The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-03 00:00:00

RADNORSHIRE AGRICULTURAL

SOCIETY.

The annual meeting of this society was held at Knighton
on Wednesday last. The show of horned cattle was small,
and confined to the Hereford breed.
At the public dinner, at the Farmers' Club-house, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Right Hon: Sir G. C
Lewis, presided.
The preliminary toasts having been drunk,
Mr. PERCY SEVERN proposed "the health of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer," as the president of the society,
and requested, on behalf of the members, his acceptance of
the office of perpetual president; (Applause.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply, after
expressing his willingness to accede to the wishes of the
society, as conveyed to him through Mr. Severn, pro-
ceeded to observe that he had recently met with a state-
ment in the public newspapers of a very startling nature—
namely, that he, in his capacity of Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, had employed no less a sum than 5,000,0001. of
the public money for the purpose of influencing the return
of the President of the United States. (Laughter.) This
statement has been gravely put forward by some portion of
the public press in the United States, and from those news-
papers transferred—perhaps not with equal gravity—to
the newspapers of this country. He must confess that, in
his ignorance, he had been under the impression that the
loan of 5,000,000/., to which reference was made, contracted
in the latter part of May last, was for the purpfstairt43f'
ing the remaining expenditure of war by bringing home
our armaments by sea and land ; but it appeared that he was
mistaken, and that the sam was intended to secure the re-
turn of Col. Fremont to the Presidentialchair of the 'United
States. (Laughter.) He remembered among the traditions of
contested elections that at an election in Yorkshire each of
the candidates was said to have expended from 20,0001. to
40,0001., which had always been considered enormous ; but
such an expenditure shrunk into nothing as compared with
the sum of 5,000,0001. to secure the return of the Pre-
sident of the United States. (Laughter.) But the Ame-
ricans bad very elevated notions. In comparing their lakes
with our lakes they said that ours were but as mere mud-
pools, and that the Thames was but a mere brook in com-
parison with the Mississippi or the Missouri; and so, he
presumed, they measured their expense of contested elec-
tions by a similar standard, and thought nothing of apply-
ing the sum of 5,000,0001. to the return of a candidate for
the Presidential chair. But however that might be, he
could say that if the return of Col. Fremont was to depend
upon the application of this sum of 5,000,0001., he would
not recommend that gentleman to be very sanguine about
his success. (Hear, hear.)
After some other toasts had been drunk,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave " Prosperity
to the Association," and said—ln pi oposing this toast to
you I cannot but remember that at your last anniversary
I had the honour of proposing a similar toast, and am thus
induced to compare the position of the country at that time
and at the present. Last year we were engaged in a vast ,
costly, and uncertain war. No man could at that time pre-
dict how long that war would last. We know that when
Mr. Pitt entered upon the war of the French Revolution,
which at certain intervals lasted from 1792 to 1815, he ex-
pected it would be of short duration, and I say that what-
ever may have been the anticipations and hopes which we
entertained this time last year, it was wholly uncertain
what might have been the duration of the war which was
then raging. But we are now, happily, in the enjoyment
of peace ; yet we must not look upon that change of cir-
cumstances in any political point of view, because we are
not met here to discuss politics, but with regard to its
effects upon the economical interests of the country, and
particularly that part of it with which we are most directly
concerned. Now, without wishing to involve you in any
political discussion, I think I may venture to state that
which can scarcely be denied as a matter of fact, that the

