The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT JF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is not long ago since this journal apprised
the country that the Duke of Wellington had
formally and finally taken the command of the
opposition Peers, and that the phalanx so di-
rected was prepared for all political extremities
with the House of Commons and the nation..
That statement was literally true, and before the
end of the present week, unless the enemy's
counsels shall have undergone some change, the
truth of it will be demonstrated by the rejection
of a measure on which the whole people of the
United Kingdom have staked their hopes, and
Lord Grey's administration its existence. There
is no use in addressing one's-self to the judg-
ment of politicians who are drunk with confi-
dence in their own power, incredulous of all
virtue in public men, inveterately distrustful of
the people of England, and reckless of every
human object but the resumption of a despotism
over the persons and properties of their fel-
low-subjects, which they have already too
long abused, to the scandal of our much
boasted British liberty, and to the lasting detri•
ment of the state. The close brotherhood of such
individuals as Bishop Phillpotts, the Duke of
Cumberland, and Lord Lyndhurst, all acting as
lieutenants under the hero of anti-reform, is
enough to stamp the character of the present
Opposition. That Opposition must be crushed,
or it will destroy the country. The alternative
is obviously not whether the persons composing
the Ministry shall be changed, but whether Lord
Grey, Lord Brougham, and practical reform—
or Mr. Manners Sutton, with the myrmidons of
a military Duke, and inevitable revolution, shall
be the lot assigned to us. That question, as we
have said, is now on the point of being settled.
The Church Temporalities Bill is to be thrown
out—thrown out, as is generally anticipated, on
the second reading. But if that course be too
straightforward for the revolutionists, the Bill will
he cut to pieces in Committee ; and, thus muti-
lated and thus deformed, will be sent down
once more to.. the House of Commons, for
that assembly to register the edict of the oli-
garchs, and its own humiliation. Such a game,
however, will not be played with success.
The designs of the Tory revolutionists need
only be understood to be counteracted effectu •
ally. The first defeat of the Government in the
Hense of Lords—no matter how apparently
trivial the question—ought to be the signal for
a peremptory resignation of office, a delay of
even 24 hours would be construed into a readi-
ness to undergo fresh insults for the mere love of
place. That is a consideration which affects
the honour of the Ministry ; but there is another,
suggested by the known tactics of the Tories,
and it is of immense importance. The faction
of the oligarchs does not wish to assume the
government at present : its object is to expose
the weakness of the Whigs, by inflicting on
them a series of severe, though not immediately
fatal mortifications ; .to take advantage of what
is conceived to be their progressive decline in
public respect and confidence ; and, when they
are ripe and ready for the gathering, to shake
them to the ground. The Tories are well
apprised that they could not govern England
at this moment, nor do they count on much
positive advance in favour with their country-
men. They know that a profound and impassable
gulf divides the political principles of the Eng-
lish nation from those by which the corrupt rule
of Toryism has hitherto been upheld, aed that if
they ever come in at, all, it must be after the
services of Lord Grey's Government, and the
misdeeds of former ones, shall havebeen obscured
or forgotten. Now, the best method of frustrat-
ing such a scheme is to go out on the first proof
which can be laid before his Majesty that the
House of Lords, as at present constituted, is too
pcwerful an enemy for his official servants to
contend with. If the Crown and its Ministers,
with the House of Commons at their back, be
unable to carry those measures which all three
concur in regarding as indispensable to the
safety of Church and State, what remains but
that Crown, Ministers, and people should sur-
render, and succumb to the ordinances of the
Conservative Clubhouse, or that the liberal
portion of the Peers should be reinforced, and
made a match for their oligarch opponents ? If
Lord Grey resigns at once, he disconcerts the
plan of Tory opera ions, by forcing the faction
to accept that government which they are
avowedly unprepared to exercise. The Sutton
or Narcissus Cabinet have then but one alterna-
tive,—either it must go on with the actual
House of Commons, of which at least five parts
out of six are diametrically opposed to them,
or they must risk a new election, with a consti-
tuency incensed almost. to madness through the
repeated disappointments of its best-founded
hopes, inflicted upon it by the same Tory Mi—
nisters who demand from it a fresh choice of
representatives. Neither, then, of such attempts
can, in all human probability, be successful.
Sir John Wrottesley s motion on Thursday next
may, indeed, determine the whole point at issue,
without rendering it necessary, in honour or
sound policy, for Ministers to do more than
submit the amount, of the majority on that mo-
tion to the King, and take the Royal pleasure
as to the expediency of suffering so grave a col-
lision to exist between the Houses, or of adopt-
ing the only, albeit not 'altogether in itself desir-
able, means of bringing it to a period. There is
indeed a report that Parliament may be dissolved
before that motion is discussed. But this sup-
position implies the monstrousimpossibility that
the King will,desert his Ministers ! ! ! . We re-
joice, for our own parts, that the crisis has at
length arrived. The state wherein we have been
plunged for some months past has been most
alarming and intolerable. The question is, a real
and practical reform system, or a return to one
of rotten boroughs ?—the enjoyment of a free
constitution, or the endurance of such gross and
unbounded corruption as shall enable an unprin-
cipled Government to. dispense with the forms
of despotism ?--,-no Tory Ministers, or no inde-
pendent House of Commons ? Of such a
question it is not difficult to see the result.
These remarks have been written on the suppo-
sition that the .Tories will dare to throw out the
Irish Church Bill. Our own:opinion is that they
are too low-spirited to 'attempt such an enter-
prise : our hOpe is that they will make the at-
tempt. After deep and long consideration they
screwed their courage up to " the sticking place;''
but, as the hour for striking comes, their courage,
like. that of poor Bob Acres, oozes out : the Duke
of Wellington slinks away (we will not say
where) ; Sir Robert Peel will not hear the
muster-call; and Lord. Wharneliffe, who is the
watchman of the party, .has reported to the
station-house—the Conservative Club—that the
plot will not do. Is it not incredible that it
should never occur to these wretched simpletons
that the nation observes all their movements?
Does " the Irish Narcissus_ think that the men
of Liverpool, of Manchester, of Leeds, of liir-•
mingharn, of London, admire him as hitich as
be admires himself? Does the sensible ititl

