The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

In making some observations in Friday's
paper on the necessity of improvement in the
French Custom-house laws, we stated that the
French Minister of Trade, in order to have the
support of the country to some projected changes
in the tariff, had addressed circulars to the
Chambers of Commerce and of Manufactures
in the chief towns of the kingdom, requiring
their answers to certain given questions on the
subject, and had invited the attention of the
Councils-General of Agriculture, Manufactures.
and Commerce, which met at Paris on the
2tl instant, to the same points. The Chamber-
of Commerce and the manufacturing bodie,
in the chief towne, particularly that of Lyon,
(whose memorial has been published), replied
in favour of an ultimate unlimited freedom 01
trade, respect being had during the transition
from one state of commerce to another to those
partial interests which had grown up under
a si stem of restrictive or protective policy.
The Lyons memorial (that from the firs'
manufacturing town of France) is particularly
hold, explicit, and firm on the subject :—" If
the division of labour were established among
nations," say the memorialists, " if every coum
try consecrated its industry to create, not in at.
s'olute manner but by preference, such and
such a manufactured commodity, such and such
an article of production, it is evident that this
combination would be found the most advan-
tagenua for the whole world, for the amount of
exchanges b coming thus as great as it is pos-
sible to conceive, commerce would be carried to
its highest development." " To have an ad-
vantageous trade (it is afterwards stated) it is
necessary to sell much and to buy much, or, in
other words, to have numerous exchanges. But
how i' it possible to have exchanges, unless we
open France to foreign powers ? We applaud
our Government for attempting to cement the
political alliance between France and England ;
but it ought never to be lost sight of, that such
an alliance can never acquire solidity unless it he
based on commercial interests which offer to the
two nations a reciprocal and an equal advan-
tage. Then the important question presents
itself of the exchange of our wines and bran-
dies for the iron of England, and of our silks
and articles of taste for her cottons and wool."
This admirable memorial, in continuing
to approve of the export of French raw silks for
the benefit of the English manufacturers, men-
tions, that from the manner in which the duty is
now levied in England on some sorts of Lyons
manufactured silks, the latter are made to pay
sometimes 50 instead of 30 per cent. This
fact, stated on such authority, deserves to he in-
quired into and explained, though on Friday we
scouted the calumny of the Gazette de France,
which aacried it to the perfidy of the English
commercial Reformers in their original arrange-
ments of our tariff. From the official Councils
General of the various branches of industry lately
convoked in Paris, the Minister of Trade, if he
really was disposed to alter extensively the French
tariff, has not received such ample encourage-
ment as from the periodical press or the repre-
sentatives of the public interests in the great
commercial and manufacturing towns. Perhaps
such a result was not to he expected from the
composition of these assemblies, and the influ-
ences under which they met and deliberated.
Though they receive the magnificent title of
" Council -General," their origin, after all, is
very dependent or ambiguous, their functions
very limited, and their judgment far from being
free. They form rather an organ for expressing
the prejudices of particular classes, and advo-
cating the support of partial interests, than of
giving sound and unbiassed advice on questions
of general improvement. The Council of Agri-
culture consists of 30 members, selected en-
tirely by the Minister of the day from the body
of landed proprietors resident at Paris or in the
provinces, without any form of popular delega-
tion whatever; that of manufactures is composed
of 60 members, 40 of whom are selected by the
same authority, and only 20 returned by the
manufacturint interest ; and that of commerce,
consisting of 48 members, though the only one
of the three over the election of which the Mi-
nister has no direct control, is elected in so cir-
cuitous a manner, that it may be fairly doubted
whether it represents truly the Chambers of
Commerce from which it is supposed to ema-
rate. These three bodies, which formerly only
held their meetings apart, have this year occa-
sionally been joined in a little commercial Par-
liament, under the pre'idency of the Minister of
Trade, after each of them had assembled for the
day in their own apartments, to agree upon
their separate opinions on the various points
submitted to their deliberation. On the pre-
sent occasion their meetings do not appear to have
given any sanction to the belief of the utility of
so heterogeneous a body, convoked under such
auspices to deliberate on subjects of general
policy, though, in their separate spheres, they
might have suggested useful changes with a re-
fereixe to the class of persons whom they re-
present.
On questions of taxation and Custom-
house duties, they could not be supposed to
combine in a common advice, unless that advice
was a concerted compromise against the public.
Their opinions must be formed by their interests
and they come together with fixed systems,which
they must play against each other. In cases
where they gave their sanction to a reduction of
duties, the tendency or the limits of their advice
might have been anticipated beforehand, and its
variety, instead of enlightening the judgment,
was calculated only to embarrass the choice of the
Government. It was, of course, the interest of
commerce that no obstacle should be allowed to
lie in the way of the most extensive exchanges, j
and that the greatest importation and exportation
possible should take place without any reference
to the situation of the parties who supplied
the commodities. It was the interest of
the manufacturers, on the other hand, who might
suffer by foreign competition, to continue the
system of protecting duties, and to see that
commercial exchanges should not interfere with
their own qualified monopoly ; and it was the
interest of the owners of the soil to see that
neither foreign trade nor domestic manufactures
should benefit by the admission of those articles
of produce of which they claimed the exclusive
supply. The result was such as might have
been anticipated from the nature of things and
the warnings of experience: The three Councils
differed nearly on every point on which they de-
liberated—though it was evident, both from the
alarm that they showed of public notice in dis-
cussing with closed doors, and from the narrow
circle of the changes in which they revolved, that
they had formed a general coalition against the
opinion and interests of the mass of the nation. The
chief points submitted to them this year by the Mi-
nister was the policy of reducing the existing tariff
on the introduction of iron, coals, wool, cotton-
yarn, cattle, saltpetre, and some other articles,

