The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

7 27
‘, • - •
OCTOBER , 1851.
N°. 18,438.] LONDON, MONDAY
. ,t„ -4-

The GREAT EXHIBITION and the ROYAL POLYTECHNIC

INSTITUTION.
All the most interesting Deposits which have been at the Great
Exhibition will. in turn, be lectured on at the
ROYAL POLYTECHNIC L.NSII
The present Lectures are by J. IL Pepper, Esq., on the Ap-
plication ry Iron and Steel in the Manufactures of the United King-
dom ; and by Dr Bachhoffuer on Electro-Metallic Deposits, illus-
trated by a splendid series of Messrs. Elklngton's Spec'mens, and
followed by an explanation of Bakewell's Patent Copying Electric
Telegraph. —The Exhibition of the Oxy-Hydrogen Microscope, mag-
nifying objects upwards of 1,000,000 times their natural size.—The
great economy of Cooking by Gas explained.—A Lecture on the His-
tory of the Harp, by Frederick Chatterton, Esc., with Vocal Illus-
trations.—A Series of splendid Dissolving Views.—Diver and Diving
Bell, &c.

Almission, Is.; Schools, Half-price.
Open daily from Eleven till Five, and every Evening from Seven
till Half-past Ten.

LAURENT'S CASINO.
ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
St. James's, will RE-OPEN THIS EVENING (MON-
DAY, for the Winter Season.
Leurent's well-known and celebrated Band, principal Cornet-d-
Piston, 31. Boulcourt.
During the recess the Rooms hwe been re-decorated, and many
rnprovements made, under the sole direction of Mr. G. F. Bryer.
Doors open at Half-past Eight, to commence at Nine o'clock.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.

CIATITION.—In consequence of several parties
selling a Sauce under the appellation of "RELISH," A.
SOYER respectfully acquaints the nobility and public, that the only
Relish made by him has his Portrait on the Bottle, and also the
names of his wholialc agents, CROSSE and BLACKWELL.
Gore House, Kensington, April 22, 1851.

GAME SEASON.—CROSSE and BLACK-
WELL, Purveyors in Ordinary by Appointment tO her Ma-
jest: , beg respectfully to Inform the Nobility and Gentry that they
continue to manufacture the celebrated SOllO SAUCE, which will
be found superior for every description of Game ; also their im-
proved Essence of real Gorgona Anchovies, Dinmore's Essence of
Xibsimps for boiled and fried Fish ; Royal Table Sauce. Sir Robert
Peel's Sauce, for general purposes, Anchovy Paste, Strasburg Potted
Meats, &c. The whole of the abo're, together with their superior
Pickles, may be obtained of all the principal Sauce Vendors through-
out the Kingdom.
Manufactory, 21, Soho-square, London.
Established 1706.

GENTLEMAN'S HERALD of FASHION,
NOVEMBER, One Shilling, contains all the Winter Fashions
—a magnificent colour,d Giant Plate, two feet long, for windows-
-30 Models and Patterns of Greatcoats, Paletots, Cloaks, Dress, Frock,
Riding, and Shooting Coats, Waistcoats, Trousers, Youths' Jackets,
&c., all of unequalled novelty, and two full-sized Patterns of a new
Paletot and a Greatcoat, with full descriptions, directions for cutting,
and other important practical information. Post free, six stamps
extra.
G. Berger, Holywell-street, Strand, and all Booksellers.

• IN SLY LANGUAGES—FORTIETH EDITION.
CONTAINING THE REMEDY FOR THE PREVENTION Or
DISEASE.
Illustrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings on
Steel.
ON PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCA-
PACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE.
A New and Improved Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, price 2s. 6d. ;
by post, direct from the Establishment, 3s. 6d. in postage stamps.
All Communications being strictly confidential, the Authors have
discontinued the publi-hbag of cases.
91HE SILENT FRIEND : a Medical Work on
the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by
excessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, er the abuse of
mercury, with explicit directions for the use of the preventive lotion,
followed by observations on the Married State, and the disqualifica-
tions which prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings.
By U. and L. PERRY and Co., 19, Berneis-street, Oxford-street,
London.
Published by the Authors, and sold by Strange, 21; Paternoster-
row : Hannay, 63, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street; and Gordon, 146,
Leadenhall-street, London.
Paler I —Treats of the anatomy and physiology of the re-produc-
tive system, and Is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings.
PART ll.—Treats of the consequences resulting lrom excessive in-
diligence, and their lamentable effects on the system, producing
mental and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative in-
capacity, Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings.
PART lll.—Treats of the disease resulting from infection, either
in the primary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions
for their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 coloured En-
gravings.
PART IV.—Contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by
a simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated.
This important part of the work should not escape the reader's
notice.
PART V.—ls devoted to the consideration of Marriage, and its (be-
lles. The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and the
whole subject critically and philosophically inquire f into.
THE Conrear, BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusively employed lis
treating nervous and sexual debility, impotence, &c. I Is. and 335.
per bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, an antiyphndaryilitie
remedy, for purifying the blood in cases of infeCtion„seco
symptoms, eruptions, and the abuse of mercury, I Is. and 330. per
bottle.—ferry's Purifying Specific Pills, 2.4. 9d., 4s. 6t1., and I la.
per box, a certain remedy for gonorrhcea, gleet, stricture
letter,, and
chronic inflammation of the bladder. Consultation, fee, if by
1/. A minute detail of the case Is required : age, habits, and posi-
tion in society. Si. packets, with advice, to he had at the Establish-
ment only, by which the fee of 1/.ls saved. Messrs. Perry aro in at-
tendance daily at 19, Berners-street, Oxiord-street, London, from.
Eleven till Two, and Five to Eight; on Sunday from ,Eleven
One. •

MEDICAL ADVICE ON T tE SECRET 'INFIRMITIES OF
YOUT i AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL.
Just published, in French, English, German, Dutch, Spanhh, anal
Italian, in a Sealed Envelope, 2s. 6d., or post-free front the Authou
for Forty-two Stamps,
SE I.F-PRESERVATION; to
Medical Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on the
Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Matarity, usually ac..
quired at •an early period of life, which destroy the physical soul
mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural feelings, and ex-
haust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical Observations on
the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of Nervous Debi-
lity, Local and Constitutional Weakness, Syphilis, Stricture, and
Diseases and derangements resulting from Indiscretion, as adopted.
by Lallemand, Rtcord, and other eminent members 01 the faculty of
France. With Fifty coloured Engravings, illustrating the Anatomy,
Physiology, and Diseases of the Reproductive Organs, exp;aining
their structures, uses, and functions, and the various injuries thal
are produced in them by solitary habits, excesses, and infection.
By SAMUEL LA'MERT, M.D.,
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON.
Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Edir t-
burgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Societ:r,
Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, Member of the Hunterian
Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c., &C.
ete description ef the ana-
This work contains a plain and compl
tomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and of their relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'llert, who has taken the
highest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man
who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted his studies to the
treatment of these complaints. He may be consulted with advan-
tage by all those whose constitutions may have become debilitated
the excesses of
through secret practices acquired in youth, or by
later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, objects of
marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered a term of mace's:s-
ing misery and regret.
Published by the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49, Pate rs
noster-row ; Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ; Starie, TitchborCornhne-stree
Haymarket; Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street; Mann, 23, ill
or free by post for f..rty-two stamps, from the author's residence,,
who may be consulted on these disorders personally, or by
letter
daily, from Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight.

