The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-06 00:00:00

mination. A mere pruning will not suffice where
the very root is rotten to the core. There is too
much respect for existing interests, too great an
anxiety to preserve an ancient institution—
although it has been proved to be " an aged vice,
a grey iniquity." We confess that we greatly prefer
the measure proposed by Mr. COLLIER, or even that
of the Lord Chancellor, although many changes
would be required in the details of Lord CRAIN-
'
WORTH'S Bill bef9re it could receive the legisla-
tative sanction. The claims of wealthy sinecu-
rists, like Mr. MOORE, are thought more impor-
tant than the interests of the community, and
those who have pocketed many thousands per
annum for doing nothing are thought of greater
consequence than the national welfare.
We trust, however, that there will be no half
measures—that whatever is to be done will fully
meet the admitted evil. We are no advocates for
centralisation, but there is nothing more objec-
tionable than a multiplicity of minor tribunals,
the business whereof is a complete work of supe-
rorogation. Why should it be necessary to have
a single will proved in three or four dif-
ferent places—in the Provinces of Canterbury,
and York, in Scotland and Ireland ?
Why should there not be one place where all these
important and interesting records would be duly
preserved. In some of the earlier numbers of
Bousehold Words we find a graphic description of
the " Doom of English Wills," and we believe
indeed the well-established character of the work
goes far to prove that there has been no
exaggeration. No matter how highly, how extra-
vagantly paid, local functionaries, who are
practically irresponsible, will not afford the protec-
tion which these documents imperatively require.
We must then legislate for the public, without
reference to the wishes of these persons:. There
may in some cases be a fair claim for compensa-
tion, which, whenever clearly established, we
should deal with liberally ; but the public
welfare is paramount to all other considera-
tions, and that must be the end and 010
ject of all parties. Barristers and solicitors
were greatly injured by some recent reforms ;
they put forth no whining complaints, but con-
formed themselves to altered circumstances. Let
Advocates and Proctors do likewise, and they
will find that the contemplated changes will not
be by any means so dreadful as they may at pre-
sent anticipate.

Re-open the Slave Trade ! No, that won't do
at any price ! There are already too many of
" GOD'S images cut in ebony" under the tyranni-

cal sway of the Southern Democracy to admit o
that. The black cloud gathers over Egypt—don't
expect us in any way to aid in its dissipation ! We
dare not permit the trade to be re-opened if we
would, and if we dare we cannot. We are pledged
ear deep to keep it shut—and keep it shut we
certainly will. There are innumerable reasons
why we should do so, and the least stands good
for probably not less than thirty millions of money
—twenty millions expended en the liberation of
the slaves in our West India possessions, and the
remainder in cruises to shut up the trade. Before
GOD and man we have pronounced slavery a
hideous leprosy, not to be further propagated by
fresh importations of slaves. Having paid so
much, and enjoyed the satisfaction so far of hav-
ing done our duty, we are not going to be robbed
both of our money and our reward. Bluster may
now and then serve the turn ; but when honesty
deliberately concedes a trifle, the obligation be-
comes all the more imperative on it to stand on
vantage ground, and vindicate a great right.
And a great right is involved in this question of
opening the Slave Trade. Submit it to analysis,
and far beyond the money thesuppression of the
trade has cost us are the principles which moved
us to the sacrifice. Religion—not as interpreted by
a lying and sycophantic section of the American
clergy, but by righteous, interpreters, men who
dare peril their lives for their faith pro-
nounces, " the door is shut, let no mau open
it." Humanity, while it pales at the horrors
the opening of the trade would let loose
all the more resolutely endorses the verdict. The
question is not confined to the sphere of the poll-
tician. The households of England would rise
against the Minister who dared to wink at the
provision of new holocausts for the altars of
rapine, murder, and lust. Of all the wars ever
warred a war to prevent the reopening of the
Slave trade would prove, in this country, the
most popular. Infant lips and infant hands
would bless the champions of the slave, and from
every temple would go forth the prayer of faith
and the incense benediction. Gentlemen
slavers and ruffians of the South—don't think of
it. We should have the North on our side, and,
more than any ppwer in any art of the compass—
the GOD of Battles ! We don't attach so much
weight as some appear to do to your threats—
" bunkum " is part of your stock in trade—but
it may not be amiss you should have our warning.
Don't try. It is not impossible, if you do, you
will lose what you have, and sink hopelessly is
the slough in which you are now struggling.
The star of Africa is in the ascendant, and not
declining. That's a fast ! Stomach it as you
may.

We are a people not only practical in our aims,
but fond of appealing to practice and precedent.
Unlike our volatile neighbours across the Channel
the fairest theory cm fascinate but few of us ;
they concentrate their admiration and ardour at
once upon a new scheme, we coolly think over our
past, and want to see, not that the idea is self-
complete, but that we have already been
acting on it, and can foretell its working from
experience. All our reforms must be, in each
part of them, but some small step in advance on
what is already done. We proceed in action like
a mathematician with a demonstration in Euclid.

Now we appeal to ;very honest elector whether
the advocates of the Ballot have not been ready
to meet this national peculiarity. They have
pointed to home experience in the Army, the
Club-room, and even the Social Book Society, and
the reference has never been challenged, or
its testimony contradicted. Englishmen of
the best standing continue thus to prove
that they Appreciato the Ballot when they
wish to vote independently. If the Ballot
neeied a reference for character this one ought
to be sufficient. It is as a reference, an argument
a fortiori, for if persons of some position in society
need such protection of their independence, how
much more the gre4t mass of county and borough
voters.

We have given America as a reference. Ameri-
cans aro next of kin to us ; and from them, too,
viewed properly, the argument is again an a
fortiori one. For beyond question, in that land
of ready employment and intense republicanism,
the voter has little to fear from auother's displea-
sure, since the attempt to interfere unduly would
jeopardise a man's reputation with his neighbours.
Republican jealousy would soon ostracise the
wealthy individual who coerced his poorer neigh-
bour. The intimidator might lose more votes to
his cause through public indignation than he
would gain by his tyranny. Yet Americans, all the
taunts of Tory journals here notwithstanding?