of less importance. Happily, of these only two
entered into the domain of the agricultural
Councillors,—namely, wool and cattle,—as no
complaints are now made of the price of French
bread, and no change was proposed in the
French corn law, which has been modified since
the revolution of 1830. The stand, however,
which they made on the protecting duty for
these two articles, and the very trifling reduc.
tions to which they could be induced to consent.
:how how very little benefit can be gained 13.‘
discussions with an exclusive body. Wool, it
is well known, is the raw material for the most
important branch of French manufacturing in-
Idustry. It is not produced at home in sufficient
abundance to supply the wants of the French
manufacturer. The policy of the State would
'herefore be to admit it duty free, or upon a
small duty, in order to encourage the extension of
native industry ; but this is not a policy which the
French landed proprietors will sanction any more
'ban our own, under the Castlereagh and Van-
sittart regime. It is calculated that French fleeces
supply about 130,000,000 pounds of wool, and
that notwithstanding the high duty on foreign
wool, about 9,000,000 pounds more are
yearly imported. If the duty were lowered there
an be no doubt that the consumption would
he materially increased, and that the French
manufacturers would be enabled to extend their
foreign custom for a commodity in which they
have attained stich a high degree of perfection.
In this country, though our quantity of home-
grown wool nearly equals that of France, we
import about 22,000_000 pounds a year, because
the duty is low. In France the duty is 33 per
cent. ad valorem, and the Agriculttnal " Coun-
cillors" would hear of no reduction below 27 or
25 per cent. The Council of Manufactures.
on the other hand, proposed a reduction to 22
per cent. immediately, and a further reduction
afterwards to 11, while the Council of Com-
merce proposed a reduction at once to 15 per cent.
The Minister is left to choose a juste milieu
rate of tariff between these cor.flicting proposi-
tions. With regard to cattle and animals used
for slaughter, the agricultural gentry were equally
refractory. At present 2/. 4s. 2d. of duty is
levied on every ox, 1/. ls. 2d. on every cow,
2s. 9d. on every calf, and 4s. 7d. on every sheep
imported or driven into the French markets.
The " councillors" for the landed interest in-
sisted stoutly on maintaining this tariff, and the
modification, which seemed extorted from them,
will scarcely appear a favour to their neighbours
on their German, Swiss, or Savoy frontier.
But the articles in the tariff in which we in this
country feel most interested are—iron, coals,
and cotton yarn, and in modifying that tariff
France is more interested than we. Iron, it
has been well remarked in the Lyons memo-
rial, to which we have alluded, " is more than