THE ARMY.
Four troops of the 4th Queen's Own Light Dra-
goons marched into the west square of the Royal
Artillery barracks at Woolwich, under the command
of Major lialkett, Lieutenant-Colonel Lord George
Augustus Frederick Paget being on leave. The ex-
cellent brass band of the Royal Horse Artillery went
as far as Blackheath to meet the troops, and played,
alternately with their own brass baud, appropriat4.3
tunes during their march into the garrison. The
other two troops of the 4th Light Dragoons remai:o
at Hampton Court to do duty there, and will be ro-
lieved, when necessary, by two troops from head-
quarters at Woolwich. The detachment, consisting
of four rank and file of the 17th Lancers, left at
Woolwich in charge of seven sick horses on the march
of that regiment for Canterbury, will be attached to
the 4th Light Dragoons until further orders. The
second division of the 17th Lancers, under the com-
mand of Major Brett, left Woolwich for Cr.nterbury
on Friday morning, accompanied by the staff and
band of the regiment. The dismounted men of the
corps, and women and children, proceeded by steamer
to Herne Bay, and thence to Canterbury.
"ROYAL AUTILLERY.—GENERAL ORDER.
66 Deputy-Adjutant-General's Office,
Woolwich, Oct. 23.

" His Lordship the Master-General has been
pleased to appoint. Second Captain Andrew P.S.
Green to be adtant to t the e i
nl ltthhe battalion
General
Order
pro
-
vi
si o n ally, under the m
regulations
to the
1846, vice Goodenough, posted
oi
if
e e FebruaryA
to Captain A. F. W. Papillon's
"In consequencteedof the foregoing, Second Captain
Moubray is
susistant-Adjutant-
rtille6;y.
tss :f ?:1111-e
General.",Cvoilcnen
eGhr
company,
,l,
jlt.hEpob.sajtotaLosn,
elen'
pany, 10th battalion, an
The baggage of
embark in the Tyne
passage to Barbadoes, is to
troop and store ship for
Captain J• joihWer.dpet°acmhymil
aP
at Woolwich Dockyard,
be put on board that vessel .
Royal Artillery under orders to e
to-day (Monday, the
early to-morrow morn-
and detachment will embark
k of the Tyne has
afterdec
ing. About 35 feet o the
27th )+
and and the company
e lion. B. Spencer's
been fitted up for officers cabins.
Lieutenant Orme, of Wor
Batteries until further orders. , }sin Doraville's
company, 9:h battalion, is to do duty with the Field
Lieutenant R. Old "geld, of
Company, being under orders
a'
by Lieutenant
will be relieved from battalion duty
Gabbett. airing
Captain Riddles' company, battalion, h
afP. embarcation,
6th
_,_n, will be
completed a course of repository instruction,
__amis.
replaced on the roster for duty, and the n "
for
sioned officers and gunners and drivers selected
,_ in.
the purpose will commence a course of lahorato 7
struction on Monday, the 27th MO.
Captain Gambier's company, Sal battalion, Ivill.be.
taken off duty to complete its course cf repository in-
struction struction ; and Captain Fitz4erald's company, ?ten.
battalion, will resume its repository instruction D
tween guard duty, commencing on the 27th inst.

it. •
COURSING DismrrErt.---At 8 coursing gatuermg at
of 1("w1
Claydon last week, one of Mr. W. Mason's doge i
hill, was killed by a train on the Buckingham lure llailWa.Yo •
Two dogs were crossing the line after a bare at the instant t.ll.
train was approaching, and although the driver blew 11'6
whistle, and did his best to avoid the animals, yet cue was
cut in two. The other pursued and caught the hare-
AN EDITOR'S REVEINGE.—A Donegal paper pub-,
lishes a short paragraph descriptive of the Earl of Ennis
visit to his estates in that quarter. His Lordship, it seems,
addressed his tenants at great length ; but, says the BaLly-
shannonlHera/d, "As his Lordship never had sufficient pa-
triotism to subscribe to his county paper, we shall not occupy
our columns in publishing his speech.

KOSSUTH.

DEJEUNER AT THE MAYOR OF SOUTH,

AMPTON'S.

