The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-27 00:00:00

which received the sanction and approval of all the Refor-
mers in the Kingdom, and particularly in this town and

neighbourhood.
" SOLEMN DECLARATION.
" BIRMINGHAM, MAY 14, 1832.
We, the undersigned, think it necessary in this awful
crisis of our country's fate, to make known to our fellow-
countrymen the alarm and horror with which we are im-
pressed by the report of the DUKE Of WELLINGTON'S
having been placed at the head of His Majesty's Councils.
We entertain this alarm and horror on the following

grounds :
" First.—The DUKE of WELLINGTON'S general avowal
of Arbitrary Principles.
" Second.—His speech against ALL REFORM, made
only about a year and a half ago.
" Third.—His Protest against the Reform Bill, as en-
tered on the Journals of the House of Lords, on the 17th
of April last.
" Fourth.—His reported expressions in the late Parlia-
ment, amounting to those of regret that the Irish People
WOULD NOT' break the law.
" Fifth.—His being a Pensioner of Foreign Despots ;
and as such, exposed to their influence, and unfit to govern
a Free People.
" Sixth.—His conduct to Marshal Ney, who was mur-
dered by the Bourbon Government, in violation of the
Convention of Paris, notwithstanding his appeal to the
DUKE of WELLINGTON, who had signed that Convention.
" Seventh.—His general support of Arbitrary Power on
the Continent of Europe, and the certainty that his policy,
if he be true to his principles, will necessarily involve the
nation in unjust and ruinous Wars against the Liberties of
Europe.
" Eighth.—.-His utter incompetency to govern England
by any other means than by the Sword, which has never
yet been, and never will be, submitted to by the British
People.
" For these and various other reasons, we hereby so-
lemnly declare our fixed determination to use all the means
which the Constitution and Law have placed at our dis-
posal, to induce His Majesty to reject from his Councils
that faction, at the head of which is the DUKE of WEL-
LINGTON, who have, by their arbitrary principles, excited
the distrust and abhorrence of the whole population of the
United Kingdom, and we declare our firm conviction that
the public excitement and agitation can never be allayed
until the great bill of Reform shall be carried into law by
that Administration by whose wisdom and virtue it was
first introduced.
" These are our fixed and unalterable sentiments, and
we hereby appeal to all our fellow-countrymen, throughout
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and we confidently call on
them to unite with us and to sign this our solemn declara-
tion, in support of the liberty and happiness of our country.

WESTMINSTER.
The following letter was received by Mr. De Vead this
morning:—

Ely-place, Nov. 26, 1834.
Sir—l have laid the requisition for a General Meeting of
the electors of the City and Liberties of Westminster before the
High Bailiff, and he has appointed Tuesday next, at 12 o'clock
for one, in Covent Garden Market.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
FRANCIS SMEDLEY.

Mr. De Vead.

Yesterday the High-Church Conservatives of
Bristol held their " great public meeting," which had
been for some weeks advertised, for the purpose of
addressing the KING in favour of the Established
Church of England and Ireland. The admission was
only to be obtained by tickets which were previously
distributed among the elect, or by signing the addresses
at the door, without reading a word of their contents,
or being made acquainted with their purport. Some
whose curiosity to see and hear the ecclesiastical impor-
tations from Ireland—Messrs. BOYTON and O'SuL-
LIVAN—was stronger than their adherence to prin-

ciple, and who, perhaps, trusted that the addresses
would by some chance or other miscarry,
signed the papers rather than forego the no-
velty of such a spectacle. Now we believe
no higher compliment can be paid to the moral
rectitude of the people of Bristol. than that they all
did not claim admission, even on such hard terms. We
do ourselves enter our solemn protest against holding
out such a temptaiion to the public to sign petitions,
as a privilege to witness :he mountebank exhibitions
of this pair of Hibernian Parsons. Such a tempta--
tion to violate all principle is too great for poor
human nature in its ordinary state of imperfection.
Indeed, we could hardly trust ourselves under such
trying circumstances. How, then, shall ,we express
our admiration of the public virtue of the people of
Bristol, when we are enabled to state, on unquestion-
able authority, that out of a population of 120,000,
not more than 1,000 individuals, including strangers,
attended the meeting ; and these, for the most part,
women and persons of no political importance in so-
ciety I The speeches, too, were all of the most com-
mon-place character, not a single topic having been
mooted which was not worn out by repetition. They are
all now before us, but our respect for the good taste
of our readers prevents us from giving insertion to
them, especially as we are abundantly supplied with
more important matter. In fact, the meeting was a
complete failure, and was not attended by a single
member of the high aristocracy of the country.

