The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-05 00:00:00

THE-CORN LAWS.

Mr. H. HANDLEY wished to ask whether it was the
intention of his Majesty's Government to propose any
alteration in the corn laws, or whether they would oppose
any alteratio❑ if proposed by any other Member.
Lord ALTHORP stated that it was not the intention
sf Government to propose any alteratio❑ in the corn laws.
As to the other part of the question, if any Hon. Gentleman
thought fit to propose any alteration, be would do so
without the sanction of the King--(Hear, bear)—and
his Majesty's Government would not support such a mea-
sure.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CHICHESTER gave notice, that on the
20th March he would move for a Bill to repeal the
Septennial Act.
Sir A. AGNEW gave notice for the introduction of
three Bills for the due observance of the Lord's Day.

—Mr. DIVETT give notice of hie intention to move on
the 18th of March for leave to bring in a Bill for the ex-
tinction of churcb_rates throughout England and Wales.
Mr. EWART gave notice for the introduction of
several Bills relating to the duties of East India sugar,
'cotton, &c.

Mr. HUTT gave notice, that on the ?7th ins'ant he
should move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the corn
laws.

Mr. C. RIPON gave notice of his intention to intro•
duce a measure to exclude the Bishops from the House of
Lords. —(He tr, hear.)
Mr. R. WALLACE gave notice that on the 28th of
February be would move for a Sel ct Committee to in-
quire into the management of the Post-office in Scotland,
and also to bring in Bills to diminish the delay and expense
attending the proceedings in Borough and Sheriffs' Courts
in Scotland.

Mr. HLTME stated it to be his intention, on the llth
Inst., to move for a Select Committee to consider the
expenses charged by returning officers in every borough
in England and Wales.—(Hear, hear.) O❑ the 13th he
would also move for a Select Committee respecting the
lighthouses, and the duties paid on their account. On
the 6th of March be would move for a Select Committee
to consider the present corn laws.
Mr. WARBURTON gave notice that he would move
for a Select Committee to consider of the laws regard-
ing the practice of the medical profession.
THE DISSENTERS.

Mr. WILKS wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite
(Althorp) whether his Majesty's Government had deter-
mined to bring forward any measure for the removal of
the grievances under which the Dissenters laboured ?
Lord ALTHORP said his Noble Friend, the Paymas-
ter of the Forces (Lord John Russell), intended to give
notice this evening for bringing in a Bill on the subject of
marriages of Dissenters. His .Majesty's Government
were aware of the grievances under which Dissenters
laboured, and they had applied their attention to the sub-
ject. The first measure would be a Bill regarding mar-
riages.
Mr. WILKS asked whether his Majesty's Government
would support any measure for a national system of regis-
tration of marriages, births, and deaths?
Lord ALTHORP said, before be answered that
question it would be necessary to know whether such a
measure would be likely to impose any additional expense
on the public. As to the want of a registration, that
was not a grievance that applied peculiarly to dissenters—
(Hear, bear)—but affected all classes.
Mr. WILKS gave notice of introducing a Bill for a
national civil registration of all marriages, births, and
deaths. The Hon. Member said be could not then name
the day on which he should introduce his Bill.
Mr. RUTHVEN gave notice of a motion for an in-
quiry into all sinecures, pensions, and places, with a
view to learn what may he abolished.
Sir T. FREMANTLE gave notice of bringing in a Bill
for disfranchising the borough of Stafford.

On the motion of Mr. C. WOOD, the Clandestine
Outlawries Bill was read a first time.
ADDRESS TO THE KING.

Mr. LEFEYRE moved the address to his Majesty.
He believed that the sentiments of his Majesty's speech
wou'd give universal satisfaction to the House and to the
country at large, especially as it would prove to the
country that his Majesty's Government were not the mere
organs of reckless persons having nothing in view but the
destruction of property, but that, with the assistance of
this Parliament, they would, in the correction of all abuses,
preserve the greatest possible respect for private
property, and the maintenance of the existing institutions.
There could not be a better test or proof of this determi-
nation than the measure to which his Majesty alluded in
his speech—namely, the abolition of slavery in the British
colonies.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding all the arguments
to prove the doubtful legality and vicious origin of slave
property, this House, in the achievement of that glorious
object, regarded the rights of private property, and made
a sacrifice almost unparalleled in history.—(Hear, hear.)
While this measure had given satisfaction to the country,
and had had the happiest effects upon the slaves themselves,
he was not without hope that it would be the
means of producing the entire abolition of slavery in all
parts of the world.—(Hear, hear.) And since the
people of England had made so great a sacrifice
without a murmur, would ■ot the people of the
United States, who appreciated like ourselves the

value of free institutions, follow the example, and
no longer suffer the continuance of negro slavery
within their country?—(Hear, and cheers.) His Ma-
jesty had directed the attention of the House to the benefits
to be derived from the inquiries of the Ecclesiastical,
Municipal, and Poor Law Commissions. He trusted
, inquiry
would at 110 very distant period, the municipal
would receive the attention of that House, and that those
principles would be applied to corporations which bad
been applied to the reformed House of Commons, and
given the people confidence in it.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") With respect to the Ecclesiastical Commis-
sion, be thought the information it would produce
would remove the exaggerated opinions which pre-
vailed respecting the revenues of the Church ; and
Parliament being put in possession of that information
would be better able to define what measures are best
to be adopted for the interests of true religion and the
safety of the Established Church.—(Hear, hear.) In
reference to the commission on the poor laws, it would
he found that the evils complained of arose, not so much
from the present system as from the management under
which it was conducted. The agricultural labourer
ought to be in a better condition now than formerly,
but under the present system of administering the poor
laws he had lost that spirit of independence which
once distinguished hina.—( Hear.) He now dem indel
that as a right which was intended as a matter of fa-
vour.—( Hear, bear.) In addition to this, the spirit of
idle dependence was prolonged and extended, for he
brought up his children without shame or remorse to
claim parish relief.—(Hear, hear.) Deprived as the
agricultural labourer was of education, which after all
was sparingly imparted—(Hear)—and seeing the superior
comforts of those around him, he had been led into those
acts of insubordination which disgraced the winter of
1830, and driven to commit those incendiaries which left
such a deep stain in history. He (Mr. L•-fevre) trusted
'hat this Parliament would, in its wisdom, find an
effectual remedy for this distressing state of things.
As to the course of foreign policy which this Government
was pursuing, the information respecting the Turkish
empire was very gratifying, and he hoped it might be
hailed as the dawn of a better state of things. But that
branch of our foreign policy which gave the greatest
satisfaction was the intercourse now subsisting be-
tween this country and the kingdom of France.—
,Loud cries of " Hear.") He trusted that the spirit
of rivalry, and those absurd prejudices which once ex-
isted, were now utterly exploded, and that this Parlia-
ment would do all in its power to make the alliance of the
two countries still closer, because there was no other
security for the effectual promotion of free institutions in
all parts of the world, nor any better means of checking, as
much as possible, the encroachments of despotic power.
The state of the revenue must also give the greatest satis-
faction, and he could wish th it there was not an excep-
tion to be made on the present occasion respecting the
state of the country; bu', from the evidence lung before
laid upon that tahle, and their own experience, they were
compelled to admit that the agricultural interests, which
were the most important in the kingdom, were
labouring under the greatest depression.—(Hear, hear.)
It was impossible for the corn-grower at present to make
any profitable use of his capital ; and were it not for the
present existing high prices of stock, many occupiers of
land and owners would be insolvent.—(Hear, hear.)
Let him not be supposed to be an advocate of high
prices : he wished to show merely that the agriculturists
were not only made to bear the burdens of the State,
bnt had a much larger share thrown upon them than any
other class.—(Hear, bear.) The Hon. Member read a
statement to prove the effect of local taxation upon a spot
of ground comprising 3,500 acres, in a population of
1,277,000, in which the poor rates and other taxes made
the whole more than 11. per head ; but there was
another burden to which he hoped their attention would
he shortly drawn, viz., the tithes.—(Cries of " Hear.")
He understood it was the intention of Government to
introduce a plan of computation, or some other mode of
reduction. He was not disposed to sanction, for one
moment, that proposition which, he regretted to say, had
found support among a large body of agriculturists in the
west of England, that one_thirtieth of the produce of the
land should be given to the titheowners instead of
one-tenth. He knew that titheholders deprecated
any attempt to interfere with their claims, but he trusted
they would see the necessity of coming forward liberally
to assist in the extinction of this burden. He trusted
that something of this kind would be done not only to
relieve the titbe-payers, but also to spare the receivers
the moral degradation to which they had been subjected.
This alteration would also relieve the agricultural labourers,
whose case he did not consider hopeless, because his present
depression proceeded only from unnatural causes.—(Hear,
hear.) There was only one other topic to which it was
his duty to allude, viz., the state of Ireland, and the de-
termination of his Majesty's Government to apply legis-
lative rigour to that country. He hoped this determina-
tion would receive the cordial support and vote of that
House.—(Hear and cheers.) It was not for want of
sympathy for the sufferings of that unfortunate coun-
try he advocated such a measure, but with the
deepest conviction that it would be for the good of Ire-
land, and an act of kindness towards it. Even if it were
not so, were there no other persons whose consent should
he obtained to a question that was warmly agitated there ?
Were the representatives of England and Scotland to have
no voice in the matter? Must they submit to the dicta-
torial language there openly uttered?—(Hear, hear.)
He called upon the Irish Members, who advocated
the measure to which he alluded, as they valued the peace
and prosperity of their country, to lose not a moment in
bringing that question to an immediate issue.—(Hear,
hear.) But let them not suppose that, by a system of
reckless conduct, by which it was attempted to excite
the passions of the people, they would succeed in in-
timidating the Government. (Hear, hear, hear.)
Since that period the Irish Church Bill had passed,
the vestry cese bad been abolished, and the Grand
Jury system had been remodelled; and whatever measure
might be calculated to promote reform in Ireland would
no doubt have the best consideration of the House.
He could not help hoping that that Union which bad
been so ardently desired by even the Catholics them-
selves—(Hear, bear)—and which had secured for them
the blessings of emancipation and a reformed Parliament,
would be preserved inviolate, and by the two countries
being continued through the Union to be identified, there
would be secured for the people of Ireland a full security,
and enjoyment of their civil and religious rights.—(Cheers.)
The Hon. Member then begged to move that a humble
address be presented to his ;Majesty, which he read, being
in substance a recapitulation of the speech.

Mr. MORRISON rose to second the resolution. He
would not touch on the topics that had been
treated so fully and so ably by his Honourable
Friend. The House could not but rejoice at
the statement in his Majesty's speech, that the measure
for the abolition of slavery had been carried so effectually
into operation. It was gratifying also, that notwithstanding
the troubled state of politics abroad, his Majesty had been
able to preserve to this country the inestimable blessings
of peace. That gratification must be greatly increased, from
the recollection that it had arisen in a great measure front
the good understanding that existed between this country
and France.—(Cheers.) He trusted that this would have
a good effect on the commercial affairs of the country.
With respect to the inquiries adverted to in the speech
from the throne, and, more especially, with regard to the
municipal corporations, it was a strong proof that his
Majesty's Government were determined to suffer no
abuses ; and from it the House might hope, that
following those inquiries would he an investigation
into the state of the law of the country, which would
produce a result in perfect harmony with the Reform
Bill.—(Hear, and cheers.) His Honourable Friend,
who was the representative of a county purely agri-
cultural, could speak with a knowledge of the
state of agriculture which it were not po-sible for him
(Mr. M.) to possess. He was sufficiently, however,
acquainted with it to know that it had long been in
a state of suffering ; at the same time the
adjustment of the rents to the price of the produce was
much more common than was generally imagined; but
he could not hope to see the welfare of agriculture
permanently secured until another great question, besides
the poor laws, had been finally settled.—(Cheers.)
He believed the opinion of all commercial men to be in
strict conformity with what his Majesty had stated re-
specting trade. The commerce of last year was much
more prosperous than it bad appeared before. This was
evident from the reports that had been made on making in-
quiries ; but if any doubt existed upon that it would be
removed by the statement of a few facts that he would
take the liberty of relating. First, he would advert to
the Cotton Trade, and the following statement would
establish that it had increased 13 per cent. within a year,
and not less than 88 per cent. comparing the last with
the preceding ten years.
Entered for Home Consumption (quantities), in 1832,
262.29.1,7801b5. • in 18.33, 296,076,6401b5. largest year known
(1823 was 2.05,516,869, increase 46 per cent.)—lncrease 1274, per
cent.
Prices : Exports (Yarn included), declared value in 1833,
17,308,378/. in 1833, 19,6.59,6712/.—lncrease 13 per cent.
Entered for Home Consumption during the last 20 years ; ave-
rage of 10 years from 1814 to 1823,1:20,6•23,7211b5. ; average
of 1@ years from 1824 to 1833, 227,052,85llbs.—Increase &3 per
cent. _ _

