislation on the suhject.
ta-.4e3 Graham was as ready to form an alliance
lt
ite aGreys as he is now W act under Lord John
theylee„ If the new Cabinet could be formed, would
Clare
a-lagree to support Lord John Russell's Bill—or
Llarenrd John Russell agree to abandon it? Lord
ictti aa:Ill it will be seem, arrived iu town yesterday,
to been busily engaged with Sir James Graham.
with "I," be brought into the Cabinet to sit at the table
7igteta-e,l3len against whom he has been notoriously in-
"le aatag' he let us ask, to introduce into Ministerial
With a of those D' üblin associates. whom he has honoured
4rtWeer
,e°46denee so munificently rewarded; or is he,
14-C'rnitl over here on the special invitation of,
41e‘ofealLtce, Sir James Graham, to be sent back like
141 th °'u "to his own place?" And let us suppose
litraaaelle difficulties overcome—the conflicting claims
the •
fred, the snarlings of Grey to be silenced, and
'allelaewlings of Graham to be suppressed—Lord
Pitia`,:„llassell to compromise upon religious matters by
Barnabas with Sidney Herbert in the morn-
:ate4n-",,' with Fox Mauls to Dr. Cumming's in the
It al a)--how does this alter the Ministerial position ?
•ethil• erial must have occurred to the acute mind Of Lord
~\atbi„,ll"ell that with all the shifting of Ministers the
iart,,7owill not have gained a single vote. If Mr.
ea eop-st" 3 motion repeated to-morrow, there would
af'ltrte-ettai.°lY,,,aeo greaterwere ma'ority in their favour than
441r:este"
t"'h Graha atqutreitonwhelther populareminently individual, Sir
reallymini bring to the cause of the Ad-
-°t Nrrlt °lll OA. vote. It is votes in the House,
inistera
in singleth Cabinet, that Lord John Russell
tc), nsiat as fact, the Premiers difficulty may be said to
,?tess" """as much in too many Ministers as in too few,
4111 y ill 4 i 8 an indifferent way of minding this to mu -
lbissione °no without increasing the tattoo. New com-
*hen a' to officers form but a poor expedient,.
pink , the army wants sadly to be
.recruited
(ita and file. These are, no doubt, the difficulties that
shat struck the mind of the Premiehr. Wnhiwleot
welld repeatthe
Lartet very best thing that could
which I°r. of a Russell-Graham Cabinet—.
.a Cabinet
41 it; Would most infallibly expire in the stifling breath
lttat unpopularity within three months—we mustof
Lora our
apprehension that not even the rashnesslf
NI 'John Russell will succeed in forming ene.l hewil
eo, what then? Why then Lord Stan e.y t
eaea-a7tY, as he has ever been, to obey her Maps y
1144 7,711d8; and while we write in ignorance of
.whatl
them between between her Majesty and that statesman, we feel
(1°1),(,-qst Perfect assurance that when it is known—as it
tairatill° be known from himself—it will add to the a
.-
vtlia." 'which his country feels for his high-toned chi-
the' and generous, and therefore wise statesmanship.d.to
Butte cal question, however, now is, will Lord ?
.l he able to reconstruct, or rather form, a Cabinet
raalah,ilea he shall continue the head? To him the com-
res is L,°va entrusted.; We shall anxiously watch the
ef• events.
islktl ,YERTISER.—We refer our readers to th.ehetxh-
withafPris and revelations which took place last night
nist,taousea
fl of Parliament, relative to the _existing )tiot
i-
the erisi°. It will be seen that in either branch
Lord
tat,,lPßislature the were far from being ample.