modest Speaker, who has no greater admirer
than ourselves in all the really valuable (and they
are not few) points of his character, think that
he can stem the tide or govern the whirlwind of
public opinion ? He has ever shown (and that
is his great strength) that he justly estimates his
powers:—
" A wise man's power's the limit of his will;"
and we believe it to be impossible for him to
risk a very well-earned and enviable reputation
for the Bartholomew•fair glory of being for a
short time the tinsel tenant of a throne, from
which he is to be pushed at the first moment
when it may suit the Duke of Wellington or Sir
Robert Peel to take it. No ; Mr. Sutton can-
not consent to be a cat's-paw,—a warming pan !
—Times.

The Bill brought in by the Lord Chancellor
on Friday night " for appointing a Chief Judge
in Chancery, and for establishing a Court of
Appeal in Chancery," will remedy two defects
in our judicial organization, which have been
often, although hitherto unsuccessfully, de-
nounced. It will give to our great equity tribu-
nal a permanent Judge, removed from the turmoil
of politics, and will cure the anomaly of an ap-
peal from the decision of one Judge to that of
another Judge. The Chief Judge, who will have
the power to hear all matters depending in the
Court of Chancery, and will have, with some
slight exceptions, all the jurisdiction possessed
by the Lord Chancellor, will hold his office du-
ring good behaviour, and the appeals from the de-
crees and orders of the Master of the Rolls and
the Vice-Chancellor will not be adjudicated by
him alone, but by a Court of Appeal, consist-
ing of the Lord Chancellor, the Chief Judge, the
Master of the Rolls, the Vice-Chancellor, and
the Lord Chief Baron, and such Barons of the
Court of Exchequer as shall be appointed
by sign-manual, or otherwise, to determine
causes in that court, as a court of equity, during
the absence of the Chief Baron ; but three of
such Judges may form a court, the Lord Chan-
cellor or the Chief Judge in Chancery being
one. The only objection to this measure is the
small relief which it will afford to the persons
holding the Great Seal, whose multitudinous
duties, political, ministerial, and judicial, will
not, we fear, be perceptibly diminished. We
hail, however, the measure as establishing two
important principles long since acknowledged
and successfully acted upon by a neighbouring
nation,—the one, that the first Civil Judge of
the country should be independent of political
changes—the other, that a principal Court of
Appeal should not be composed of only an in-
dividual Judge.—Times.

