The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-05 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

Their Royal Highnesses the Princesses Augusta and Sophia, the
Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria, the Duchess of Glou-
cester, the Dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Gloucester, and
Prince George of Cambridge, visited their Majesties yesterday at
St. James's Palace.
The King gave audiences yesterday to Baron d'Ompteda, the
Hanoverian Minister, and the Earl of Albemarle.
In the evening her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, accom-
panied by the Prince and Princess Hohenlohe, and attended byLady
Catherine Jenkinson, the Princess Augusta, attended by Miss
Wynyard, Prince George of Cambridge, and his preceptor (the
Rev. Mr. Wood), Earl Brownlow, and the Rev. Dr. Kuper,dined
with their 'Majesties.
The Duke of Saxe Meiningen honoured the performances of the
opera of La Gazza Ladra, at the King's Theatre on Thursday
evening with his presence.
The Queen, attended by Miss Wilson, returned to St. James's
Palace about half-past nine o'clock on Thursday night, from Win-
dsor Castle.

The Princess Augusta honoured the performance at the Hano-
•ver-square Rooms yesterday morning, with her presence, attended
by Miss Wynyard.
Yesterday a deputation of gentlemen from Liverpool, headed by
Viscount Sandon, .M.P., Mr. Ewart, -M.P., and Mr. Thomas
Gladstone, M.P. ; a deputation of gentlemen from Hull, headed
by Mr. Beilby Thompson, M.P., Mr. Hutt, M.P., Mr. M. D.
Hill, 31. P., Sir Richard Vyvyan, M.P. for Bristol, Mr. Hope,
.M.P. for Gloucester, Sir George Cayley, 1.11. P. for Scarborough,
Sir Charles Burrell, M.P. for Shoreham, and Mr. Hawkes, M.P.
for Dudley, had a long interview with Mr. Powlett Thomson, at
the Board of Trade, for the purpose of representing the injury
which would accrue to sea-port towns, from an extension of the
bonding system to inland towns.
The Buenos-Ayrean Minister transacted business yesterday, at
the Foreign office. _ _

Sir Fraicis Burdett, Mr. Ewart, M.P., and a numerous depu-
tation of Members of the House of Commons, had a conference
yesterday with Viscount Althorp.

DISSOLUTION OF ANOTHER TRADES' UNION.
—The mill owners and manufacturers of Elland with Greetland,
Stainland, Sowerby Bridge, and Halifax, who closed their works a
few weeks ago, with a determination not to employ any workman
who was a member of the Trades' Union, have recommenced work-
ing, as their men have generally signed the declaration and re-
turned to their work. At a meeting of the unionists held at Norton
Moor, on Monday week, it was felt that their struggle was hope-
less; sauce qui pent became the cry, and immediately afterwards
there was a race to the mills to gain employment.—Northampton
Free Press.

SPANISII COACIIMANSIIIP.—The mayoral or
conducteur of a Spanish diligence sits on the coach-box in front,
and drives his motley team, consisting of from eight to twelve
horses and mules harnessed and placed as chance may seem to
direct, chiefly by the sound of his voice. He has neither reins nor
whip. but addressing each horse or mule by its name of Capitana,
Juanita, Tomasina, &c., he speaks cheeringly or chidingly, as the
case may need. Occasionally he jumps down from his seat, runs
by the side of the carriage, and yet contrives, while keeping pace
with the perhaps accelerated speed of the animals, to fill the pockets
of his smart braided round jacket with stones, which, with singular
dexterity, after he has remounted, he throws at the awkward or
refractory beast, and, accompanying each stone with a volley of
curses, invariably succeeds iu bringing the offenders to immediate
subjection.

INFANT E DUCA TION".—Mr. F. Ewins, a gentle-
man who has made a tour of Scotland, and part of the Continent,
and is now proceeding through England, has recently visited the
Lancastrian and Infant Schools of this city and neighbourhood,
where he has addressed some of the elder scholars and parents on
the utility of infant education, and the mode of instruction adopted
in those schools. We can ourselves bear testimony to the efficacy
of this system, by the impression and effects produced by it on
children of very tender age. At a time like the present, when the
circumstances of parents render the assistance
of their children
necessary for pecuniary purposes at an early age of life,
it is highly
desirable that the benefits of education should be given, as soon as
the mind is susceptible of receiving ideas, and we are glad that
abundant opportunity is afforded to the inhabitants of Coventry for
that purpose.— Coventry Herald.

LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 5, 1834.

THE QUARTER'S REVENUE.

The accounts of the Quarter's Revenue, ending the
sth of July, will not be made out till a late hour this
evening. We understand that the report will run
nearly as follows :

EXCISE.
Increase of Excise Duties on the Quarter ended
July 5; 1834
Estimated loss by reduction of the duties on soap
and tiles

Making an increase on the Quarter, if the abov6-
duties had not been reduced, of

With respect to the Customs, it is supposed that the
surplus for the half year ending the sth of July,
1834, over the corresponding period of last year,
will be about

We direct our readers' particular attention to Mr.
STANLEY'S display last night in the House of Com-
mons, on the subject of the Irish Tithe Bill. To use
a CASTLEREAGH metaphor, the Right Hon. Gentle-
man has fairly " turned his back on himself." He
has falsified the spirit of every speech he made on
Reform. Professing to take consistency as his guide,
and liberality as his motto, he has shown the most con-
temptuous disregard for both. PHILLPOTTS stands
no longer unrivalled in apostacy. The heir of the
House of Derby has surpassed even him. We know
not which most to admire, the manner or the matter.
of Mr. STANLEY'S speech. Both in tone and temper,
it developed in their rankest deformity, all the worst
features of ultra-Toryism--its immitigable bigotry, its
haughty insolence, its intractable temper, its strut, its
swagger, and its weakness. If Mr. STANLEY really
entertain the ultra opinions which he put forth with
such parade last night, how does he reconcile himself
to his two years' vigorous support of a Reform little
short of Radical ? Has he two sets of feelings ? Is
he endowed with two distinct orders of minds ? Can
he be ultra-Whig at one moment—ultra-Tory at an-
other ? If so, his conscience must be more elastic
than Indian-rubber. Did he not—could he not—see
when he advocated Reform, that the result of that
measure must have been just the sort of purifica-
tion of the Irish Church that Government has now
in progress—and that that result must have been, not
the ulterior, but the immediate, one ? Else, why was
Reform received with such enthusiasm by the whole
liberal party in Ireland, and with such groans, exe-
crations, wringing-of-hands, upturnings of eyes, and
sighs of despair, by the whole Orange faction ? Why,
but because both parties saw in the success of that
Constitutional measure, not the downfall only, but the
extinction, of all Irish ecclesiastical abuses. But Mr.
STANLEY judging at least from his present conduct
—could not see this. He seems to have fancied that
Reform was a mere phrase--a jingling sound—a hol-
low echo—to be talked of, and praised, and supported
so long as it continued a mere phantom ; but to

he opposed, and railed at, and pelted with all
the cabbage-stalks of Billingsgate, the instant it
began to assume the form of a substance ! Is such a
driveller fitted to be a statesman in times like these--
times of onward movement and incessant action ? Mi-
nisters are well quit of him. His retirement is the
greatest good which has befallen them since they took
office. He was ever a drag-chain on the wheels of
national improvement, but now that those wheels are
unlocked, they can move forward at an accelerated pace.

Mr. STANLEY, we see, takes credit to himself for
his manly, straightforward bearing. If manliness,
consists in loud, foul-mouthed abuse and vulgarity, he
is manly to a degree that might excite the envy of a
coal-heaver ; but let him not pique himself on his
straightforwardness. It was not principle, but pas-
sion that spoke in his address last night. He
did not bark like a bold, honest mastiff, but snarled
like a mongrel cur. He talked, forsooth, of the
Ministerial projects being bottomed on plunder.
He—an avowed ultra-Tory, just received into the
arms, and baptized in the faith, of the old clique of
boroughmongers—professed a delicate horror of spo-
liation ! Can impudence go farther than this ? It is
worthy of O'CONNELL.

But we can make allowances for Mr. STANLEY'S
vulgar intemperance. He has committed a blunder,
and he knows it. He sees that his opposition—the
motives of which no man can mistake—will create
a reaction throughout the country in favour of Go-
vernment—will confirm their wavering, and give energy
to, their luke-warm supporters ; and that just in the same
proportion that Ministers rise, will he fall, in public
estimation. It is here the shoe pinches. This is the
reflection that has stung the heir of the House of
Derby to the quick. He knows that he can never be
among the Tories what he once was among the
Whigs. There is a mark—a brand on his forehead,
like that which stares out from under the wig of
PIIILLPOTTS.