On Saturday the Mayor of Southampton enter-
tained at his country residence, near Winchester, a
large party of the friends of Kossuth and the other
Hungarian refugees. Among the company were Lord
D. Stuart, M.P., Mr. Cobden, M.P., the American
Consul, Mr. Crosskey, Mons. Pulzky, Mr. E. E.
Crowe, Mr. Sheriff Payne, Aldermen Laishley,
Brookes, Lancaster, Tucker, and Park, and several of
the Town Council, and about 50 other gentlemen.
The room was densely crowded, and the numbers
present were only limited by the extent of the accom-
modation. It is impossible to over .estimate the deep
attention with which Kossuth was listened to, the im-
pression he created, and the enthusiasm with which
he was received. Nothing could be finer than the
energy and pathos of his elocution, and the purity of
his English was a matter of pleasant surprise to every
one who had the advantage of listening to him. It is
said that his great proficiency in our language arose
in the following interesting manner :—His first politi-
cal achievement was the publication of the Hungarian
debates, in which be was constantly obstructed by the
Austrian Government. They went so far as to refuse a
license to any printer to publish them, when Kossuth
had them written out by clerks, and circulated
the country. He attempted to pursue the same
course with respect to the discussions in the comitats,
but here the Government, not having the fear of the
Parliament before its eyes, stepped in, and committed
him to prison, where he remained for three years.
During the first year he was deprived of the use of
books., pens, or paper, but at the end of twelve
months his gaolers somewhat relaxed, and he was
informed that he might have one book, provided it had
no relation to politics. He asked for three, promising
that they should not have the slightest connexion with
politics. He asked for Shakspere, an English gram-
mar, and a Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary, and
immediately set about the study of the English lan-
guage. In about a fortnight he had mastered a page
of the Tempest, and from thence his progress was
rapid. It is not at all improbable that these books
which were so carefully selected from their non-con-
nexion with politics, may lead to the most important
political results, by enabling Kossuth to state forcibly
to the English and American people the real circum-
stances connected with the national struggles of
Hungary.
The Queen, Prince Albert, and the other routine
toasts having been given and duly honoured,
The MAYOR gave, in succession, " The President of
the United States," and " The Sultan," with a com-
pliment to that monarch for having given a shelter to
Kossuth. These toasts having been received with
loud cheers,
The MAYOR again rose and said, that he felt it to
be a great honour and pleasure that he had now to
propose the health of their illustrious guest, Louis
Kossuth.—(Cheers.) It was most gratifying to them,
and, also, he believed, to the great majority of the
people of England, that his distinguished friend was
Permitted to be among them that day.—(Hear, bear.)
For his own part, he felt it to be his duty, as the
chief magistrate of a great commercial town, to wel-
come such a stranger to this country, which was dis-
tinguished above all others as the home of the
stranger, the land of the free.—(Cheers.) He was
delighted to see the unanimity with which Kossuth
had been welcomed since his arrival in this country,
because he was preeminently the champion of consti-
tutional liberty, and he trusted that such demonstra-
tions would have their proper moral effect in the pro-
per quarter.—(Hear.) The press would, be trusted, be
unanimous on the subject, because its power was suffi-
cient to carry any cause into which it embarked. To
it they owed the repeal of the Test Act and of the
corn-laws, and it only required proper action in
that mighty engine to secure ultimate success to the
cause of Hungary. He need not dilate to them on
the claims which .Kossuth had upon all the friends of
freedom. He had, as one of his first acts of power,
emancipated 4,000,000 of serfs who could never be
enthralled again, and the day was not, he hoped, far
distant when he would have the power to emancipate
eight millions more.—(Loud cheers.) Without
further preface, he would give them "The health of
Louis Kossuth, and prosperity to his undertakings."
KOSSUTEI then rose, and in excellent English pro-
ceeded to address the assemblage as follows :—Mr.
Mayor and Gentlemen,—ln rising to thank you most
sincerely for the noble, kind, and generous sentiments
which have been so well expressed, and so heartily
responded to, I experience emotions far too strong to
permit of any display of eloquence. Besides, I was
quite unprepared to meet so distinguished an assem-
blage as that which I have the honour of addressing.
Not much accustomed to address public assemblies
in my own language, I fear I shall have great difficulty
in addressing you in English, and therefore must in
the first instance claim your patience and generous
indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) I believe I may attri-
bute the generous sentiments of which I am the
object to nothing else than that sympathy with a
struggle for freedom which so well befits the free
Englishman, and to the fact that the cause of Hun-
gary is a just cause, strongly and intimately connected
with the maintenance of the principles of freedom all
over the world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, instead of any
vain attempt to give you an eloquent speech, perhaps
the better way will be to give you in a plain unvar-
nished manner some information respecting the great
cause which I have so deeply at heart.—(Hear, hear.)
I wish the people of England to know the true nature
of the past troubles in Hungary, in order that we
may preserve the generous sentiments already dis-
played towards us, and I believe that that can in no
way be so well done as by a plain statement of facts,
without any unnecessary flourish or artificial pomp of
words.--(Hear, hear.) To understand fully the Hun.,
garian question, it will be necessary to say a few
words about Hungarian institutions. You all know
that Hungary was for more than 800 years a consti-
tutional monarchy, and that alone is no small indica-
tion as to the elements of strength existing in my
nation.—(Hear, hear.) When you reflect on the geo-
graphical position of Hungary, amndenrtehflrencst
into
the
Magyar race are Asiatic people,
middle of European races, without friends and without
kindred, you must give credit for the firmness and inhe-
rent strength that maintained the national institutions
for so long a period. We were, in fact, surrounded by
despotic powers. On the one side was Turkey encroach-
ing on us for centuries, and against which we bad
for ages been considered the bulwark of Europe—not
only of its civilisation, but of its Christianity—and on
another was Russia, a power which, not for the benefit
of mankind, has grown prodigiously in influence
during the last century.—(Hear, bear.) On the third
side was Austria, not the large empire it now is, but
the proper dominions of the house of Hapsburg, not
one of the sons of which, if history speaks truth, was
ever the friend of political freedom. One of them, 'tis
true, Joseph 11., was the friend of religious freedom,
and of the social freedom of the peasantry. But even
he, the best of the Austrian dynasty, was strenuously
opposed to any extension of political privileges. Stich
was our position, then, surrounded by Turkey, Russia
and the dominions of the house of Hapsburg, and,
besides all that, we had an internal state of things
which has always been considered a bar to national
greatness, namely, that the people of the country were
excluded from political privileges. Still, with all
these difficulties, the Magyars preserved not only
their national life but their national institutions.—
(Hear, hear) Am I not, then, justified in saying
that in such a nation there are elements of a future,
t taisdo.
and that such a nation deserves to have its rights ?
(Loud cheers.) I have already stated that the ori-
ginal people of the country had a share in consti-
tutional
ut The
an constitutionnristo eratio
constitution of
uHungaryn
was aristocratic,
was somewhat different from the mean-
ing which is attached to the word in Eng-
land. In Hungary the word is not synonymous with
power
and wealth, but simply means position obtained
by birth, so that if a man were born noble, all his
children and children's children would be noble also.
What was the consequence ? Nations, like indivi-
duals, are
oesmoafni,
changes,
descen-
dants of the"Oblai ncotbl t
great and powerful, but
th became
so
propagated and the
and
e
diffused as to be nearly e people themselves, and
poorer than the peasantryu,ngbaercyausdeidthennootbrleesmhaaind
the ambition not to work, as if labour were not the
n d t h t
'righest how ur of humanity.—(Loud cheers.) There-
f n
onlye, in et
hfemi
this poor aristocracy were not
condition of the people, but actually*
poorer, because not so industrious. But one promi-
nent feature in these facts is, that our aristocracy
not so opposed to the extension of constitutional
was
rights as even the other aristocracies of the middle
ages, and as was formerly the aristocracy of this
country. I say was, because I:confess that the aris-
tocracy of England have known how to meet the
exigencies of the time, to share their privileges with
the people, and to bear with the latter their proper
share in the public burthens of the country. And
they have bad their reward, for the aristocracy of
England has remained firm, while other aristocra-
cies have been scattered to the winds. But in
etregary the nobles were diffused, among the
people, mere agriculturists, landlords, or manufactu-
rers and labourers, and therefore the word in one case
must be tenak with a meaning different from its efe-