He would treat the Woollen Manufacture in the same
way, and try it by the lams test, and the result would

at) be most favourable to the present psospects of the
country.
Entered for Home Consumption (quantities), in the year 1832,
27,748,9121b5. ' • in 1833, 39,618,5031b5.-Increase 42i per Cent.
Prices : English, 1832, Is. 2d. to '2s. ; Increase 711 per Cent.-.
Australian, 1832, Is. lid. to 2s. 9d. ; Increase 43; per Cent.-
Foreign (German and Spanish) average, except the very fine
Foreign.-Increase 40 per Cent.
Exports (declared value), in 1832, 5,479,866/. ; in the year 1833,
0,511,7 t• 0/. (the largest export since 1819).-Increase 18f pr CI.
Australian Imports Bags (of about 2.001b5.), in 1832, 10,4831b5.;
in 1833, 14,9481b5.. Increase 42,1 per Cent.
Comparison of British Prices : Long Wools, in 1825, 20d. ; in
1829, Sd. ; in Ju1y,1833, 15d. • in February, 1834, 25.--Downs,
in 1825, 18d. ; in 1829, 6,1. ; in July, 1833, itid. ; in February,
1834, 2s,
Looking at the rate at whiclrBheep multiplied in a climate
so favourable, and at the proportion in which the woo!
had improved in quality, he could not help thinking that
the colony of New South Wales would become annually
more valuable, and secure to the Mother Country that
superiority in the woollen manufacture which she bad
hitherto maintained. Here he begged leave to pause to
do justice to the late Government as well as to the pre-
sent ; they had originated a series of the most beneficial
changes in our commercial policy, and the present ser-
vants of the Crown, then out of office, bad uniformly
supported the same liberal and enlightened views. It
would be recollected that in 1526 Mr. Holliisson moved
for the repeal of the duty of 6d. per lb. on German wool.
He carried his point with great difficulty, and it was
asserted that it would be equally injurious to the farmer
and to the manufacturer. What had been the result ?
The manufacture had enormously increased, and the farmer
obtained 2s, per lb. for his wool. The following was a
statement of the present condition and improvement in
the silk-trade :-
Entered for Home Consumption (quantity) in 1832, 4,392,073
lbs. ; in 1833, 4,758,45.3 lbs.-increase per cent. 81,i.
Prices, average advance on all sorts, 3j-ranging from 25 to 50
per cent.
Exports, declared value, in 1832, 529,990/. ; in 1833, 740,2944 ;
increase per cent.. 401.
Entered for Home Consumption in the last 20 years (excluding
Thrown) ; Averages for 10 years, trorn 1814 to 1823,
1,580,0133 lbs. per ann. ; averages for 10 years, from 1824 to
183.3, 3,631,810 lbs. Increase 131 per cent.
The Plouse would not fail to bear in mind, that of the
last ten years to which he had referred, and which
showed such a rapid and stetdy improvement, eight had
been years of tree trade.-(Cheers.) The linen trade,
to which be would next draw attention, had suffered in
consequence of the fall in the price of cotton wool, which
had led to the substitution of it in many cases fur flax.
During the last thirty years cotton wool had been con-
stantly becoming cheaper, while flax had experienced no
corresponding depression. The following statement was
applicable to linen and its manufacture :-
Entered for Home Consumption (flax), in 1832,995,512 cwts. ;
in 1833, 1,127,736 cwts. (the largest year before was 1825,
1,018,837 cwts.)-Increase 1314 per cent.
Prices : Exports-Declared value in 1832, 1,783,4321. ; in 1833,
2,199,4411.-Increase 231,4 per cent.
Entered for Home Consumption during the last 14 years (flax).
7 years, from 1820 to 1826, 4,484,867 cwts. Duties, from 1820
to 1824, sd. ; 1825, 4d. ; 1826, 3d. 7 years, from 1827 to 1833,
6,586,130 cwts. Duties, 1827, 2d. ; 1828 to 1833, Id.-Increase
464 per cent.
The progress of the trade in Dundee had, indeed, been
quite astonishing. The import of flax, in 1814, was
3,000 tons. During the year ending Miy 31, 1831, there
were imported into Dumb e 15,010 tons of flax and 3,062
tons of hemp. In the year ending May 31, 1833, the
imports were, tons of flax, 18,777; tons of hemp, 3,380.
The exports had increas,d in an equally astonishing de-
gree. In the year ending May 31, 1831, it was calcu-
lated that there were shipped off 50,000,000 yards of
linen, 3,500,000 yards of sail cloth, 4,000,000 yards of
bagging-in all 57,500,000. The imports of the raw
material (flux and hemp), in the year ending May 31,
1833, might he taken as worth 700,0001., as the exports
in the same year amounted to 1,600,000/., the difference of
900,0001. remained to be divided between wages and pro-
fits. He might add that the trade was still increasing in
Scotland so fast that it almost threatened to come into
successful competition with the cotton trade of England.
Another great breach of commerce was the Iron Trade,
and the result here was almost as gratifying :-
1' rice of bar iron in Wales raised from 41. 15s. to 71. (in April
last it was (1.). Increase in Wales 50 per cent.
Exports, declared value- In 1832, 1,190,7481. ; 1833, 1,425,723/.
Increase per cent. 1934.
1: was not an unimportant fact, that large orders for iron
had been received from abroad, and especially from the
United States. That enterprising country seemed anxious
to profit by the example ot the inhabitants of Liverpool and
Manchester.-(Hear.) Rail-roads upon a most extensive
scale bad been commenced, or were completed ; and on this
account, hereafter, the orders fur iron might be still larger.
At this moment it was probably checked, in some
degree, by the high price of iron, and by the difference
between the President and the Bank of the United
States. He hoped that another country, much nearer
our own shores, would soon pursue a aimilir course-
that France, ere long, would be one of our greatest cus-
tomers for iron ; and it was scarcely possible that a people
so enlightened should long continue to pay a high price
for an article merely because,it was produced at home.
The Hon. Member said, that though he touched shortly
on the leading subjects of the address, yet he was sorry to
have so long trespassed on the )louse-(Hear)-but he
still felt it his duty to allude to another subject contained
in the speech, and that was the state of Scotland ; and he
was happy to he able to say that the condition of that coun try
was far better than it had been for a long period, and the
m irch of improvement was coequal with any part of the
British dominions.-(Cheers.) The linen trade was in
a far more prosperous condition than it had been for 20
years previous.-(Hear, hear.) There was also a great
improvement in other branches of trade in that country ;
the number of persons in employment was greater, and
the capital of the country was larger, than at any former
period.-(Hear, hear.) There was ample testimony of
the nature of machinery in that country, for the poor
man who had brought up his family to the hand-loom
now found other employment for them. Wages were
likewise higher, and that arose upon the principle that
whatever benefitted the master was sure to extend the be-
nefit to the servant.-(Cheers.) The improvement of
machinery was a sure pledge for the promotion of trade;
and, as a testimony of it, he would trouble the House with
reading an extract from a letter which he had received
from Glasgow, and it stated that from the improvements
in machinery, such were the profits on the manufac-
tures, that wages had increased 10 or 12 per cent.,
because the improvement in machinery afforded a re.
munerating profit to the manufacturer, in which
the servant participated, who, instead of bringing up an
infant family to the hand-loom, the manufacturer of which
could not afford a profit to either master or servant,
that family was now brought up to an occupation
which was sure to secure to them the comforts of existence.
-(Cheers.) Independently of that, the improvement in
machinery supplied a large exportation of fancy goods
to the American and Persian markets. He would now
ask permission of the House for a very few minutes
to allude to the state of Ireland-(Hear, hear)-the state
of whose manufactures was visibly improved. The linen
trade, the staple manufacture to which the country was
so indebted, was prosperous. There was also another
branch of that manufacture which flourished, and that
was attributable to the improvement of machinery, and
that was the mill-spun yarn. A very short period ago
there was not a single mill in existence, and now be was
happy to say that there were nine or ten in the
neighbourhood of Belfast.-(Hear, bear, and cheers.)
In fact, there were the best prospects for Ireland, as far as
regarded her manufactures. All she required was her
own industry, and the infusion of British capital.-
(Cheers.) Why manufactures did not flourish in the
South of Ireland, where every circumstance combined to
make them do so, having the command of the British as
well as the foreign markets, he could not say, though he
must admit, that there were two or three
prosperous manufactories in that country ; but why
they were not general, could only be attributable to out-
rage and agitation.-(Loud cheers.) No country pos-
sessed greater attractions-land was moderate, labour
cheap, and she possessed most unequalled geographical ad-
vantages. He was free to admit that in Ireland there
were evils to be redressed, and wrongs to be remedied.--
(Cries of" Hear" from Mr. O'Connell.) He would not then
enter into that question which so agitated the country.
He meant the repeal of the Union.-(Hear, hear.) He
had heard a great deal of arguments in its favour, but
there were many against it which demanded the greatest
consideration. He was not disposed then to enter into that
question, but this he would say that any division of interests
amongst these countries would prove detrimental to both.
He would conclude by seconding the address. He had felt
it his duty to say thus much as an independent Member of
Parliament, and he offered his grateful acknowledgments
for their having carried that measure which the feelings
of the country rendered necessary.-(llear, hear.)
The STEALER. having read the motion for as address,

Colonel EV ANS rose—He did not anticipate any great
information from the gracious speech which was made
from the throne, because from time immemorial such
speeches were considered of a very vague and undefined
description, but the document now before the House, in
his opinion, rivalled all its predecessors in that respect.
The business of the last session bail been particularly
dwelt upon, and, as he thought, unnecessarily. In the
address now before the House he was sorry to see so much
allusion to agricultural distress, because lie was not
aware until this moment of any peculiar distress under
which that class laboured.—(No, na ; a❑d Hear, hear.)
The few remarks which he should have to offer would
partake more of lamentatio❑ for the manufacturing
classed, than for the agricultural.—(Hear, bear.) He