The first Session of the reformed Parliament
is fast drawing to a close without the Ministers,
who have called this improved representation
into existence, having accomplished, or even
proposed, any one of those many measures of
amelioration which the people had a right to ex-
pect at its hands. We make this assertion much
more in sorrow than in anger. We feel that
the people have been sorely deceived and disap-
pointed at such a result ; nor do we feel the less
mortified when we know the taunting tone in
which the blame is thrown by the enemies of
reform upon that measure itself, instead of its
authors. It is true enough that the borough-
mongers every now and then throw out a tub to
the whale, a kind of placebo, to amuse and call
off attention, while they were pursuing their
own schemes of plunder and self-aggrandisement
but reform, while it put an end to the latter,
ought to have given the people in exchange a
very different bonus from that which they ever
received before ; instead of which their favourite
measure of reform has been hitherto to them little
betterthan a mockery,their new representatives hav-
ing in fact done less for them than their enemies the
borough-owners used to do. But let it not be
said that this is the fault of reform. Bad farmers
are often in the habit of attributing their bad
crops to untoward seasons—the fact not being
so, but the deficiency of the harvest being
wholly attributable to their indolence and want
of skill. So it is with the political harvest,
which has hitherto proved barren and defective,
solely because, in its case, the tillers of the po-
litical ground are ignorant, or defective in their
duty. A remark which is in every man's
mouth seems true to the letter as regards the
present Ministers--viz., that they have had
good cards dealt them, I4ut have not had the
skill to play them. No men ever had such an
opportunity of signalizing, we might say of im-
mortalizing themselves ; instead of which, they
have only used the means which pointed out the
road to glory as those to conduct them to dis-
grace. In every department the same inefficiency
has been displayed, till at length the people,
grown weary in witnessing one uninterrupted
career of imbecility, ask rather for the return
of a Tory Government than the continuance
in office of those in whose persons the very
name of Whig has become odious and detest-
able from one end of the kingdom to the other.
We repeat that it is rather in sorrow than in
anger that we say this. We have, as our readers
know, no party to follow or uphold but that of
the country. Throughout the trying and
anxious period of passing the Reform Bill, we
gave to its authors our steady undivided support,
in full reliance that the country would derive
from it those many blessings which it was and is
calculated to bestow. But when we see the cup
bearers themselves dashing the cup from
the lip, themselves falsifying every expectation of
which they were the authors, we turn in sorrow
and disappointment from such tergiversation and
imbecility, and are compelled to exclaim,
Alas, poor human nature !"—Morn. Herald.
Every man who has mixed in society during
the last week—every man who has dined at a
club, or danced at a ball, or yawned at the
opera, or cantered through the Parks—has had
a story told him, " in the strictest confidence,"
of' some announcement made by some official, as
to something which Ministers intend, in conse-
quence of something which they expect. Down-
ing-street has no secrets ; the Cabinet has met
with open doors; Lords of the Treasury have
babbled like ladies of the boarding school, and
privy councillors have proclaimed their intents as
heedlessly as robbers in a melodrame. " We
are going out," has been shouted in Whitehall,
" We are going out," has been chorused at
Brooks's ; Mr. Charles Wood has been expound-
ing the policy of his father-in-law to the com-
prehension of the most obtuse ; Mr. Ellice has
been developing the plans of his friends to the
eyes of the most profane. We have heard
young gentlemen from Christ Church record-
ing the assurances of Lord Brougham, and
elderly spinsters boasting of the whispers of Mr.
Grant. We cannot observe all this without
looking with some curiosity for the motive which
makes the mysterious so palpable and the dumb
so loquacious; and after this fashion we ven-
ture to explain the phenomena :—The. Whigs
are telling every body, in the first place, that
they anticipate a defeat on the Irish Temporali-
ties Bill ; and, in the second place, that they