_e
him f~ was paraieyularly reserved. We do not blame
sent r this, as he conceives he is bound, for. the 'Lea.
tti te-lleercey b his oath as a Privy Councillor o
tntoeka• Lord John Russell entered at greater lengthttie
future estate of affairs; but nothing farther, a
that heroa to he learned from what fell from hism,, to the
declinedual undertaken the task, which Lord Stanley
W
°f ctin a new Cbinet. It seems. to
• ne--a`r4tood on all hagnds, that t canew Admin.istratig
l'arell'rliat of a mixture of Whigs and Peelites—
neer being, in the proportion of two to one of the
presetwhatever may be the ultimate results of the
• 0, I'tinisterial crisis, it behoves the people to
vi°tile- their guard, lest they be again made the
wheal
• of that trickery from which they have
prase day
so much. The politicians of the
party "13' have no other than their personal f
„ or
the eearuPesess to serve. The views anti wishes o
aele4lie do not give them a moment's thought,
it„eter tin so far as they affect their mere individual
In this respect there is no difference between
Russell Tory. Both factious are alike. Lord John
Zttlialit.),!°dord Stanley are, so far, on a footing. o
There is, to use a homely saying, six in the
are tnal half-a•dazen in the other. The nation at large
aatiozr,-aattued from their thoughts, unless popular i.ratlig-
-0,7° feared, popular approval found to be indis-
dee ita,`e to the success of their plans. As yet we do not
1:1-0°IelY know what sort of new Government we are.
;Lee:lv-iv Nothing certain is known as to its composi-
have, it is true, rumours in abundance; buthe
events of one hour is very often disproved by t
w 31,0' the
iv, laQXt. All that seems tolerably certain is,
Theeta,-;t;.salid, that we are to have a Coalition Cabinet.
Ittc/ 3' t of which that Cabinet is to be composed
known. Ylie-te%-rtlt°ht generallylt may, indeed, be doubted
tha are known to those who are now acting
atek„a capacity of architects of the new Ministterwiael
than";',ltre• -Unless the country be willing the
43'taZahaVe another Government, who will have
hno.
rish`d7Y with the principles which are so fondly
_c. e
it 3 e the people, it ought to lose no time in making
ttfl_ sentiments and feelings known. This is justeh
Ihnae apt for doing so, if it is to be done with effect.a
fore composition of the new Cabinet may
be.
1111'
jar, • Y affected by the expression, at this perm
t '2l f
the popular will. Let the Noble Lord orw
;`,"on- Gentleman, who will have to form a ne.
lo"i4e'rY, he distinctly admonished,'that the nation will
lib;
Sea in no line of policy which is not thoroughly
Aat,' If the people only speak out, and insist that
;?•urninistration shall be formed which does not mean
~,ili7entify itself with the cause of popular progress, it
or s• impossible impossible for Lord John Russell, Lord Stanley,
last irJaenes Graham to form a Ministry which will
tire!' ill°llth. The Ministry may, it is true, bo so far
ins'ni as to be duly gazetted, and its members formally
is ,alled in
their respective offices. But the question
taiellZ" long will they, in defiance of public opinion, re-
tan, those offices? What is to bo the term of their
eee,-"rn in Downing-street? Who would insure their
veaalltieY for one little month? Certainly not us. Go-
the-g'ents are now entirely dependent on the breath of
the
te°Ple- No Government can now-a-days withstand
IThiv,(lrree, of public opinion. When energetically and
Lat ti,s2llY expressed, public opinion is omnipotent.
the ";,e country only now pronounce in favour of n
an rAcLPIY popular Government, arid we shall have
at —ministration which shall faithfully reflect the
diek a and wishes of the nation. We know there are
t„,ticultis in the way of procuring an instantaneous tit-
tle, 'nee a the national will. At least eight days must
Pse before the necessary arrangements could be made
'Jr elieitin
ili,jeot.
of ga aerie expression p ular feeling on the
y But that is no reason why
ltliro thing shouwld not ibsterdone. The Ministry ruse, it is
Will; /3' formed before that time. In all probability it
and
,uot though an expression of the public feeling
the form n will, consequently, be too late to prevent
iptawrtiiceiaoarttihoen of a Cabinet of any particular complexion,
too late to exercise its influence on
wth.e.
