The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-12 00:00:00

end naval force, and all ready to be placed in the ban&
Changarnicr. But how could Prance be expected
s dispense with her military power, when she 82W that
the despots which bordered her territory were increas-
ing and concentrating their forces? Therefore, he yen=
used to say, that in intreating their aid for the victory
of liberty, he only appeared as the exponent ofati'
complement of free trade, which yet remained to be
accomplished—the complement of the labours of thate's-
free-trade school, the glorious leaders of which he saw.
around him.—(Cheers.) Those ho addressed were not -
men who did things by halves.—(Hear, hear.) He
begged to state the reasons which induced him to look
with patience and hope towards Manchester. Man-
chester was a place where there was reason to believe
sympathy would take a practical direction. Before his
coming there, he was asked by many persons what ho
could do there, seeing he would meet with many in-
fluential persons intimetely connected with the Peace
Association, while Austria, which had taken away
Hungary's independence, was not likely to restore is
peaceably.
He looked with confidence for great support
from England to the cause of which he was the humble
r ye. He had just learned that the Protege,t:nPtresso"tltflti
ngnry had shut their schools rather than
obey the imperial mandate to surrender the superin."
tendence to Austrian Jesnists. Kossuth proceeded
to express his belief that the ana he had in view
may be gained without the application of force,
through the instrumentelity of opinion. He felt peca-
ns!, hope in the support of the Peace Association, and
referred with suede commendation to the speech deli-
vered by Mr. Bright. He hesitated, however, to assent
to the doctrine that national questions may in all cases
be settled without recourse to arras. He illustrated his
view by the case of a man thrust out of his own home.
What Was ho to do? Would he try and reason tho as-
,..aiTont into allowing him to regain possession? Could
he aPPIy to law? What if there be no law? Was the
mantosurreraetnedel his property? To do so would be to
surrender the principle upon which the security of all
property d
to surrender, in fact,
self-preservation. If a
which the order and etability of society reposed. To act
in that way would be to do the pillar upon
violence to the instinct of
would repeat, that as regarded was he not to use weapons ien defence? Ho
assaulted
himselfb
his
were republican, and he considered
that Hungary, al-
though for centuries the most monarchical country in
Europe, could not now entertain aconvictions murderer,
govern-
ment. So great had been the
etrapriacchb a form of
al-
most say perjury, or the house of Ha treachery, he might
g, that it was
impossible the sense of grievous vrroePs
ever be obliterated from the recollection andof injury could
his country,
men. He had never, however, felt the
prescribing to other countries what formporfesumption of
they should have. lie would speak,
however,
w!voevrerriret
sovereign right of any nation to adopt such ,foo the
government as ion people might approve, withourtal of
interference of y other power. He would otb-
serve, that freedom could bo enjoyed under other
forms of government; and he would never be guilty
of preaching up the doctrine that human nature
could only be pressed or moulded in a single form. Re
was anxious to remove all misapprehension on that
point, for he found that his views had been misrepre-
sented by an individual who had not understood him.
He never stated that the republican form of government
was the only one under which freedom could be en.
joyed. This was a point which must be decided by the
peculiar
circumstances of each country. Freedom may
be enjoyed under a monarchy, as in England, or under
a republic, as in the case of the United States. No one
would allow another to be robbed without giving him
assistance, on the ground that he ought not to interfere
or advocate non-resistance on the ground of preserving
the peace. Non-resistance was altogether difTernt to
non-intervention. That was precisely the case of
Europe—the nations were oppressed by the armed
force of military Governments. Despots would not
give way, at least they would not without a struggle.
How much then ought nations which still retained their
freedom to oppose them.—(Hear.) What they wanted
was that the real principles of non-intervention should
be carried out, and that the Czar should not
be permitted to interfere with other countries.
Should they abandon then their country be-
cause it was surrounded with difficulties ? If they
looked into history, they would find there was not a
single country possessing free institu.ions, where the
people had not, in the first instance, enforced these in-
stitutions.—(Cheers.) When he considered the position
which England held—her Parliamentary institutions, and
her public spirit—he knew that she never need again
resort to arms, but that she could obtain all she desired
by moral force.—(Hear, hear.) It would not, however,
have been so, but for the revolution of 1665.—(Cheers.)
It had been hinted that certain parties ought not to sup-
port their cause, because it was opposed to the princi-
ples of the glorious association to which their eloquent
Member (Mr. Bright) belonged. It was impossible that
that society wished to condemn the nations of Europe to
the artificial trammels of despotism.—(Cheers.) The
first principle upon which that great society was founded
was the Christian principle, to which no one could sub-
scribe more heartily than himself, the principle which
Christ laid down, of glory to God in heaven, and peace
and good will to man on earth; but it could not be said
that that maxim meant peace to tyrants, that was impos-
sible; peace to murderers, that was suicide, and was
not et all consistent with religion.—(Cheers.) The
second rule was that they should not do to others that
which they slid not wish done to themselves. Now, if
somebody was engaged in attempting to murder them, or