The Right Hon. Gentleman's rapturous display of
affection for Ireland was by no means the least extra-
ordinary part of his speech. He opposed the Irish
Tithe Bill, forsooth, out of his excessive attachment
to Irish interests—that attachment which rendered
him alternately the scorn and dupe of Orangeman and
Catholic ; which induced him to propose his famous
Arms Bill (a wretched abortion, that scarcely saw
the light ere it gave up the ghost, amidst a hurri-
cane of groans, execrations and laughter from Irish-
men of all parties) ; and which finally drove him
from the Government of a country which he had all
but goaded into insurrection. The Irish Coercion
Bill was the necessary consequence of his Irish Secre-
taryship. He it was, far more than O'CONNELL,
who gave an impulse to the demand for Repeal. And
yet he now comes forward and talks of his attachment
to Ireland ! And this, too, at the very moment when
he refuses to strike off even one link of the ecclesi-
astical chain that has so long bound her to the earth
Sir R. PEEL, equally with Mr. STANLEY, ob-
jected to the Ministerial project, though for a far dif-
ferent reason. His chief dislike to it was its utter
want of gentility. It was not conceived at Almacks.
It did not bear the impress of a 'West-end polish. It
should have been veneered and varnished, so as
to look elegant and becoming. The Bill is cer-
tainly not so urbane as it might be ; it speaks
of the Irish Church too plainly ; and proposes
to lay too rude a grasp on its anointed shoulders; still
this is a defect on the right side. We do not, there-
fore, hold with the Right Honourable Baronet, that
the Bill in question is " of all vulgar arts of Govern-
ment the most vulgar." On the contrary, we think
that if the term " vulgar" be any where applicable, it
is to the "petty larceny" and "thimble-rig" allusions of
Mr. STANLEY. But these being brought to bear on
his own side of the question, were of course all that
was classical and becoming in the estimation of Sir R.
PEEL. It is really surprising how some people who
would strain at a gnat, can contrive to swallow a camel.

Mr. LAMBERT spoke with much emphasis and
propriety on the subject of Mr. STANLEY'S ratting---
for we cannot, and will not, give it any other name—
and observed that that one circumstance alone, would
induce him to give his support to Government.
Mr. ROBINSON talked poetically about a " vortex
upon which it now seemed the fashion to fix every
kind of charge," but as we are not fortunate enough
to understand this bewildering metaphor ; how a
charge can properly be fixed upon a whirlpool, without
an intervention little short of miraculous ; and
even if it could be so fixed, how it would be of any
assistance, or otherwise, to the Irish Tithe Bill, we
shall not undertake to comment on the Hon. Mem-
ber's speech. In truth, it "passeth all understanding."
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in reply to the insinuations
of Sir R. PEEL, observed that there was not the
slightest disunion in the Cabinet. It was never more
decided—never more unanimous than at the present
moment.

Mr. HUME moved an amendment to the Irish Tithe
Bill, which was lost by 283. The Committee then
divided on _the original emotion, when there was a ma-
jority of 64 in favour of Ministers. This, though it
may appear a poor majority, was, in reality, a most
triumphant one ; for Tories, Radicals, and the neither-
this-nor-that portion of the House, all threw their in-
fluence into the scale of opposition.

There is not in the United Kingdom an individual
of enlightened and liberal mind, of good feeling, and
philanthropic Principles, who does not participate in
the deep regret expressed by Lords GREY and
BROUGHAM for the existing necessity of renewing
the Irish Coercion Bill. Happy would we be to
hear .the Government announce the state of Ire-
land to be such as to dispense with the renewal
of a Bill which is a suspension of the Consti-
tution ; but, unfortunately, there are no other means
of preserving the peace of that distracted por-
tion of the empire, till something is done to remove
the deep-rooted evils, and redress the crying wrongs
of a people goaded on to the brink of despair by a long
course of misgovernment. That a system of coercion
could be justified, except under the plea of dire neces-
sity, is denied by the LORD CHANCELLOR ; and,
we will add, that to continue such a system
longer than may be required to heal the wounds of
Ireland by wise and wholesome legislation, is,
in tunes like these, morally and physically impossible.
But in the mean time life and property must be pre-
served at any temporary sacrifice of principle ; as, in
point of fact, the preservation of these include two-
thirds of the duty of all Governments. Personal
liberty is the third, but where it cannot safely co-exist
with the others, it ought to be made subservient
to them.