Puraue. course of policy which the new Cabinet will
what the If the people give forth a certain sound as t
hazards Y require; if what they are determined at all
iat to have, be stated in language so explicit, and
a seluauer so energetic, as to leave no room for mis-

take or mieconceptiol, the new Telinistry will. however
reluctantly, accede to the popular wish. When they
eleaely perceive that a contrary line of policy would be
fatal to their existence, they ail carefully shun that.
course of policy. and chalk out for themselves a line of
action which will harmonise with popular feelings and
popular principle a. Before public opinion, if it be. only
unmistakably expressed, all future Governments la this
country must bow down. The day has gone by whoa
Ministere could set public (minion at defiance. Go-
vernments have ceased to be the meatus of the people :
the people have become the masters of Government!.
The course which the country ought to adopt at this
crisis is sufficiently plain. It is to meet without an
hour's unnecessary delay, and "pronounce" in favour of
certain great political principles. We would suggest
that et the public meetings to be held a resolution should.
be passed to the effect that no Ministry can be entitled
or will possess, the confidence of the country, which is
not prepared to base its domestic policy on the four great
principles of household sufftege, triennial Parliaments,
the right of secret voting, and a rigid economy in the ed-
ministration of the financial affairs of the cuuntry. This
would be decisive. Either the new Cabinet would re-
sign at once, or it would make up its min.lto carry out
those principles. We appeal to the metropolis for a com-
mencement in this greet and necessary work. Let the
city of London set the example to the country, and that
example will be forthwith followed. We pledge our-
selves for this. We know enough of the character of our
countrymen to justify us in affirming that the provinces
would, in such a case, tread hard on the heels of the
metropolis. Shall we appeal to the city of London in
vain? We are unwilling to believe it. But if the event.
shall prove that we have formed a too favourable esti-
mate of the patriotism and public spirit of the City, the
only resource left for us will ba to turn to the men of
Marylebone. They are never wanting in a great emer-
gency like the present. They contributed largely, by
the promptitude and energy of their action against the
Budget of Sir Charles Wood, to precipitate the Minis-
terial crisis which has occurred. If they only act with
similar energy in declaring in favour of the tour groat
principles we have named, the other lea tropolitan bo-
roughs will immediately tread in their steps, and before
the close of the week we shall have the entire country
in motion, to insure the triumph of an enlightened i©
in politics, and a rigid economy, under the
guidance of a sound judgment, in finance.
DAILY NEWS.—After all their vauntings, then, it
appears that the Protectionists were not prepared to
form an Administration. According to the statements
made by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell last
night in Parliament, Lord Stanley was invited to do so
by the Queen in the afternoon of Saturday. By his own
unqualified acknowledgment nothing could be more
gracious than the manner in which that invitation was
conreyed, and the advice which he considered it right
to tender was received by her Majesty. Lord Lans-
downe concluded his narrative of what had occurred,
however, by the statement that " the Noble Lord inti-
mated to the Sovereign that he was not then prepared
to form an Administration;" of which Lord Stanley, in
his graceful and decorous rejoinder, took no notice; but
contented himself with promising, when the proper time
should arrive, to detail fully the nature of the commu-
nication he had made to the Queen. A statement al-
most identical in every expression was addressed by
Lord John to the House of Commons, and the same
important phrase was used by the Premier that was, and
that is to be—viz., Lord Stanley intimated to her Majesty
that " he was not then prepared to form an administra-
tion." Unlike his chief in good sense and gopd taste, Mr.
Disraeli hastily and clumsily contradicted the assertion;
and hinted that Lord John would upon reflection feel that
he stated of his rival that which the fact did not justify.
In reply, Lord John, with dignity and temper, declared
that having been so informed he had no doubt the account
he had given of the matter was accurately true; and
with provoking coolness he then added that he was sure
Lord Stanley would concur therein. The want of judg-
ment and of proper feeling betrayed by Mr. Disraeli in
this affair may well excite the apprehension and distrust
of his adherents. For every one except the aspiring
gentleman himself must feel that the contradiction thus
awkwardly given applied not to the Minister but to the
Queen. Nobody will believe that Lords Lansdowne and
John Russell would venture (even supposing them
willing) to invent so audacious a falsehood and attribute
it publicly to the Sovereign. What passed between
her Majesty and Lord Stanley conic' only have become
known to them from the lips of Royalty; and upon a
point so vital and conclusive, it would seem highly
improbable that any mistake should have occurred.
