The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-12 00:00:00

Thus everything noble in the German character
vas insulted—the organs of complaint—the
-flannels of publicity—the hopes of redress—
he possibilities of political amendment—were
lit off by violence, and could only by force he
-ecovered. In the mean time, the people have
zone on reading—conversing—scanning their
-fights—discussing their prospects—reprobating
their rulers. The spirit of discontent has
been ripening into a national passion. The
feeling which now actuates most of the German
Immunities is of a more elevated order than that
Nhich merely prompted them in 1813-1814
to drive the French banditti from their fire-sides.
Their present aspiration is to high political and
.noral objects. It is no less fearful to their little
native tyrants than was the warlike impul,e of the
above-mentioned period to the foreigner. The
German- people will have good government. If
peaceably, well : if not, they nevertheless will have
it. The Metternichs, great and small, are every-
where conscious of this, and, in all directions,
the restraints, prohibitions, threatenings, police
inquisitions, all those tricky resources of
feightened despotism, which she loves to cling
to as props and bolsters of her rottenness, have
been put in action against the general spirit of
the people. The consequence is, that the fire
spreads ; a spark from the stage,—a line uttered
from an opera, —kindled this last Frankfort com-
motion ; and it is but the first of a series not, in
all human probability, to be terminated save
only by the establishment of national rights, on
the single secure foundation of power vested in
the great mass of society, or in a definite portion
of society, whose interests shall he inseparable
from those of the entire body. The powers of
organization, and of disciplined resistance, may,
tor a certain period, render the machine of Ger-
man despotism not easily assailable by the spirit
of the age; but the force of truth, of sentiment,
and movement, must in the end be victorious.—
Times.

The results of some late elections are to us
more a matter of regret than of astonishment.
Our readers will do us the justice to admit that
at an early period we predicted the difficulties
in which Ministers would be placed, between
the Conservatives and the Radicals. The Con-
servatives are strong in the House of Lords,
strong in the Church and the Magistracy—they
have long had the resources of this great empire
at their command—they wish to see no reforms,
no retrenchments, no remedy of abuses, by
which the share of good things accruing to
them from the public purse may be diminished ;
—and they opposed the Reform Bill kcause
they foresaw that it gave to the people the
means of effecting a complete change in the
mode of governing the country. To please this
party, therefore, and to please the great body of
the people at the same time, was all but im-
possible. Before the passing of the Reform
Bill, the House of Commons was.merely an ex-
tension of the House of Lords, into which a
_ _

few Members chosen by the people found an
entrance. But after the passing of the Reform
Bill, the House of Commons became (with
few exceptions) identified with the people.
This imposed on Ministers the very difficult
task of proposing measures at once palatable to
the House of Lords (hostile to reform and the
consequences of reform) and to the House of
Commons. Great pains were taken by some of
the organs of Ministers, to represent the Mem-
bers returned to the new House of Commons as
disposed, with the exception of a few Radicals,
to give the most efficient support to the Govern-
ment. And Parliament did, indeed, open with
strong Ministerial majorities. But we were not
deceived by this apparent strength. We knew
that the representatives thirst only support Mi-
nisters so long as their measures were popular,
and tbat the moment the constituencies began
to put them-elves in communication, with the
representatives, and to exhibit signs of disap-
probation, the latter would have their misgivings.
Ministers having a large majority in the House
of Commons, applied themselves principally to
the House of Lords, in which they had hitherto
fOund all their difficulties. By way of concili-
ating that House, and smoothing the way to the
amelioration which it would be afterwards neces-
sary to propose to satisfy the people, a measure
of coercion for Ireland was announced in the
speech from the Throne, and soon afterwards
proposed in the Upper House. The measure
was sufficiently acceptable to the House of
Lords, and it passed rapidly through the
different stages. But the Radicals every
where took the alarm. Several beneficial
measures were announced by Ministers ; but
this measure taking precedence of all others,
naturally enough took strong hold of the popu-
lar mind. The people of England had a great
horror of the outrages perpetrated in Ireland, but
then they viewed these outrages as the conse-
quence of the titter destitution of the Irish, and
as coercive measures had been again and again
resorted to without effect, they had little hope
of any material improvement till some measures
were adopted for providing against the destitu-
tion. • Again, the people throughout England
and Scotland did not make sufficient allowance
for the difficulty in which Ministers were placed
with regard to the Irish church. We need
hardly observe, that the views of the aristocracy
and the views of the people with regard to that
church are foto ccelo different. The people
c.uld never comprehend why a Protestant church
should be deemed necessary for a Catholic
people, and what they wished was, that the
sinecure church should cease to exist. The
aristocracy, on the other hand, viewed the church
not with reference to its duties, but its etnolu-

'Dents. It is quite clear, that no measure,
withdrawing any material portion of the re-
venues of the Irish Protestant church from

that establishment, could ever pass the House
of Lords. The people, however, looked only to
the abstract question of what seemed just, and
did not make sufficient allowance for the ob-

stacles in the way of carrying what might be
abstractedly just into practical effect. The
Whigs, as we have more than once observed,

are powerful only through the co-operation of
the middle classes. The aristocracy and the
church are chiefly Tory. With the people, the
Whigs are far more powerful than the Tories;
but the moment they lose the support of the
people, they are comparatively powerless. The
course that Ministers have hitherto pursued has
been unpopular, as has been but too evidently
demonstrated. But should they change their
policy, they would at once hare the House of
Lords opposed to them. If the people could
only restrain their impatience, the measures
which have recently been introduced—the Cor-
poration Inquiries, the Local Courts' Bill, the
Irish Church Reform, the East-India arrange-
ments, the West Indian Reforms, &c., would
undoubtedly be productive of much good, and
several abuses removed, renders the task of re-
moving others more easy. It might be well to
consider, too, that by driving at too much at
once wf may produce a confusion, which we