The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

cile--....._......--.... ' / • c i.,
-:. ..
2 '...
1-: 41 '
Jr
I Or .
014 .
- 1 ' rt!.'-:-
1 4' 44.7 e
. .......jor -
,04, •
. . .
, '444:-*';',4o.-. -----“'
arr 'n the mos a astard y a ter ' the •
emade n.
i,. -,vl,iit. 4.. ~,..,... 4: 4.., r--." 7....... ,
~., -',.•',!..v..- : ~..i.: .4.-
,
:- ,---:) ---)
/
.. -' - ~,:.. .
4,.
‘. '''' - ' ........, l 1..,_. ,
"II 1 .2t -'',ll;-' .-i- ''s. ~i.- -,, , ~tl',. '..:* , ' '‘.
.7
. .:'v ~ . .
~,,,
S. --PA 7"----,:1i11.' V ' '".:.,:, 7, , e :-.:41.4.
4:1
~ -. : -7....)..... 1 ~,
.. ..,.. 1)
; i':-.-. ‘--77,1--#, LIVe
!...i,.. . A
;11,1*4, . fi' Ni, -, ,
! Ir,
7 e't
lib.
1 ' "4
„,,,,. I--
. ,i.Ai110,..,_...„..... .
((
i - . 1,..; /
' _...„.. jfrc/, -- . -\&,.:_, . --, .
11/;\44,\_*.k% ..--(4?1-14, 7:
, "z'
' , 1.1., -7401 '44l:...'s.`=4:o'''':' ...,- h-Ro -'' . '
~,..4,- \'''''''''.\ ~
rte_
il 01 ' '.....•,--,, --: , '4., '; , ".1 I'S' ' ..), •=4.--. - /T ~
kei ', ' ---?.,.,. 1
Tyi.,,, 4,
c' .../
c: °
~,...
4, , ' ‘4ll
.:, 316- k) • ~,--. "'We; ..c....,-,,. .
WIP..
^. " .. . -
,tt 'j . '; ' '
.. , j
•
,s,, .. , , . WO: kk ' P ..1 afl '' ' ! •