regretted that nothing was prooliel by way of eco oowy,
or reduction of taxes, particularly those which were FO
much complained of by the inhabitants of the me-
tropolis; he alludr d to the house and window taxes.
He hoped the Noble Lord opposite would give some
prospect of a repeal of those taxes—(Hear, hear)—
' otherwise his anticipation that the Noble Lord intended
to retain them would be realised. Those taxes pressed
with such extraordinary unfairness on the metropolis that it
paid more than all Scotland. The repeal of them was first I
advocated by some of the Members of the present Govern-
ment on the ground of their being a war tax, and the feeling
in the public mind respecting them was aggravated on ac-
count of the disproportion with which they were levied. If a
tradesman wished to open a garret window, and a noble-
man wished to have an extra drawing-room window,
the former would have to pay eight shillings or nine
shillings, while the latter would only pay one shilling
and sixpence; therefore it was impossible that the tax could be
deemed a fair one. The Hon. Mover had complained of
the burdens on the agricultural class, and had given in-
stances of the heavy poor rates in two or three different
counties. Certainly those rates were heavy, but they
were caused chiefly by the abuse of the labour-rate, and
he hoped that would be altered. It was, however, no
proof of the distress of the agricultural interest.—
( Hear, hear.) The direct tax on boosts and win-
dows in the metropolis produced about three millions,
while the resources of the metropolis did not keep pace
with many other parts of the country. It was well known
that the silk trade, the Indian trade, and many others
which were chiefly confined to London, were now to a con-
siderable extent distributed amongst other towns, and yet,
by returns laid before the House, it appeared that one-
third of the whole amount was levied on the metropolis,
while not above one eighth or one tenth of the house pro•
perty of the country was situated in the metropolis. The
repeal of the window tax was brought forward
in 1924 and 1525 by souse of the Members of
the present Government, among whom were the
present Lord Chancellor, the Chief Commissioner of
Wriods and Forests, the Secretary of the Treasury, and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Hon. and
Gallant Member read the motion, which was then made,
from the Journals of the House. Those gentlemen
thought that its repeal ought to be the first and imme
diate measure, and yet after a lapse of ten years, they
seemed to think it ought to be the last.—(Hear, hear.)
There was another objection to those taxes, namely,
that although the Reform Bill was intended to extend the
suffrage, they hail the eff et of depriving probably 100,000
voters of that privilege. He hoped, therefore, to
hear that it was intended to repeal them.—(Hear.)
He thought it would be the duty of some of the Hon.
Members for Ireland to move an amendment upon those
expressions in the speech of his Majesty, in order to save
tt e Ministers front the unpleasant consequences which
might ensue. With regard to Portugal, he hoped the
inlerroation which some newspapers ventured to put forth,
respecting an expected separation or hostility between
Spain and Portugal, would be esteemed by the House as he
esteemed it, unworthy of credence. He believed the
present Regent of Lisbon to be well disposed to that
country, and the Government having declared its inten-
tion formerly to observe a strict neutrality between the
contending parties, he hoped he was safe in saying there
was not the slightest grounds for supposing that this
country would interfere with the internal affairs of Por•
tugal. In re'erenee to the state of affairs in the East,
he thought some decisive measures should be taken for the
prevention of arty undue influence, affecting the commer-
cial interests of this country. As to Poland, it was time
some documentary evidence should be laid before the House,
with a view to institute a proper inquiry as to how far
this Government would be justified in interfering in the
affairs of that unfortunate country.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
He would venture to say that the main causes of the dis-
tresses among the industrious classes of people were the
monopoly of the corn trade and the oppressive system of
t ixation which had been so long continued. The Right
Hon. Vice-President of the Board of Trade in 1830, in
one of the most able speeches that probably bad ever been
addressed to that House, had most accurately pointed out
these grievances—pointed out the necessity of having a
new system of taxation, and an entirely reformed fiscal
code. Many of the circumstances existed now which were
in existence then. Now that Right Hon. Gentleman had
given the most wholesome advice to the Chancellor of the
Exchequer of that day; he was sorry he had not given
the same good advice to his Noble Friend with whom he
was now in office. As to the pressure of taxation on the
landed interest, he would take leave to read two or three
sentences from a speech of the Right Hon. Baronet,
Member for Dundee. Those extracts would show no wild
and visionary views, but the sentiments of a gentleman
completely of the aristocratic school ; and from the whole
of the evidence it would clearly appear that the
words in the address were completely disproved. There
could be no doubt that Government would have
done infinitely better had it proceeded at once,
and manfully, to relieve the industrious people of
this country from the forty millions of taxation
which was so heavily pressing upon them, and then, in-
deed, the commerce of the country might have been ex-
pected to prosper. In many of the speeches that had been
made in that House, and in some pamphlets which had
been sent forth to the public, the commencement generally
was a tirade against those who had entertained wild and
unreasonable prospects of immediate advantage to be derived
from the acts of those in office. He could not plead guilry
to that. He had looked up to many in office with that
high respect to which, as individuals, they were un-
doubtedly entitled, but he must now view them by their
acts, and he was afraid that, by viewing them by their
acts, there would be found no inconsiderable portion of
alloy predominating in the prevent Cabinet. The reform-
ing Ministers and the reformed Parliament had com-
pletely disappointed the hopes of the country.—
( Hear. ) Therefore, he was not now disposed to
facilitate their measures, us he bad heretofore done, should
they be of a similar character to those which they had
already brought to the notice of Parliament. When he
recollected that a large portion of the members of this
Government had obtained their popularity from former
declarations of liberal opinions—when most of them
had previou'ly declared themselves to be favour-
able to short Parliaments, and yet this Cabinet
seemed rigidly to adhere to a septennial duration—
when lie recollected that many of them spoke in the most
that prompt terms against keeping up a large standing army,
a
mainthtaeincinnlgoniaets, twhihsiephrtehseenret
momentnd
yet
an army the
y w
o f 33e,r0e00 in
was no power on earth in a condition, or would venture
to molest—when he recollected the eloquent declarations
made against the then calumniated Tories in their con-
duct towards Ireland, which was now governed by harsher
measures, and by the maintenance of a larger army than it
ever bad been visited with before—when he recollected that
the House had been told by the Noble Paymaster of his
Majesty's Forces, that the Reform Bill would increase the
constituency of Ireland to about one million more voters
than it had before, and yet by the restrictive clauses
that had been introduced into that Bill the whole of the
voters in Ireland did not amount to more than 500,000—
when he recollected that one of the great pledges of the
present Government's coming into office was their deter-
mination to observe strict economy, and yet that the
country was now 29,000,0001. deeper in debt than it
was a year or two ago, principally occasioned by the
extraordinary slave measure, he felt that he could not now
facilitate the measures of Government, and he regretted the
part he had taken in keeping up the character of Govern-
ment during the excitement that prevailed upon the
Reform Bill. The Hon. Member concluded by saying,
he regretted to be compelled to state that there were in
that reformed House of Commons not less than 100
placemen and pensioners.
Mr. HUME said it was not his intention to follow the
other speakers through all the details into which they had
entered, nor to discuss the personal merits of any one
who assisted in drawing up the address. The simple
duty of the House on the present occasion was to notice
the views of his Majesty's Ministers, and what measures
would be consequent upon those views.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) He would call upon his Majesty's Ministers
to do that which they asked their predecessors to do,
to print the speech, the address, and the amendments,
and to allow the House 24 hours for consideration. He
considered that necessary, that the House might do jus-
tice to itself and the country. It was not possible for
any one to carry away so long a speech, and address, or
to give a decision upon them in five minutes. He re
joiced in the political relation between this country and
France, and would rejoice in commercial friendship. But
what did the deliberative assembly of that country do ? Did
they follow the example which the corrupt Parliament of
England had introduced ? No. When his Majesty delivered
a speech they took time to reflect upon it before they gave
their answer. He recollected, that on one occasion a Hon.
Baronet moved an arnendmest, and the postponement dale
further consideration of the address, and be was very
much mistaken if every man now on the Treasury Bench
did not support that motion.—(Hear, hear.) He thought
he was only doing justice to Ministers to remind them of
that circumstance. The people bad been taught to expect
much from the reformed Parliament, and
they
had a right
to expect it. Let the Government, then, place the
House in a proper position, and not call for an answer,
without allowing time for deliberation. He had sel-
dom beard in that House a speech, either from a mover or a

seconder of an address, which had given him greater
satisfaction than the present..—(Hear, hear,
,hear.) He
thought both Hon. Gentlemen bad in a great
measure made up for the omissions of his Majesty's
Ministers. The Honourable Mover had exposed
the deplorable state of ignorance existing among
the agricultural population, and urged the neces-
sity of an ample provision for their education, of which
there was not one word in the speech, although there
was, amongst his Majesty's Ministers, a Noble Lord,
who bad rode on popularity for many years, by
making that subject prominent in all his public addresses ;
and who, at the fag end of the last session, proposed the
paltry sum of 20,0001. towards the education of the
people of England. Was it to be supposed that they could
have bad such a speech from a Ministry in which there were
two Noble Lords who made national education their theme
From January to December, and one of whom was the
private counsel of the King ?—(Hear.) Some allusion
was made to foreign despots, but it would be well to take
a lesson from despotic Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Look at
her efforts to raise the moral condition of her people, anti
what were the King of Prussia and the Governments of
Belgium and France doing? They were applying all the
means they possessed for the purpose of advancing the
td
ehre
revenuesgraiit o t
eb
but gprheel
which were unfor-
2inOlp,
whichoroo Ov
nel.m, l i
gehnot
tti
hohefe
thus
tliunderstood p
appropriated,g opl
e.
there He
the
iven his Majesty's Ministers a pretty .
Rt uenvaetveel
ny
dunder t. Ite
(eAo n tl raoolgohf.
)m y
TLhoer d
lion.Soh at nsde
e,Sroohn,edroeerrhad
g was
not one word in the speech about the reduction of
a good deal said of
g great attentions to
independence of other countries, and of
etixiepinendairinret,oafn‘dvhtahtertehfeo;eoohgishtHtfooon. Friend
rielaivnedr had j
oenlaet.ionsT,uhsaettriegdiv,vtheanes
supporting
owuarsyonuont go
nael i‘evso, 1e
people of England. After all the expectations that
ht
been raised that the people should have the benefit of
t
peace, which he was as anaious as any man to preserve,
rt.
(11 a
hot Queensth eo f
a m Spain
elio r andati o
n Poorft
tuigi
ea lt, a buts_ iitcilr
hdeatr(nei
nothing was done. Of what use was peace, however
long protracted, if the taxes which war had intro-
duced were still continued ? (Hear, hear, hear.)
As to the state of the colonies, be very much doubted
whether the benefits of the measure which had been so
highly extolled, would be found equal to the wishes of
the friends of the slaves. Let bins be understood ; he did
not object to the principle of the measure, but to the man-
ner in which it was effected. Very flattering observations
were made about the state of the revenue, and he con-
sidered the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, pledged to a reduction of taxation, especially
as the revenue was so flout.ishieg, and economy was
to be introduced. He thought seriously that this was
an omission which would excite the suspicion of the
people, and he would tell the people of England, from his
own experience, that he never knew a Government in-
tending to reduce taxation without giving an indication of
it in the:speech from the throne. It was evident, then,
that the continuance of existing institutions, and the
k eping up of taxation, was to be the order of
the day; this he would tell the people of England;
and further, that they must expect no reduction until, by
their united voice, they compelled Ministers to make St,—
and on this ground, as well as others, he protested against
the speech.—(Hear.) He was happy to bear, by the
statements of his Hon. Friend, that the manufac-
turing interests were in a more favourable position than
formerly, and he also regretted with him the depression of
the agricultural districts. Tne latter was owing to mo
nopolies, and causes which favoured those monopo;iet.
The proprietors of lend fancied they were benefitting then -
selv, s by the present system. But the fact was, they were
doing injury to their own property and to the country at
large. He was quite w filling to second any effert which
might be made to put the agricultural population on the
same footing with other classes of the community in
reference to taxation. There ought to be no par-
tiality; partial acts often failed to benefit the per-
sons for whom they were intended.—(Hear.) He had
no doubt that those who now supported those measures
would by and by come round to his views ; for he recol-
lected, in the case of Ireland, when only twenty-eight
Members, of whom he was one, voted her the removal
of the restrections of the linen trade in Ireland ; yet,
in less than three yeats, he had an application front
the party who formerly oeposed the measure to support it.
He would then pass to the working of the Reform Bill.
He felt that the people were bound, or at least war-
ranted, to call upon Ministers to complete the good work-
ing of that measure, to which they owed their elevation
to, or at any rate their continuance in, office. In com-
paring the speech delivered by his Majesty that day with
the speech which the present Government advised the
same gracious Monarch to deliver at the opening of the last
session of Parliament, he could not but feel that the dis-
crepancy which appeared fully warranted him in imputing
to that Administration the grossest inconsistency. He
would entreat the attention of the House to the exact
words of the speech pronounced from the throne on the
sth of February, 1833. His Majesty on that memorable
occasion said—" Your attention will also be directed to
the state of the Ctiurch, more particular ly as regards the
temporalities and the maintenance of the clergy. The
complaints which have arisen from the collection of tithes
appear to require a change of system which, without dimi •
nishing the means of maintaining the established clergy in
respectability and usefulness, may prevent the collision of
interests, and the consequent disagreement and dis-
satisfaction, which hive too frequently prevailed,
between the ministers of the church and their parishioners.
It may also be necessary for you to consider what reme-
dies may be applied to acknowledged abuses, and whether
the revenues of the churchfe front
to
situationshmn etayyt
onh oaieemtdotai
:an(
o:emoi
that
Itiesnionieetnioodai
tnitrsh.
yoeivaershradtplieefnesamrarocsrw:ral, e,iiatoaoatscfnei•fe
ettsuhhntoi
Majesty
table and judicious distribution." To that important ques-
r
tion the attention of the Parliament had been directed by
the present ministers of the Crown, and what was the
course which after that recommendation they thought pro-
per to pursue? They, forsooth, introduced a Tithe Bill,
but it was scarcely more than introduced when it was
abandoned, and in the speech at the close of the session
the Government thought evidently that the only prudent
thing they could do was to avoid all mention of that abor-
tion of a reform, their measure respecting the state of the
church. Every rational man in the community laughed
at the idea of humbugging the country with such a thing.
Now really it did appear to him inconceivable how any per-
sonswC fillingritohwna ee theohul da lsirpagevseepeohnt responsible
stourdeliver
that that
th
they should
It
hwasav eto d hn
speech of last year, but that they should have bad the
rashness to hazard such an address to the Legislature
when that storm was gathering over their heads, of which
be witnessed the unequivocal indications at every public
meeting he had attended for some time past. He con-
fessed he could not advert to those subjects without strong
feelings of regret and indignation. Who could, without
admitting the influence of such feelings, refer to their
proposition for legalizing pluralities ? Ministers at the
commencement of last session said that they would
submit to Parliament a measure for putting an end to
acknowledged abuses, yet the whole session passed away
without one word being said upon the subject. To day
they certainly had given no promises, and perhaps
that was scarcely so bad as what they had dune last
year—namely, to be most lavish of promises which
yielded no results : it was a difficult matter to determine
which plan of operation was the more disastrous to the
interests of the country, or to their character as politi-
cians. Little did they know of the temper and feeling of
the country, if they thought they could go on with
s
estimate
sunticyinlamdesaf at
oetfshyefNst
those meetings
.1
eepeuLt
vigecds
sswwe
andniisjthi
imehdeßtnhhti
egeohdf
Right
tsohutureoel dsneso. impressaunnhdter when
Gentlemeniii‘,tvehouilpcithoen wouldit
discontent of
uni-
formly impressed
l thiat that
mentionetlhf
eou
fpt
time
euhrhicsandrorai wheneverenrfdroirymed,,wvas
received
he
ee
ve(i attendedata
ittro%
vnhehn ol the country l
vcchdeohi
thingeu-s tohn hot
eanr yn
fyetweh
Irishee
yr e
haßomand daily , a callingns
Ct donet t
hveoh worthrei tcn osh from
thath,
ee r. He wilihed he
cpouublidiccmoneveetyingtto.ahnethmdcemctooeurlsdtonliteetbhuintgsul ickceeeadn
iindedaooinfgthe
that, mannerti
ospnelakthinegpaoyinoweanst to
necessarytlrlaett'leeosr; was not a man in England who did pro-
posed,Tiiot
expect, and who was not perfectly warranted in expect-
ing, that similar relief would he given to the people of
The
wisheso Lord
oy f
opposite
pe. uoct thattue ttattempt
'
took
from
by confiningil
meetingCuu hi th e
the Noble
teteeommpwepe lratiase ttunioloenshaPe:tpstoshr he
wash:uetl.
continue a tax that was unequal, partial, and unpopular ?
Indeed, the unpopularity alone would be in his opinion a
very strong ground to call for the repeal of any tax.
Could any man think that the church was supportt fly
any thing like the great body of the people ? and most
assuredly the mode by which the revenues of the church
were collected was any thing but acceptable either to the
mass of the people, or to the more intelligent and reflect-
ing few whose opinions had influence with the public.
The abhorrence of tithes was, however, not confined to a
few—it spread itself far and wide ; there was not a man
from one end of the empire to the other who did not feet
tithe as a most grievous impost, galling in the mode
collection, objectionable as to the nature of its applie,tion,
and, most of all, to be condemned as an impediment Cu