Supposing a misconception to have unaccountably
arisen, it would have been easy for Lord Stanley,without
entering into particulars, to have guarded himself from
accepting Lord Lansdowne's version as in all respects
correct, and thus have saved his own consistency in the
estimation of his disappointed party, without hazarding
a denial derogatory to the Throne. Friday next is but
four days off, and he might have asked them to suspend
their opinion on the entire transaction until then. But
Mr. Disraeli could not contain himself so long. He who
for the last two years has been feeding credulous country
gentlemen with what Cebbett used to call "sweet
bamboozle," and coaxing them to drop almost entirely
the fond epithets of protection, in order to smooth the
way to office, for which he assured them that he was
" perfectly ready"--he could not afford to wait so long,
or to endure even for tour days the reproaches of his
disconsolate and disenchanted adherents. He claimed
and was believed to be on terms of the most unre-
served confidence with Lord Stanley. Not to be
aware of what his chief told the Sovereign
would be an acknowledgment that his position
in the party was in fact an imposition, and
that he had been tolerated as self-elected leader
in the Commons rather than trusted in counsel. This
was too much to be borne by one whose pride of elo-
quence and wit has been of late so pampered with obla-
tions. And for sake of showing the completeness of his
knowledge ho yielded to the impulse of the moment, and
fell into the most lamentable of blunders that any man
looking to high political office in this country could
commit. To admit by his silence that he was not in the
secret of what really passed at the Palace, would, he
imagined, have been to admit that he had lost the lead;
and to sanction the allegation that Lord Stanley had
owned he was not prepared, when called upon, to form
a Government, would have been, he supposed, to dissolve
the discipline of his party. But what, after all, did
Lord Stanley say? And where, if anywhere, has the
mistake arisen? Nowhere, we believe, but in the brain
of the inconsiderate and ambition-blinded Member
for Bucks. When the story comes to be told
we more than suspect that it will be found that
all we have heard said about her Majesty having
refused to concede a power to dissolve Parliament
should it become necessary, is without justification. Had
it been so, the duty of any constitutional statesman
would have been at once to decline the task, for the per-
formance of which he felt that he was not trusted. No
man of spirit or sense would daily with the offer of
becoming Prime Minister upon such conditions, and we
will do Lord Stanley the justice to believe that he is not
in this respect an exception to the ordinary rule. We
know that so far from absolutely declining the task, the
Tory chief quitted the Royal presence under the impres-
sion, and with the hope that he would be allowed till
Monday following to try what he could do. And this is
confirmed by two facts of equal notoriety, that on the
same day a special dispatch was sent to Mr. Gladstone,
requesting his immediate return to England; and, what
is still more conclusive, that a letter was addressed to
Lord Stanley by her Majesty within an hour after his
leaving the palace. The contents of this letter we pre-
tend not exactly to divine; but certain it is that after
its reception no further steps were ostensibly taken to
fulfil the task ascribed to him, while other councillors
wore summoned to take part in the deliberations of the
Sovereign. Had Lord Stanley declared himself ready
to attempt the duty of forming a Cabinet, it is impossible
that a constitutional monarch should suddenly retract
the offer thus made.. But if, on the other hand, the
truth be that Lorct.Stanley admitted frankly his unpre-
paredness to submit the names of an Administration,
but expressed a hope that, if time were given to send
fur Mr. Gladstone, then supposed to be at Paris, he
might be in a condition to submit a list for her Majesty's
approval upon Monday, then the riddle is easily read.
The Queen may have speedily come to the conclusion,
that to suspend the whole government of the empire
until a courier should be able to find a secondary per-
sonage like Mr. Gladstone, would hardly be considered a
wise 'or seemly exercise of the royal discretion. To tell the
assembled Parliament that they must adjourn their sit •
bugs, and to tell the nation at large that its wants and
duties must be suspended until the ambiguous represen-
tative of Oxford should be caught and coaxed back to
England, could hardly fail of appearing rather absurd ;
and the Queen, although she may have been unwilling
to give a peremptory negative to the proposition when
orally made, unquestionably acted with her usual judg-
ment in speedily apprising Lord Stanley of her senti-
ments on the subject. Small comfort all this, however, to
Mr. Disraeli. If without Mr. Gladstone no Protectionist
Cabinet could over be named to the Queen, it must be
clear to whom Lord Stanley meant to delegate the office
of leader in the House of Commons. But how commu-
nicate these ungracious and ungrateful tidings to the
man who, while Mr. Gladstone was still a free-trader,
invented "the country party,"
as it is called, and who
made it out of dross and rubbish all that it is ? Did
Lord Stanley shrink from prematurely revealing his real
purpose to his too faithful lieutenant? Or did he think
it prudent to be sure of Mr. Gladstone, before he ven-
tured to chasser Mr. Disraeli?