ceptation in other countries. And; I must add, that
although the people were not bythe ancient constitu-
tion allowed to speak for themselves, still we always
found among. the arietocracy generous and valiant
men, ready to stand forth es the champions of their
country and the rights of humanity.—(Cheers.) To
enable them to do so, they had. framed two institu-
tions—oie was what I may call the Parliament of
Hungary, and the other was thescounty municipal
institutions; which latter, more Aim the Parliament,
were the safeguards of the rights of the people, be-
cause these county institutions were so framed that
they could be only media through which the Govern-
ment could convey orders to the magistrates and
other officers. These county meetings were com•
posed 'of noblemen who resided in the counties, and in
some counties amounted to twenty-five ar thirty
thousand, every one of whom had the right of voting at
elections for magistrates who were the only executive
power of the country. If the Government wanted any
order executed, it must be done by the municipal ma-
gistrate; but ha could not come into immediate
contact with the Government, who must send their
orders in the first instance to the:caunty meeting.
Such meetings had a right to discuss the orders of
Government, and more than one case
had occurred,
in which the order was not forwarded to the magis-
trate for execution, but a remonstrance sent to the
Government for sending it. They formed thus a
strong barrier against the encroachments of4he Go-
vernment; and no country has needed such a barrier
more than Hungary, for more than three centuries
the house of Hapsburg had not had at its head a man
who was a friend to political freedom.—(Loud
cheers.) Now, the house of Hapsburg has ruled in
Hungary for these three centuries, not by conquest,
but by the free choice of the nation ; not without
conditions, but firmly bound by treaties, the chief
feature of which was, that when the King was ad-
mitted to power in the order of his lineal succession,
he was to rule and govern Hungary by means of its
own public institutions, and according to its own
laws; he swore solemnly to do so, and prayed to the
eternal God to bless him and his race, as he was true
to his oath, This was a resum of the facts so far.
Well, out of thirteen kings—out of the thirteen kings
we had of this house and dynasty, no one who knows
anything of history can charge me with exaggeration,
when I say that their rule was One of continual per-
jury.—(Kossuth spoke very earnestly and with emo-
tion, dropping his voice so that the close of the sen-
tence was not audible at the end of the table,
and some person asked, " A rule of what ?")
He exclaimed, of perjury, gentlemen—(Loud cheers)
—that is the word—pertury.—(Cheers for some
moments at his emphatic delivery of the word.) Gen-
tleman, I am a plain man, and call things by their
right names.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now when
the Hungarian nation elected the head of the house
of Hapsburg as her sovereign, the country contained
upwards of 4,000 German geographical square miles,
which, I am informed, is equalto about 100,000 Eng-
lish square miles, and fifteen ;nillions of people, no
small or insignificant realm, 'as you will admit.—
(Hear, hear.) At that timer*, the house of Haps-
burg ruled constitutionally in all their other pro-
vinces, but subsequently those provinces lost their
rights ; and, through the whole of the three centu-
ries, the direction of the ambition of the house of
Hapsburg has been to obtain undisputed absolute
dominion over all their territories. Shortly before
the Pesth struggle there was not a single province of
the Austrian empire that had a constitution, the am-
bition of the house of Hapsburg having absorbed
the constitutional rights of all. Oar constitutional
rights were not absorbed, because we did not belong
to the Austrian empire, nor had we any connexion
with it, except such as that of Hanover with this
country, with this exception, that the line of succes-
sion was not limited in the same manner. We adminis-
tered a coronation oath, setting forth that there was
to be no connexion between Hungary and any other
province, and that while we acknowledged the same
sovereign, our' rights were to be preserved, and we
were to be governed solely by our own laws and
customs.—(Hear, hear.) We also provided that, in
case the sovereignty should, in the line of succession,
fall into the hands of a child the same course should
not be adopted as in the ease of Austria. In such a
contingency the regent of Austria would be some
elder member of the royal family; but we provided
that a Hungarian palatine should be appointed, so as
that our constitutional rights should not be absorbed.
These rights were also protected by our municipal
institutions, which, with an inherent strength that
never could be completely broken, steadily re-
sisted the encroachments of the Crown. Perhaps
I may illustrate the defensive strength of these
institutions by alluding to the siege of Saragossa
by Napoleon. When Napoleon had battered down
the walls, he was as far from success as ever,
because he bad to fight single battles with the
citizens in every street. So it was in Hungary with
her municipal institutions.—(Cheers.) I remember
an occasion when the house. of Hapsburg, in defiance.
of the Parliament, levied troops, and raised the taxes
from one to two-and-a-half times as much
as they were before, and when the
majority
of over fifty-two of our counties, influenced
by terror and every other means at the disposal
of the Government, submitted to the encroachment.
At that time there were only ten or twelve comitats
that resisted, and the resistance of even these few was
as effective as that of the people of Saragossa.—(Loud
cheers.) By these means we preserved through all
encroachments some shadow of independence, but the
Austrian Government having obtained absolute power '
in their other provinces, took every means, from open
violence to the most insidious frauds, to overthrow
our municipal institutions. They fomented our
quarrels, undermined our national character, impo-
verished our country, and corrupted our nobles. Our
Parliament, which ought to be convened once in three
years was not convened for twenty, and so arbitrary
government went on, until at last we became aware
that from 300,000 to 500,000 nobles would not be
sufficient to defend the rights of the country from
the despotic tendencies of Austria. From this point
dates our struggles which have now lasted for about
twenty-eight years. We decided that our best safe-
guard would be to inspire all the people with the
sentiments of patriotism, by giving all an equal in-
terest in constitutional rights.--(Loud cheers.) That
was the direction of public opinion in Hungary
in the year 1825. We felt the necessity the
more, because, although we had a board or coun-
cil of government which by law was respon-
sible to the country, and were bound not to carry
into execution any order even of the sovereign, which
was contrary to our laws, still we knew that there was
no real responsibility in this council, because no cor-
rupt body can be made to feel responsibility. Indivi-
duals may be made responsible, but when the Govern-
ment becomes collective responsibility vanishes. We
saw, therefore, that our rights and privileges were
vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian
Government, in which Metternich was then all in
all ; and feeling that ,
500 000 nobles could not effec-
tually resist such encroachments, we proposed to give
to the whole fifteen millions of our people an interest
in constitutional rights, and a motive for defending
them. The peasantry must form an important consi-
deration in every country, but doubly so in Hungary,
which Was and is chiefly an agricultural country. The
condition of our peasantry became the first topic with
our reformers, who felt that our country, so highly
nature, could never be made the eerthly
gifted by
ht to be except by free labourers enjoy-
, paradise it ought
ing constitutional rights and seeing that our ea-
Ws landlord 104 days • P in the
sant had to work for
year, to which must be added Sundays, festivals, and
winter, and had -
to give the ninth of his produce to the
seigneur, the tenth to the bishop, we felt that this was
d the
n
a condition contrary to human rights a
Hear, hear.) 1 he first thing, then
pies of justice,—(
People.—(Cheers.)
we did was to emancipate
the
The
as only effected by slow degrees.
reform, however, w
In the long Parliament, which sat from 1832 to 1836,
in the Lower House, which consists
it was proposed
mbers, that every peasant should
wholly of elected me
im
h. self free of his feudal and
have the right to make
seignorial burdens by paving off the capital of his
that this powerCl should be
dues. At first we propose
independent of the will of the landlord, but were op-
posed by the House of Lords, until at last, by the
influence of Government, tothe t was reduced
pri-
vilege of purchasing
freedom with the consent of the
measure was • d c b
landlord. That modifiedbut me
was refused bame y
y the the Commons Commons and Lords,
t issue with the people on this
gent, who was thus a
I should state that the
great question in 1836.
members of the Commons voted as they were in-
and therefore it was towards
structed by the coml.letsl
t were
the latter that the intrigues of the Government
principally directed. They could not corrupt them
I t. e, who being by office
by means of the Count Pa a In_ _
ld not intrigue
president of the House of Lords, could
with the county meetings, and therefore other persons
were selected to carry into the county meetings every
species of corruption.—(Fleet.) They appointed an
administrator in every county, who should never
leave the county, but be present at every meeting,
control every act, and corrupt every troublesome
member, in order that the comitats might become at
lest the mere instruments and tools of Government.
It Was this system that we opposed with all our
strength of mind and body, but with no narrow view
to the privileges of our own class. We wanted these
institutions to be independent in order that we might