agricultural improvement and a tax
b a rubPa°raia ian
er
this country ought to be ashamed. It had long het,
a matter of boast in this country that, of all
nations of Enter, we were the furthest advanced
the career of civilization, and, yet, would it be believe"
that England was the only land in which this rarnntre,
of barbarism was to be found ; and there they
witWe
the remotest prospect of getting rid of any
in the second session of a reformed Parliament,
oo!
r of those IoW
td oufst virYh
(Hear, hear.) It was an ancient :reil
lf
lerable burdens ? Did any Hon. Member flatter hi
Fof
with the notion that the vague and indefinite langlisq,?
Yes, forsooth, they were to legislate on it " in duel,.
son." He should be glad to learn what was meani
iv;
" due season ;" who could explain that which mght
asc,e
the King's speech meant anything apploaching to aelile.i3,
anything or nothing? It was upon grounds such
.4
had stated that he could not give his assent to any add' s,
being a mere echo of the speech, and therefore any
ettae ,
sat down he should move an amendment, pledging ,
House to those principles which Ministers themselves roc,
fessed twelve months ago; and vet it was almost
much to expect consistency from those who, to the num'r
of 275, gave a vote which oso were found a dor
two afterwards to rescind. Had there ever been el:
thing of that stilt even in the days of the the
reagh Administrations, which the Membera of t
her as the days of whipping-in and dragooning the IP° a
the present Government had denounced times out of our
of Commons? The whole annals of the unreformed
liament presented nothing so disgraceful. Last year t"
cry of Ministers was " Give 114 time." Well, the Plit:
liament did give them time, and after all nothing
done ; and the end of the session came, and still there 0,/,
nothing but promises :—" wait, wait till next session;
and now the second session had arrived, and so far ha°
an attempt at performance, they had not even the greet:
make a promise. Ministers could manage to be silent e,„
some important topics—they could be vague and indefienei
on others; but when they came to a subject that snit
their taste, they could be abundantly specific and pees
vise. The only subject they did handle in detail was t.r
state of Ireland, and there they indulged in denuno
tions which, to say the least of them, were uncalled fbri,
indeed, they were little else than denunciations directest
against an individual. It well became the Government
of a great country to put into the mouth of the Monarch:
in addressing the legislature, a notice of matters that
ong
rather to have excited contempt than any other feeling:,
but how great were little things to little men ; to tbef
ai-torted vision Daniel O'Connell appeared the ruler
Ireland, and all that related to him they viewed thromil,go,
a medium in which every thing appeared out of itssal
preportions. What had lyen the language unifor o
1!
pos
held by the Noble Lords aud RightGentleme.hoPit
ite when they sit at his side of the House ?—awlt
an exception, they said, in order to quiet the discomen on;
the people, remove the it:uses of that discontent; and
that they occupied the Treasury Bench, their plan syta,
not to remove the causes of the discontent, but to es
er,
mutate the discontented parties at the point ref the bayoo.eitf
(Hear, hear.) Ile was sure that in thus expressing 11(
honest sentiments, he was but speaking the opinions °
millions of his fellow-countrymen : but the Kings ;a:
verntnent seemed as if these considerations were 0f
portance to them ; they took all with the most perfect in—'
ference, and went on as did their predecessors before
rheot
Like their predecessors, they wanted the courage to In •
their difficulties in the face; they had not the p-enetratf
to see that a thorough reform in the church was easetin'ii
to the prosperity of the country ; that that reform sh°u;
be decisive and immediate, appeared to him a prapositit'
which no man in his senses would think of controverting'
unless biassed by some sinister interest, and yet what Wig:
the lancuage they had that day heard from the throne:ll
It was this—" Many other important subjects will 5,,t1
call for your most attentive consideration. The rer":111
which I trill order to be laid before you from the Consouni
sions appointed to inquire into the state of the :Voice,
Corporations, into the administration and effect of thorn%
Laws, and into Ecclesiastical Revenues and Patronage
England and Wales, cannot Lill to afford you much ueerj
in.ormation ;" and then it goes on to say that they utotV
be enable d to judge "in what manner the necessary cot' ,
rections may in due season be safely and beneficially al"
plied." Here, then, they came back upon that selfsalli;
vague and indefinite phrase "in due season." WM.,
due season to let them arrive at the second action?
of the Reformed Parliament and nothing do
No men certainly more fully possessed the power VT,
they to serve the country, for they could cornoldp
majority in that House for useful purposes such as occh;t,
before supported any administration ; they had int'of
H use a majority prepared to go with them to the root t
every abuse, and were they to be told, after the triurrlblf,;
alter the moral victory which they bad achieved, that WI
were to have no lead from the Administration in the Wt,
of amelioration—that they were not to redeem the Pleug'd
with which they entered the Cabinet ? Afer Yea° e'
advocacy of the prin tiples of reform on that side orbtbo
House, were they to produce nothing better than suid
namlay pamby sort of thing as the Houses of Parliatnea
had that day heard ? There was nothing energetic int,"i
but that which seemed to denounce the agitators s,
were called—who were not in fact the agitators, bet "`°-8
whichßeto tßhiell, byp res thatsed reductionondit
who, both in England as well as in Ireland, refused to rerla,li
di
the causes of discontent by those necessary reforms a' the
nets to be regarded as the natural consequence. ° etc
which was loudly demanded, and by relief from t'ra ad'
no of
the
Peep eheabr.)
long been calling aloud for in vain.„....(atear
the fop
The Hon. Gentleman then concluded by Mewing
lowing amendment :
And this House will take into its immediate anedmselo,
consideration " the state of the Church as regards its t
ape
ties, and the maintenance of the clergy, in order to renr:,,,,,g
complaints which have arisen from the collection and le ;oil
of tithes and church rates, with a view to such a system 34isboi
give effectual relief, not only to the members of fthe Estai',ta.
Church itself, but especially to persons who conscientious?,.
yie
sent therefrom, so as to carry into full effect the spirit
c°); the i
Majesty's most gracious recommendation at the opening
first session of the present Parliament."
Tile SPEAKER. having put the question, f*nv
Lord ALTHORP rose, but owing to the rush o.n,odi,
ofr-tublic establishatte.oo,
hers to the seats in the side Gallery he was at first idactreo
ble. He stated that he felt himself called upon to ?'„. bad
a few words to the House upon the speech whicel4.,
just fallen from the Honourable Member the
Hume),—a speech which attacked every part of
conduct of his Majesty's Government in the st ,ed to
terms.—(Hear.) Before lie (Lord Althorp) also
the amendment, he begged leave to set that Hon. Al,e_
right upon one of his assumptions upon what was to
Due
0361
derstood from the speech. That Hon. Member had o,atetit
that because no specific reduction of taxes had been "tool
it was not proposed to effect any reduction. The ccia stort
was the fact ; for he (Lord Althorp) was happy
that the state of the revenue was such that a red° lib
could be made.—(Cheers.) He was not sanguine
to say that it was such a reduction as would satisfYi
Hon. Member ; that he was not prepared to say I,*
notwithstanding the addition which had been made
the expenses of the country by the West India grant, f
the resources of the country were such, that a redo°
in the taxes might be made.—(Cheers.) The
ought not to assume, and the Hon. Member (Mr. 14°.A
ought not to say, that because no reduction was state
the speech from the throne, it was not intended t°
any. Indeed he challenged the Hon. Member to
that in any speech from the throne any reduction
specific tax had ever been recommended. The
Lord apprehended that if such were done it would
least a very unusual occurrence.—(Hear, hear.)
Hon. Member opposite appeared to be astonished tha`
Majesty's Government had not gone into mote part'
in the speech, which was delivered at the con:in:eye'
of the last session, at the same time complaining ;la
Ministers had not fulfilled the pledges implied iniedy
speech. Certainly the session ended, and it was or!
pied in such a way, that many measures
intended to bring forward they were un tble ,
accomplish.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Ale°
spoke of the subject of tithes, and said it was rnent
in the speech last year. He (Lord Althorp) into
a Bill respecting it, and during the discussion 8"
difficulties presented themselves, that he was convir)
that the mode by which he then hoped to remedy the or
could not be maintained. His time had since hennhk, to
plied to the same subject, and he hoped to be a'a-
ntroduce such a measure for the oommutatien
demption of tithes as would satisfy the countrY.--"(s
cheers.) The Hon. Member for Boston (Mr. 'Wilk" y't
this evening asked whit the intention of bis Alietaef
Government was with respect to the disabilities Cord
which the Dissenters laboured ? to which lie (Pd)
Althorp) had replied, that his Noble Friend the -
master of the Forces would give notice this even'
of his intention to bring in a Bill respecting di
!carriages of Dissenters; he agreed that the Dissente!
labour under grievances to which the Ministers vivre
ing the utmost attention in their power, with a vielbe
doing their best towards a remedy..—.(Hear, hear.) of
Hon. Member opposite wished to know the roesrliniab
the words "due season ;" it certainly meant ay.:e
sufficient information was obtained to enable the 1-I'''"
to judge of a measure.—(Hear.) The lion. Alt „oie
seemed to think that his Majesty's speech opened n°
Ord
lor the consideration and amendment of abuses; he (o'4o
Althorp) should have thought that the Hon. DWI

en°ti°a
tisfYbo
ty ;
made .11
duct!oo
e
f 1,0;)
Haw:
,fated be
to
'
nro
to r
00
1.40111" ct
d babe
) bio
that ro
rtic°4t
neeolfirjat
ing ti
in ti',
c-
as
a
tbe,
0
ble
Njenibe
eatiorke
lochice
waii)il
,nvi°c:l
the ea,,l
ieeo or,(y
able
and re;
9.0 h-dy
ot
~la
er
.9 uP
(I'°'
10 Pad„
'
veatog
e
tb
ing I
,ter'
re Pial
vie°
rf
), of
Ivo*
wh't
a oll''he'''t
oPI",
t, no