We have received the Paris Papers of Tuesday.
They contain no intelligence of any importance, be-
yond the Convocation of seven of the Electoral Col-
leges to return Members to the Chamber of Deputies,
in consequence of the vacation of seats which took place
on the late changes of the Ministry. The Cham-
ber of Peers is at present sitting in its judicial capa-
city, but no business is yet done. There is no news
from Spain, except the following from the Journal de

Paris :
" Don Carlos is with Zumalacarregui in the environs of
Estella. It is asserted that he has caused the Count de Vil-
lemers, the Baron de Valles, Juan Etchevarria, and another
important personage to be arrested."
FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, N0v.23.
Five per Cents., 105 f. s:lc. 60c. 50c.
Four per Cents., 92f. —c.
Three per Cents., '77f. 40c. 45c. 40e.
Bank Actions, 1,785 f.—c.
Rente de Naples, 95f. 50c. 45c. 40c.
Roman Five per Cents., 944 V 4.
Bente d'Espagne. Five per Cents , 38% 39 51)%.
liente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 274 %lA,.
Royal Spanish Loan, 45%14%.
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, rive per Cents., 43;014.
Haytian Loan. 2801. —c.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 35c. ; money, 25t 30c,
Three months, paper, 25f. 20c. ; money, 25f. 20c.
—Cours Authentique.

7,1,2 e Quarterly Review, the 104th No. of which
was publisii:d yesterday, devotes a brief postscript to
the dissolution of Whig Cabinet, the main cause of
that event, and the chivzlrous loyalty of the Duke of
WELLINGTON in, Atlas-like, taking the whole go-
vernment of the empire on his indi
v!slual shoulders.
We were not, however, prepared to find all tLismass
of momentous intelligence crowded into something
than three pages of very common-place matter ; con-
taining hardly a word which has not been again and
again repeated in the daily columns of the Post and
the Standard, and which we ourselves have as repeat-
edly proved to have been without the slightest founda-
tion in fact. We looked forward to the appearance
of the present extraordinary Number with expec-
tations which have not been realized. It is
not above a month, we believe, since the
last number was published, and we certainly expected
some startling intimations, on learning that the pre-
sent gave signs of a precocious maturity three days
after the breaking up of the MELBOURNE Adminis-
tration. In short, we expected to receive a courier,
some two or three days journey in advance of the
Tory cavalcade,—to announce their arrival,—the num-
ber of their suite, to see the state apartments well
aired, the cellar thrown open,—abundance of provender
provided, and plenty of everything prepared which it
might please so distinguished a body to appropriate to
their comfort and accommodation. But the guar-
, terly is content to Squire the Duke, and so it jogs

