The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-01 00:00:00

stitutional assumption of authority by the British
Ambassador.

But there has also been another and scarcely
less formidable attack on the British institutions,
which, although nominally directed against Bel-
gium, is really aimed agaiust this country. A
crusade has been directed against the
freedom of the Press, and the principles
enunciated by Count WA.LEWSKI, if recognised,
would lead to the subversion of public journalism,
and the right of affording sanctuary to political
exiles, so long and so steadily maintained by many
successive Administrations in the United King-
I dom.

The startling assertion put forward by the re-
presentative of the Emperor of the FRENCH was
to the effect that, although there was no com-
plaint against the Government of a neighbouring
country—although they had every reason to be
satisfied with its efforts to mitigate a state of
things "which it is unable to alter," brute force
might be resorted to in order to compel a modifi-
cation of its fundamental laws. Tbis is, indeed,
a startling claim. It cannot for a moment be
argued that there are not ample means for re-
straining the licentiousness of the Press in Belgium
any more than in England—that persons who
abuse its liberty may not be severely punished
for their misconduct. But that does not satisfy
the French Government. They manifestly de-
sire that a censorship should be established, that
there should be domiciliary visits, and a power of
suppressing any publications that may not suit the
taste of the dominant party. Surely the onslaught
of Russia on the independence of the Ottoman
Empire was nothing to this. It is neither more
nor less than saying—Your representative system
and free institutions are not in accordance with
despotic authority. They may cause some degree
of inconvenience to Autocratic Powers, and,

therefore, you must change them, or submit
to the inevitable consequences. Every other
law may be dealt with in like manner, and
if the principle bs for a moment sanctioned,
all nations may be called on to change their con-
stitutions, under the force of "remonstrance',"
which may " greatly resemble threats."
We have heard of critics " damning by faint

praise." There is a similar course—that of sur-
rendering by a weak defence. Lord CLARENDON
was guilty of the latter dereliction of duty. He
did not indignantly protest against the unwar-
rantable and outrageous demand ; but, in the
mildest terms, " admitted its importance," al-
though, as the representatives of a gantry in
which a free and independent press is,
so to say, one of the fundamental institu-
tions, the Plenipotentiaries of England could
not, associate theiuselves to " measures of
coercion against the Press of another State."
It was quite sufficient, however, that the mild-
spoken representative calmly surrendered Belgium
to the tender mercies of the other members of the
Congress, in a matter whore, doubtless, King
LEOPOLD desired to have his hands strengthened
against the Democratic principle, and virtually
assented to the exercise of French coercion over
the Belgian Chambers, by tacitly admitting
the accuracy of Count WALEWSKI'S summing
up that " all the Plenipotentiaries, and
even those who considered themselves bound
to reserve the principle of the liberty of the
Press, had not hesitated loudly to condemn the
excesses in which the Belgian newspapers indulge
with impunity, by recognising the necessity of
remedying the inconvenience which is so greatly
abused in Belgium."
What can the really English representatives and
the English people say to this indecent and humi-
liating truckling to despotic principles ? What
answer can be made when the precedent established
with regard to Belgium is attempted to be fol-
lowed to its legitimate results against Great
Britain ? How can we protect those whom it
may suit a foreign potentate to term " the ene-
mies of social order," or refrain from modifying the
fundamental laws of the kingdom, by suppressing
publications which it is thought proper to desig-
nate as so many implements of war, directed
against the repose and tranquillity not of a neigh-
bouring country, but of its despotic Government..
Let it not be supposed that we are defending
excesses which all must condemn. Far from it.
Let the offenders be brought to exemplary punish-
ment by all means—but let " the freedom of the
Press," the great palladium of national liberty,
be strictly maintained let not the inde-
pendence of other nations be sacrificed
by enforcing enactments to which the legislative
bodies will not and cannot assent. The blow is
manifestly directed against England, and all Eng-
land should emphatically and energetically protest
against the insidious attack. We are, thank GOD,
not yet bound by any German code. We will not
submit to the insolent and unwarrantable menaces
of any other State or States. We will defend to
the last drop of our blood and our last shilling the
time-honoured Constitution of the nation ; and
the unanimous answer of every true-hearted Eng-
lishman to such unjustifiable demands will be--
"ilo/umus leges Anglice mutari." There shall be
war to the knife before we surrender our cherished
independence and indefeasible right to self-
government.

The public are now in possession of the defence
of LORD CARDIGAN as well as that of Lord LUcAN,
and, unless we are grievously deceived, must have
arrived at the conclusion that never were gallant
troops placed at the mercy of more shiftless,
presumptuous, and otherwise incompetent
commanders. To which of them the palm of
demerit is justly due, it may b 3 difficult to
decide. Lord LucAx, however, being the
superior officer, and having displayed least dis-
cretion in his defence, stands, we incline to be-
lieve, the best chance. For our part, w 4 have
never shown an inclination to do him injustice,
and shall not stand in his way on this occasion.
The Gallant Earl, it must be confessed, has
blown his own trumpet and beplastered his
accusers with sufficient energy. With what effect
remains to be seen. Self-praise, says the pro-
verb, is no commendation, and mud, it may be
added, is harmless that will not stick. Surpassing
as he conceives his merits to be, and heinously
wronged though he describes himself by the
Report of the Commissioners, his assertion of the
one tiradopcinn
omiopl,aint of the other have only tended,
to show how grievously in both
respects he is deceived. Right-thinking men
will not accept his self-laudations in the teeth of
established facts, nor be much inclined to give the
benefit of a doubt to one who has shown himself
so disingenuous and lacking in self-restraint. He
has not shown that he did all he could, nor any-
thing
approaching to accommodating wit-
nesses, notwithstanding—for the shelter of th e
horses in the Crimea ; and his disingenuous deal-
ing with Col TULLOCII'S vindication leaves, in our
estimation, that officer's allegations, and, conse-
quently, conclusions, intact. His Lordship
may or may not have been more successful in his
accusation of the Minister of War and the Secre-
tary to the Treasury, but if they deserve the
pillory, Lord LLICAN must be content to be pil-
loried between thew.

Lord CA.RDIGAN, a better appreciator of the