reform our system for the benefit of the entire people.
(Loud cheers.) But the more we developed our views
of reform, the more actively the Government set
their administrators to work throughout the country,
and that was our condition up to the diet of Oct. or
Nov. 1847, a year or so before the French revolution.
I wish to show that in Hungary we were not revolu-
tionists—l am not blaming revolutions—but the
Hungarians were engaged in no secret conspiracy,
but at public meetings, and in an open and constitu-
tional way, struggled manfully for their rights.—
(Hear, hear.) I myself had the honour to be elected
a member of this Parliament of 1847, for the metro-
politan county of Pestb, when the Government of the
day did everything possible to prevent my election.
The good sense of the nobles, however, carried me in
triumph.—(Cheers.) The first question I proposed,
according to the instructions I bad received
from my constituents, was that our mu-
nicipal institutions should be restored to
their original purity, that the system of administrators
should be abolished, and that until these measures
should be carried no taxes should be voted. The
Houses of Lords and Commons were at issue on
this question, discussing it for upwards of
two months, and remained in disagreement. I
should mention that it was necessary that
both Houses should agree upon a measure before
it was laid before the King, but there was no limit to
the communication between the two Houses. The
measure had not a majority in the Lords, because it
contained so many functionaries appointed by Govern-
ment and persons as iris 9be functionaries, but
still 1 have the grati knowing that it was
supported by many Of 'the"most independent of the
lords of Hungary, amongst whom was my lamented
and unfortunate friend Louis Batbyany. Still cor-
ruption went on, and I felt at last that our only course
was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of
evil. On the head of the King of Hungary rests two
crowns, the one constitutional and the other absolute,
and these two could never agree together. Which
ultimately prevails in the struggle history tells in
many a dark page. I proposed therefore that, as the
house of Hapsburg declined to restore the rights of
Hungary out of deference to the people of Vienna, it
was our duty, as the elder brother in the national
family, that the people of Vienna ahculd also get
franchises. I believe that no just man will say I
was wrong in that proposition, which was universally
accepted. I was not planning revolution; that is an
accusation which I know will find no echo in the breast
of any just or generous man.—(Cheers.) My speech on
the subject was read in all the coffee-houses of Vienna,
news Of the French revolution arrived, and the Vien-
nese rose. That was the Austrian revolution, and I
must frankly own that I immediately decided not to
be carried away by the excitement of the time, but to
take the reins of government into my own hands, and
to avail myself of the opportunity that God had given,
not Hungary made.—(Cheers.) The first thing I
proposed was the emancipation of the peasantry, and
of course, under the circumstances, it was carried
unanimously by both Houses.—(Hear, hear.) Still
I was anxious not to hurt the interests of any person,
but rather to spare those who, although not quite
national in their origin, had yet in course of time be-
come interlaced with the fortunes of a great many
people. I proposed, and my proposal was adopted,
that peasants should be free from all duties, free with-
out paying—liberty is not a thing to be paid for.—
(Cheers.) But I proposed at the same time that the
seigneurs should get indemnification, not from the
peasant but from the land. Our country has large re-
sources, which by good management would be snore
than enough to give full and entire compensation to the
nobles. I engaged my honour and my oath to give this
indemnification, and it was carried in Parliament. As I
stated before, the poor people had every duty but no
rights, and I proposed that rights should at once be
conceded, and that every man possessing the franchise
should, according to his means, contribute to the
public necessities. This was carried unanimously.
The third plan was, that the people should be ad-
mitted immediately to all rights of franchise, not only
as to the election of members of Parliament, but also
for magistrates and other public functionaries. But
now, when all the people were admitted to the fran-
chise, half a million of persons could not be convoked
on our plan, and therefore I proposed that every
community should select a person to represent them.
These were my principles.—(Cheers.) I made no
encroachment on men's rights, either in their family,
or in communities. I wished that the Government
should be sufficiently powerful for the public neces-
sity, and to enforce obedience to the law, but not to
interfere with the social or municipal rights of men.
We proposed further that as councils of government
could not be made responsible, the executive should
be managed by members responsible to Parliament.
These were the proposals which were carried out, with
several others, with the details of which I shall not de-
tain you. We established a responsible Ministry, eman-
cipated the peasantry, ordained that the nobles should
participate with the peasantry in all public duties,
and that all should have the franchise both for Mem-
bers of Parliament and for the county meetings.
These laws were brought by a deputation, headed by
the Archduke Palatine, up to Vienna. He asked in
the name of the future of Hungary and of the peace
of Austria, that these terms should be granted. We
were ordered to bring our claims before the Emperor
of Austria, and also to ask him to give to our fettered
brethren f Austria their rights. At that time there
was doubt and hesitation in every country except
this, which, having made one glorious revolution,
finds the principles then established sufficient to carry
out every necessary change. Here, then, everything
was quiet, while on the continent all was movement.
The Government hesitated to concede these just
claims. I went myself to the Imperial Palace, and
told the Emperor that if he persisted I could not
guarantee what would be the consequence, with these
movements in Europe, and when the people of Hun-
gary saw their just claim resisted. They told me the
claims would be conceded if Vienna could only be
kept quiet, and that it should not appear as if the
house of Hapsburg had been compelled to be just.
It was one of those curious examples of the
vicissitudes of human life, in which myself, an
humble son of modest Hungary, was in a
position to hold the destinies of the house of Haps-
burg and all its crowns in these hands. (Kossuth
here made a powerful impression by the energy of
his manner, stretching out both his hands as he
finished the sentence.) I said," Be just to my father-
land and I will give peace and tranquillity to Vienna."
They promised to be just, and before twenty-four
hours I gave peace and tranquillity to Vienna—(Loudi
cheers)—and before the Eternal God, who will make
responsible my soul—before history, the independent
judge of events—l have a right to say, that the
house of Hapsburg owes its existence as a dynasty
to me.—(Tremendous cheering.) At last the sanction
of the Government was given to these laws ; but while
we were receiving the promises of the Emperor in
one room, the Archduchess Sophia, the mother of the
present King and sister of the last, was in another
plotting with Metternich bow to get rid of these pro-
mises.—(Hear, hear.) In a few weeks the King
came to Presburg, when I was first minister, an office
which I was forced to accept ; for I can appeal to
the public knowledge of my nature, of my enemies
and of my friends, that I always considered power as
a burden. Before we went to Vienna for sanc-
tion to the law appointing responsible ministers,
I addressed the people of Presburg, I took
my poor friend Louis Bathyany—(Kossuth was
here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the
people, " Don't cheer me, he must be the first Presi-
dent of Hungary." He declined unless I would enter
office with him, and thus I was forced to enter.—
(Hear, hear.) In a few days after the Serbs revolted,
stirred up as it appeared by the Camarilla of Vienna.
They took for pretext that by ancient diplomas, that
part of Hungary which they occupied to the amount
of two or three hundred thousand people had been
givers to them. Nobody denied this, but they insisted
that it should be politically separated from Hungary and
form a separate banat. Now, although this banat in
which they lived contained 1,300,000 people. the
Serbs number only 300,000, who speak the Walla-
chian tongue, the remainder of the people speaking
German. lb 3 Government of which I was a member
seeing that there must be some plot in all this, con-
sidered that we were bound to suppress this revolt.
Besides I should state that one of the chief political
manoeuvres of Metternich was to oppress one nation
by means of another. One army was drawn out of
the land, part in Bohemia, and part in Italy, while we
bad in Hungary Germans, Croats, Poles, and W al-
lacks. At the head of this revolt was the Ban of
Croatia, and they finished by declaring their rode,
pendence. We, the Hungarian Ministers, entreated
the King to give his consent to convoke thei Parlia-
ment, in order that means might be obtained to sup-
press the revolt. I, the Minister of Hungary nominated by the King, stood beside the Archduke
Palatine when he gave the order.—(Bear, hear.)
The King fled to Inspruck, and_ a deputation went
there, inviting him to come to Buda, and rely on the
loyalty of the people. We promised' to defend him
against all the world—and the Hungarians have
proved that they can defend what they have promised_
to defend.—(Cheers.) I also stood beside the Arch-
duke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the
King, condemning the machinations of the Croats
and Serbs, and stating that he had given orders to
I his Ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt.