on at a half trot, fully twenty paces behind
him, displaying about as resolute a spirit
as Sancho Panza, when he saw his master
encounter the windmills. We will extract the only
two paragraphs in the Postscript which calls for any
observation, and after making our comments upon
them, leave the public to judge the merits of the ques-
tion at issue between ourselves and the Reviewer.
The Reviewer has, however, the candour to premise
the following, by stating that he affects not "to have
access to the secrets of the Cabinet or the closet," but
he believes it "will be found circumstantially correct:"—
" There were two parties in the Cabinet : one—the majo-
rity we fear—thought they could not meet Parliament without
announcing some strong measures of what they called Church
Reform, or to speak more truly and plainly, Church spolia-
tion ;—the other (to which section Lord Melbourne himself
is said to have inclined), were reluctant to pledge themselves to
this extent, and declared that they must resign if such measures
were to be proposed. In this dilemma, Lord Melbourne
waited on the King, to inform him how the matter stood, and
proceeded to offer a series of arrangements and alternatives for
remodelling the Cabinet ; one of which has been—we pre-
sume because it looks like a joke—allowed to transpire ; Lord
John Russell was the first person proposed as leader of the
House of Commons I Such a nomination was no very potent
pledge either of the strength and respectability of the Govern-
ment in public estimation, or of discipline or good understand-
ing amongst the Ministers themselves; and Lord Melbourne
is said to have candidly informed his Majesty that his proposi-
tions, if agreed to, would not have the effect of establishing
unanimity :—on the great and vital question of the Church,
the two sections of the Cabinet would be still irreconcileable ;
and it followed, as a matter of course, that whenever that ques-
tion should be brought to discussion, the dissolution of the Ca-
binet must ensue.
" In this state of things, his Majesty, with equal frankness
and good sense, suggested that—if the proposal then sub-
mitted to him was avowedly to settle nothing, but on the con-
trary, to render another and early crisis inevitable, there could
be no use in patching up a provisional expedient ; and that it
would be better to do at once that which was admitted to be
unavoidable at last—namely, to dissolve the incoherent and
distracted Cabinet. In this rational and, indeed, unanswer-
able suggestion, we have heard that Lord Melbourne freely
acquiesced—the Cabinet was dissolved, and the late Premier
conveyed to the Duke of Wellington his Majesty's letter, sum-
moning his Grace to Brighton.
" In all this—there was not—and could not be—any con-
cert, much less any intrigue, between the King and the Con-
servative party; and we believe we may assert that the retiring
Ministers confessed that his Majesty was not acting under any
other influence, or with any other views, than those which
were naturally and obviously suggested by his communication
with Lord Melbourne himself, and by his Lordship's own
statement of the difficulties of the case."
We admire the modesty of the Reviewer in prefacing
this ingenious fiction with the announcement of his
non-participation in the secrets of the Cabinet. We
might dispose of it all in one sentence. We
might pronounce it one tissue of untruth and studied
misrepresentation, from the first word to the last, and
so make an end of the matter. But much as we
admire brevity in political discussions, we have too
much respect for the Reviewer's creative faculties to
take leave of him so uncourteously.
With respect to the two parties in the late MEL-
BOURNE Cabinet, the one for and the other against
Church Reform, we affirm that they had no existence
subsequent to the secession of Mr., now Lord STAN-
LEY, and Sir JAMES GRAIIANI. On the question
of Church Reform the greatest unanimity prevailed,
nor was there an individual belonging to the
main body which is called the Government, who
was not firmly persuaded, both of, the neces-
sity and the equity of reforming the Church.
This at once refutes the assertion that Lord MEL-
BOURNE waited on the King for the purpose above
stated. In short, it was the full and perfect conviction
on the part of his Majesty, that the MELBOURNE
Cabinet had uniformly resolved to abate all abuses in
the Church, which induced him to enter into the spirit
of the plot which had been long laid by the Duke, the
Tories, and the Bishops, for upsetting the late
Ministry. Neither is their one word of truth in the
statement that Lord MELBOURNE expressed to the
King a doubt, or the shadow of a doubt, nf the unani-
mity which prevailed among his Lordship's colleagues
on any question whatever ; and consequently the lan-
guage attributed to his Majesty, in answer to such
fabricated suggestions, is equally fictitious. The
fact was that the death of the late Earl SPENcEit
was calculated upon by the Tories many weeks before
that event took place, and the whole plan for ousting
the Cabinet on the appointment of a Chancellor of the
Exchequer fully arranged. The dispersion of the
Tory leaders was a trick devised to deceive the people,
and throw the late Ministry off their guard,—and ad-
mirably it succeeded. All was done to save the
Church ; which, with the Tories, means benefices,
pluralities, fat stalls, and bishopricks, for maintaining
the dignity of younger sons and brothers of the peerage.
The preaching of the Gospel is quite an indifferent
affair, and may be left to the Dissenters, but not so
the collection of Tithes, Easter-offerings, and all the
other good things which are at present digested only
by right orthodox stomachs.
So much for the first extract from the postcript to
the Quarterly. Now mark the second :
" The Duke of Wellington, too, has not been wanting to
his noble character. With a magnanimity unparalleled, we
believe in political history, he has assumed all the difficulties
and responsibilities, while he declines the personal honours and
advantages, naturally belonging to the circumstances in which
he was placed. He has advised his Majesty to make Sir
Robert Peel first Minister, and has generously undertaken to
carry on the routine of Government till the Right Hon.
Baronet's return from Italy. Until that event no permanent
appointments will take place—no more will be done than is
necessary to secure 'ne quid detriment; respublica capiat the
Duke of Wellington will exercise his temporary authority with
equal firmness and moderation—he will maintain the honour
and interests of the country abroad and its tranquillity at home
—and, in a truly constitutional spirit, will have preserved to the
new Prime Minister, the full, free, and unfettered power, to
select the persons and policy by which he may find it expe-
dient to conduct the affairs of the empire."
We are sorry that the Reviewer ended this pane-
gyric on the noble conduct of the illustrious Duke so
very abruptly. As in his opinion his Grace is in
himself sufficient to maintain " the honoUr and interests
of the country abroad, and its tranquillity at home,"
we think we should have proposed to the people of
England a plan for appointing the Duke perpetual
Dictator, with the " ne quid detrimenti respublica
capiat," as the only boundary to his sovereign will.
We are not ourselves very great sticklers for mere
names. We would prefer a virtuous Despotism to a
corrupt form of limited Monarchy, and therefore if the
:Nike of WELLINGTON be in truth qualified to dis-
charge a:'; the functions of Government " with equal
firmness and rriz:::.7ation," it is the interest of the
people of the United ICingtLim to render his present
office—for he is now Dictator--perpetual. But the
Reviewer is mistaken in his belief that the Dtile is
without a rival in political history,in declining the per-
sonal honour which attaches to his vast power. The
Lord Protector CROMWELL—the old Noll of the
Cavaliers—was fully equal to him in this kind of
merit—nay, exceeding him in an infinite degree.
Indeed we believe that the self-denying species of plant
has never been of rare growth in the rankest hot-beds
of despotism. Tyrants are not particular as to names,
so they have the power represented by them. " Let
me do all—awe all" is the sum-total of the tyrant's am-
bition, and the Duke is equally moderate in his schemes
for the possession of unlimited power. However, the
bubble will completely burst in a few days. What
Sir ROBERT PEEL will do on his return to Eng-
land, we do not know ; but we have a shrewd suspi-
cion that he will not join the Duke. The Tory plot
was most skilfully laid, and bath Hi§ N 44, EsTy and

the Duke of WELLINGTON played their parts admi-
rably. But the people !—" All, there's the rub I"
the people will not be made the tools of Court in-
trigue—and so the whole affair must end in the expo-
sure of the miserable abortion now before the world.
Thank Heaven I the wantonness of the will to
trample down the liberties of England has this time
been neutralized by the want of power to execute the
wicked project I

COMMON COUNCIL.