burning doe n their house, would they not be glad of
assistance? and if so, ho supposed that the Peace
Society would neither be opposed to giving or receiving
ae,:iatanee at tho props* -e.pihiviaraty.—(Elear, beat.)
They were told to do unto their neighbours as they
would should be done unto them, and that was all ho
asked for Ilungary.—(Cheers.) They were told by the
Christian religion to give unto emperors the things
which belonged unto thorn, but they were not taught by
that religion to give them those things which did not
belong to them . (Cheers.) The second principle of
this lorious society was, that they should support the
principle of non-intervention. That was what he asked
for. He had not come to England to ask for an armed
interference, to entreat England to take part in the in-
ternal relations of Hungary, but only to ask England
not to allow any other country to do so, as they held
the sovereign right of every nation to govern their own
domestic affairs.—(Cheers.) The peace association was
not for England only, but for the whole world.—
(Cheers.) It was projected for the whole world on the
basis of non-interference, and therefore he trusted that
there was not a single member of the society who would
give the definition of the word non-interference as to say
that some of these despots should do as they liked with
Europe, and England would not care about it. That
was not the principle of the society—it could not be its
principle—and they had heard so that night from one of
it principal advocates.—(Cheers.) It was true that
public opinion was of little use, if they were not
prepared to act. What force was there in public opi-
nion, was it not in the belief that as it was respected by
One power, that it would make itself respected by
another. That belief gives an omnipotence, a force to
public opinion, by which it carried things morally, and
there was an end of force.—(Cheers.) But if they were
never prepared to act, and public opinion was left to
operate only by its moral power, neither the Czar or the
Emperor of Austria would care for it.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought that although desirous for peace, the nature
and terms upon which they enjoyed that peace must de-
pend upon the nations with whom they had to deal; and
though ho would have peace with all the nations of Eu-
rope, he would have peace and not imprisonment; he
would have peace consonant with the true dignity of
men and the sacred ties of humanity. Nations could
40 be free so long as the people were called upon to obey
and attend to soldiers and spies in the interest of certain
families, and he, therefore, declared that there could be
no peace in the world until the chains were struck off
from the people, and the people were entirely free, God
not having made this world for a prison. Peace,
to be permanent, must be founded on contentment,
and contentment was a fruit which grew only in the gar.
den of liberty. With regard to pecuniary assistance,
Kossuth stated that many generous offers had been made
to himself, but he had accepted nothing, and would see
cept nothing. He would rather starve than do so. :Per
the triumph of liberty, however, he would not be ashai wed •
to beg from door to door. As regards the friend!' of
Hungary, he hoped their motto would not to the words
of Falstaff, " Would it were bed-time, and all well;"
hoped the word would be, " Onward I" He would again 6 repeat that his convictions were republican, wi
rule of law, the principle of order, and the f she
ree eX
sion of public opinion; but as regardedHpree•
was certain she would never be satisfied with ungary, he
a monariahy,
seeing that she had completely lost confidence
in. the
monarchical: principle. And here, continued e
suth, I will end. The general attention I
have met with
in England and here makes me believe
that you you have
expected to see in me something worthy of your at-
tention. Now the spell is broken which destiny ins
associated with my name.—(Cries of "No, nca")
The halo of expectation has died away, and hero I
stand a plain common man, like thousands upon thou-
sands of your own countrymen. Bat, ladies and
gentlemen, however deep I may have fallen in your
estimation—(No, no)—let me hope that the presentoor day
will not vanish without some benefit to mevytl?yworne:
happy country, and of suffering humanity
that on the
Let not the world say—let not hietory
and liberty,
eve of the last struggle between despotismon the principle of free.
you had no benefit to confercompassion of a tender heart.
People of Manche
dom more than the mere er
aend
of
England, shout out with
manly resolution thatste the world shall be free, and with
that shout freedom will be given to the world.—(Great d
for some time.)
which continue
cheering,
Dr. VAUGIL&N proposed a vote of thanks to the Go-
vernment and people of the United States. The motion
was seconded by Mr. AnsLLoM WILREIt, and carried
with acclamation.
Mr. THOMAS BAZLEY proposed the thanks of the
meeting to the Sultan of Turkey, which being seconded
by Mr. HENRY I.lAwsoN, was carried unanimously.
After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was
moved by KOSSUTH, the proceedings terminated at a
quarter past ten.

After the meeting last night, Kossuth and suite wore
to return to Woodlands, the seat of Mr. Henry, M.P.,
but no strangers were to accompany him, the reception
being simply from Mr. Henry's family.
This morning, at nine o'clock, there was to be a recep-
tion at Mr. Henry's house of about 200 persons, who
had received invitations to meet Kossuth.
It was expected that Kossuth would leave Woodland!,
en route for Birmingham, at about half-past eleven this
morning.

SENTIMENTAL MOMENTS.—A young gentleman, in
describing the effects of his first waltz, says that for fifteen
minutes he appeared to be swimming in a sea of rose leaves,
with a blue angel. This soon changed, he says, to a delirium
of peacock-feathers, in which his brain got so mixed up with
low-necked frocks, musk. and melody, that he him 44 ou
auto' Ayer since.—New ,fork jitterary World.