.
__ to injure the character Of any public ..
-e(Loud cheers.) Ido not presume to enter into the
internal affairs of Hungary. How, then, do I judge
him to be a guest worthy of the hospitality and moral
assistance
,we give him ? I judge of him by the cre-
dentials he brings in the name of a whole nation, and
endorsed by the suffrages of a people.—(Cheers.)
When fugitive sovereigns are driven from their shores
by the execrations of their people to our shores, we
( throw open our vacant palaces for their reception—
(Cheers an laughter)—and I will not say a word
against the hospitalities of Claremont—but when a
man arrives on our shores bearing not the curses but
the blessings of his countrymen, I say that ifEngland
refuses a welcome to such a man, adieu for ever to
that sympathy with nations and with nations' rights
which has hitherto been the boast of England.—
(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) But I take no
merit in sharing in these honours. Selfishness
as a public man might induce me, if I had no
other motive, to be here to-day. But I am here
speaking in the nania of the great majcaity of the
people of this country. I say it advisedly, I know as
much of publi opinion as any newspaper can pretend
to know ; and I say; that this meeting, enthusiastic as
it is, fairly represents a large majority of the men, av,
and the women of this country.—(Loud cheers.) And
why is such sympathy felt for the cause of Hungary
in England ? Why is it that the name of Louis Kos-
suth is heard at the firesides of the middle classes, end
I would fain hope of the higher classes, one of whom
we number among our visitors to-day ?It is because
he is believed worthy to represent the wants and
r wishes of a great people, that he has intellect to make
him worthy of their confidence, and that he has
those qualities of the heart without which intellect
would be a curse.—(Hear, hear.) I confess I had
formed a favourable opinion of the refugees from
those that I have the honour to be acquainted with,
and probably there are few who have had greater
opportunities of judging of the refugees than I
have had. I have seen in their demeanour a manly
fortitude in the midst of their distress, which has
convinced me that they possess •
those qualities of which
of our friend among us
Englishmen are so justly
proud. lam convinced if that apeople more than
is impossible to hear him speak, ton hear any other resemble the English and
Hungarians are that people, and, gentlemen, the pre-
sencean among people
of England will enhance our respect for hisn people.elt
osaition,.tan. d
that the people who placed him in such and neighbours speak of him, withouetar
feeling
that
here is a man who being thrown into the
.highest. posi-
tion, acted in a manner worthy of that
were worthy of such a man. Now, it may be asked, what particular results can flow from our demonstra-
tions of respect for our friend ? lam sure they will
not be quite barren of fruits, if they afford him some
consolation for the hardships he has been obliged
to
undergo during the last two or three years. But there
is more than that in the tribute of respect we have
heard from his friends, and there is an additional
passport to our favour in the malignity of his
enemies, his enemies being the friends of despotism.
—(Hear, hear.) Now, people will see how far the
aspirations of Europe will go with his cause, and how
far they may expect the support of Englishmen, or
Americans, in their future proceedings.—(Hear.)
Now, my illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion
of his most eloquent address, that he wishes only for
such a demonstration in this country as shall prevent
Russia from invading his country, or from interfer-
ing with the settlement of its domestic affairs. Well,
if there be one man who has a stronger opinion than
another on the subject of non-intervention, I am that
man. lam fanatical in that doctrine, because I think
that there can be no vigour in manhood in the coun-
try which looks to the right or left for external aid,
and is not allowed to develope its resources by its own
internal working ; but I quite agree with my friend
that a word spoken by England would have an almost
irresistible force in the councils of despotic sovereigns.
I confess I hear with regret that the invasion of
Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civiliza-
tion in our day, should hate been allowed to pass
without an angry protest from this country. I stated
that so long as the dispute lay between Austria and
Hungary we should go no further than express our
sympathy with the right, but from the moment
that Russia interfered it became a changed question.
Here was a semi-barbarous Power coming down with
its hordes to crush a more civilized country, and a
strong protest from the Government and people of this
country would have been of immense advantage. But
megphreerhal st.anfsri degreee
tnhdes
what were the facts ? Other states were in the toils
of a reaction, and the leading newspapers of this
country not only uttered no protest, but actually ex-
pressed opinions in favour of the Russian cause.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that, were public
opinion so far enlightened that newspapers would not
dare to falsify it by taking side with Russia, it
would not require many words from an English
Foreign Minister to make that opinion have weight
with foreign despots.—(Hear, hear.) But if we wish
our opinion to have weight, we must come into
court with clean hands. My efforts have been made
to make us understand our duty with regard to inter-
ference in foreign countries. lam almost afraid to
look back far the last twenty years and ace what has
been our conduct. There was our most wicked inter-
ference in the affairs of Portugal, where we bodily
carried off the leaders of the people in order to sub-
serve the interests of the Court ; and then there were
our proceedings in Greece and in the affairs of Hol-
stein. I cannot find, then, that we have clean hands,
and therefore my advice to the English and American
people—and I think there have been some symp-
toms of the latter people falling into the trap—my
advice to them is, that they should promptly adopt the
principle of non-intervention. When Lord Grey
came into office nonintervention was to be their
motto, and yet, I believe that, from the passing of the
Reform Bill there has been more intervention than in
the time of the Tories. Let us, then, get to the sound
principle, and then I believe that the word " Stop,"
applied to Russia, would be as conclusive as if we
spoke with the voice of a thousand cannon.—(Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, my friend there is new to Eng-
land, but no doubt he that has gone through the
toil and turmoil of public life knows that the threats
of the enemies of liberty are the same in Austria as
in England. Ile must expect to be assailed with
every calumny by the organs of Russia, and will be
accused of violating every commandment in the deca-
logue. The only regret will be that there is not an
eleventh commandment, to charge him with breaking
ie—(Laughter.) I myself have been accused of
every crime short of actual murder; but I can assure
you that in England these shafts of calumny have
very little effect, so long as you have truth and jus-
tice on your side.—(Cheers.) Now, our friend tells
us that he comes here on the principle of non-inter-
ference, and I think we owe him some explanation
before he is fairly launched on the public gatherings
that await him. He is anxious to avoid even the
appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs,
and under these circumstances I think it would be
wrong for any political party to offer any act of special
fraternisation with our Hungarian friends or to claim
any political identity.—(Cheers.) In short, I think
o
I may once for all avow that there is nothing in the
position of our friend to warrant any party claiming
political identity with him.—(Hear, hear.) He has
told us that the movement of the Magyars was not a
movement having for its object organic changes in
the national institutions. It was a movement to main-
tain the Constitution as it was, coupled with certain
excellent friend the Consul from America, will not
think reformsil l
of whichour he was
distinguished
anxious f
friend
io effect. e
ndeifc I
avow hope
m y
ber
-
lief lief that the Hungarian movement was not a d
cratic movement solely, but a movement of the ern°.
people
with the aristocracy at their head to maintain the
national independence. Had it not be
en such a move-
ment they could not have achieved what my friend
has detailed to us this evening.
In short, we honour
in him the champion a
of nation that is identified with
constitutional institutions.—(Hear.) He took the Con-
stitution as it had existed for 800 years, and therefore I
see no reason to identify him with Whig, Tory, or
Radical in this
country. I hope that after his moderate
and singularly talented address, this great com-
munity will see that ho is to be received on the
part of the nation at large as representing an entire
people, and that at no public meeting will any ques-
tion be introduced which he could not discuss with-
out incurring the appearance of that intervention
which he is most anxious to avoid.—(Hen. he.ar. :)
have nothing further to say, but
nthdattnierxeerlehstaghly
gratified at the present meeting,soithaampton hasp noblyrny
opinion that the Mayor of
this occasion,
the
done his duty in representing, on.
large majority of the people of
public opinion of the
friend has
our distinguished
this country; and when
passed from under this roof to the metropolis, I will
leave him to judge, and his enemies to witness,
whether the respect paid to him elsewhere does not
justify the beginning made by the Mayor of
Southampton.—(Cheers.)

The next toast was the health of Mr. Croskey, the
American Consul.
Mr. CROSKEY, the American Consul, in returning
thanks, said, that he did not wish to take a very pro-
minent part in this demonstration, which it was his
wish should be purely British in its character. He
wished that when the news of the reception given to
Kossuth in this country went to the other side of the
Atlantic it should have all the value of spontaniety on
the part of the British people. He felt sure that
when their illustrious guest reached the shores of
America he would be received. by
Lafayette
par-
ties,ette whether IVhig or Democratic, as, f
Was received in 1825—as the nation
d Ees p
ugabuneeya
at .117
(Cheers.) The Americans were no Red
as the basis'
they loved law, order, and constitution
had not appeared
of their liberties ; and. although
.nstitute a republic in
that Kossuth bad intended to institute
as constitutional
i thuatdi oent
le!
Hungary, still he
rights of his nation
Lad(cfhouegist;