POST.—Lord John Russell has redeemed his pro-
mise, anti has explained to the House of Commons the
causes of the existing ministerial crisis. The narrow ma-
jority which appeared in favour of the Government on the
first great division of the session, and the subsequent de-
feat on the motion of Mr. Locke King, are the principal
facts from which the Premier appears to have inferred
tho declining confidence of Parliament in his Adminis-
tration. Ho felt that "on other measures, and on
other incidental questions, his Cabinet might meet with
similar defeats." The fate of the financial scheme which
had been just propounded by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was not problematical, and the difficulties,
prospective,were not such as might be
honourable courage, or surmounted
presentaffronte d andh
3. .
am
by a justifiable perseverance. 'They indicated a parlia-
mentary support so feeble and uncertain, as to leave
the Minister no constitutional, alternative from the
one course of resignation. 'I he absence of Lord
Lansdowne from town delayed this step for one
day, and on Saturday morning, as we stated (not on
Friday, as was alleged by some of our contemporaries),
Lord J. Russell placed at her Majesty's disposal
the offices filled by himself and his colleagues.
Throughout this proceeding the conduct of Lord John
Russell appears highly dignified and becoming. It,
evinces a just deference to the wishes of Parliament, and
a proper respect for the principles of the constitution.
There is neither a hasty impatience of accidental check
nor a useless perseverance in a hopeless path. The
course is left open and unembarrassed to the leader
of the Opposition, to whom,
accordingly, her Ma-
jesty proposes to confide the conduct,of public affairs.

LONDON,

Having tvcril;:e I at this point of his narrative, Lord
John Re a'd—" I was informed later in the
aftern sor ► quit I was required to proceed to Buck-
ingham Paine( ; and I was informed by her Ma
jesty .hat 3 ,ord Stanley was re t then prepared
to form a Go' ermnent. Her Majesty then asked me to
under: if:e .'ho charge of reconstructing a Government
which
ight .`te able to obtain the confidence of this
Hoes 6. and I thought it my duty, :under these cireuna-
stanee.s, to attein pt that task. I have, therefore, assured
her '.Majesty that I would undertake it." Whether the
calif of Lord Se. tnley declining to form a Government
tin Ser the circums, ances was a refusal on the part of the
C rown to exercise t be prerogative in a dissolution of the
'earliament, or a feel:rig on the part of that statesman
himself, that such a dissolution was not at the present
time an advisable measure, there can be little doubt that
Lord Stanley's difficulty must have been with the pre-
sent House of Comntoes. The main fat's remain, that
that Noble Lord was not prepared, under existing cir-
cumstances, to form an administration, and that the teak
of reconstructing a Cabinet remains for the
present in the h ands of Lord John Russell.
Ic is, however, of' great importance that the truth
should be known, and the country will wait with
impatience the time when Lord Stanley may, with the
permission of the Queen, explain precisely the state of
the case, and the motives which induced him to decline
the rnortentous task which had been assigned to him.
In the meantime we are satisfied that he acted wisely and
well. The movements of public men since Friday last
have been characterised by greater activity than pro-
gress. This is not wonderful. As far as we are able to
conjecture from the interviews of statesmen with each
other, end from their several audiences with her Ma-
jesty, it would seem that the efforts of Lord John Rus-
sell in the execution of his arduous undertaking are di-
rected towards the remnant of the Peel party. The name
of Sir James Graham occurs more frequently than that
of any other public man in our chronicles of such pro-
ceedings. Lord Aberdeen is, indeed, als very often men-
tioned—but it does not appear in any instance, until last
night, he had directly been summoned by the Crown.