The Earl of DURHAM we sec, objected to the
clauses for putting down public meetings, stating

hie readiness to vote for the Bill if these were
omitted. We are sure the Noble Earl paid but little
attention to the real state of Ireland when he imagined
that agrarian disturbances were not consequent upon
the excitement occasioned by the inflammatory ha-
rangues of corn-exchange demagogues addressed to a
highly susceptible people, smarting under their wrongs,
and impatient of redress. The right to meet and peti-
tion Parliament is undoubtedly inherent in every British
subject, and can only be suspended by a positive law
passed to that effect ; but in the case of Ireland
all that is sought is a state of tranquillity, which will
permit the exercise of this right without fear of agra-
rian or party outrage.

But, in the meantime, it is complained by O'Co-s-
NELL and his followers, that Ireland is denied the
right of petitioning Parliament. This is false ; the
Lord Lieutenant may permit public meetings to be
held for any Constitutional purpose ; but even if the
liberty of petitioning the Legislature was wholly taken
away, what loss could Ireland sustain by it, so
long as it was effected by a Coercion Bill ? Is not
this Bill a petition in itself for the redress of every real
grievance complained of in Ireland ? Does it not pro-
claim to Europe, in language stronger than a million
of petitioners, that the Irish Church abuses must
be rooted out,—that the Catholic priesthood must
be provided for,—that the anomaly of a Protes-
tant Church and a Catholic congregation must
be abolished,—that that curse and scourge of the
country, tithes, must be no more heard of,—and that
unless a legal provision be made for the poor of Ire-
land, that country never will, never can be in a state
of tranquillity ? Why there is not a man in England
who has studied the history of that country for the
last quarter of a century, who does not see this as
clearly in the Coercion Bill, as if it was written in a
sunbeam. It is not the fault of the Irish
people that they are in the dreadful, excited,
dangerous state in which we find them at present.
They were plunged in the gulph of guilt and
misery, not by their .own misdeeds, but by
the short• sighted canting policy of bigotted fanatical
statesmen, who affbeted to feel more for the safety of
their souls than the proper government of their bodies.
But that is not now the question. What we have to
look to is, whether, during the state in which Ireland
really is,—one inflammable mass from Cape Clear to
the Giant's Causeway,—requiring but a spark to set
it in a flame which would consume it from north to
south,—it be not the duty of Government to prevent
the ignition of the heap, till means can be taken to
render the attempt no longer dangerous ? The answer
is evident; indeed it suggests itself so plainly and evi-
dently, that a child may see it.
The Coercion Bill, then, however hateful, however
odious in itself, is necessary, till the Government has
had time to apply itself to the removal of the abuses of
which the Irish people justly complain. Agitation
may have done much to disturb the peace of that
country, but, as Lord STOURTON stated in the House
of Lords yesterday, " One bushel of misery was equal
to twenty agitators " in troubling the mental current.
Much must be done to tranquillize Ireland, of which
we shall treat in due time, but of all that is required
nothing is so called for by the pressing misery of the
rural population as a well-regulated system of poor laws.

The French Papers of Thursday contain very little
news. The accounts from Spain were on the whole
satisfactory. The arrival of General RoDIL in the
North was expected to restore general tranquillity in a
very short period ; so that, by the time the Cortes
meet, the Peninsula will be entirely in a state of
peace :

FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, JULY 3.
Five per Cents., 106 f. 30c. 25c.
Four and a Half per Cent, 101 E —c.
Four per Cents., 93f. 75c.
Three per Cents. 77f. 65c. 25c.
Bank Actions, 1,7801. —c.
Rente de Naples, 941. 75c.
Roman Five per Cents., 95N.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 38 4.
Bente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 4634.
Royal Spanish Loan, 7614.
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 71%.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cents., 99.
Haytian Loan, 285 f. —c.