(THIS DAY).

A Special Court of the Common Council was held this
morning, for the purpose of considering what steps the present
state of the political world required it to take.
The LORD MAYOR (Winchester) took the Chair at twelve
o'clock. He said that being the first time he addressed them
as Lord Mayor, he felt all the distinguishing honour it con-
ferred. It was his desire to perform the duties of the office,
so as to give satisfaction to all honest and good men, and to
satisfy his own conscience. He held that the Chief Magistrate
should be independent, and so long as he filled the office, he
trusted that he should act so. In the steps he had taken,
elative to that Court, he spoke advisedly, and with the sanc-
tion of the Court of Aldermen, he had acted in a consti-
tutional manner.—( Loud cries of " No, no," and, " It is in-
sulting to the Court.") He hoped that all their discussions
would be carried on with so much of order and gentlemanly feel-
ing as would do honour to the City of London.—( Cheers. )
He felt and acknowledged the immense importance of hav-
ing the liberty of speech. He would always, during his year of
office give the utmost liberty of speech, so long as the discussions
were carried on in a fair and gentlemanly way ; but he would
at once interfere to prevent, and put an end to all personalities
or slander. He was proud of the privileges of the City, and
would maintain them to the utmost of his power. That Court
had privileges which were entitled to protection, but there were
other branches of the Corporation also possessed of privileges,
and equally entitled to be maintained in their full force ; so
far as the rights and privileges of the great city of London
were concerned, he would have the greatest satisfaction to do
his utmost for their protection, and he trusted to have the sup-
port of the Court in his endeavours.
Mr. Deputy PRICE then rose and wished to address the
Court.
Mr. ASHURST also rose and claimed the right to be heard.
The LORD MAYOR called upon Mr. Deputy Price.
Amidst great confusion, Mr. ASHURST claimed his right to
be in possession of the Chair. He moved that the 19th stand-
ing order be read.
The Court was in immense confusion for some moments,
when
Mr. GALLOWAY rose to order. The motion for the reading
of the standing order having been made, no other business
could be proceeded in. The confusion increased till
The LORD MAYOR directed that the standing order should
be read, which was done by the town-clerk • it directed that
when a Court was held upon a requisition, for the purpose of
considering the propriety of addressing the Crown, either by
way of petition or remonstrance, the Court should immediately
proceed to such business in preference to all other.
Mr. ASHURST again rose ( Mr. Price being still on his legs)
and said, that the standing order having been read, he rose to
give notice that he intended to move an address to his Majesty,
and, therefore, demanded that his right to proceed should be
acknowledged, and he gave his Lordship notice that he would
not be put down.---( Great cheering.)
Mr. JUPF said, as well as we could hear him, that, for 21
years, he had sat in the Court, and had never witnessed such
a scene. The business could be proceeded with much better,
if gentlemen would restrain their temper.
Mr. ASHURST said the reason for that was, that for the whole
21 years they had never seen a Lord Mayor conduct himself
in such a manner as his Lordship then did.—( Great cheering
and confusion.)
Mr. DIXON said he admired firmness of purpose as much as
any man ; but that firmness might be shown in a more courtly
manner than that of the Hon. Gentleman. Gentlemen should
not lose their temper.—(No, no. )
Mr. ASHURST said, when the President of that Court pre-
sided in the spirit of fairness, he would use proper and courtly
language.
The LORD MAYOR admitted that the standing order gave
Mr. Ashurst the right to go on. On all former occasions it
had been customary at the first Court of a new Mayoralty to
pass a vote of thanks to the late Lord Mayor, and that was
the purpose for which Mr. Price had risen. It was for the
Court to deal with the matter as it thought proper—he had no
personal feeling in the matter one way or another—it was in
their hands and they must deal with it.
Mr. Alderman BROWN moved that the requisition be read,
which was done accordingly.
The worthy ALDERMAN then begged the leave of the Court
and the Hon. Gentleman in possession of the Chair to present
a petition.—( Loud cries of " No, no.") He said it related
to the requisition which had just been read.
Mr. ASISURST declined to accede to give the Alderman pre-
cedence, which was in consequence of some observations he
made, but which were lost in the great confusion which pre-
vailed in the Court.
Mr. Alderman BROWN said the members of that Court had
always professed the highest respect for the opinions of their
fellow-citizens and constituents; but on this occasion they
appeared determined to shut them out, because they feared the
opinions of the petitioners might not agree with their own,
and that, too, upon a mere point of order.
The petition was then withdrawn.
Mr. ASHURST said the Court was aware that when any im-
portant crisis arrived, and he deemed the present one the
most important that had been for years, there was always a
number of Reformers, or of those who professed themselves
so—timid politicians, who manifested their anxiety—their
great anxiety—(a pause)—to support the prerogatives of the
Crown. (Immense cheering.) And when that pre-