11Perience would have taught him that when his Majesty
lilltd,:d to the Corporations' Commission, the Inquiry into
b
.5e I siastical Affairs, and the Poor Laws, that that was
the mode of intimation which was usually given in a speech
hir.°_t,. the throne, and was enough to call the attention of
:,"larnent to those measures. The Hon. Member wished
e Government to be as specific in the speech as they
(tPete last session, but
experience had proved to him
ared Althorp) the benefit
o the contrary ; for in that
latch subjects were adverted to which it was found
to carry into effect. The Honourable Member
it "ut that the Government had it in their power
ecaretY every thing they chose ; but did not the Hon.
II Muer recollect that there were on the books of the
fuattir not less than 134 notices of motions for this ses-
of te He (Lord Althorp) hoped and trusted that most
oe motions would not he pressed, but that the regu-
lar Ewan
b... 558 of the session might be allowed to proceed.
LI, the whole, be did not think Ministers required any
rettlication for not being more specific than they had
diet The opinion formed by the Hon. Member opposite,
bu'hne did not intend to bring forward certain measures,
tett ad, shown to be incorrect. As to taxation, it was
Isttlida'Y incorrect; and as to other subjects, they would
titraught forward as soon as they were in a proper awe.
jetu Hanourable Member had complimented—and most
for Y.'s-the mover and seconder of the address.—(Hear.)
411"" waa an address more ably moved and seconded.
114-tr.) With regard to one part of the speech of the
tsti* "'ember, that Government ought to look on the agi-
(1,4 in Ireland with contempt, whatever might be his
taterealth"P'B) feelings, that off contempt he could not
a 4-" s (Hear, bear.) With regard to the amend -
1.4
latt'Le InTed and trusted, alter having stated what was
it to to be done, that the House would not think,
rY to adopt it.—(Hear, hear.) The effect f
1/11% a, en amendment on an address to the Tbrone, it
b_ ell
ssonsm; --,n own, implied a want of the confidence of the
Majesty's Ministers, and therefore he hoped
bssAnae would not adopt the present one.
from •„ssCIBINSON stated, that although the speech
tee* 'le throne bad represented the agricultural in.ie
Pressio. of the country to be in a state of great
Itlittet and the commerce of the country, on the
-
aate ae„"a„Lid a most flourishing condition, he would
to -"PY time in entering into those questions at
tarot: If
he were to relate circumstances which had
the his notice, after what had been stated in
kph' manner l
in which it had, by the t o-
_ 2ltti 17, w mover and seconder of the resolution, it
aothe turn out that there would, or there would
fiee black difference of opinion in the H use. H e wee
4146101114 there was great depres•ion in the agricultu-
afth 'lets, but as to the improving state of the commerce
him. tescaeaatrY, he would entreat the House to bear with
bile he stated what he conceived to be a most
ode mode of measuring the relative improvementsth
4tPo fre ssions that had been detailed, namely, that of .e
444 Profits on the part of the agriculturists, and. thed
Ot~off
tee Tc°f trade, on the other hand, that had been carried
details and figures would prove the flourishing
gitte the countr doubtless this ought to be considered
atite434tvist kosperouyCountry in the known world. He would
-„",lt Ile conceived to be the object of Governeueient
Zittis,-"ng to the appointment of a Counmitt
mad, esiato the agricultural, and on the
foththteoer
%be"' the shipping and commercial state ti
eteyet• It was his honest opinion that Government, in
liti af"Dg to have those inquiries made, did it with a
s_tWtress-ealr"nts expressly that the agricultural interest was
• . 'Slid that commerce was ing a prosperoas condition,
ftirj9l"lloUt meaning to inter the Committees had not been
lecigitiaPPointed, or the inquiries fairly conducted, he
toalll that as far as the moral weight of Government
tneteCkerned, that weight had been exercised to prove
gee" the one hand and prosperity on the other.
ltsee aattonished that the Hun. Member for Ipswich should
bath
hi4krri if it could be said there were any differences
alioeie7,rnmittees upon those subjects. He must have
too that question was calculated (on au occasion,
troite n"." it was alwa s desirable, out of courtesy to the
-lua, that there sh,yuld unaniusiiy) to induce him to
rbd to deny that there was no difference of opinion
try etEoultnitters, in the House, or in the coun-
•tb hear.) He would admit that the distressd
easgrauamtnnerce of the country bad been overcharged an
ittrtoclddratheeadt.thotTi he result of the committee on C •nimerce
Rh the distress was not general, the pro-
- not reward the manufacturers, our the wages pay
the I,.."abourer--(Hear, hear)—and the reason why
°he had which the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo.-
were z
_brought down and was prepared to submit
In the it,earrierl was, that there was a difference of opinion
were
a?isolate; and that the majority of the Members
dencetnt the resolutions, because they thought the evi-
would be ten ° conflicting and inconsistent, that it
better that it should go to the House and
C;aar.)Pwait
resold 001 y
by any remarks.— Hear
thlhippoiy. interestus.d. 001 y
now
ject had beenmake a remark on the
Hewas sorry that the committee on
among other
lOrry that, refused last year, and he felt equally
the shipping interest was considered
in his Majesty's speech,
Ite to be merged in tehoensider d be so unimportant
e to
country. There was a tin al
cowof the
commerce
Was considered to be of sufficient ioce interest
he
the shippinghoto in
point
of •
capital employed in it, and in
to nserit many other respects,
a distinct notice in the speech from the
leTle•--(Hear.) He would ask the Right
oarable Vice-President of the Board of Trade
ea ther single witness had been examined who had not
the most discouraging evidence with respect to the
eLPPIng interests? However, he would at present
ta▪
mgoing from into any of the points of the address with
alioute not only because he considered the present
Ild-rneal to :II tea matter of form than of substance, but
it was alwaysto considered that no man in that
la.°l-- Was leded any measure that might he
hee,l,-ght forward merely because an amendment had not
open Malted, and he neither intended to move nor to second
site.tis If, however, the object of Government was by this
the:" to evade a full and sifting investigation into
Claims catnrn laws, and to justify itself against the
os thebe made against it, for the repeal of some
his d r°ll laves, then he should have at Oust to express
‘tottledePti regret. At the same time he trusted Government
of ot think of resorting to so disingenuous a mode
deed, jading' Whatever might be the aim in this, or, in-
lib ° any other respect, he held himself perfectly at
th:urtytt.o act hereafter upon any measure just as he might
kith tui,lnk fit and ro er. He wished be could believe
tbet7: King's Government, that the state of trade was
teas In condition they seemed to be of opinion. it
Of fee;"bathe seas
Pretty confident there was a conflict
it4rl.lng 011 that subject.
Diet% ll' GRATTAN could not but complain of the
aPeetblll °Missions which were but too apparent in the
whithey had heard read, omissions which he tallat
it% stud Were made, not only for the purpose of covec-
%tier t"'ed faults on the part of the Government, but.
they hl4ll:s_guise other measures of a similar nature, which
leltes for their
Preparation. They had taken. credit to them-
', anA Ileir success in the Coercion Bill. Now he would
'halt -1.7 that in the most unhesitating manner,
material at Bill had altogether failed upon all
If°l. I aPalattl•—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Members
Leilaen. had told them that it would do so, and they.
tf,%n"' thern it was not necessary, to put down a banditti
,the aCtiee.in's County, to suspend the laws of the lan.d.
incrterlaber for Ipswich had never been more mis-
,Tght life than in the statements he had made that
point Wrth respect to Ireland. There was another
1.-41Potiebij. the speech from the throne that it. was
'` for any honest and well-intentioned
t:.) Pass over ; he referred to that passage
ashenciser Majesty was made to express his just in l-
ehouldW'lat had taken lace in Ireland.—( Hear.)
.He
did --i„e glad to know 'fpsuch words had ever been in-
'hen r-ta IC•in 's la ih
before? Had it been done
Mr•lteand teals ins-au:tate of disturbance in the time of
Veit es(); did that Right Hon. Gentleman think. it
!lad tak-ePat in the mouth of his Sovereign that that. which
Just . a plate •
Indt in Ireland at that time called tiltbaneuegnatiou ?--(Hear, hear, hear.) When
dis-
that d took
Place in the colonies, did the Minister
suck aY tnibk it right to advise his Majesty to make use
faults ofe.,.lPressions?
-. teat were not so, were the
hi% Ireland at tit .
intj'etessy to present moment, thatealled upon
b ?„'sa,..Mp tha unhappy country with his "just
the uld the poverty of that country, caused
e -get of
h;1444.;....er ern obility, call down that " just in di
di na-
(Hear, hear.) Where, he would ask, could a
by the be found hardy enough, even if he stood
antl4ide hoof his Majesty with his sword in
e'vereign place in the m iuth of his
in his ; words which held forth a threat to the people
Inent %,,:Julit indignation ?" He asserted that that state-
theuea as false and foul he would not call it calumny,
he had 'le might do so —a one on the people of Ireland, as
asset " ever listened to.— He took upon himself boldly t-
itt that the
:II had People of Ireland were nut dissaffected
have :111veep stated that they were dissatisfied, be could
;4401 laddersetotioodh it, as no people on the farce of the
.rights cause for dissatisfaction.—(Hear.)
-"lntel of the Irish nation were not under the
peed u
.of a single individual, and the House might de
*halt pun it, if that individual fell to-morrow, that spirit
toSi
41' iihd:
!been complained of would still exist. There
r,...P.a.rt of the speech which could not be passed
testy had been advised by his Ministers to

adopt a most unconstitutional proceedine.,—naniely, that of
stating that he was deter toilud not to Nes such and such
a measure. If that writ- to t ron•ide-red ronstitutionil, the
rights of both Houses of Pat- liament would be extinguished.
The Hon. Member concluded by deprecating all coercive mea-
sures, and by declaring that the connection between this
country and Ireland ought not be maintained by force and
violence, but upon the principles of freedom upon which it
was first based, and which alone could insure tranquillity and
peace to either the one or the other.
The gallery was then cleared for a division on Mr. Hume's
amendment; the numbers were—

Ayes ;313
Noes l9l
Majority against the amendment --159
On our readmission into the gallery, Mr. HUME was pre-
senting to the notice of the House a motion which he did not
intend to press to a division, but he wished to have re-
corded upon the minutes of the House. The decision which
hail just been given upon his amendment, was a pretty good
proof that he had not been mistaken 'in saying, that after all
the promises heretofore made of reduction in taxation, there
was no assurance that any such reduction was intended. The
motion was, that after the words in the address " this House
expresses its gratitude for the desire expressed by his
Most Gracious Majesty to secure to the people
the uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessings of
peace,"—these words should be introduced--" That
this House pledges itself to cause such reductions to be made
in all the civil, military, and naval establishments of the coun-
try as will bring home to all his Majesty's subjects the practical
advantages and blessings of that continued peace which this
House rejoices to learn is not likely to be disturbed."
•