His advice, therefore, Seems to have been somewhat irre-
gular, and the mode in which it is reported to have been
tendered, is hardly constitutional—either the accounts
are erroneous, or this matter requires explanation. Bo
this as it may, it is extremely difficult to see what
strength Sir James Graham would add to any Cabinet.
He is indeed distinguished by great power in debate,
and consummate administrative ability—but on every
question out of which the present embarrassments have
arisen, his political tendencies are strongly in the di-
rection of additional confusion. His great speech on
the occasion of Mr. Disraeli's motion was altogether in
support of those financial principles which found so
little favour with the House of Commons, and unless
public belief is strangely misled, his opinions on the
other vexed question of Papal agression are such as
would ruin, in the estimation of the people of Eng-
land, any Cabinet, however otherwise strong, which
should venture to avow them. If, then, Lord John
Russell " knows the reason why " Sir James Graham
could bring any weight to the administration which
he has undertaken to construct, that " rea-
son why " must exist in some new and very
remarkable modification of his political creed.
The causes which led to the defeat of the late
Ministry point out clearly enough the course to be
avoided by its successor. The country will not, as we
have repeatedly shown, and as recent events have fully
proved, sanction the perpetuation of an income-tax, im-
posed on account of a great state emergency, and that
under a solemn promise that it should be removed when
such emergency should pass away. The redemption of
this promise is a debt of honour which the Government
owes to the people of England, and no Administration
can stand which is based upon the avowed bad faith of
attempting to evade its payment. We do not intend to
pursue these remarks further on the present occasion.
The extent to which we have already carried them may
appear to some to bo objectionable. We are bound,
however, to maintain the principles which we have ever
advocated, and in which we conscientiously believe.
Whatever may be the result, we will not be swayed
from our even course by personal or party bias; we shall
judge of public men by their acts, as the country will—
more concerned that the country should be governed
well, than that it should be governed by this or that
party in the State.

THE HOUSE AND INCOME TAX.
A meeting of the ratepayers and inhabitants of the
parish of St. Luke, Middlesex, was held in the British
and Foreign School-rooms, Cowper street, City-road,
yesterday evening, to consider and determine upon the
propriety of petitioning the Legislature against the pro-
posal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to substitute
an unjust, odious, and unnecessary house-tax in lieu of
the window-tax; and also to determine upon the pro-
priety of opposing a renewal of the income-tax; Mr. J.
Tarplee, churchwarden, in the chair.
The CHAIRMAN read the requisition for the meeting,
and adverted to a former meeting held in the parish for
the repeal of the window-tax. Since that time the Bud-
get had been made public, in which it was retained under
another name, and only one-third of the tax taken off.
It was a most obnoxious measure. He trusted that agi-
tation would be continued, and that they would insist on
an equitable system of taxation—not one that fell on the
masses. The Chairman concluded by reading letters of
excuse for non-attendance, on the plea of having to at-
tend Parliament, from Mr. Mowatt, Mr. T. Duncombe,
Viscount Duncan, Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr. C. Lush-
ing ton, Sir De Lacy Evans, Sir B. Hall, Mr. William
Williams, Mr. Bernal Osborne; and also from Mr. Al-
derman Wire,
Mr. RICHARD PHILLIPS moved the first resolution:—
"'1 hat this meeting views with surprise and indigna-
tion the attempt of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to
impose a house-tax instead of a window-tax, not only
because it is vnnecessary in a time of peace with the
present vuormous revenue of the country, but also be-
cause it is most unjust and unequal in its character; and
this meeting pledges itself to oppose such a tax in the
most energetic manner by every constitutional means,
mad to insist on the unconditional repeal of the window-
tax." _ _

seconded by Mr. Hoax, and supported by Mr. PALLISER.