rogative had been exercised in a manner that
might be thought any thing but beneficial to the
country, it was found there were such politicians even in
their own day, who were afraid it might be called dictation if
they exercised their undoubted privilege of addressing the
Crown. Those persons, on this occasion, had not well con-
sidered the awful signs of the times.—( Cheers.) The consti-
tutional rights of the King were only such as would lead in their
exercise to the benefit of the people.—( Great cheers.) His
prerogative extended no further. All writers on the subject had
told them in the most clear terms, that the people had an un-
doubted right to petition the King for the redress of grievances
—to address him in order to state their loyalty and attach-
ment—and also to remonstrate with him for the exercise of
any of his prerogatives. Their ancestors, the former
citizens of London, had always most manfully supported
their right in that respect, and had exercised their privi-
leges on all occasions when they thought such a course ne-
cessary, and it was in consequence of their former acts, that
they of the present day had the right of presenting their peti-
tion—their address or their remonstrance to the Throne—
( Cheers)—a privilege which could not be too much valued ;
for then, however his Majesty might be surrounded—the
sentiments of his faithful citizens of London would reach him
without being corrupted in their course, as would most likely
take place if the privilege were allowed to go into desuetude.
Therefore it was that that Court ought to have been called to-
gether immediately upon the dismission of the late Ministry.—
( Cheers.) They were told by many now to wait for
measures—(ironical cheers), but he would ask them, if they
saw the enemy at the gate ready to pour into their citadel,
would they be contented then to wait to see what measures
he would take?—would they feel themselves justified in
being idle while he was up and doing ? They had
seen a Minister appointed who had declared, in direct oppo-
sition to his Majesty's answer to that Court, that NO REFORM
whatever was necessary, and that the system as it was before
the Reform Bill was perfect—a man who when his Majesty
condescended to recommend that the wishes of the people for
Reform should be gratified, had most invariably opposed them
in his place in Parliament—yet that was the man who was
now selected from all others to govern the country I Recol-
lecting the influence he had with the army, he (Mr. A.) asked
any one present whether be was a proper man to be entrusted
with the entire Government of the country ?—( Cheers.)
Ought they to allow him,lwithout remonstrance, to take upon
himself the duties of the whole Government, when they knew
that he had been bred in the camp—that his whole ideas were
of war. Was such a man, he would again ask, the only per-
son that could be found to govern this great nation, whose only
welfare consisted in peace ? Men, not measures—and mea-
sures, not men—he considered to be both fallacies. He thought
they ought to have both good men and good measures--(cheers )
and his motion, if carried, would tell his Majesty that such was
their most decided opinion—and that their opinion was that
the Government of the country could not be well carried on
without a Ministry possessing both the confidence and respect
of the people.—(Cheers.) They ought not to be contented
with the appointment of any Ministry with less qualifications
for office than those. He, and those who acted with him,
did not for a moment seek to doubt the right of
His Majesty to name any man Minister that he pleased. All
that they claimed was the equally sacred right of that Court
of carrying their opinions to the foot of the throne, regarding
the man so appointed. The end and object of all government
was the welfare and happiness of the people. Such a govern-
ment as was now in existence, possessed of not one iota of the
public confidence, could not carry it on with such objects in view.
it was upon those principles that the House of Brunswick was
placed on OW Orconc—it was the same principles that loci tG
`;hat was called the glorious revolution of 1688. It was upon
those principleg that he would propose the resolutions which
he had prepared, and he would proceed to read them, so that
all ttaiglit be ao,pai;-ttepl with their nature, He then read
the resolutions, 'the snbstanep of which was_—to thank
his Majesty for tho measure of Reform which had been
carried, and especially for his gracious declaration in answer to
an address of that Court in October, 1831, wherein he assured
them 9f his sincere desire to uphold and to improve the insti-
tutions of the eountfy and tho )4014 of the and epre‘3s
their deep sorrow at the appointmOnt a the present Ministers,
who had always been most strenuously opposed to those mea-
sures of Reform which had been recommended by his Majesty
for the benefit of the people, and stating they could not feel
copgdPAYM
0 that the present Ministers would carry out the ob-
jects the R.eforealbaC_( Cheers.) Tia !lon. fientleman
then would like to asle tiny one whether they could base con-
fidence in these men whn had been so long • opposed to it ?
( Cheers.) I hoy 01414 pipm qo more retelm frollt thelli than
what was wrung from them. —( Cheers.) He had particularly
noticed the cheer of the worthy Alderman (Brown), and
he would most distinctly say, that the present Ministry were
without—entirq without the confidence of the country, and