a raw material"—is a raw material neces-

sary for the preparation and manufacture of
nearly every other; and when we see in England
its extensive employment in tools, implements
of husbandry, and machinery,—when we see it
converted into pillars for supporting the galleries
of our theatres, our churches, and other public
buildings,—when we see it forming our fences,
balustrades, and gates—when we trace it in the
innumerable water and gas-pipes which traverse
our towns and cities—when we find it forming
our railroads and bridges—in short, when we
observe the multiplied purposes of convenience,
elegance, and stability to which it is applied, we
cannot but admit that its abundance and conse-
quent cheapness is one of the great causes of our
national prosperity, and of our progress in the
useful arts. From the facilities of our railroad
and canal communications we are enabled to
bring to market about 600,000 or 700,000
tons a year, of an average value of perhaps
4,000,0001. sterling, while France, with all
her prohibitive duties, has never manufac-
tured more than 370,000 tons, or little
more than one-half of our production. As
the population of France is nearly double
that of England, and the quantity of iron
prepared does not much exceed one-half; it '
follows that we consume iron in a fourfold
ratio to the consumption of our neighbours.
Yet by prohibitive duties the abundance of one
country is not allowed to balance the scanty
supply of another. The duty imposed upon the j
ton of English iron, if imported into France, is
not less than 111., while the article itself in
France does not exceed that amount. Thus
France pays for the monopoly of the possesors
of forests and mines on her supply of less than j
400,000 tons of iron, about 4,500,0001., while
England could afford the same quantity of the
metal for the half of that sum. Considering,
however, the manner in which the coun-
cils were composed,—considering that the
sovereign, ministers, and deputies in France
are proprietors of forests, rendered pro-
fitable mainly by the sale of the wood for
smelting iron, we could expect little imme-
diate reduction in the protecting duties. It was
proposed by the Council General of manufac-
tures that the tariff should be reduced 10 francs,
or Bs. a ton for five successive years ; or, in other
words, 21. out of 11/. by the year 1839! This
will probably he all the extent of the reduction,
and yet the French Government has recom-
mended a great system of railroads, to be con-
structed at the public expense, of this high priced
material. With respect to coal, the French
tariff is equally opposed to the national interest.
The duty now is 9s. 2d. a ton on Eng-
lish coal, 2s. 6d. on Belgic, and about I ld.
on Prussian. There seemed no dispo,ition
in the majority of the " General Councils" to
reduce this duty effectually, though they all
seemed to agree that coal used for steam navi-
gation should be permitted to be imported duty
free. The duty on the admission of cotton yarn
appears to be fixed at 30 per cent., and the
prohibition before existing on this article, has
been exchanged for a tax to this amount merely
because the finer kinds of this yarn, cannot
be spun in France, arid, being necessary
for some of the finer fabrics, was consequently
imported by the smuggler. We cannot object
to the amount of the proposed duty while we
maintain our foreign silk regulations. The
reductions which have been canvassed in the
meetings to which we have referred, and the
modifications of the tariff' which are likely to
be proposed to the Chambers by the Govern-
ment as the result of their advice, will be far
from satisfying the demands of France or the
expectations of England ; but they form a good
beginning ; they are undeniable relaxations of a
bad system, which the progress of knowledge
and the power of the press must gradually un-
dermine, and every successive year we may expect
to see a new blow given to monopolies and re-
strictions. So sensible already are some French
writers of their injurious effects, that an able
article has appeared in a republican journal
proposing to remove the shackles of trade as e e
abolished slavery in the West Indies, by indem-
nifying the parties whose monopoly is cancelled,

s.i~

in order to attain the immediate advantages of
free industry, without committing injustice
towards those who invested their capital in
particular branches of business on the faith of
continued protection.— Times.

