The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-24 00:00:00

tuted for wise purposes, and that it is by de-
parting from their original purpose, and usurp-
ing rights which they never were intended
to possess, that they have become the local
nuisances which they too generally are. We
will not, on the present occasion, enter into histo-
rical reviews of Corporations. At another time there
may be a more fitting opportunity to take a retro-
spective glance. We will merely observe, that if
the necessity of establishing new Corporations be
proved, the more they are assimilated to the ancient
Corporations, before abuse and the vile spirit of job-
bing came upon them, the more likely they will be
to discharge the duties intrusted to them with purity
and efficiency, and, of course, the more chance they
will have of obtaining the support of public opinion,
without which it will be in vain, for the future, to
attempt to govern this country. Even in this age
of innovation we are old-fashioned enough to hold
the opinion, that some of the principles and practice
of our ancient Constitution cannot be altered for the
better; nay more, we maintain that a departure
from them has led to many evils, which excited the
feeling of discontent with the existing system of
government until the cry for reform became
irresistible. Now one of the old principles which
we should like to see practically revived was
that which gave every inhabitant householder of a
borough, paying scot and lot, a share not only
in the election of Members of Parliament, but of
every person who was invested with any share of the
local government. We should also like to see the
old principle of watch and ward restored, as from
the beginning we have always regarded the introduc-
tion of a police upon the French system as incom-
patible with the genius of a free country. Such a
system of police will always be more available for
political purposes than for the prevention of crime,
or the protection of life and property. We trust
yet to see the day when the whole constabulary of
England will be once more, as it was by its free
Anglo-Saxon Constitution, not dependent on the
Minister of the Crown, but under the authority and
control of the citizens themselves. Lord Brougham's
Bill enacts that those who possess the elective fran-
chise in the new boroughs should elect the Common
Council, whose office is to endure for three years,
and that the Common Council should elect the Al-
dermen or borough Magistrates, whose office is to
continue for life. We would propose two amend-
ments to those two provisions. 'We would pro
pose that, as in the city of London, the Common
Council should be purified by the ordeal of annual
election—even that is not always sufficient to
keep a Common Council pure. 'With the view,
therefore, of ensuring the greater influence of public
opinion upon the elections, we would extend the
privilege of voting for Common Councilmen to every
householder paying scot and lot. It is our opinion
thatLordßrougham's plan is on too confined a scale,
as to the electoral privilege, to insure the integrity of
the elected. We object also to election of Alder-
men for life in the new boroughs, for that very
thing is considered one of the grievances of the old
Corporations. We would have no local Magistrates
in those boroughs perfectly independent of public
control ;it begets corruption—it encourages jobbing
—and in various ways it generates abuse. By the
same Bill the appointment of Recorders for those
boroughs is to be vested in the Crown. We are
aware that the popular election of Judges, where it
exists, is sometimes abused, but' so is the power
of Ministerial appointment. We might give in-
stances—at present we rest our objection upon the
broad ground of a constitutional jealousy of the too
great increase of the influence of the Crown. Be-
sides, a Recorder, as the legal adviser of a Corpo-
ration, ought to be one, and in this we agree with
Lord Wynford, who enjoys its confidence. We
shall go more into detail on a future occasion.—
Morning Herald.
For several days the Conference has not assem-
bled, but the Dutch and Belgian Plenipotentiaries-
have been discussing the merits of their respective
claims with the parties upon whom they rely seve-
rally for support; the former with the Representa-
tives of Austria,.Rnssia, and Prussia ; and the latter
with Lord Palmerston and M. Talleyrand. We
underitand that at these desultory meetings some
progress has been made in the Scheldt question,
and that the contracting parties have been brought
to an agreement in respect to the toll within a very
few cents. The pilotage, the place where the toll
is to be collected, and other details, still remain to
be settled ; but they are not of much importance.
The embarrassing question of the debt is still un-
touched in any essential point. The Conference
will meet this day, in order to see what obstacles
have been overcome by the partial meetings we have
mentioned. If they should then appear to have
been so far reduced (which we fear is riot probable)
as to present a probability that the treaties may be
ratified in a short time after the prorogation of Par-
liament, in this case, but in this case only, will the
Congress continue its sittings. Another communi-
cation has been addressed to the King of the Nether-
lands, urging him to ask the consent of the Diet at
Frankfort to transfer a part of Luxemburg to Bel-
gium.-211orning Post.