upon that he would join issue with them. He would ask the
worthy Alderman how the public could have confidence in any
man who, as a Peer, had opposed with all his might, all those
measures of Reform which had been brought in by the late
Ministry, as being inimical to the true interests of the country ?
—( heer, hear, hear.) Were these men now to come
forward, and merely for the sake of (ace, say we will carry
out those principles we before opposed and throw our consciences
overboard.—( Cheers, and laughter.) He would ask the
worthy Alderman whether a man acting in such a manner
could be called an honest man ? As he would have an oppor-
tunity of addressing them again in reply, he would now merely
move that the Resolutions be agreed to, and an Address,
founded on them, carried to his Majesty.—( Great cheerily,'. )
Mr. STEVENS seconded the motion. He said his Lordship
must have been most disagreeably disappointed in the opinion
he had formed of the gentlemen composing that Court, for in his
opinion nothing could be more judicious than the wording of
the resolutions which had just been read. Some gentlemen
felt inclined to blame his Lordship for the lateness of the hold-
ing of the Court : he, however, thanked him for it, for it
had given them an opportunity of seeing what was not con-
sidered a crisis by some in the city, had roused and excited the
people from one end of the country to the other.—( Cheering. )
The people were called upon, if they had any regard for their
families, their fellow-citizens, or their country, to assemble
morning, noon, and night in every part of the kingdom, to say
that the Duke of Wellington should not control them.—( Great
cheering.) The public had seen a popular journal, which,
until lately, had enjoyed its confidence, sacrifice its principles,
and advocate the very measures which hitherto it had most
loudly decried.—(Great cheering.) What had been the
result ? Why, it had forfeited the confidence of an enlightened
public—( Cheers)—which proved that the people would not
support a corrupt press. The proprietors of that journal had
doubtless felt the displeasure of the public in the decrease of
its sale, and such being the case he should not be at all sur-
prised if it was to turn again.—( Cheers.) In the step they had
just taken, they had proved themselves unfaithful servants of
the public, and appeared as if they had been touched with a
magic wand. He trusted that the Court and the people would
not be deceived by the statements that had gone abroad, that
the Duke would carry on Reform ; it would be a dream to
think so ; it was not in his nature ; he had declared himself an
enemy to all Reform. And as " men did not gather grapes
from thorns, or figs from thistles," he trusted that the Court and
the people would not be deceived by so absurd an expectation.
The Hon. Gentleman concluded amid much cheering by heartily
seconding the resolutions which had been proposed.
Mr. Alderman BROWN rose to address the Court amid loud
cries of " Read the Resolutions ;" which having been done by
the Recorder, the worthy Alderman proceeded to address the
Court. The Court had heard from the mover and seconder
of the resolutions of timid politicians ; he should consider him-
self as doing an act of great injustice to them if he classed
them among that number, but he could not but think that they
had shown themselves to-day, if not timid, at least most cau-
tious politicians, because they had stated that the precedents
should be disregarded which gave to every member of the
Court a right to state his opinions, and that only one side should
be heard.—( Hear.) This, however, he would say, knowing
the opinions which both the mover and seconder entertained,
that in their addresses to the Court that day they had mani-
fested somewhat of moderation.—( Cheers.) That Court, the
great Council of the city of London, and as it had been deno-
minated in a paper he had seen, the City Parliament, had met,
graciously acknowledging the Royal Prerogative, and to ex-
ercise their own undoubted one, for the purpose of stating,
that while they acknowledgedthe Royal Prerogative to appoint its
own Ministry, they thought it right in the exercise of their prero-
gative to reprove his Majesty for what he had done.—( Cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now, it was proposed that that Court
should tell his Majesty that it disapproved of certain indivi-
duals whom he had selected for his Councillors, nay more, the
resolutions proposed and stated the character of persons his
Majesty ought to have selected to fill those high stations.
Perhaps his Lordship and the Court would think it as well,
while they were about it, to go a step further, and even men-
tion the names of the persons who ought to be selected,
stating that we, in our collective wisdom, have thought that
such and such a noble and learned Lord a fit person to recom-
mend to your Majesty, and such and such a Right Honourable
Gentleman.—( Laughter.) Such would, in point of fact,
be the effect of what the Court would do, if it agreed to the
resolutions.—( Cheers.) The Court had to-day heard a quo-
tation from the book of unerring truth—" that men did not
gather grapes from thorns, nor figs from thistles."—( Hear. )
Now, he recollected a passage in that same book, which,
as it was short, and had made a great impression upon
him at the time he read it, he would just state to the
Court. That passage was " Honour the King"—(Great
cheering.) Now what had his Majesty done that the Court was
now called upon to address him for ? Why in the exercise of
his Royal prerogative, finding the late Administration was
so divided against itself that it could not stand---( Cheers)—
finding that the Richmonds, the Stanleys, the Ripons, and
the Graham's, could no longer continue in it, finding also that
by some means or other most mysterious, that Earl Grey and
Lord Althorp had left it, and finding further that it could
not stand when it ceased to have the latter Noble Lord
