The Sun.
London, England, 1851-02-25 00:00:00

take or misconception, the new Ministry will, however
reluctantly, accede to the popular wish. When they
clearly perceive that a contrary line of policy would be
fatal to their existence, they will carefully shun that
course of policy, at chalk out for themselves a line of
action which will harmonise with popular feelings and
popular principles. Before public opinion, if it be only
uteniitalrably expressed, all future Governments in this
Country must bow down. Tee day has gone by when
Ministers could set public opinion at &Tuner:. Go-
vernments have ceased to be the masters of the people :
the people have become the masters of Governments.
The course which the country ought to adopt at this
crisis is sufficiently plain. It is to meet without an
hour's unnecessary delay, and "pronounce" in fseeur of
certain great political principles. We would suggest
that at the public meetings to be held tereeolution should
be passed to the effect that no Ministry can be entitled to,
or will possess, the confi fence of the country. which is
not prepared to base its domestic policy on the four great
principles of household suffrage, triennial Parliaments,
the right of secret voting, and a rigid economy in the ad-
reinistratien of the financial affairs of the country. This
would ho decisive. Either the new Cabinet would re-
sign at once, or it would make up its mina to carry cut
those principles. We appeal to the metropolis for a cum-
mencement in this great and necessary work. Let the
city of London set the example to the country, and that
example will be forthwith followed. We pledge our-
selves for this. We kno e enough of the character of our
countrymen to justify us in affirming that the provinces
would, in such a case, tread hard on the heels of the
me:ropolis. Shall we appeal to the city of London in
vain? We are unwilling to believe it. But if the event
shall prove that we have formed a too favourable esti-
mate of the patriotism and public spirit of the City, the
only resource left for us will be to turn to the men of
Marylebone. They are never wanting in a great emer-
gency like the present. They contributed largely, by
the promptitude and energy of their action againet the
Budget of Sir Charles Wood, to precipitate the Minis-
terial crisis which has occurred. If they only act with
similar energy in dee!. 'e favour of he
principles we have r
roughs will immedi.
the close of the wei
in motion, to insure
beralism in politic:
guidance of a sound
DAILY NEWS
appears that the Pt
form an Administrat
magebigirefeord knee
nigh n Pailtaffime,
by the Queen in the
unqualified acknowledgment nothing could -be more
gracious than the manner in which that invitation was
conreyed, and the advice which he considered it right
to tender was received by her Majesty. L trd Lans-
downe concluded his narrative of what had occurred,
however, by the statement that " the Noble Lord inti-
mated to the Sovereign that he was not then prepared
to form an Administration;" of which Lord Stanley, in
his graceful and decorous rejoinder, took no notice; but
contented himself with promising, when the proper time
should arrive, to detail fully the nature of the commu-
nication he had made to the Queen. A statement al-
most identical in every expression was addressed by
Lord John to the House of Commons, and the same
important phrase was used by the Premier that was, and
that is to be—viz., Lord Stanley intimated to her Majesty
that " he was not then prepared to form an administra-
tion." Unlike his chief in good sense and gopd taste, Mr.
Disraeli hastily and clumsily contradicted the assertion;
and hinted that Lord John would upon reflection feel that
he stated of his rival that which the fact did not justify.
In reply, Lord John, with dignity and temper, declared
that hiving been ao informed he had no doubt the account

he had giVen of the matter was accurately true; and
with provoking coolness he then added that he was sure
Lord Stanley would concur therein. The want of judg-
ment and of proper feeling betrayed by Mr. Disraeli in
this affair may well excite the apprehension and distrust
of his adherents. For every one except the aspiring
gentleman himself must feel that the contradiction thus
awkwardly given applied not to the Minister but to the
Queen. Nobody will believe that Lords Lansdowne and
John Russell would venture (even supposing them
willing) to invent so utioacious a falsehood and attribute
it publicly to the Sovereign. What passed between
her Majesty and Lord Stanley could only have become
known to them from the lips of Royalty; and upon a
point so vital and conclusive, it would seem highly
improbable that any mistake should have occurred.
Supposing a misconception to have unaccountably
arisen, it would have been easy for Lord Stanley,without
entering into particulars, to have guarded himself from
accepting Lord Lansdowne's version as in all respects
correct, and thus have saved his own consistency in the
estimation of his disappointed party, without hszardiug
a denial derogatory to the Throne. Friday next is but
four days off, and be might have asked them to suspend
their opinion on the entire transaction until then. But
Mr. Disraeli could not contain himself so lone. He who
for the last two years has been feeding credulous country
gentlemen with what Cobbett used to call "sweet
bamboozle," and coaxing them to drop almost entirely
the fond epithets of protection, in order to smooth the
way to office, for which he assured them that he was
" perfectly ready"—he could not afford to wait so long,
or to endure even for four days the reproaches of his
disconsolate and disenchanted adherents. He claimed
end was believed to be on terms of the most unre-
served confidence with Lord Stanley. Not to be
aware of what his chief told the Sovereign
would be an acknowled4ment that his position
in the party was in fact an im-position, and
that ho had been tolerated as self-elected leader
in the Commons rather than trusted in counsel. This
was too much to be borne by one whose pride of elo-
quence aid wit has been of late so pampered with obla-
ttons. And for suite of showing the completeness of his
knowledge ho yielded to the impute of the moment, and
tell into the most lamentable of blunders that any man
looking to high political office in this country could
commit. To admit by his silence that he was not in the
secret of what really passed at the Palace, would, he
ImQgined, have been to admit that he haul lost the lead;
and to sanction the allegati,)n that Lord Stanley had
owned he was not prep:l,mi, when called upon, to form
a Government, would have been, he supposed, to dissolve
the discipline of his party. But what, after all, did
Lord Stanley say? And where, if anywhere, has the
mistake arisen? Nowhere, we believe, but in the brain
of the inconsiderate and ambition-blinded Member
for Bucks. When the story comes to be told
wo more than suspect that it will be found that