We resume our notice of the pamphlet en-1
titled A Rffutation of the Calumnies against
the Lord Chancellor contained in the last
number of the Quarterly Review in an article
upon the pamphlet entitled " The Reform
Vinistry and the Reformed Parliament."
The next point of the reviewer is somewhat
startling—viz., that all the reforms of the Court
of Chancery, for which credit has been impro-
perly given to the Lord Chancellor, are bor-
rowed;—and from whom ? Lord Eldon ?
no. Lord Lyndhurst ?—no ; borrowed from
Sir Edward Sugden I—were,1—were, in fact, all pro.
pounded by him in his speech in 1830 !—were
all contemplated by the Duke of Wellington's
Administration ! Sir Edward Sugden, he it
observed, in reference to his claim as a Par-
liamentary reformer, began his Parliamentary
career as the most strenuous opponent of
Chancery reform, as any one who reads his
speech on Mr. M. A. Taylor's motion may see,
though it is true, when Solicitor-General, he
had to eat his words, and explain away as well
as he could all he had before said, when he
brought forward Lord Lyndhurst's Chancery
Bills. But the measures of Lord Lyndhurst',
were grounded on the recommendations of the
Chancery Commission, and were not even his
measures. No partisan or admirer of Lord
Brougham ever thought of claiming for him the
credit of being the original discoverer of the ne-
cessity of Chancery reform ; he saw with the
many the necessity of reform, but it was he alone
that made the first effective step to iernove the
evil,—it was he that gave the first stunning blow,
undismayed by hosts of interested parties on
every side : and it is for doing this that he
has a claim to the gratitude of the country,
and, in spite of the Quarterly Review, will
never be called on to share it in common
with Sir Edward Sugden. What, however,
was thought of the merit of Sir Edward
Sudgen's measures ? Whatever may be the
reviewer's opinion of them now, they were at
the time universally condemned by the bar, by
the Master of the Rolls, the Vice Chancellor,
and Mr. Bell, out of Parliament, and by Lord
Eldon, Sir C. Wetherell, Mr. C. Fergusson,
Mr. Spence, Mr. R. Grant, &c., in Parliament.
The next charge of the reviewer is, that in the
Chancery Bill of last session, whereby, amongst
other reforms, the Masters' salaries are reduced
from above 4,0001. to 2,5001. per annum, certain
compensation clauses were introduced, under
which " the Masters, of whom Mr. William
Brougham is one, will be entitled to com-
pensation :" whereas, in the Act for improving
the administration of the courts of law, during
the Wellington Administration, all extravagant
demand for compensation was prevented by the
provision that no person who accepted office on
condition of relinquishing compensation, or with
notice that the office might be abolished, should
claim it : indeed, it would have been flat rob-
bery if they had claimed it, whether the Act
had stopped them or not. But is this case
similar to the case of the Masters ? As early as
1821 a report of the Committee of the House
of Commons recommended the abolition of the
Welsh Judge ; and it would have been consi-
dered monstrous that a judge appointed during
the time the Common Law Commission was
actually discussing the propriety of the exist-
ence of the judicature should have claimed
compensation, when, perhaps, his office was
swept away before he had gone even a single
circuit. Again, consider the case of a 'Welsh
Judge ; he leaves no profession, whereas a
Master abandons his : and again, there was no
report against the continuance of master-
ships, though Lord Lyndhurst, it was known,
contemplated the fixing of the income of future
Masters at 3,0001. a year ; but the truth is there
was no compensation clause whatever in the Bill
when it went from the Lords, and was introduced
in the Commons on the third reading ; and, after
all, what is this compensation clause, whereby
the interests of the public have been so wreck-
lessly neglected ? Why, it gives power to the
Treasury to " investigate the claim to compen-
sation, to inquire whether, from the nature of
the office, or the mode of accession thereto, any
condition or notice (preventing such claim)
could have been properly given." This is the
whole case on which the charge rests—viz., that
the Treasury (not solely in the case of the Nies-
ters, but in all cases where the profits of officers
will be diminished by that Bill) has power to
inquire if any one is entitled to claim compen-
sation or not, and whether notice that he should
not have it could have been properly given to him.
The key to the whole attack is that the Chancellor's
brother was a Master. We have not a word about
the other Masters, two of whom were appointed
just before Mr. Brougham. We have a sneer
at Mr. Brougham's supposed small professional
gains ; but not a word about the gains of Lord
Henley, Mr. Cross, Sir Giffin Wilson, and Mr-
Trower, all persons appointed by Lord Eldon,
whereas any one who has practised in the Court
of Chancery must know that Mr. Brougham's
practice when he left the bar far exceeded in
amount the professional gains of any one of
these persons. No complaint is made about the
compensation which these gentlemen may claim.
We suspect that the reviewer forgot the public
interest here, so as by a little dexterity the reader
might he led to inter that a " saving clause"
had been actually introduced by the Lord
Chancellor's own hand in order to favour his
brother. We do not discuss the question as to
whether all or any arc not entitled to compensa-
tion. We have referred to the point at this
length to rebut the calumny, and to expose the
falsehood as regards the " saving clause" and
the motive for its introduction.—Times.