as a leader in the House of Commons, because it would not be
able to carry on the measures it had proposed in that house,
His Majesty found it necessary to alter his councils.—( Cheers
and uproar.) What farther had his Majesty dor e, which the
Court was called upon to repudiate—why he had called to his
council a man whom, it was said, having been used to camps
and military service, would rule the people with a rod of iron.
(Cheers.) It was true that the Duke of Wellington had spent
many years in the service of his country in camps ; it was true
that he had fought the battles of his country, and, by doing so,
had gained for her that proud and pre-eminent station on
land which she had hitherto held on sea—(Cheers)—but
he had done more, he had proved himself a Minister of peace
—( Cheers and uproar)—because, for the purpose of keeping
peace, he sacrificed his opinion, and emancipated the Irish
Catholics.—( Laughter.) He had abolished the Corporation
and Test Acts, a measure to which Mr. Canning would never
have consented, although he was supported by the Whigs ;
and he commenced retrenchment in every department of
the State, and left his successor to tread in his steps.
He entreated the Conrt to pause before they lent themselves
to as great an abuse as was ever practised ; there was no doubt
that the Court and the people had a right to ex-
press their sentiments by proper petitions to the throne :
but it had been urged to-day that the people ought
to meet morning, noon, and night, for the purpose of
forming addresses to the King on the present occasion.
Those who had advocated that step, had not been
a little active in endeavouring to make it effectual, for
they had taken care, morning, noon, and night to state
their sentiments to the people. Much had been said of a free
Press, that it had been represented as similar to the we
breathed, that we could not live without it—that Press,
however, had fallen into abuse to-day. It had been stated
by the gentleman who seconded the address, that it had
sacrificed it principles—( Great cheering.) Sacrificed its
principles !—How ? By entreating the country to wait to see
what measures would be adopted before it took any decided
step. For this excellent advice it had been represented as hav-
ing been touched with a stroke of a magic wand—( Cheers.)
He (Mr. Alderman Brown) could not consent that there
was any real cause of alarm, and in that statement he believed
he was borne out by his Lordship when he stated he had been
on 'Change.—(Laughter and immense cheering.) He would
now read as part of his speech what he believed to be the
real sentiments of the greater part of his fellow-citizens. The
worthy Alderman then read a statement of several of the ci-
tizens of London, who, while they admitted the right of
every person to meet for the purpose of addressing the
Crown, deprecated any measures which would create agitation
and revive political discussion, he believed that the greater
party of his tellow citizens were against addressing his Ma-
jesty on the present occasion.—(Loud cries of "Names.")
There had been some allusion made to the Duke of Welling-
ton's military character, and to the reduction of public ex-
penditure effect by him. But they should recollect that every
Minister must rule according to Law. The Reform Bill was
row a law of the land, and every Minister who would govern the
county for months mast govern it in the spirit of that Reform
Bill. The Duke of Wellington was a man of high honour,
and in his hands the liberty of the country would be safe.
Every class of men who had grievances so complain of
would be sure, under his Government, to have them
redressed. All our institutions--civil and sacred—all our
institutions both in Church and State would be pre-
served on the best of all possible foundations, by being stript
of those abuses which now impede their being those blessings
which they were so well calculated for. He regretted the
discussion of such a subject in that Court, and he
thought that they should be able at home, minding
their own rivate business.—( Great langhter, and cries of
hear, hear.) When measures of this nature were brought un-
der discussion, he had felt it his duty—as a magistrate and
a citizen—to attend and express his sentiments—( Hear)
but the sooner an end was put to a discussion, which
sounded very like reproof to his Sovereign the better for all
parties. In conclusion he moved that the Court do now ad-
journ.—( Great uproar, and cries of " No, and question. )
Mr. Goss then rose and said he seconded the me.on.
The LORD MAYOR having put the question, abo:::t a dozen
hands were held up for the adjournment, a”.„' a vast number
against it.
The LORD MAYOR decided that +.!..‘e Noes had it.
Mr. WILLIAMS should not have risen, if the worthy Alder-
man had not complained that the present proceedings
were a gross abuse of the power of that Court. In his (Mr.
W.'s) mind the exercise of the power of addressing
his Majesty wail one of the most important privileges
which they possessed as Englishmen.--( Great cheer-
ing.) There could not be a stronger proof of the
force of public opinion, than that in May, 1832,
his Majesty had expelled this very Duke of Wellington
and his party from his Councils. Bet them look to the seven-
teenth century—if the King had in those days paid attention to
the adsrice of their subjects and not listened to bad Cousellors,
it would have boon beter for them. An attempt had been made
to alarm the minds of the timid by insinuating there was a feeling
abroad inimical to monarchical governments. A greater fallacy
was r ever attempted to be foisted upon the country, for never
were people more MtaFiwd to their King and the Constitution
than at the present moment. He asserted without fear of con-
tradiction, that the attachment of the people was deeply rooted
towards the present Monarch, but they should not forget
that in the year 1786 no Monarch was ever held in higher
(We shall give the oottelusiou in a Second Edition.)