The motion was negatived without a division.
Mr. O'CONNELL said he rose to adopt a course different to
any pursued by the Hon. Members who had preceded him. He
had a motion to present, in rising to snake which he could not
help congratulating the House on the unusual course displayed
by the mover and seconder of the address. They had had two
exceedingly noble and temperate speeches, full of information,
and replete with matter which produced admiration for the
talent of the speakers, and conviction of the truth of
their various statements.--(Hear, hear, hear.) The
holiday speech, the schoolboy declamation, generally re-echoed
the speech from the throne; but he was glad to see that this
was all at an end ; there was but one improvement snore,
namely, the discontinuance of the tinsel dress worn by the
mover and seconder.—(Laughter.) He believed that alter.
ation would be quite satisfactory to both the Hon. Members.
The speech itself was not calculated to excite any very strong
feeling, at least he did not think any thing like indignation,
" just indignation,"—no, it would be something of a smaller,
and of a less respectable character. It was about as helpless
a piece of drivelling as ever fell from human lips.—(Hear and
laughter.) There was little in it, except just at the last
part where something of an acrimonious spirit was displayed.
It was in every sense little worthy of the first magistrate of
the first empire of the world. He found it impossible to ima-
gine upon what principles it was formed, until he heard the
Noble Lord, who told them that great inconvenience was felt
last session in consequence of too much having been said,
thervfore the good old practice of saying as little as possible
had been reverted to. There was not an ancient gentlewoman
of the land who could have been more discreet and more con.
sistent. It began with some self-gratulation, and ended
in downright Billingsgate.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
The first part consisted of a good deal of nothing, and ended in
something like a rigmarole of abuse. This was not the way to
treat the reformed Parliament—this was not the way the peo-
ple, the most powerful people in the world, should be treated,
or any portion of them. Let them bring forth their Coercion
Bills if they chose, but let them not make the throne a fountain
of unjust scorn, to be poured upon an oppressed nation.
The speech began by calling the whole of the measures of last
session constitutional. Why the Coercion Bill had been de-
nounced as unconstitutional by many Members of that House,
and had been allowed to be unconstitutional by many that he
saw opposite; yet that was a measure of last session. Many
Members justified themselves to their constituents for their votes
on that Bill, for their confidence in Ministers,and their hope that
they would afterwards bring in remedial measures, which
would take the sting from that other Bill. For that purpose
the Irish Church Bill had been much relied upon, but what, he
would ask, was it ? It had reduced the burdens on the Irish
people by 70,0001. in church rates, but that was all it had done.
Had it done any further good to the people of Ireland ?
had it in the slightest degree benefited the Irish Catholic ?
What, he would ask, did it benefit them, the knocking down
of ten Bishops--(Cheering)—when the revenues which they
formerly enjoyed were still taken from the people ? It would
have been better that they had been let alone, for they were
Irish gentlemen who spent what they took from the people
amongst the people. The people were still obliged to pay the
same amount—the same tax was still levied upon them. But it
was useless for him to say more—it was the old way in
which Ireland had always been treated by the English
Parliament; then why, or rather how, could it excite
" indignation" that the people of Ireland should demand a
native legislature. The thing of itself was too ridiculous to be
pursued. To be sure they had got the Jury Bill ; he had not
read it, ever since it had been upon the Statute Book; but he
was not very sure that it had passed through the House of
Lords in all its integrity. Let that be as it may, the law
officers of Ireland had taken good care that it should only
be a bill yet in futuro, for they had taken good care that the
sessions at which it should have been adopted had not been
held, so that the benefits, if any, could not be had till next
year. Then it said something about the integrity of Turkey—
of upholding the integrity of Turkey ; but how had that been
done ? Why, there was Mehemet Ali had cut off a large slice
of it in the south, and Russia, in the north, had him in her power
quite as much ; and when the pleasure of Nicholas prompted
him, he would make himself quite at home, and think
he was taking nothing but his own. Had they (the Ministry)
wished to have made themselves the laughing-stock of Europe
they could not have used more appropriate words. Then they
took credit to themselves for the recognition of the young
Spanish Queen. He should like to know what right they had
to refuse it. Did they think the Spanish people were not
worthy to have a choice of their own ? Upon that head he could
afford them no credit. Then came the two worthies who were
contending for the crown of Portugal.—(Loud laughter.)
What they were the world now well understood; they were
only trying to get into power, in order to see which of them
could render Portugal the most wretched country. For the
sake of the Portuguese people themselves it was almost to be
wished that neither of them succeed. They, then, talked much
of municipal corporations, but would they give them real re-
form in the corporations ? The speech did not say so; but they
were half promised it by the Hon. Member who had first ad-
dressed them : or would they do to England on this occasion as
they had served Ireland before, give only a half measure ?
or, as was most likely to be the case, was that country again
to be insulted by having a mere mockery of reform in her cor-
porations, while England was to be blessed with, though not a
full one, yet a much fuller one than the sister country ? From
that path he cautioned them, for if they did so, though they
might not disgust one faction, they would disgust the whole
body of the people : they would snake twenty repealers where
there was now only one. They then called upon Parliament to
sanction a system of tithes which would be merely substi-
tuting something else for them, and the people would be
called upon to pay them in all their integrity, but
under a new name. Would it be possible, he would ask, to
carry such a plan into effect ? He would most emphatically
say no. Tithes were found to be, in Ireland, as great a griev-
ance as the church rate was in England. They were felt to be
by the people the payment of a large suns of money for the sup.
port of a religion to which they could not conform. The pay-
ment by the people of one persuasion for the support of a
religion of that of another. The speech did not say so.
But they might be told that night, and he threw out the insinu-
ation in order to give the Honourable Gentlemen opposite—to
dare them to say that tithes were to continue in some other
shape—that they were to be levied at a much increased expense,
that the people were not only to pay what they now did, but were
to pay also for the experiment that was about to be made. Such had
hitherto been the conduct of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite.
First, He came down with a most pathetic statement of the
condition of the poor Protestant clergymen of Ireland ; so pa-
thetic was he upon the occasion that he drew from the House
60,0001. of the public money, in order to relieve them—in order
to make an experiment ; and in order that he might have the
means of enforcing the repayment of that money, he got for
himself the whole power, not only of the civil but the ecclesi-
astical law, and how far did he succeed ? Why, out of the
whole 60,0001. he recovered 12,000/. at the trifling cost of only
28,000/.—(Hear.) That was the entire success with which
the measure was crowned—it goaded the people almost
to madness, and then down came his Majesty's Ministers
with the Coercion Bill, which deprived the people of their most
enviable rights. Then came another Tithe Bill—one which
was at present just going into operation, under which the Irish
Government had stopped all prosecutions for tithes, and recalled
the military. In consequence of those measures, the people
were now quiet, because they still hoped that the Govern-
ment would see the error they had committed, and grant
the people relief.—(Hear, hear.) He from his own
experience could say that the persons who are now in the
country, valuing the tithes, had raised them very considerably.
In one parish alone, that of Great Goram, he knew an instance
wherein they had raised the tithes from 30/. to 72/. In fact the
whole system was merely an aggravation of the whole evil.
According to the statements put forward by Hon. Gentlemen,
the greatest distress prevailed among the established clergy, yet
of the million which was voted for the relief of that clergy,
not one third was asked for. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not
know, but at least the whole was not sought for. No ; not-
withstanding the great distress that existed, still clergy-
men preferred to exact the entire from a distressed
people, rather than take the Treasury money.—(Hear, hear.)
Such conduct was calculated to produce excitement in times of
misery, and still there were those found to be sceptical about
the cause of that excitement, as if there was some magic,
some conjuring power used over the people of Ireland, which
persuaded them that black was white—(Laughter)—which
made them think that distress existed when it did not. But,
no; there was no magic—the entire magic was the oppression
of the people and the variegated system of injustice the
exhaustion of their resources, and the spending of an income
out of a country where it was collected. There were some
physical evils which it was impossible for them (his Majesty's
Government) to cure; but provoking language was a bad
lenitive to a people's condition who were starving. The poor
man's crop had failed this year. Rain had destroyed
one-half of the potatoes, or at least one-third. Pes-
tilence was raging through the land. The cholera
was committing its destructive ravages from town to town and
farm to farm; within these last three weeks it had killed five

hundred persons in the city of Limerick. With this picture
of misery before them,—with the constitution suspended, and
its best benefits taken from them—they are visited with " the
just indignation," —an indignation he (Mr. O'Connell)
supposed to be some efftision of proud spirit or spleen—.
this was the consolation offered to an insulted people. There
was no reason of complaint on the part of the Irish, against
Mr. Littleton—at least, the newspapers vented no obloquy, or
even murmured their disapprobation of him. Without doubt,
Mr. Littleton could do much to mitigate the system that pre.
vailed ; but sure he (Mr. O'Connell) was, that he had too li.
mited a power, and that he was controlled by those whom he
should control. The Government were more in his power
than he in theirs—certainly, though they may get one to suc-
ceed him, it would be hard to get one who could carry his
election.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Mr. O'Connell then pro-
ceeded to observe on the act of the Marquis of Wellesley, who,
in the year 1825, suppressed the Association formed
in Ireland for the object of Catholic Emancipation. If his
policy had been persevered in, emancipation would never have
been effected. Under these circumstances it was, that the
passage to which he had adverted had been introduced into
the King's Speech. Ministers had already declared their opi-
nion with respect to the repeal of the Union. If they wished
to do so again let them do so; but why were they to use lan-
guage pointing at a particular individual ?—(Hear.) He called
upon the House not to let such things pass unnoticed, and not
to join in a course that would have the effect of suppressing the
discussion of the question. The thing was but an Act of Par-
liament, and why, he would ask, was that House to be pre-
vented from dealing with it as it had done with other
Acts. He, would ask Ministers if they dared to treat
the people of England in the manner in which they had treated
the people of Ireland? If the Tories, in their day of power, had
expressed their determination to hold power—no matter how,
or at what risk,—the Whigs would no doubt have invoked the
shades of the dead, and the spirits of the living, to battle for the
freedom of their country. Why, therefore, should the
Irish people not follow the same course in thepresent instance ?
Ministers had told them that they had been guilty of that
which excited his Majesty's just indignation The Irish people
threw those taunts in their teeth with utter contempt.—(Hear.)
The sentiments he had stated were much more universal in
Ireland than the House imagined. It was not confined to sect
or party, and whatever might be thought of it, he did not hesi-
tate to declare that he would not accept the transition, if it was
so characterized. The Hon. Member for Hants had told the House
that the Union was a contract. He must have read the his-
tory of that proceeding, and how, after doing so, he could still
persevere in calling it a contract, he (Mr. O'Connell) was at a
loss to conjecture. If it were a contract, it was such as a
highwayman would make on Hounslow-heath, by saying, if
you will deliver me your money I will not shoot you. It had
been said that the measure was desired by the Catholics. It
was true that two or three Roman Catholics had got titles,
but the people—and young as he (Mr. O'Connell) was, he was
at that time the leader of the people—had protested strongly
against it. In that House the question was to be decided, but
how could it be decided, unless the people of Ireland
were given fair play ? Was the minister of the day
to say that the question should not be discussed, by in-
serting in his Majesty's speech that he was determined not
to give his assent to it? The Hon. Member opposite had as-
cribed the ruin of Ireland to the free trade, and with the same
breath had stated that the prosperity of the country had
originated in the same source. It was an absenteeism that
transferred the proprietorship of the soil to persons not inte-
rested in it; that had created an evil of an enormous magni-
tude, even before the Union, but it was an evil that had been
multiplied by centiples since the Union. He had done what
he thought to be his duty by protesting against this speech,
and it was exceedingly unbecoming the Ministers to put such
a speech in the King's mouth. This was the second
Reformed Parliament, and he thought it would have
been better, if, instead of scolding the Irish people,
they had held out to them some hopes of a remedy for their
grievances. The Reform Bill had not worked as it ought to
have done, for upon the occasion of an election of a Member
for Huddersfield, it was shown that out of a population of
19,000 two hundred and fifty only had votes. That did not
show that the franchise had been increased.—(Hear, hear.)
But he knew the poverty of the Irish pressed upon
the people of England in all their manufacturing and
agricultural interests. The poor laws had been made in-
jurious by the increasing poverty of Ireland ; the people of
England had the same interest as they had—they all had an
interest—that the repeal of the Union should be fairly and
deliberately discussed ; and with these views, and for these
reasons, but not with a view to shake the Ministerial majority
on a mere Irish subject, he moved that the three last para-
graphs of the address be omitted.
Mr. RUTHVEN seconded the motion.
The motion having been put,
Mr. LITTLETON rose and said, the Hon. Member who had
just sat down seemed to him to have imbibed not a little of the
spirit of that elderly lady to whom he had referred at the com-
mencement of his speech. He trusted that in adverting to the
topics to which the Hon. Member had alluded, he should do so
briefly, and, he hoped, temperately. The Honourable Gen.
tleman, as well as the Honourable Member for Meath,
had done him the justice of saying, that they believed he was
animated with the best desires for the interest of their
country. In that admission they had done him no more than
justice, but, at the same time, that praise had come with a quali.
fication, viz., by the dispraise of the Noble Lord, who was
at the head of the Irish Government. With his knowledge of
that Noble Lord he would venture to say, there did not
exist in his Majesty's dominions one whose heart
was more truly Irish, or one whose principles with reference to
the government of that country, were founded on feelings of
greater liberality, or who felt a deeper interest in its welfare.
He should not have done justice to his feelings, nor indeed
spoken the truth, if he had omitted to make that declaration
respecting that Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had designated the expressions
in the last paragraph of his Majesty's speech, as a calumny
on that country. He thought the speeches of the
Hon. Gentleman himself contained many inaccuracies, if not
wilful misrepresentations. As an instance of the former he
had spoken in terms of decided deprecation on the dispro-
portion of the compositions that had been made under
the Irish Church Bill of last session ; yet if his me-
mory did not fail him, the Honourable Gentleman
was the very first who complained of the vestry cess, and
notwithstanding that vestry cess had been abolished, and not-
withstanding that the principle he advocated, and to which he
attached so much importance, had been inserted in the Bill,
he still deprecated the measure; so much with respect to his
forgetfulness. With respect to what the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman had asserted respecting the amount of
compensation that had been received by the various
parishes, it was proved that in one.third of the cases
the nominal amounts might in some proportion be raised, but
it was always to be borne in mind that that nominal amount
had been put down upon an allowance being made in the cal.
culation for the combinations then existing against that de-
scription of property. But with regard to the million that
had been granted last year, not more than one shilling and
three pence had been demanded, and when the subject came
forward for discussion, he should be able to satisfy Hon. Gen-
tlemen of that House on the point. The Hon. Gentleman had
adverted in terms only of anticipation as to what was the inten-
tion of his Majesty's Government, and what was to be the
effect of the measure for the final adjustment of tithes. He
(Mr. Littleton) had given notice, that on the 20th of this month
he would call the attention of the House to that part of his
Majesty's speech which called for a settlement of that
question.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was only necessary for
him now to observe that that was a question surrounded on
every side by many difficulties, and that the necessity of its
adjustment was so pressing and imperious, that, if some mea-
sure similar to that which his Majesty had recommended should
not be consummated in the course of the next session, he
should consider the state of Ireland as desperate
indeed. He earnestly implored all gentlemen, connected
with whatever party, to approach this subject with moderation
and firmness, and not to hesitate to make some small sacrifice
for the attainment of that which it must be the desire of
every one to see—the perfect tranquillity of Ireland.
If the Hon. Member (Mr. O'Connell) could accomplish the
Repeal of the Union by constitutional means, and convince men
of education and talent, who were able to take correct views
of the social interests of both countries, that separation of the
two countries would be beneficial to either, he might con-
gratulate him on a triumph worthy of his powers, but to
attempt to take up such a measure purely for the pur-
poses of agitation, he must say would, in his opinion,
be an unpardonable abuse of the privileges of the
constitution.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever prevalence the ques-
tion of repeal might have obtained in Ireland, and that it had
gained some was true, it was not of natural growth, and it was
originally conceived for the purposes of agitation.— Hear,
hear.) The spontaneous springing up of any natural political
feeling, even if founded in error, was entitled to some respect,
but to propagate any erroneous sentiments for the purpose
of excitement, was, he repeated, an unpardonable abuse
of our constitutional principles.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
The Hon. Member for the county of Meath had said something
of the forbearance of the Government towards the proceedings
going on, and meetings held in that country. There certainly
was some agitation there, as there was throughout the whole
country, less or more; but the loud defiances daily heard
against this and the other House of Parliament—the denounce-
ment of them as a foreign legislation, and the assertion that
justice could not be obtained from them, were certainly not the
means by which to promote conciliation and tranquillity.—
( Hear, hear.) There was but one simple course for the Go-
vernment to adopt, that was to watch and see that no violent
act was committed ; for as to the excitement itself it was merely
temporary, and t hey knew that as it began with the arrival of cer.
tain Hon. Members in that country in Nov. last, it would, on
their departure, die a natural death.—(Hear and laughter.)
One of the Hon. Members who had spoken adverted to the un-
warrantable language of his Majesty in reference to the agita-
tion of the repeal question. Now the language was this
"We see, with deep regret, the continued attempts
to excite the people of Ireland to demand repeaL"
This language, which he held was good and constitutional,
contained no sentiment, he was sure, which did not find
response in the hearts of the great majority of the Irish people,
and the people of this country. The extract went on—" I have
determined, with a fixed and unaltered resolution, to
maintain inviolate the union of the two countries
by every means in my power," which last words the
Hon. Member left out, and without which the whole could
not be fairly understood.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member,
in conclusion, said he was very desirous to be allowed to express,
in the most unequivocal manner, his approbation of this speech,
because, while he hoped no man, whoever held or should hold
the office which he now filled, and by which he was closely

connected with the country, would be animated by any senti-
ment which should allow a sacrifice of principle in permitting
some of the most outrageous and violent proceedings which
ever disturbed or disgraced a country.—(Hear.) (Loud cries
were made at the conclusion of the Hon. Member's speech, for