We have, as often as any occasion has unfor-
tunately called for it, invariably proclaimed our
dislike of the unseemly and impious desecra-
tion of churches and other places of worship to
purposes of secular violence and uproar. We
do not envy the man, let his sect or religion be
what it may, who can enter any place of worship,
from a Christian Cathedral to a Jewish Syna-
gogue, with any other feelings than those of
respect and veneration. They are places on
entering which all worldly thoughts should, as
far as possible, be laid aside, and, therefore,
those where, least of all, the worst and madden-
ing of passions should find vent. Without En-
tering into the merits or demerits of the appa-
rently interminable disputes which have so long
divided one of the City wards, who is there, not
a party in the scenes himself, who must not have
been beyond measure disgusted at the scenes
which the attempt to carry on the late elec-
tion of Common Councilmen for that ward in the
parish church has given occasion ? Yet not only
does good frequently arise out of evil, but, on

some occasions, it has happened that the greater '
the evil the more certain and more speedy the
remedy. Such, we trust, may be the case in
this instance; and the former being such as ad-
mits of no doubt or palliation, it is not unrea-
sonable to hope that speedy measures will be
taken to rid the house of God from the scandal
of being thus profaned. The instance in ques-
tion, though we hope unparalleled in violence
and indecency, is, in other respects, by no means
singular. In another ward, upon the same oc-
casion, we are credibly assured that those who
had to provide for the reception of the presiding
Alderman had the bad taste to allow a sort of
throne to be constructed for his convenience out
of the communion cushions ; while in more than
one other party placards, of no very conciliatory
nature, were distributed in the pews, and, in one
instance, in the pulpit and reading-desk. Now
the apology for all this is ancient custom, and the
alleged want of other accommodation. As for the
plea of ancient custom, like that of bull-baiting or
any other brutal custom, the sooner it is abo-
lished the better; and as for want of other
accommodation, its utter unfoundedness only
awaits the verification of the old proverb of
"Where there's a will there's a way." Though
there may be many wards in the City in which
there is no place belonging to the inhabitants
large enough to be used as a substitute, there
is, we are persuaded, no ward in which a tavern
or a warehouse might not be found to answer all
the purposes of a wardmote. Or, if the diffi-
culty cannot be got over in this way, why may
not Guildhall, and the different Company's
Halls, be appropriated to this one annual occa-
sion ? Having thus pointed out more than one
remedy, we have a right, on the part of the
public, to expect that our remarks will not be
disregarded ; and that another year will not
elapse without proper means being taken to
obviate the recurrence of the two disgusting
scenes which have given occasion for them.—
Morning Herald.
The speech of the King of the French, on
the opening of the Chambers, conveys little
information on the subject respecting which
most anxiety is felt in this country—
namely, the relations with Russia. It merely
alludes, in general terms, to the perils with
which the Ottoman empire had been threat-
ened, and to the pacification, called for by
the interests of France and the stability of
European order. The declaration that the
events connected with the Ottoman empire, and
especially the situation of the Peninsula, have
rendered it his duty to maintain the army on
the footing required by the safety of the state,
is so vague, that no inference can be drawn from
it. If the perfection of a King's speech con-
sists in appearing to say something, and yet
saying nothing, his Majesty has certainly ar-
rived at tolerable perfection in his craft. It
gives us, we must confess, a somewhat strange
idea of a constitutional Government—that is, of
a Government in which the King is not the
proprietor of, but the first magistrate of the