all we have heard said about her ➢iajesty~ having
refused to concede a power to dissolve Parliament
should it become necessary, is without justification. Had
it been so, the duty of any constitutional statesman
would have been at once to decline the task, for the per-
formance of which he felt that he was not trusted. No

man of spirit or sense would datly with the offer of
becoming Prime Minister upon sue conditions, and we
will do Lord Stanley the justice to believe that he is not
in this respect an exception es the ordinary rule. We
know that so far from absolutely declining the task, the
Tory chief quitted the Royal presence under the impres-
sion, and with the hope that he would be allowed till
Monday following to try what he could do. And this is
confirmed by two facts of equal notoriety, that on the
same day a special dispatch was sent to Mr. Gladstone,
requesting his immediate return to England; and, what
is still more concaisive, that a letter was addressed to
Lord Stanley by her Nlaje,ty within an hour after his
leaving the palace. The contents of this letter we pre-
tend not exactly to divine; but certain it is that after
its reception no further steps were ostensibly taken to
fulfil the task ascribed to him, while other councillors
were summoned to take part in the deliberations of the
Sovereign. Had Lord Stanley declared himself ready
to attempt the duty of forming a Cabinet, it is impossible
that a cons•itutional monarch should suddenly retract
the offer thus made. But if, on the other hand, the
truth be that Lord Stanley admitted frankly his unpre-
paredness to submit the names of an Administration,
but expressed a hope that, if time were given to send
fur Mr. Gladstone, then supposed to be at Paris, he
might be in a condition to submit a list for her Majesty's
approval upon Monday, then the riddle is easily read.
Tne Queen may have speedily come to the conclusion,
that to suspend the
whole government of the empire
until a courier should b
nd a secondary per-
sonage like Mr. Gladstonlift,r,rdly be considered a
wise or seemly exercise of the eglid discretion. To tell the
assembled Parliament that tlaT iu4 adjourn their sit •
tings, and to tell the nation at laige that its wants and
duties must he suspended untirth'eatnbiguous represen-
tative of Oxford should be caught and coaxed back to
England, could hardly fail of appearing rather absurd ;
and the Queen, although she may have been unwilling
to give a peremptory negative to the proposition when
orally made, unquestionably acted with her usual judg-
ment in speedily apprising Lord Stanley of her senti-
ments on the subject. Small comfort all this, however, to
Mr. Disraeli. If without Mr. Gladstone no Protectionist
Cabinet could ever be named to the Queen, it must bo
clear to whom Lord Stanley meant to delegate the office
of leader in the House of Commons. But how commu-
nicate these ungracious and ungrateful tidings to the
man who, while Mr. Gladstone was still a free-trader,
invented " the country party," as it is called, and who
made it out of dross and rubbish all that it is ? Did
Lord Stanley shrink from prematurely revealing his real
purpose to his too faithful lieutenant? Or did be think
it prudent to be sure of Mr. Gladstone, before he ven-
tured to chasscr Mr. Disraeli?

POiT.—Lord John Russell has redeemed his pro-
mise, and has explained to the House of Commons the
causes of the existing ministerial crisis. The narrow ma-
jority which appeared in favcur of the Government on the
first great division of the session, and the subsequent de-
feat on the motion of Mr. Locke King, are the principal
facts from which the Premier appears to have inferred
the declining confidence of Parliament in his Adminis-
tration. He felt that "on other measures, and on
other incidental questions, his Cabinet might meet with
similar defeats." The fate of the financial scheme which
had been just propounded by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was not problematical, and the difficulties,
present and prospective, we.e not such as might be
affronted by a►n honourable courage, or surmounted
by a justifiable perseverance. They indicated a parlia-
mentary support so feeble and uncertain, as to leave
the Minister no constitutional alternative from the
one course of resignation. The aWence of Lord
Lansdowne from town delayed this step for one
day, and on Saturday morning, as we stated (not on
Friday, as was alleged by some of our contemporaries),
Lord J. Russell placed at her Mej,,sty's disposal
the offices filled by himself and his colleagues.
Throughout this proceeding the conduct of Lord John
Russell appears highly dignified and becoming. It
evinces a just deference to the wishes of Parliament, and
a proper respect for the principles of the constitution.
There is neither a hasty impatience of accidental check
nor a useless perseverance in a hopeless path. The
course is left open and unembarrassed to the leader
of the Opposition, to whoa, accordingly, her Ma-
jeity profanes to confide the conducta'of public groin.

,eciaring in favour of the tour great
named, the of I+.• metropolitan bo-
.ately tread i t" r steps, and before
wic we shal .e entire ceuntry
the triamo4i enlightened
and'a • -‘. ...otny, under the
judgrne ' • . . •
a! ' vatatings, the.
Proteetl.• $ 4 it Fejt to
ation. • so , weal
ado 4
r, Lo • y voji 1 • fito.o 50
L. afternoon o Saturday. By his own