The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-27 00:00:00

.../ "
N :ZONAL PARLIAMENTARY lEFO
467/ .--Rilief-,
ASSOCIATION.
/ The following manifesto, by the National Reform
Association, has just reached us. It is addressed to
the friends of popular progress, and comes out under
the auspices of the president of the society .
Fellow-countrymen' —We are at an important
period of our political history. The time has arrived
when our electoral system must be reformed. There
no longer exists any party who rely upon the Act of
1832 as a final settlement. All Reformers agree
that there must be a change in ,the construction of
the House of Commons.
This is the crisis for the people to resume their
legitimate power, and to shape their own political
future.
To understand the present, let us, shortly, review
the past.
Years of argument, months of agitation, and ulti-
mately days of intimidation, were ended by the Re-
form Act of 1832. The people of England received
their new constitution in confidence; they watched
it with patience, and then submitted to it with
anxiety. It failed to satisfy their just expectations.
After the failure of the Act of 1832 became mani-
fest, the class whose hope of political emancipation
had been excited by the discussion of that measure,
and who had received it as a promise of progress, were
the first to speak out their dissatisfaction at the re-
sult. Their political discontent gradually shaped it-
self into a definite claim. By discussion they formed
an unanimous opinion.—Ultimately by organisation.
they made, with one voice, a distinct demand—it wail
for the Peoples Charter.
Whilst this movement was progressing amongst the
unrepresented, a large portion of the represented
classes also became impressed with the necessity for
further political reform. They had, however, no
point of unity. Each district—indeed almost every
individual, attached importance to that particular
measure of reform which local circumstances or per-
sonal observation presented as a desirable political im-
provement. There existed no organization through
which the aggregate will of the middle class could exe
press itself.
The circumstance, however, which, more than any
other, prevented the middle class from
_joining in it
general demand for political change, was the convic-
tion that the emancipation of trade was an immediate
social necessity. Their energies were devoted to the
attainment of free trade, to the exclusion, for the
time, of all other national objects.
Wel have now to speak of another section of the
great party—the aristocratic Reformers. The 'Whigs
adopted the Reform Act : they worked it for the
peoples—and for themselves. They carried some mea-
sures of political and social amelioration by it. It
enabled them in their turn to carry on the Govern-
ment: but until a very recent period they regarded
the Reform Act as a final measure.
So much for the past.
What is our present position ?
The unenfranchised still maintain their demand for
the People's Charter is just.
The enfranchised see around them a population
ripened in intelligence since the time when a larger
share of the popular element was admitted within the
pale of the constitution. A people taught not only in
schools, but educated in the lecture-hall and from the
platform—a people well acquainted with their politi-
cal rights, but waiting in a spirit of confidence and
with conservative patience, for the time when they
shall receive their rights of citizenship. Those who
have secured the freedom of trade now bring the in-
fluence of their realised wealth and eminent practical
ability to assist the producing class in obtaining the
largest practical measure of Parliamentary reform
compatible with the peaceful development of the na-
tional will.
The Whigs—the third section of the party—now
admit they can no longer govern under the Reform
Act. The game of party has been played out. " There
must," say they, "be a broader basis of popular re-
presentation."
What are we now to do ? It is not for the Exe-
cutive Government of a constitutional monarch to
dictate fundamental changes in political institutions.
As individuals they may consult—they may advise—
but as Ministers of the Crown their duty at such a
crisis is to ascertain—to adopt—and then to carry
into law the will of the people.
It is for the people to declare their will. It must
be done unanimously, deliberately, resolutely.
After mature deliberation—after mutual exchanges
of confidence and mutual concessions—the middle and
working classes agree upon the basis of a representa-
tive system. Both parties accept the principles of the
National Reform Association. They are—
I. The extension of the suffrage to every occupier
of a tenement or portion of a tenement.
IL Vote by ballot.
111. Triennial Parliaments.
IV. A more equal apportionment of Members to
population.
V. The abolition of the property qualification.
Such a reform, carried in its integrity, would make
the House of Commons the embodiment and expres-
sion of the mind and will of the people, and with
this—and with nothing less—should the people be
content.