contemplate an immediate resignation of their
offices. We pronounce, therefore, of the
Whigs, in the first place, that they do not an-
ticipate a defeat on the Irish Church Tempo-
ralities Bill ; and, in the second place, that they
do not contemplate an immediate resignation of
their offices. his hoped and believed at the Trea-
sury that the accomplished sacrifice of the 147th
clause will have so far conciliated the Tory
leaders as that they will allow the Bill, had
as its provisions still are, to be read a second
time. And it is further hoped and believed,
that the meditated abandonment of other
clauses will so far conciliate the Tory leaders as
that they will allow the Bill, bad as its provi-
sions still must be, finally to pass. It is impos-
sible for us to say on how sure a foundation
these expectations rest, for we profess no super-
human insight into the hearts and minds of
men ; and without such a preternatural intelli-
gence it were impossible to divine in what man-
ner the Peers of England will treat a measure
upon which, if upon any, they ought to decide
with a total forgetfulness of their political con-
nection, and with an entire submission to the
dictates of their conscience. But the artifice
with which Lord Grey and his adherents have
represented the loyal defenders of the Constitu-
tion as already threatening and prophesying the
rejection of the Bill is too gross to have deceived
us. No threat has been uttered, no prophecy has
been delivered, by the champions of our cause
from which we can form an opinion as to the
course which in the discharge of their difficult
duty they may think it expedient to follow. The
Duke of Wellington has indeed condemned
unequivocally the principle on which the Bill is
framed, and in se condemning it has won a fresh
title, which he least of all men needed, to the
gratitude and confidence of his countrymen
but when, from the expression of the sentiments
of one illustrious individual, a presumption is '
raised of lordly intrigues and courtly cabals—of
councils in the saloons of Carlton-terrace, and
plots in the anti-chambers of St. Jatnes's—the
matter becomes so ridiculous that we might be
content to treat the suggestion when we read it
in the columns of the Times with the contemp-
tuous silence which was all his Grace's re-
ply when lie heard it in the rhetoric of Earl
Grey. If the Duke of Wellington had
indeed prepared a plan of a campaign, he is too
expert a tactician to forward a copy of it to his
enemy's head-quarters. We, therefore, in our
speculations upon the events of the week, place
no reliance upon the alleged exposition of the
intentions of the Tories. We predict the
failure of the Bill, only because we are sensible
of its faults—we guess at what will be the con-
duct of the Peers, only because we are sure of
what is their duty. The object which our ad-
versaries have had in view, in the rumours they
have circulated of conspiracies at Apsley House,
and removals from Downing-street, is sufficiently
obvious. If they are discomfited on Wednes-
day, which they do not expect, they will have
prepared the wretched dupes, and yet more
wretched knaves, by whose grace they stand, for
a renewal of the warfare of petitions and addresses,
unions and committees, brickbats and blud-
geons. If they are successful on Wednesday,
which they do expect, they will have enabled them-
selves to attribute their victory to their avowed
determination to resign if beaten; and they will
seek in their asserted readiness to resent one over-
throw a consolation for the shame they have in-
curred
by their endurance of twenty. These
considerations induce us to suppose that Minis-
ters have other expectations than that of defeat,
and other intentions than that of resigning.
But whatever their calculations may be, what is
our own ? We cannot indeed conceal from
ourselves that a great and important change was
made in the Bill when the 147th clause was re-
linquished. In that clause a principle upon
which the revenues of our Protestant Church
might be to-morrow confiscated was so distinctly
enunciated that we shudder at the recklessness
of men who could so carelessly put forth, and hav-
ing put forth could so carelessly withdraw, a pro-
posal pregnant with such formidable results.
We repeat that a great and important change
has been made in the Bill by the erasure of this
iniquitous enactment. The extent of the alte-
ration has been perhaps exaggerated from the
outcry raised against it by the partisans of plun-
der. Many honourable and well-intentioned
men are disposed to imagine that there must
be something not quite abominable in a Bill
which Mr. Harvey opposes, which Mr. Hume
reviles, which the sage of the Register pro-
claims a vile delusion, which the orator of the
Corn Exchange repudiates on the part of the
people of Ireland. There is something specious,
too, in the argument that as so much has been
given up by Ministers in the one House, a little
ought to be given up by their adversaries in the
other. And in truth the Tories base their op-
position to the idea of a forcible interference by
the Commons with the independence of the
Peers upon the more constitutional doctrine of
an ultimate reconcilement of their differences by
mutual concession. These things may lead, we
are told have led, some sincere friends to our
Monarchy and our Church to regard with dimi-
nished hostility the Bill upon which the House
of Lords is about to pass its judgment. For
ourselves we will speak out, as we have ever
done. We see no reason to alter aught we
have written upon the tendency of the measure.
From its preamble to its conclusion it is wildly
wicked. If the Peers are able to reject it, and
will not, they are scarcely worthy to wear their
coronets. If' the. Peers have the will to reject
it, and dare not, why, their coronets are scarcely
worthy their wearing.—Morning.Post.
A rumour prevailed, in well-informed circles,
yesterday, that the insanity of the Tory Peers
was somewhat mitigated, and that their medi-
tated opposition to the Irish Church Bill is
likely to be accommodated. It is, however, im-
possible to rely on the continuance of their lucid
intervals ; and on some accounts the " collision
is desirable—certainly it is preferable to any
compromise, and we cannot believe that the Bill
will be further discounted. The Conserva-
tives, it is said, after anxious cogitation and
inquiry, are satisfied that their cabal, even
if successful in obtaining a majority in
the Upper House, would not obtain them
office or favour at Court—the sole object of their
mad and unprincipled faction. We also under-
stand that the result of their patient calculations
has convinced them that no bribes, treats, intimi-
dation, Aristocratic influence, or division of
parties, could create even a decent new House
of Commons ; in brief, that they have, at last,
d hat all the world, except them-
selves,iv c
a Tory Administration
could not endure six months, and would expire
s o e
w r
know—thatell
in Revolution. This repentance may, never-
theless, be temporary, and the Conservatives are
subject to a fresh attack of political mania. The
result and discussion on Sir John Wrottesley's
notice, this evening, may yield some more defi-
nite information. The Duke of Wellington and