nation, that this King should, in an assembly,
consisting of the men who represent the people,
speak in so vague and unsatisfactory a manner on
a subject of such essential importance as the rela-
tions with foreign powers which involve the con-
sequences of peace or war to Europe. This may all
be according to the most approved diplomacy; but
we confess we should be better pleased to see mat-
ters so deeply interesting to the nations, made not
an affair of Courts, but of nations. The time, we
trust, is not far distant, when the best security
for the preservation of peace will be sought for
in the conviction carefully implanted ►n the
different nations of the European commonwealth,
that they are all deeply interested in the pros-
perity of each other, and that, consequently, war
must always be injurious, and ❑ever beneficial to
them. When this conviction once becomes
general, it will be found that the greatest publi-
city, with regard to all affairs of an international
character, is the best protection against the
machinations of the barbarous Governments,
which still deface Europe. It was a conviction
of this kind which induced one of the profound
and cautious philosophers of Europe to connect
the possibility of perpetual peace, with the
general existence of representative Government
alone ; because, were the conviction general that
nations can never have an interest in war, those
who represent nations must act on such conviction.
We are satisfied that the very best check on the
social designs of Russia, would be found in
the execration which the publication of them
would excite throughout Europe. The other
parts of the Speech of the King of the French,
relating to the internal affairs of France, are
consolatory. The preservation of tranquillity
has begot confidence; and from confidence have
resulted the employment and comfort of the
people. Many of those who were among the
most strenuous opponents of the policy of the
King will at least allow that it has so far been
attended with success. Revolutions may become
necessary ; but it should always be borne in
mind that they are necessary evils, and that the
apprehension of future revolutions is one of the
greatest impediments in the way of the general
happiness. The habits acquired by the people
in times of revolution render it peculiarly difficult
to establish any settled system. There are many
who think that Louis Philip ought not to
have checked the movement of the nation towards
social revolution ; but, under all circumstances,
his Government has probably chosen the best
course for a nation like the French. It is a good
sign of a Government, when we find it boasting
of the salutary impulse given to popular instruc-
tion. It is certainly very much wanted both in
France and this country.—Morning Chronicle.
We this day publish a second letter from Mr.
John Foster, on the subject of the notice taken
of his former letter in an article of the Leeds
Intelligencer of Saturday last, written by Mr.
Sadler himself, in which he has inserted extracts
from letters from Mr. Foster. Mr. Foster has
deposited with us the original of the letter from
i\lr. Sadler, inserted in his letter to us, in which
Mr. Sadler's alleged benevolent exertions in his
behalf, when in Rothtvell prison, are satisfactorily
disproved. We can speak to the genuineness
of the letter, from having compared it with
several letters from Mr. Sadler to Mr. Foster,
authenticated by his frank and the postmark.
Mr. Sadler is now reaping the fruits of
the tortuous course he has pursued. No
man can serve both God and Mammon_
no man can be a Tory and a Radical at the
same time. Mr. Sadler may, perhaps, have
plumed himself on the success with which he
deceived both Tories and Radicals. When
entering Parliament under the patronage of the
Duke of Newcastle, he may have assumed high-
flown Tory principles, just as, when entering
Huddersfield with Radical colours, he was only
assuming Radical principles. It will always
be difficult in the case of a moan of the artificial
character of Mr. Sadler, to tell when he is
sincere, and when he is speaking from conviction.