treaty of peace which was concluded at Paris last spring
accomplished all the main objects for which the war was
undertaken. This is a matter of fact upon which scarcely
any dispute can arise, because the objects of the war were
authentically stated at its commencement, and any person
may take that statement and thetreaty of peace, when he
will see that the objects which were announced were ac-
complished—that more, indeed, than those objects was ac-
complished. (Hear.) Undoubtedly there are in any coun-
try like this sanguine men who, during the existence of a
great military struggles, hAliAvn f h .nnrgios and
undaunted courage of our countrymen may wring from a
dereaw advantages greater than those which a
cautious and prudent Governmen:; may accept. But per-
sons of that character will always be disappointed, and the
only fair way of Raining a judgment as to the advantages
of peace is to compare the objects gained by that peace
with those for which the war was undertaken. It is this
over sanguine estimate of the possible advantages to be
gained by war —that almost gambling spirit, if I may
venture so to characterise it, which seems to
animate many people in estimating the probabili-
ties of success in war that as a general rule makes
peace unpopular in the countries which put a termination
to that war. If you look back into history you will rarely
find any peace between the two contending Powers which
has not to a certain extent been unpopular in both coun-
tries, and in which both parties to the peace have not be-
lieved themselves losers rather than gainers by the terms of
the treaty. We shall also find, if we consult history, that
a peace which has at the outset been unfavourably regarded
has, in the end, invariably proved advantageous to both
parties. The late war was terminated by a peace in which
the terms of the treaty were—l will not say dictated, but
at all events prescribed by England and France, acting in
9oncert with Austria. It is a matter of faot that the treaty
was founded upon a draught which was prepared by
France and England, which was tendered by Austria to
Russia in the form of an ultimatum, and to which Russia
assented. (Hear.) We may therefore say with truth that
the terms of that pacification were prescribed by France
and England and accepted by Russia. But compare this
treaty with the pacification effected in the least prosperous
period of our annals—l mean the disastrous war against
our American colonies. That unfortunate struggle resulted
in the independence of the United States being extorted
from us by force, without our reserving to ourselves any
advantageous condition. Again, we made what was at the
time considered a very humiliating peace with France and
also with Spain. In 1782 the treaty of peace then made
was considered very disadvantageous to England, and very
wise statesmen anticipated that the glory
and power of
England had suffered an eclipse which might end in a long
and perhaps permanent obscuration ; yet we find that the
prosperity of England rapidly increased after that peace—
that it tended to the advantage of England, and
that at the outset of the war, of the French Revo-
lution, the resources of this country were never
greater or the spirit of her people higher—that we en-
tered into the struggle with the powerful republic of
France, not doubtful as to the issue. These are instances
showing that treaties of peace which have been considered
disadvantageous to England have, in the end, conduced to
the public good. I think, therefore, we must be satisfied
that the Government of this country pursued a wise, as I
am sure it pursued a humane course, because every man of
humanity, every man animated by philanthropic and reli-
gious feelings, must approve the termination of a fierce
and sanguinary contest. No man, I think, will willingly
and openly profess the doctrine that war is to be continued
upon some mere speculative and gambling principles, or for
the mere chance of gaining some uncertain advantages or
the acquisition of military glory. The right hon. baronet
proceeded to glance at the prospects of agriculture, cons
gratulating the farmers upon the late bountiful harvest, and
expressed his opinion that moderately high prices are better
calculated than excessive prices to secure the permanent
prosperity of agriculture and the other interests of the
nation. He enforced the principle of the old Saxon maxim,
"Live and let live," not only in its application to this
country, but in its larger application to the world at large,
contending that we ought to learn with satisfaction of the
prosperity and progress of other nations, as thereby they
became more likely to be purchasers from England. He
then referred at some length to the subject of agricultural
statistics, and combatted the objections which have been
raised to their collection. His fear was lest the advantage
gained should not be equivalent to the expenditure in-
curred; and as to their revealing too much information of
which the Government or landowners might take advantage
he thought that at best we could only ascertain something
like probabilities ; for instance, we could arrive at the
quantity of land under particular cultivation, but could
not, except by
calculating the average yield per acre, ar-
rive at the amount of produce actually grown in the coun-
try, and this was a mode that would not enable us to look
cG
do
ev
ne rt na
iml
ye natr,r
iavtetahte
aprsetsaetni
sttticimalek,
with great certainty into the future. He explainedthat the
nboywexcise
ofd tie
duties,
pn
such as malt; and he held that it
tion of tea, sugar, and other articles of importation, and of
some of home growth,
was most desirable to obtain the best and most accurate
knowledge as to the general produce of agriculture, which
would have the effect of checking gambling and undue
speculation. (Cheers.)
Mr. Surnincs, a large tenant farmer, expressed
mon that it would not be, as the Chancellor of the EX his
lel-
quer seemed to imagine, a difficult matter to arrive at a
pretty correct estimate of the produce of agriculture in
now
ofo to obtaingro w
u
this country. Ho ridiculed the idea of landlords taking
any advantage of the information gained by such statistics,
for nfuotlllensntginwfoarsmmaotrioeneaasys tthoanthefor
quantitythe
and the number of cattle and other stock on their tenant's
farms, either by personal inspection or through their
agents. Nor was ho afraid of Government getting cultural statistics for the purpose of taxing
farmers a ri-
.g he
thought there was far more likelihood of the Governm'ent
taxing them first in order to get incidentally, as in
the case
of malt and other articles, the required statistics. (Hear,
hear,) and laughter,)