IRELAND-D

---
:SDAY, NOW.

(FROM OCR CORRESPONDENT.) Og
IRISH ANTI-TORY ASSOCIATION: SEC
ADJOURNED MEETING.
At two o'clock this day, the second adjourned Ineetingbe:!
this Society was held at the Corn Exchange Rooms;
on the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL, $ll/
W. J. FINN, Esq., M.P. for the county of Kilkenni,
called to the Chair. 044
The SECRETARY having read the minutes of the last in ,d be
Mr. O'CONNELL moved that his five grandsons Olio
admitted Members of the Anti-Tory Association. The /1)0
Gentleman then read a long list of country gentlemen'
were all admitted Meers of t Associaion.
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose andhe
said that they had nleilfs'
Members in two days belonging to the Society than° of Jo
tholie Association could boast of for the first ten Yeaosbseo
existence. The lion. Gentleman then
that it was altogether impossible, constituted as the on 01
Commons was, that the Tory Government could g? 'i'vitable.
the present one. A dissolution was, therefore, ine,eoce
They must not lose a moment in slumbering. The 3,';cieitt
seof tbis
of Sir Robert Peel on the Continent afforded the w
time for organization. They should take advantageconto
circumstance, and be prepared for the coming
_„,tig
The great effort should be to prevent the Tories ce secr
majority, even one day's poll. To aid the people in 'OOl4,
ral counties, it was his intention to move for the aPPers, ss°
of a General Election Committee for Ireland.—(CheeereclS
proceeded 0... 0 of
cries of " Hear, hear.") The next point to be consid lieir)
the aggregate meeting of the people of Ireland.—tspeck
The Tories have been mustering together, and the firte 14
men is a meeting in Kent. The Times, which is the
essence of rascality, says—" Wait a while, and see
Duke will do !" We understand the meaning ati7 0,
too well in Ireland, to attach any value to it. u,f ft
doubt exists as to the principle upon which the Duke ;A
lingtori's Government is to be conducted, it is onlLan he
to read the report of the proceedings at Ashford. 1700
of Viscount Strangford was given at the dinner, in eel 1
with the Peers. Viscount Strangford and the Peersfel#
S
he perfectly well recollected a statute, by which the O
t
this Viscount Strangford was disabled from sitting an
in the House of Peers, in consequence of corrupt nen
Mr. O'CONNELL went on to ridicule the Lotion of stt
lug the name of Lord Strangford with the Peers r.,4
land. When we recommend that the repeal ques . ir:
not be mixed up in the ensuing contest, we, of coutit
it to each particular locality to act in that respect as 0,01:,
judgment may dictate ; but we suggest to them !lotto the•
the cause in which we are now embarked, by pos"
peal pledge, when the chance might be doubtful. moll
hear.) With respect to the course of agitation, :41,
would recommend at this particular juncture, it e'llrit
course, be strictly constitutional.—( Hear, hear llear„* Islen
4
upon this subject he felt it necessary to allude '
which he had received from the Member for the sl0
oe.
County (Mr. Lalor) asking his advice respeetined stm
meeting, which it was in contemplation to be '
place called Mulleymast. It was (mite impossible, vit.'
could find leisure to answer the number of letters Pet of
rd
ccived, asking his advice upon numerous subjects; bril,j;
society had been formed, he would then given Pub',l_„ ~" ofr.
which would be conveyed to the country on the tilooli
press. With respect to the meeting in question, be Se.,' iS
tation in saying that such an assemblage would be i; Ur
unconstitutional ; he therefore earnestly reconuentiOSTi
should not take plac_( Hear, hear.) The Hol-i. 9,0 d a
Gentleman entered into an elaborate detail of his Itticeti
tation, and concluded by moving the following res°3-obito
" That an election committee be formed, of 41 r°et or
suggest the formation of liberal clubs in the differ°
and parishes throughout Ireland."
The resolution being put, was carried by acclatnltio
ti
Mr. O'CONNELL then moved, fain.grit)l
" That it is deemed highly inexpedient by the IA 0
this association to hold the meeting at Muller° !AO
county Kildare."o.o4:l
Mr. H. GRATTAN, M. P., seconded the resolution' t el,
upon the people to address the King upon the Prese''',,,,as
Mr. O'CONNELL then drew up the form of a 1.;"•;,11,'
which was signed by several members of the assoniV
general meeting, but no day was named. Gr
Mr. O'CONNELL next moved, tad'
" That Edward Dyer, Esq., the late Secretary t°,,rod
tholic Association should be Secretary to the Aet`"
sociation."
d t° the
This was carried, and the meeting a journe
d.
ing day.