One thing, however, is sufficiently obvious.
Like many other actors he has over-rated his
own powers ; and, while supposing that he was
using others as his instruments, they may have
occasionally been using him as an instrument.
Opinion is very much divided with regard to
Mr. Sadler. Some suppose that he is a real
enthusiast in behalf of the humbler classes of
society, and that he is only a hypocrite in
politics, having found that lie could only find
an entrance into Parliament as the nominee of
a high Tory boroughmonger. Others again
suppose that his benevolence is on a par with
his politics—that he is merely anxious to play
a part, and to gratify a morbid vanity. Others
main suppose him actuated by a wish to
throw society into confusion, by stirring up
the labouring classes against their employ-
ers, and feeding them with hopes which cannot
be realized. All these parties may be wrong,
for much of what they attribute to design may
be the fruit of weakness ofjudgment. Cunning
is found more frequently in alliance with weak-
ness of mind than with strong discernment. We
will now, however, dismiss Mr. Sadler, as we
are quite satisfied that his political career is
closed, and we have no other wish with regard to
him, than that he should not be allowed to work
mischief. Personally we can have no hostility to-
wards him, and he is quite mistaken in supposing
the existence ofany connection between Mr. Foster
and this Journal. Mr. Foster's letters must
have been of great use in opening the eyes of
both Tories and ultra-Radicals ; and it is
ridiculous in Mr. Sadler to pretend, now that
an individual is utterly unworthy of credit, as
he only ceased to eulogize him when he could
no longer further his views. The discovery
that a man is unworthy of credit, the moment
he is unfortunate and not before, is at least made
under very suspicious circums!ances. But all
this will be understood at Leeds and Hudders-
field as well as in London.—Morn. Chronicle.
Our readers will see, from the report of the
proceedings in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, that
his Honour has decided against the Unitarians
in the famous case of the Hewley Charity. It
was evident, he said, that when Lady Hewley
used the terms " godly preachers of Christ's
Holy Gospel" in the deed, she intended that the
bounty of her charity should be enjoyed only by
persons who believed in the Divinity of Christ.
He animadverted in severe terms on the version
of the Scriptures published by the Unitarian
Society at Manchester, in which many passages
were falsely and erroneously translated. " A
more arbitrary, silly, and false translation of the
Scriptures," he said, " he had never met with."
This decision, it is understood, will not settle
the question, which will be again argued before
the Chancellor. It will excite a great sensation
throughout the country.—Morning Chronicle.
The tocsin of Church revolution, or as it is
styled by the adherents and parasites of Minis-
ters, " Church Reform," has been sounded, and
anticipation is fully occupied in contemplating
the probable nature and extent of the changes
proposed. Admitting for one moment, for the
sake of argument, that certain modifications and
improvements are necessary or advisable, let us
consider into whose hands the task of making
such alterations has fallen, and whether they are
fitted for a duty requiring, from the solemnity
and vital importance of the subject matter, the
greatest care. and the most respectful caution.
The plan will, of course, originate with the Ad-
ministration, and it must inspire the greatest
confidence in the friends and champions of the
Church of England, when they call to mind that
the venerable Earl Grey and the temperate Lord
Chancellor Brougham occupy distinguished
posts in the sapient council called the " Cabinet,"
whose decrees are laws to the Reformed House
of Commons. Who can for one moment suspect
that the " illustrious" who bade the Bishops on a
certain memorable occasion " set their houses
in order," and the " learned " who accused the
spiritual Peers of a design "to trip up the
Government," will be influenced by any motive
but a desire to increase the efficiency and extend
the usefulness of the Church of England ? And
if a doubt, an unfavourable surmise, spring up
for one moment, the doubt will be dissipated,
the surmise removed, by the recollection of
the external influence of the amiable Earl of
Durham, whose affection for the clergy in the
north of England is beyond suspicion. The
Reform Bill, the Irish Church Bill, and the
Municipal Roving Commission must also con-
vince the most sceptical with what prudence
and respect the institutions of the country, whe-
ther religious or political, are always approached
by his Majesty's Ministers. If, indeed, reform be
necessary, it may be trusted with perfect security
to the good and great men who now occupy
the chief places in our admirable Church—
to the Howleys, the Van Milderts, the Grays,
the Monks, the Phillpotts, and the Sumners—
to men who have, both within the sphere of
their dioceses, and in their places as Peers of
Parliament, promoted, as far as in them lay, the
best interests of sound learning and genuine re-
ligion ; and who have at once deprecated hasty,
useless, and dangerous change, and forwarded
real and substantial improvement. The Church
has reformed itself from within, and is continuing
carefully and judiciously the good work. In their
hands, then, would a wise and religious Ministry
leave it. Alas ! we have but too much reason to
fear a contrary course will be adopted by our pre-
sent rulers. Time alone can show what measure
of spoliation will be dealt out with reference to
the temporalities of the Church ; how many Eng-
lish bishoprics will be sacrificed to the cry of the
mischievous ; how many privileges surrendered
to the demand of the spoiler ; but there is a
still more fearful consideration. The Church of
England may exist, ay, may bear her head with
humble dignity, though her revenues be dimi-
nished, though her splendour be curtailed ; but
it is feared by maan,y,tet
text
ta
wt
Gallen thhi
which
he I
ai
hasar
en dd sbeof impious
men are to be directed against the spiritualities
for none
carefully
efulolyf
rulers ; and if they can conciliate
othese
ihefetbdi Cisbn,yig'ousor'ru' ceri is
n disarm for a time their active
hostility, the forbearance will be in their eyes
cheaply purchased by die surrender of the points
in dispute. To one the Thirty-nine Articles of
our Church are a stumbling block ; let them be
revised and altered, under the care and super-
intendence of his Lordship of Chichester. To
another the services for the sth of November
and the 30th of January are rocks of offence.
His Grace of Dublin will undertake their
removal ; while the Independent, the Baptist,
and the Socinian will each clamour loudly for
such alterations in the Beok of Common Prayer
as may suit their respective views of doctrine
and discipline. Men will be found, ay, and to
their shame be it spoken, within the pale of the
Church, who will be active and busy in the
unholy work. What then must we do? We
who feel how manifold are the blessings, spiritual
and civil, we derive from the Church of England.