Mr CosaErr, who gave way to
Mr. FINN, amidst much confusion, said he should pro-
pose an amendment, the purport of which was that the people
of Ireland, in seeking for the repeal of the Legislative Union,

were only exercising an undoubted right.
Mr. COBBETT then rose, and said that it was not his in-
tention to propose an amendment until after the report was
brought up.—(A laugh.) There was one part of the address
to which he objected, which stated that the House concurred
with his Majesty in lamenting the distress of the agriculturists,
or rather that which existed among the proprietors and occu-
piers of land, though the state of the country, both as to
agriculture and commerce, was that of great tranquillity.
Whether this was nonsense or not, he would not say, but if
his Majesty had been advised to say that the agricultural inte-
rests were in a state of tranquillity, he was sure there was not
a gentleman in that House who did not know that his
Majesty had been advised to tell them that which was
untrue.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Then it was said there
was a prospect of an improvement—and in agriculture, too. If
words had any meaning this part of the speech was perfect non-
sense. He remembered that in England great charges had
been made in King's speeches against designing men—design-
ing men were marked out, for they had on their lips the word
" Reform," while it was broadly hinted that they meant some-
thing else, and they were hunted down. Could those Hon. Mem-
bers be called viler names than their predecessors? He recollect-
ed that one thought it necessary for his safety to cross the Atlan-
tic. They should not allow themselves to be carried away by the
word agitation. The Learned Gentleman knew more about it
than any of the Reformers of England; he had written more
about it, he had addressed meetings upon it, and he had writ.
ten upon it in letters and paragraphs. But what did the Secre-
tary for Ireland say of Repeal? Oh, he says that the Irish
repeaters were so cunning and crafty, that it was impossible to
devise a law that could reach them. What said another
Secretary, Lord Sidmouth, when he introduced his gagging and
dungeoning Bill—why, that the Reformers of these times were
so cunning and crafty, that the officers of the Crown could not
get hold of them, and therefore it was necessary to get a Bill
to put them into dungeons.—(Hear, and laughter.) Why
then might they not hope for a Repeal of the Union as well
as for the Reform ? Why should the Hon. Gentleman
despair of seeing a repeal? They had seen Minis-
ters who were proud to boast that they were reform-
ers, and that they had seconded and supported reform;
and why, he would ask, should they despair of seeing a Ministry
who would boast of being Repeaters too ?—(Cheers, and loud

laughter.)
Mr. RUTHVEN lamented that his Majesty's speech should
be made the channel for the conveyance of sentiments so re-
pugnant to the feelings of a numerous body of the subjects of
this realm. The repeal of the Union, however, was so deeply
implanted in the breasts of the people of Ireland, that it could not
now be easily repressed. He regretted that the Secretary for Ire-
land should not have an opportunity of giving effect to his own
feelings and wishes. The question of repeal, he said, would
come before a tribunal which had already prejudged against it,
and would, no doubt, be thrown out by the same noisy ma-
jority that carried the Coercion Bill. The conduct of the
Parliament during the last session had made more re-
peaters than any thing that had been done by any
former Government. Let but the Ministers proceed in the
same manner, and they would soon have an unanimity of opi.
nion upon the subject of repeal in Ireland.
Sir R. PEEL said that, with some few qualifications, he
fully concurred in the address that had been moved.—(Hear,
hear.) Those qualifications were not very important, but still
he thought it right, in acquiescing in the address, to tell them,
with the greatest part of the address he found no fault.—
(Hear, hear.) Indeed, with respect to the whole he found no
fault, except that part that referred to the agitation and ex-
citement which prevailed in Ireland, by which it was attempted
to further the Repeal of the Union with Ireland. With the
exception of this part he must be a fastidious man indeed
who could find any thing to object to. He fully
concurred in the sentiments expressed in the address, with
respect to the repeal of the Union ; to that part, therefore, he
felt no difficulty in assenting.—(Hear, hear.) He felt great
satisfaction that it was intended to submit this question to a
free and full discussion (Loud cheers) because he
believed that if sound reasoning prevailed nothing was more
easy to show that since the union with Ireland there had been a
strong disposition in England towards that country to deal out
impartial justice. Nothing was more easy to show that
the consequence of a repeal of the Union would be a separation
between the two countries—(Cheers)—and that, perhaps, after
long and angry contention. With regard to the address, he
must be a fastidious man that could object to it. He concurred
in the policy of avoiding any subject that was likely to promote
a difference of opinion. It was worded so as not to give violence
to any gentleman's po;ftical feelings. So far as it avoided the
discussion of measures, and was worded as not to pledge
any gentleman to any line of conduct, he concurred in the
policy with which it was adopted. He had some little expe-
rience himself in subjects of this nature, but he could not but
express his humble admiration of the ability that had con.
trived to place in a speech so very little detail. But he thought
it would be right to add some detail, and that it would be re-
spectful to that House to intimate whether there were any
measures in contemplation.—(Hear, hear.) In this speech no
new measure was intimated ; there was no intimation of any
particular measure, and it very carefully avoided calling for
any opinion.—(Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.) It was a no.
meaning speech that puzzled more than wit—" For pure no.
meaning puzzles more than wit."—(Laughter.) He could not
guess what were the intentions of Ministers except as to tithes
in Ireland. The only measure in which any intimation was
given was, that there would be a full adjustment of the ques-
tion of tithes; but there was nothing said respecting various
other important questions, such as church reform, municipal
corporations, and poor laws, &c. It said, indeed, that the re-
ports of certain commissioners had been laid on the table, and
that from these they would find much information.—(Laughter.)
Of which they might judge the nature and effect, from which
some corrections might be beneficially adopted. If the Go-
vernment had any measures in contemplation, he thought that
it was their duty, out of respect to this House—not, indeed, to
enter into detail of those measures, but to intimate that it was
the intention of Government to propose such measures for
consideration. This was the uniform course; and though
he approved of the speech avoiding every subject that
might lead to contention, yet notwithstanding he did not
think it necessary that there should be a total omission.
He believed it to be of the utmost importance that that measure
should be carried to a successful termination. He hoped
such grounds existed and that Ministers were in posses.
sion of such information as led them fairly to anticipate
those results they predicted. Nothing could be more
desirable. The manner in which it had been re-
ceived in the colonies was favourable; but at the same time
he did not think any thing had yet transpired from which he
could with any certainty argue that the measure would be
attended with success. Nothing had happened to induce
him to suppose it would not ; but he thought the
House ought to have heard something more before they had
been called on to express a confidence in the success of the
measure. Regard being had to the immense revolution
effected by this Bill, the pecuniary consideration was the
smallest.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The revolution was too great
a one for him to express any confident opinion as to the
success of it from any thing that had occurred. As to the ex-
pressions in the speech, with reference to foreign policy, they
were exceedingly meagre.—(Hear.) He could feel no hesita-
tion in concurring in all the hopes therein uttered, that
all the friendly understandings would continue which were
stated at present to exist. He thought upon the showing of this
speech, our foreign policy was not in a satisfactory state, nor in that
position in which the people of this country had a right to
congratulate themselves upon.—(Hear.) He cordially con.
curred in all those expressions which indicated a desire
for the continuance of peace. It was impossible to
be so deeply impressed as he was with the importance
of the prosperity of commerce, both as regarded the
social welfare of the country and the maintenance of
peace, without affording his universal acquiescence in the
wish that peace might be maintained. Nor had he any
hesitation in expressing his sincere feeling that it was of the
greatest importance that a good understanding should exist
between this country and France; and he hoped that that
good understanding would tend to greater commercial
intercourse between the two countries than had ever yet taken
place. He thought this important, not only as calculated to
be of immense commercial advantage between the two coun-
tries, but as establishing new bonds of union between them ;
and as the people of the two countries felt the ad-
vantage of such a good understanding, that would
be the strongest incitement to them to the main-
tenance of peace. At the same time, however, it was possi-
ble to maintain a good understanding with France, and to
constitute an equally good understanding with other countries
—with which a good understanding could not fail to be of vital
importance to us. His satisfaction at the maintenance of a
good understanding with France would be greatly mitigated,
if he thought that good understanding was to be of an exclusive
nature, and that it was to lead to the jealousy of other countries.
This speech admitted that with respect to other countries, most
nearly connected with us, their condition was far from satisfac-
tory. The House was still told that the final settlement be-
tween Holland and Belgium had not yet been completed. A
civil war was still raging in Portugal; and while they in.
formed the King that the peaceable settlement of the Govern.
ment of Spain was of the first importance to this country, as well
as to the general tranquillity of Europe, they could not close
their eyes to the fact that the civil war which raged in Portugal
had extended itself to other parts. Now he had to repeat his
entire dissent from the policy pursued towards Portugal. He
believed the civil war there existed in consequence of the in-
terference of this country. The conduct of this country towards
Portugal was of the most specious nature, but he believed that
practically that neutrality had not been preserved which the
Government had professed to act upon ; and that it was in
consequence of the permitted violation of the municipal laws
of this country, and in consequence of the absence of the
Crown adopting the measures which it ought to have adopted,
that civil war now existed there. He did not conceal his opinions
with respect to the acts of Don Miguel; but he certainly did
think that the time had arrived when, in conformity with the
practice of this country, and of all countries, however
liberal and free their institutions, without compromising
our feelings as to the perfidy of that Prince, this
country ought to have recognized him as the Prince
de facto of Portugal. As to Turkey, if peace was theobject,
he thought it was rather too late for his Majesty to think of
preventing any change which might affect the peace of that