[PRICE SD.

butlyhand n
In the same edict he called on his faithful Par
up
h a y
plioasmedeaitt toofP7rulinagmaerzyit,
to le vwas p
vide means to carry on the war. lit army,a
who ro-
words when I was stopped in my speech, and the
s an
idd t
ao pf
er ow-
supplies granted at once. While these matters were
going on news arrived from Italy that the battle of
Costanza had been won, and that the Government
overnment of
Vienna were now in a position to consider
the means
of crushing Hungary. A. proclamation
was issued
asking Jellachicb, who had been proclaimed
a t
by the King, to go against Hungary, calling aitor
him
friend. Surely there is not an honest
man in the
world who will not condemn that.—(Hear, hear.)
Jellachich came on with 30,000 men ; but we beat
him, taking two armies and one general, our only
force being the undisciplined people armed with
scythes. He then asked for a truce, and two days
were given him, and in the meantime he broke his
word and escaped. We followed him. I was then
President of the Council, the Ministry having resigned
in consequence of the dissolution of Parliament before
the arrangement of the budget, which was against the
Constitution, which provided that the Parliament should
not separate without arranging the budget. In addi-
tion to this violation of constitutional rights the
King makes his alter ego, giving to him the power
to govern Hungary, of Jellachich, the man whom
he had proclaimed as a traitor. We said we would
not take the traitor as governor, and that the Parlia-
ment could not be dissolved, because it had voted no
budget. We declared that the order for dissolution
had not been signed by the responsible officer, and
that therefore the Parliament must sit. I had then
the honour to be President of the Provisional Go-
vernment, and I ordered Jellachich, who had escaped
towards Vienna, to be followed. When he came to
the frontiers of Austria, I sent commissioners to the
Government, demanding from the general of the
Austrian army that they should respect the laws of
neutrality towards us, and not give any shelter to the
revolted, but they not only protected him, but per-
mitted him to join in the operations of the siege of
Vienna. These two armies came to Hungary under
Windischgratz, calling us rebels and slaves. We
struggled, and fought battles—history tells how.—
(Loud cheers.) But still one thing I must add, that
although we were victors, defeating the imperial
armies in several battles—although the Emperor of
Austria had issued a proclamation on the 4th March,
1849, in which, relying on the false report of a general of
a victory that never occurred, he declared by a single
scratch of his pen that the nationality of Hungary was
blotted out, that its Constitution was to be torn up, and
that henceforth Hungary was to be incorporated with
the Austrian empire, to be ruled by his good will and
pleasure—notwithstanding all this, I say, still we did
not proclaim a rupture with the house of Hapsburg
until I received certain intelligence that Russian in-
tervention had been decided upon and accepted.—
(Hear, hear.) And, lam sorry to add, that we also
got information that against this intervention we had
no help in the world—from nobody—no, not one. ---
(Here, overcome by irrepressible emotion, the voice
of M. Kossuth faltered, he burst into tears, and for
some moments was incapable of proceeding, while a
burst of sympathy broke from the assembly. As soon as
he had recovered he proceeded, still agitated.) Then I
considered the matter in my conscience, and came to the
conclusion that either my nation must submit to over-
throw, and to an end of its life, without even trying
to save ourselves, or, if we were not cowards and base
enough to commit such suicide, some reward was ne-
cessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the
people. And I proposed that if we were to contend
against two great empires—if there was nobody to
help us, nobody to prevent Pdskewitsch, as he had
promised, treading on the neck of Hungary—if
we were to struggle for our liberties, as we had
once struggled for the Christian liberties of
Europe, then I proposed, as a reward, the in-
dependence of Hungary, and my proposal was
accepted.—(Loud cheers.) That is a statement of
what occurred, and you all know what was the
result. How we fared let me not say ; it is too deep
matter for sorrow. This much only will I say, that
although forsaken by the whole world, I am to this
day confident that we would have been a match for
the combined forces of the two despotic powers ; but
it is my fault and my weakness that as governor of
Hungary, having the lead in this great movement, 1
had not art enough to fight with equal arms the dupli-
city of Russia; you know how he introduced treason
into our counsels. Had I only been prepared for this
treason, all would certainly not have failed.—(Hear,
hear.) But the result of what has occurred is, that
the house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more.
It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Czar—
(A laugh)—to whom it has become the obedient
servant.—(Hear, hear.) But if the people of Eng-
land only decided that Russia should not set her foot
on the neck of Hungary, if they would only resolve
to say " stop" to Russia, and nothing more, we might
still be happy. Hungary would have knowledge,
patriotism, loyalty, and courage enough to dispose of
its own domestic matters, as it is the sovereign right
of every nation to do.—(Hear.) And now, gentle-
men, I trust you will excuse me if I have not answered
your expectations, if I have tired you.—(No.)
My intention was to show you that the cause of my
poor country is worthy your generous sympathy, be-
cause we have struggled for a national existence,
which when once lost, there is no resurrection any
more for a people. This is the cause for which I
ask your generous sympathy, and which I am enabled
to lay before you here through the generous hospita-
lity of the Mayor of Southampton. He has acted the
part of a kind and generous friend to one so undeser-
ving as myself. He was a father to th© unfortunate,
and the protector of suffering humanity. Happy the
realm where such a man can rise from the people by
his own perseverance, his own integrity, his own
energy. It is the glory of England that such a man
rising in such a manner can enjoy the honour and