DIED.

On 23(1 inst., at Kidderminster, Sarah, wife of James Morton,
Esq.

On the 3d inst., Mr. Griffith Jones, of Upper Baker-street,
aged 76.

On the 21st inst , Lieut. William Freebairn.

On the 20th inst., at Rotterdam, Alexander Adrian Ferrier,
youngest son of Alexander Ferrier, Esq., Consul to his Bri-
tannic Majesty.
On the 20th inst., aged 87, the Rev. Heneage Elsley, A.M.,
vicar o: Burneston, Yorkshire, an author of the " Annotation
on the Gospels."
On the 23d inst., aged 16 months, Rowland, son of David
Barclay Chapman, Esq., of York.terrace, Regent's Park.

On the 22,1 inst., in Kensington, Henry Penny, Esq., aged 86.
On the 16th inst., at Crosby Ravensworth, the Rev. Mr.
Briscoe, aged 79.

On the 16th inst., at Grove Villa, near Worcester, Thomas
Dixon, Esq , M.D. _

On the 2.3..1 inst., aged 16 months, Rowland, son of David
Barclay Chapman, Esq., of York-terrace, Regent's.park.
On the 18th inst , at Manton Lodge, near Emsworth,
Aldham, Esq., Captain, R.N.
On the 11th inst., at Omagh, aged 20, Alexander, second
son of Doctor Hamilton.

__.. __ ____. ...............
On the 14th inst., aged 74, Mr. Edward Harrison, of spom,
don, near Derby.
Mrs. Maude, relict of
On the 19th inst., in Ashbourn, Mr. John Dakin, of Crass.
low Bank, near I'arwich, Derbyshire, aged 49.
On the 11th inst., in his 89th year, William Stephens, Esq.,
Captain in the North Lincoln Militia.
On the 21st inst., Elizabeth, second daughter of Wm. Earn-
shaw, Esq., of Balharn, Surrey.
ThOomnatsheMlalutldiei,nEst:q,.in her 60th year,
On the 23d inst., Mrs. Sarah Brooks, wife of Benj. Brooks,
Esq., of Lincoln's Inn, in Doughty.street, in her 70th year.
On the 19th of October, at Demerara, Arend H. Waists!),
Esq., in his 63d year.
On the 29th ult., Anthony Aufrere, Esq., of Foulsham Old
Hall, Norfolk, in his 76th year.