country. After the change that had taken place, to speak
of the future independence of it appeared to him singular. He
hoped this country had something more firm to rely on for its
independence than that which depended on the state of Turkey.
With respect to the estimates, this address looked so very like
a Tory address, that he really did not know that he had
any observations to snake on it. It was framed in a manner
so as to give the best appearance to this subject. It could not
be that they should have entered Into details. As to the ex.
pression of regret on account of the landowners, if anything
could be done to lessen their distresses, he for one would give to it
his utmost assistance, as it was impossible to witness the
burdens falling on them without feeling a desire to mitigate
them. He had always hoped that manufactures and commerce
would go hand in hand, and he earnestly hoped that
the improvement which was stated to have taken place
in them was true.—(Hear, hear.) It was with great
satisfaction he had heard that there had been a great improve.
ment. He also congratulated the House on the wisdom and
firmness of his Majesty's Ministers in support of the metallic
standard, for they had abundant proofs that the adherence to
that standard was most beneficial, both to manufacturers and
commerce. (Hear, hear.) It was with great pleasure
that he had heard the details stated by the Honour-
able Seconder of the address as to the improvement
in the state of our manufactures and commerce, since the pe-
riod of the Reformation, and he sincerely hoped—believing
that they mainly depended on the continuance of a metallic
standard—that they would all concur in supporting it. He
begged to assure the House that he not only had no amendment
to propose, but he gave his concurrence to the Address as one
from which he could not in fairness dissent.—(Hear, hear.)
There certainly were some statements and expectations which
he feared would not be realised, but he sincerely hoped they
would be. With regard to that part of the address which re-
ferred to Ireland, and to the repeal of the Union, it had his most
cordial concurrence, feeling confident that the tranquillity of
both countries depended greatly upon their union.—(Hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON felt it necessary, in consequence of
the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, to offer a few observa-
tions. The Right Hon. Baronet stated that he agreed with al.
most everything in the speech, but expressed his surprise that
the negotiations respecting Belgium were not brought to a
close. He (Lord P.) could only say the convention which was
signed in May last, had placed the two countries, Holland and
Belgium, in such a situation that the signatures to it
had become a matter of comparatively little importance.
—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had also stated
that we were now suffering under the consequences
of our policy towards Portugal, and that by our interference
with that country the civil war had been able to extend itself.
He (Lord P.) denied that assertion, and contended that he had
already proved that this country had not interfi red in the affairs
of Pottugal, and also that it was well known that the
civil wars in Spain were not effected by the dispute in Por-
tugal, but arose solely out of her own affairs. The Right
Honourable Baronet, however, said, that by acknowledging
Don Miguel, we should have put an end to the civil war in
Portugal. He (Lord P.) begged to ask when was the time that
Don Miguel should have been acknowledged ? The present
Administration accepted office some time after Don Miguel had
arrived in Portugal, and if the time had arrived, why did not the
preceding Administration acknowledge him 2—(Hear, hear.)
The fact was announced in the King's speech in 1830, and why
was he not then acknowledged ? The Right Hon. Baronet
seemed to think it was a matter of indifference whether
the independence of the Turkish empire, as it at present
existed, should or should not be maintained. He (Lord P.)
was of a different opinion, for he believed that that empire
should be maintained in its present form. An Hon. Gentleman,
in the early part of the evening, had asked a question upon the
commercial union between the King of Prussia and the other
Powers of Germany. That was a subject which certainly af-
fected this country, and we had a right to object to the terms of
treaties wills regard to our commercial relations.
He (Lord Palmerston), however, did not believe that
that subject would be attended with such injurious
consequences as some persons imagined; indeed, he believed it
would be attended with benefits, for it was likely that our com-
merce would reach its destination with fewer obstacles than
at present. There was one observation which he had
to make on that part of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech relat-
ing to the Act which passed last session for the aboli-
tion of slavery.—(Hear, hear.) It must be satisfactory
to this House to see how fully the predictions of
the supporters of that Bill, and how falsely the predictions of
its opposers had' been proved.—(Hear, hear.) The one
party had declared that it would produce revolution in the colo-
nies, that it would set the slaves against the masters, and masters
against slaves, and yet it was ascertained that the good sense
of the colonists had induced them to accede to the wishes of
Parliament. The example had been set by Jamaica, and he
had no doubt it would be speedily followed by all the other
colonies.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BARING then rose, but, in consequence of the noise,
was for some time inaudible. He said he concurred
in what had been said, that in our maintaining
a good understanding with France depended the peace of
the world—not only so, but also the march of the civili-
zation of the world ; but at the same time he also
thought that it was not at all inconsistent with
our also maintaining a good understanding with the other
Powers of Europe.—(Hear.) But he would ask the Noble
Lord whether every other Power did not think that we wer
cultivating a good understanding with France, in order to un-
dermine them ? He contended most fearlessly that there was a
time when there was more distrust between the various
powers than at present, the consequence of which was
the celebrated combination which Russia had effected
in the German States. Had such a combination been
spoken of three years ago, he would never have believed that it
could have taken place. He was happy that the Noble
Lord still thought that it could be defeated, but he put but
little faith in his prognostication, when he heard him say
that it was a matter of congratulation to the commercialists of
this country that there would now only be one chain of Custom
Houses in place of the number that were abolished.
The combination was a political matter on the part
of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and its object was
to coerce this country through its commerce, and not, as it had
been said, a mere German commercial regulation. He thought
it a greater proof of his position that people of the world, like
the people of Holland, had, through a feeling of bitter hostility
to this country, concurred in the views of Prussia with respect
to this combination. He deprecated the anxiety manifested
by the Government of this country concerning the disputed
accession to the throne of Portugal. He alluded to the en-
croachments of Russia on other European Powers, and ex-
pressed his concurrence in the expression contained in
his Majesty's speech, regarding the effect of the Emancipation
Bill of the slaves.
Lord PALMERSTON, in explanation, reiterated what he
had previously asserted, with respect to the alteration recently
made by the German Powers, as to the abolition of one line of
custom.houses, and maintained that such would prove rather
beneficial than otherwise to this country, although such was
evidently not their intention. The Hon. Gentleman was well
aware that the alteration in question was not made from any
recent events, but merely following up a system which Prussia
had for many years past pursued.
For the address lB9
For Mr. O'Connell's amendment 23
Majority for the address
Several notices were then given, which were inaudible in the
Gallery, in consequence of Members leaving the House.
The House then adjourned at a few minutes to TWELVE
O'CLOCK.

LIST OF THE MINORITY
IN FAVOUR MR. HUME'S AMENDMENT.
Hutt, W. Fitzsimon, N.
Evans, Colonel Blake, J. M.
Buckingham, J. S. O'Connell, I).
Kennedy, T. F. O'Connell, M.
Richards, J. O'Connell, J.
,Wood, Alderman Nagle, Sir R.
Fitzgerald, T. Ruths en, E. S.
Evans, G. Grattan, H.
Bulwer, E. E. L Finn, W. F.
O'Dwyer, A. C. Wallace, T.
Chapman, M. L. Sheil, R. L.
Vigors, N. A. TELLERS.
Butler, Hon. P. S. Hume, Joseph
Fitzsimon, C. Warburton, H.

Fleetwood, H.
Attwood, T.
Oswald, J.
Clay, W.
Oswald, R. A.
Faithfull, G.
Fielden, J.
Vincent, Sir F.
Whalley, Sir S.
Wallace, R.
Wason, R.
Scholefield, J.
Cobbett, W.
Torrens, Colonel

COURT CIRCULAR.

His Majesty went in state yesterday to the House of Lords
to open the Session of Parliament by a Speech from the
Throne.
The King, attended by his suite, and preceded by the Vice.
Chamberlain and the Lord Steward of the Household, left St.
James's Palace, by the entrance in the Standard Court-yard,
ten minutes before two o'clock, and entered the state coach ;
the royal procession was then formed in the following order :
—The first carriage, drawn by a set of bays, conveyed the
Hon. Frederick Byng, and Mr. Martins, Gentlemen Ushers to
the King, and Mr. Charles Hancock, Exon of the Yeomen
Guard. The second carriage, drawn by a set of bays, contained
the Hon. Captain George Campbell, R.N., the Groom in
Waiting; Col. Hill, Silver Stick in Waiting; and the Groom
of the Robes. In the third carriage were the Captain of the
Yeomen Guard; Colonel Horace Seymour, Equerry in Wait-
ing; the Keeper of the Privy Purse; and the Clerk Marshal.
This carriage was drawn by six white horses. The fourth
carriage conveyed the Lord Steward; Lord Hill, Gold Stick in
Waiting; Viscount Falkland, Lord of the Bedchamber; and
the Master of the Robes. The carriage was drawn by six black
horses. The King's Marshalmen, two and two; the King's
Footmen, in their state liveries, two and two; a party of the
Yeomen Guard, in their coronation costume, carrying their
partisans. The state coach, drawn by eight cream.coloured
horses, conveyed the King, who wore an Admiral's uniform,
and the Master of the Horse and the Groom of the Stole, who
sat opposite to his Majesty. The entire cortege was escorted
by a detachment of the Royal Horse Guards. On leaving.the
Palace, the band of the Foot Guards, stationed with the King's
Guard, played " God save the King!" His Majesty returned
to St. James's at a quarter past three o'clock.
The Duke of Cumberland and the Princess Sophia visited
their Majesties yesterday.

It has been determined by the Home De-
partment to a .olish the Convict Establishments at the out-
ports. The hulks at Devonport and Sbeermes are the first
that are to be broken up. This arrangement will furnish
employiLent fa- the paupers at present receiving allowance,
rom the neighbouring parishes.

(t A
FROM LAST NIGHT'S GA §i4l4)g,
- .•••••••, ;
At the Court of St. James's, the 3d day of Ffisti!e.fy,'‘lpti -
PRESENT, •1.. .'"")
The King's most excellent Majesty inatlnpil.
Sheriffs appointed by his Majesty in Council for
Bedfordshire--Joseph Morris, of Ampthill, Esq.
Berkshire--Charles Eyre, of Welford-park, Esq.
Buckinghamshire—George Simon Harcourt, of
house, Esq.
Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire—Richard Huddleston, of
Sawston, Esq.
Cheshire—William Astley, of Duckenfield, Esq.
Cornwall—Charles Prideaux Brune, of Prideaux-Place, Pad-

stow, Esq.
Cumberland—Henry Howard, of Greystoke Castle, Esq.
Derbyshire— William Palmer Morewood, of Alfreton. hall, Esq.
Devonshire—Edmund Pollexfen Bastard, of Kitley, Esq.
Dorsetshire—Edward Doughty, of Upton, Esq.
Essex—John Round, of Danbury-park, Esq.
Gloucestershire—Josiah Gist, of Wormington Grange, Esq.
HerefOrdshire—Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, of Goodrich-court,
Knight.
I lertfordshire--Willitm Robert Phillimore, of Newberries, Esq.
Kent—George Stone, of Chislehurst, Esq.
Leicestershire—Henry Greene, Rollestone, Esq.
Lincolnshire—Christopher Tumor, of Stoke Rochford, Erg,
Monmouthshire--John Buckle, of Matherti, Esti.
Norfolk—Robert Marsham, of Stratton Strawlesr, Esq'.
Northamptonshire--William Wood, of Br:xworth, Esq.'
Northumberland—William Roddam, of Roddam, Esq.
Nottinghamshire--Slingsby Duncombe, of Langford, Esq.
Oxfordshire--William Francis Lowndes Stone, of Brightwell-
house, Esq.
ltutlandshire--Edward Watson Smyth, of Gunthore, Esq.
Shropshire—The Hon. Henry Wentworth Powys, of Berwick.
house.
Somersetshire—Francis Popham, of West Bagborough, Esq.
Staffordshire—Hugh Henshall Williamson, of Greenway-Bank,

Esq.
County of Southampton—Samuel Raymond Jarvis, of Fair Oak
Park, neat Winchester, Esq.
Suffolk—John Garden, of Redisham, Esq.
Surrey—George Thomas Nicholson, of Waverley-Abbey, Esq.
Sussex—The Hon. Robert Curzon, of Parham.
Warwickshire—Francis Lyttelton Holyoake Goodricke, of
Studley-castle, Esq.
Wiltshire—Thomas Bolton, of Brickworth, Esq.
Worcestershire—John Howard Galton, of Hadsor-House, Esq.
Yorkshire—Henry Preston, of Mot eby, Esq.
-

WALES.
•
Anglesea—James King, of Presaddfed, Esq.
Breconshire—William Richard Stretton, of Dany-Park, Esq.
Cardiganshire—Charles Richard Longcroft, of Llanina, Esq.
Carmarthenshire--Thomas Morris, of Llanstephan-Castle, Esq
Carnarvonshire--Richard Lloyd Edwards, of Nanhoron, Esq.
Denbighshire—Francis Richard Price, of Bryn-y-1/375, Esq
Flintshire--Frederick Charles Philips, of Rhual. Esq.
Glamorganshire--Henry John Grant, of Onoll-Castie, Esq.
Merionethshire—Charles Gray Harford, of Bryntirion, Esq.,
Montgomeryshire--William Morris, of Pentre Nant, Esq.
Pembrokeshire—John Barham, of Trecoon, Esq.
Radnorshire—Guy Parson, of Bettws Disserth, Esq.

DUCHY OE LANCASTER, FEE. 3.
The King has this day been pleased to appoint Thomas
Joseph Trafford, of Trafford-park, Esq., to be Sheriff of the
County Palatine of Lancaster for the year ensuing,

WHITEHALL, JAN. 25.
The Lord Chancellor has appointed Samuel James Wadesolif
of Romford, in the county of Essex, Gent., to be a Master Ex--
traordinary in the High Court of Chancery.
The Lord Chancellor has also appointed Robert Jones, of
Shrewsbury, in the county of Salop, Gent., to be a Master Ex-
traordinary in the High Court of Chancery.

Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lanark.
Royal Lanarkshire Regiment of Militia.
The Most Noble the Marquis of Douglas and Clydesdale to
be Colonel, Jan. 23; the Right Hon. Lord Belhaven and
Stenton, Lord Hamilton, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, Nov. '2l.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Salop.
North Salopian Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry.
J. Edwards, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Hunt, resigned ;
W. Spading, Gent., to be Cornet,vice Bather, resigned, Dec. 14

DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY.
JAMES FARMER, sugar-refiner, Osborn.street, White.
chapel.
EDWARD BAINES GIBBINS, lodging-house-keeper,
Farringdon-street.

purrpi. . :
the year ISS4.
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