confidence of his countrymen. 1;4 me then, while
expressing my humble and everlasting thanks for the
kind sentiments entertained towards me, propose to
you, with the deepest affection, the health of the
Mayor of Southampton.—(Cheers.)
The MAYOR returned thanks, and gave the healths
of Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and the Liberal
Members of Parliament.

KOSSUTH interrupted the proceedings for a mo-
ment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristo-
cracy of race, but simply one of birth. The Magyars,
who numbered about eight millions, had noblemen
manufacturers and peasants among them the same as
the other races.

Lord D. STUART rose to return thanks for the Libe-
ral Members of the House of Commons. He es-
teemed it a very great privilege to be present on that
occasion to hear from their illustrious guest such a
speech as it had seldom been his lot to listen to.
(Hear, hear.) It was to him a source of unspeakable
delight to see a min illustrious in the world's history
seated safely among them at that hospitable board—a
board worthy to entertain him—(Cheers)—to know
that he could move as a free man en this free soil, and
to contrast our present feelings with what were felt a
few months ago when his life was demanded by his
vindictive enemy, and only defended by a magnani-
mous but not very powerful sovereign,—(Hear, hear.)
lie knewa that be was, lingering in a dungeon, far
away from the civilised world, and, therefore, he
(Lord Dudley Stuart) delighted to see him here safe
from the malignancy of his enemies.—(Cheers.) Now
that he was out of the power of his enemies, they
gratified their malignancy by hanging him in effigy,
and at last had suborned people in this country to
represent him as a bad man in private life, and a dan-
gerous one in public. He could not help g giv.
vent
to his feelings at the happy change, and lie-hopmed-
in future, both the House of Commons and the people
would be better informed on these matters.—(Cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN said—Mr. Mayor and
was rusticatinggentlemen, 1
in a neighbouring county, where 1
have been seeking some repose after the labours of a
session more than usually laborious,and far more than
usually unprofitable, and
after labours of a more pleas-
ing nature, such as cntertaininiends who came u
to town to see the Exhibition, when I heard of Kos-
p
sutla's arrival. I mentiong thethese facts,
fies me for not being ons because it justi-
ception given to our pot to witness the re-
distinguished visitor.—(Cheers.)
But, gentlemen, the moment I received,
what outlandish retirement th in my some-
e news of his arrival
in England, I started at once' to pay him m y humble
respects. Not that I had any doubt about his re-
ception
at !Southampton—not that I feared any want
of zeal and enthusiasm among the people ; but be-
cause I saw an attempt made by a portion of the
press of this country upon a man who, after escaping
the plots and snares of Austria, the scaffold, and the
dangers of a barbarous climate, was about to visit
our hospitable shores. I saw that an attempt was ,
being made in England—hospitable England—to
destroy, not the life, but what he valued more dearly
—the reputation of this man ; and from the moment
I saw that dastardly attempt I determined to be
here, to show these calumniators that, if these
slanders reach his character, it shall be only through
ourselves.—(Loud cheers.) We owe this not only
to our illustrious guest and the country which he re--
presents—not only to that great realm, America
whose guest I may still say he is, and whom I see here
represented by its worthy Consul, abut
we
owe it to
ourselves—to every man who has a regard for the
character of this nation, that we should come forward
and vindicate ourselves from the charge of having a