We know no reason—save our own apathy—why
we should wear the badge ,of political prescription,
and we are resolved no longer to remain in so unjust
and so degrading a position.
There must be no mistake, either as to the extent
of our demands or of our determination to achieve
them. The Minister must understand this, and our
representatives must feel it.
Take, then, fellow-countrymen, legal, energetic,
prompt means of proclaiming the opinion of all
classes of her Majesty's subjects in each and all of
these great principles of Parliamentary Reform.
With work, not words, we must devote the next few
months to the advancement of our political rights,
and to the means of alleviating the burdens of our
fellow men.
We would suggest to you—
I. ORGANISATION.—Let every city, borough, town,
and hamlet form its Parliamentary Reform Commit-
tee. Apart from local organisation, let every Re-
former enrol himself as a member of the NATIONAL
REFORM ASSOCIATION.
11. PUBLIC MEETINGS.—The healthy political
sympathies of the people should be aroused by fre-
quent public meetings.
111. PETITIONS.—Let petitions be presented, not
only from every city and town, but from every work..
shop, hamlet, and homestead.
IV. THE PRESS.—The press will do its duty if it
see the people are in earnest. The tracts and publi-
cations of the National Reform Association must be
distributed—they must be read. Educate and sustain
each other in this great work.
V. CONSTITUENCIES.—Let constituencies be faith-
ful to themselves. Personal considerations, and per-
sonal attachments must be disregarded. There is no
intermediate course. Every man who is not for the
people is against them. Let constituencies be prepared
to replace with better men those who prove unable or
unworthy to lead the people in this great struggle.
Fellow Countrymen—Every step in the progress
of this movement will be watched—every act will
leave its impression. Every public meeting will have
its influence—every petition its weight. Act then as
men who are not merely arguing an abstract proposi-
tion, but as men who are prompting actual—practical
—legislation, and influencing the political destiny of
future generations. We especially appeal to those
w ho, in their day of struggle, sought and received
the aid of the masses—our triumph will be their great
and permanent advantage. Then, and not till then,
may they look for good, cheap and peaceful govern..
ment, the blessings of unshackled industry, and for
religious and political liberty in their broadest and
most comprehensive signification.
" The political education of half a century has pre-
pared our way. As a nation, we are ready for the
advance. The confiding, but watchful quiet of the
English people during the late years of Kingly and
Lordly fear, has proved them to be conservative, and
defensive, of all that is good in our political and so-
cial institutions. The next few months will gather
to a focus all the political teaching, and all the vir-
tuous political sympathy of years, The people
already feel the prestige of triumph. They approach
the crisis with confidence. Free from excitement,
but with deep earnestness of purpose, they arise to
grasp—rather than to straggle for—their long-with-
held liberties.
"JosttrA WALMESLET, President of the Association.
" 11, Poultry, London, Sept. 22, 1851:'

NEW ZEALAND Cos&PANT.—A special general
court of proprietors and directors was held yesterday at New
Zealand-house, Mr. Aglionby presiding. The chairman an-
nounced that since their last meeting no communication had
been received from her Majesty's Government, and their
position was therefore unaltered. A plan had been set on
foot by which it was hoped to avoid the harsh and unjust
operation of a call, which would entirely fall upon the new
shareholders, and this plan was so far pretty successfuL It
consisted of a scheme for obtaining voluntary advances of
money from,eertain of the shareholders, the sums so lent to
be applied to the reduction of the more immediate and press-
ing claims upon the company, and to be afterwards repaid
with a certain rate of interest. He could not positively
state the certain success of this scheme, but it was progress-
ing favourably. He did not think that it would be necessary
to call any further meeting of the shareholders on this sub-
ject ,as the matter, whether it were a loan or a call, could
be easily and readily arranged without any prolonged discus-
sion. It was not expected that any communication would
be immediately received from the Government. After a
short conversation on some general matters the meeting
separated.
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cietiea in other cities in Scotiaud.