Sir JAMES DUKE had much pleasure in attending the
meeting according to the invitation he had received. He
had gone down to the House ; but as it was adjourned,
he had come with Mr. Wakley, than whom they could
not have a better representative, and he trusted that he
might long enjoy their confidence. He would only state
that they should have his most cordial support for the
repeal of the window-tax, and, further, they ought not
to submit to have any other tax imposed in lieu of it, and
he assured them he would oppose any Government that
proposed any such measure.
Mr. NICHOLAY, of Marylebone, then addressed the
meeting.
After which
Mr. \VARLET rose, and said that ho hardly deserved
thu kind expressions of Sir James Duke and Mr. Nicholay.
Ho had been prevented from executing his duties for
two years from causes that he need not mention, but he
was thankful to his constituents for their forbearance.
Towards them now he was placed in a very peculiar po-
sition; some were offended because he was ill, and others
that his health was restored again. He wished to
convey his thanks to the former. Well, what was the
object for which they had met that night? First, for
ever to get rid of that infernal window-tax; secondly,
to oppose the imposition of a house-tax; and, thirdly, to
decide whether the income-tax should be passed in its
present odious form. But there was another subject of
the greatest importance—an evil which was the source
of many other grievances, He alluded to the present
mock representation of the people. If the millions bad
voices in returning members to Parliament they would
not be here to complain, but would strike at the root of
the grievance itself. Now, the Parliament had ad-
journed until Friday next, at five o'clock, in order
to enable a Government to be constructed. His ad-
vice to them was to hold continual meetings between
this and then for that purpose. He was at the House
of Commons that night, and Lord John Russell had
informed them that he had felt it his duty to tender
the resignation of himself and his colleagues, and
that her Majesty had received it. Well, he would tell
them that afterwards Lord Stanley, the leader of the
Protectionists, was sent for, but he could not form an
Administration. Lord John was recalled, and he was
now engaged in forming a Cabinet, and on Friday they
were to hear what sort of one it was. Now was the
time, then, for all intelligent constituencies to speak out,
and not allow the new Ministers to take otfice without
knowing what the people wanted. They did not care
whom they selected for the Ministers, provided they
would advance in a right direction; but if they were
oppo.ed to elective franchise he should mistrust them
from the commencement, and ho hoped the people would
too. The aristocracy for the last few days had been in
great confusion. Why? because there were places to be
got and money to bo pocketed. But could they only be g )-
verned by them? He thought in this business they had not
only miscalculated their power, but were ignorant of the
opinion of the people. He denied that with the energetic
and masculine character of this age they could only be
governed by puny lords. He trusted that the new Ad-
ministration would think of this. The old factions—
Tory and Whig—were worn out, and he was of opinion
that the people ought to be as much represented in the
Cabinet as in the Legislature. He again earnestly ex-
pressed his hope that this would not be the only meeting
held before Friday next, for they ought to let the new
Government know that they demanded an enlargement
of the franchise. In conclusion, ho begged to assure
them of his most cordial support.
The resolution was then put from the chair and carried.
Mr. DALE moved a resolution to the effect-
-64 That a petition for the repeal of tho window-tax un-
conditionally be presented to the House of Commons by
Mr. Wakley and Mr. T. Duncombe."
He hoped the petition would amount to a command, as
the Bei', Ministry would find they must comply with it."
Seconded by Mr. CHRISTIE.
This was also carried.
Mr. SHILLIBEER moved—
" That this meeting, while it desires that the neces-
cessary revenue to meet the legitimate expenses of the
State should be fairly levied, considers it a duty to use
every proper:means to oppose the renewal of the income-
tax, as it cruelly taxes the variable and uncertain pro-
puct of the mental and bodily exertion of a hardworking
and industrious tradesman and professional man as
heavily as the permanent income arising from real pro-
perty; and that the exigency which it was adopted to
meet having passed away there is no necessity for its re-
newal."
Seconded by Mr. 13esscoE, and supported by
Mr. Pai.essan, who particularly objected to the in-
spection of their trade accounts by the Commissioners.
Mr. NORMANthought that if the income-tax were re-
pealed the property-tax would go, and he warned the
working classes that the burden of the taxes would fall
on theca. He thought that instead of taking these
things into account they ought to be holding meetings
about enlarging their franchise. He concluded by
moving an amendment to the effect that direct taxation