share in the most base and dastardly attempt that was
ever made to injure the character of any public man.
—(Loud cheers.) Ido not presume to enter into the
internal affairs of Hungary. Ilow, then, do I judge
him to be a guest worthy of the hospitality and moral
assistance we give hint ? I judge of him by the
ofPeoPle.—(Cheers.)
driven from their shores
cre-
dentials he brings in the name of a whole nation, anti
lein7dhoerusefdugbityivethseuvesrueffignrags aesre
by the execrations of their people to our shores, we
throw open our vacant palaces for their reception—
(Cheers and leughter)—and I will not say a word
against the hospitalities of Claremont—but when a
man arrives on our shores bearing not the curses but
the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if Enig-land
refuses a welcome to such a man, adieu for ever to
that sympathy with nations and with nations' rights
which has hitherto been the boast of England.—
(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) But I take no
merit in sharing in these honours. Selfishness
as a public man might induce me, if I had no
other motive, to be here to-day. But I am here
speaking in the name of the great majority of the
people of this country. I say it advisedly, I know as
much of public opinion as any newspaper can pretend
to know ; and I say that this meeting, enthusiastic as
it is, fairly represents a large majority of the men, ay.
and the women of this country.—(Loud cheers.) And
why is such sympathy felt for the cause of Hungary
in England ? Why is it that the name of Louis Kos-
suth is heard at the firesides of the middle classes, and
I would fain hope of the higher classes, one of whom
we number among our visitors to-day ?It is because
he is believed worthy to represent the wants and
wishes of a great people, that he has intellect to make
him worthy of their confidence, and that he has
those qualities of the heart without which intellect
would be a curse.—(Hear, hear.) I confess I had
farmed a favourable opinion of the refugees from
those that I have the honour to be acquainted with,
and probably there are few who have had greater
opportunities of judging
of the refugees than I
have had. I have seen in their dem
a
et
h°onevei nqe eu da
tmi
es
u that w
ht
ihoehy nour a manly
fortitude- in the midst of their distress,e which has
li
Eponsgeleissshminena are so jus
tly
proud. degree
ly
proud. .1 am convinced if that a people mere than
arty other resemble the English and
Americans,
the
Hungarians are that people,
and, gentlemen, the pre-
sence of our friend among us and among the people
of England will enhance our respect for his
Pople. It
is impossible to hear him speak, to hearhis friends
and neighbours speak of him, without feeling that
here is a man who being thrown into the highest posi-
tion, acted in a manner worthy of that position, and
that the people who placed him in such a position
were worthy of such a man. Now, it may be asked,
what particular results can flow from our demonstra-
tions of respect for our friend lam sure they will
not be quite barren of fruits, if they afford him some
consolation for the hardships he has been obliged to
undergo during the last two or three years. But there
is more than that in the tribute of respect we have
heard from his friends, and there is an additional
passport
to our favour in the malignity of his
enemies, his enemies being the friends of despotism.
—(Heer, hear.) Now, people will see how far the
aspirations of Europe will go with his cause, and how
far they may expect the support of Englishmen, or
Americans, in their future proceedings.—(Hear.)
Now, my illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion
of his most eloquent address, that he wishes only for
such a demonstration in this country as shall prevent
Russia from invading his country, or from interfer-
ing with the settlement of its domestic effairs. Well,
if there be one man who has a stronger opinion than
another on the subject of non-intervention, I am that
man. lam fanatical in that doctrine, because I think
that there can be no vigour in manhood in the coun
try which looks to the right or left far external aid,
and is not allowed to develope its resources by its own
internal working ; but I quite agree with my friend
that a word spoken by England would have an almost
irresistible force in the councils of despotic sovereigns.
I confess I hear with regret that the invasion of
Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civiliza-
tion in our day, should have been allowed to pass
without an angry protest from this country. I stated
that so long as the dispute lay between Austria and
Hungary we should go no further than express our
sympathy with the right, but from the moment
that Russia interfered it became a changed question.
Here was a semi-barbarous Power coming down with
its hordes to crush a more civilized country, and a
strong protest from the Government and people of this
country would have been of immense advantage. But
what were the facts ? Other states were in the toils
of a reaction, and the leading newspapers of this
country not only uttered no protest, but actually ex-
pressed opinions in favour of the Russian cause.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that, were public
opinion so far enlightened that newspapers would not
dare to faleity it by taking side with Russia, it
would not require many words from an English
Foreign Minister to make that opinion have weight
with foreign despots.—(Hear, hear.) But if we wish
our opinion to have weight, we must come into
court with clean hands. My efforts have been made
to make us understand our duty with regard to inter-
ference in foreign countries. lam almost afraid to
look hack for the last twenty years and see what has
been our conduct. There was our most wicked inter-
ference in the affairs of Portugal, where we bodily
carried off the leaders of the people in order to sub-
serve the interests of the Court;
.and then there were
our proceedings in Greece and in the affairs of Hol-
stein. 1 cannot find, then, that we have clean hands,
and therefore my advice to the English and American
people—and I think there have been some symp-
toms of the latter people falling into the trap—my
advice to them is, that they should promptly adopt the
principle of non-intervention. When Lord Grey
came into office non•intervention was to be their
motto, and yet, I believe that, from the passing of the
Reform Bill there has been more intervention than in
the time of the Tories. Let us, then, get to the sound
principle, and then I believe that the word " Stop,"
applied to Ittistia, would be as conclusive as if we
spoke with the voice of a thousand cannon.—(Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, my friend there is new to Eng-
land, but no doubt he that lass gone through the
toil and turmoil of public life knows that the threats
of the enemies of liberty are the same in Austria as
in England. He must expect to be assailed with
every calumny by the organs of Russia, and will be
accused of violating every commandment in the deca-
logue. The only regret will be that there is not an
eleventh commandment, to charge him with breaking
it.—(Laughter.) 1 myself have been accused of
fyi,ry crime short of actual murder ; but I can assure
you that in England these shafts of calumny have
very little effect, so long as you have truth and jus-
tice on your side.—(Cheers.) Now, our friend tells
us that he comes here on the principle of non-inter-
ference, and I think we owe him some explanation
before he is fairly launched on the public gatherings
that await him. lie is anxious to avoid even the
appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs,
and under these circumstances I think it would be
wrong for any political party to offer any act of special
fraternization with our Hungarian friends or to claim
any political identity.—(Cheers.) In short, I think
I may once for all avow that there is nothing in the
position of our friend to warrant any party claiming
political identity with him.—(Hear, hear.) He has
told us that the movement of the Magyars was not a
movement having for its object organic changes
in
the national institutions. It was a movement to main-
tain the Constitution as it was, coupled with certain
reforms which he was anxious to effect. I hope our
excellent friend the Consul from
America, will not
think ill of our distinguished friend
if I avow my be-
lief that the Hungarian moN •
ement was not a demo-
cratic movement solely, but a movement of the people
v.ith their the aristocracy at **
head to maintain the
national independence. Had it not been such a move-
ment they could not have achieved what my friend
has de.taited to us this evening. In short, we honour
in him the champion of a nation that is identified with
constitutional institutions.— (Hear.) He took the Con-
stitution as it had existed for 800 years, and therefore I
see no reason to identify him with Whig, Tory, or
Radical in thia country. I hope that after his moderate
and singularly talented address, this greatonth
com-
munity
will see that he is to be receiveda
entire
part of the nation at large as representiinganyn
ques-
people, and that at no public meetinligotvs 11
discuss tion be introduced which he couldo_
thatf intervention
with-
out incurring the appesranee.
d.—(Hear, hear.) I
which he is most anxious to avoid.—(Hear,
but that I feel
highly
have nothing further to say,
gratified at the present meeting,
and to express my
opinion that the Mayor of Southampton has nobly
done his duty in representing, on this occasion, the
public opinion of the large majority of the people of
this country; and when our distinguished friend has
passed from under this roof to the metropolis, I will
leave him to judge, and his enemies to witness,
whether the respect paid to him elsewhere does not
justify*the beginning made by the Mayor of
Southampton.—(Cheers.)
The next toast was the health of Mr. Croskey, the
American Consul.
CROSSIEY, the American Consul, in returning
thank, said, that he did nut wish to take a very pro-
minent part in this demonstration, which it was his
wish should be purely British in its character. Ha
wished that when the news of the reception given to
Kossuth in this country went to the other side of the
Atlantic it should have all the value of soontaniety on
the part of the British people. He felt sure that
when their illustrious guest reached the shores of
America he would be received by
Lafayette
par-
ties, whether Whig or Democratic, as,
guest.—
Was received in 1825—as the nations
(Cheers.) The Americans were no Red Republieans,
they loved law, order, and constitution as the basis
of their liberties ; and although it had not appeared
that Kossuth had intended to institute a republic in
Hungary, still he had d fought for the constitutional
rights of his nation—(Cheers)—and as such had en-