Lord Lyndhurst neither can-nor will again go-
vern this free country, and their sops to the
Reformers will be thrown back in their faces.
Lord Lyndhurst ! a most moral and very pa-
triotic Legislator ! is not to be trusted in that
or any other capacity. We trust that the House
of Commons will not be put off its guard. Sir
John VVrottesley's notice has struck terror into
the Tories, and he will, doubtless, watch them.
Mr. Manners Sutton, who has the reversion of
the Home Office (when vacant), will of course,
see that the orders of the Lower House during
the present week are strictly and impartially
obeyed !—Morning Chronicle.

ROLLS' COURT, JULY 13.

3ePHERSON V. WILSON.

In this case Mr. PEMBERTON appeared for the plaintiff
(who is an infant), against the defendants, Messrs. Pillons,
William and James Wilson. In 1829 the father of the
plaintiff (Captain Mitchell) happened to be travelling in
Italy, where he met with an intimate friend, named Pil.
lons, to whom he communicated his intention of settling
a sum of 3,6601. upon his son, and at the same time ex-
pressing his wish that Mr. Pillons would become a trustee ;
to which request Mr. Pillons agreed, upon condition that
two co-trustees should be appointed ; accordingly Messrs.
James and William Wilson were made trustees in conjunc-
tion n ith Mr. Pillons, and a purchase was made in the
Three per Cent. Consols to the amount of 3,660/. A short
time afterwards Mr. Pillons met Captain Mitchell in Paris,
who was confined to his bed by illness. Mr. Pillons there
wrote a letter to the Captain, in which he stated the con-
ditions upon which he supposed the settlement had been
made; this document was signed by Captain Mitchell. It
unfortunately happened that Mr. Pillons made a mistake
in the letter as to the plaintiff's name, whom he called
M'Gregor instead of M'Pherson, but the plaintiff declared
that he was the person meant in that letter, and therefore
applied to the Court for the purpose of having some money
given to him by the trustees to purchase a--commission in
the army. The letter was chted May 21, 1829, and Cap.
tain Mitchell died in August, 1830. The Court granted a
declaration.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

A man, named William Johnson, with a clean white
apron upon him, and having the appearance of a me-
chanic, was brought before the Loan MAvon, charged by
a young lady named Mary Hobley, under the following cir-
cumstances :

Miss Hobley stated that, as she was walking along the
street a few days ago, the defendant picked up something,
and begged that she would be kind enough to read to him
the writing on a bill of parcels, in which, wrapped up, he
had just found a gold pair of ear- rings, a wedding-ring,
and a mourning-ring. She read to him the bill, from
which it appeared that the price charged for the beautiful
articles was 51. 18s. 6d. The prisoner said that as the
young lady was present when he found the jewellery, he
considered her entitled to half, and offered her the whole
lot for a moiety of the sum specified in the bill of parcels.
She refused to purchase at such a rate, but she consented
to give 11. ss. 6d. for the lot, and she borrowed money
from a f-male friend, who was as innocent as herself, and
cheerfully paid it down to the prisoner, who walked off.
She saw him some days afterwards on London Bridge,
and immediately took hold of him, having learned that
her bargain was " copper gilt." He struggled, and struck,
and kicked her desperately in bis attempt to get away,
but she held him fast, and he was ultimately conveyed to
the Cotnpter.—Remanded.