The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-13 00:00:00

!,t ND THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 13, 1856.

ROBBUCK ON THE FORfiIO

POLICY OP ENGLAND.

Yesterday, at noon, a very densely crowded meeting was
held in the Sheffield Town-hall, foe. the purpoio of hearing
aldresses cfrom. the.berough members, Messrs. Roebuck
an i Hadfield. The latter gentleman having first addressed
the assembly,
Mr. PsoEnucK, who was received with great applause,
said—Mr. Mayor, I have to return you and all present my
best !hanks for the resolution -you have 'passed. I have also
to explain in a very few words how I am here, and why I
am here. I was asked by Mr. Hadfield's committee to at-
tend him upon the performance df his duty, as he consi-
ders it, to the constituency of this town. I • had no hesi-
tation, and at once acceded to the request. I did so upon
these grounds. Yoii all of you know that Providence had
inflicted upon me a great want of health—great disease.
During that Eine in which I was so suffering, I had, in
fact, your kind permission to abstain from place in Par-
lia.ment. (Hear.) For that permission •I am, and over
shall he, extremely grateful. But my hon. colleague did
Lis utmost to relieve me, and to soften the great calamity
that fel' upop me. For that I owe him my best thanks,
and lam here publicly to express them. I thought this a
proper and graceful opportunity afforded 'me of so doing,
and therefore lam here. Deriving all these advantages
from my hon. colleague, yet still there are points upon
which, he and I differ. Biet I am happy that we are in that
state of mind that we, believing honest differences exist
between: us, agree to differ. (Hoer.) But if we differ upon
some points, we agree in many more—(hear)—and therefore
will now dwell upon the points of difference. Ilave two
reasons for so doing. The first is, if I were to go over the
points of agreethent I should occupy you until night. But
as the pints of difference are few, I can allude to them,
and explain my Sown views in a very few minutes. And
as I very much admire brevity, I shall take that course on
the present occasion. But there is another reason, sir, and
it is this—Mr. Hadfield frankly and fairly announces his
opinions ; he does it in the face of this great meeting. If
I were to sit silent-and acquiesce in that statement, I might
be supposed to be of his opinion. Now, as I hold the mate
tor to be one of very, very great importance, as you have
allowed him to explain his views, I hope you will permit me
to explain mine. (Hear.) If he will pardon me for so say.
big, I think he has made a mistake in his conception of the
word non-interference. I• will explain my view of non-
interference, for I am for non-interference for England.
I don't want her to be eternally meddling in the quarrels
of Europe. I want her to consider her own interests ; for ,
these interests happen to be the interests of mankind. But
she has a mighty power to wield, and a great destiny to
fulfil. She cannot move without the world feeling that
she moves. If she moves in error, woo to mankind ; if-she
mores iet the right path, glory be to her, and happiness to
the people which constitutes her whole population. I be-
lieve we ought not to interfere -in the internal affairs of
other nations; but while we abstain we must see that no-
body else does so interfere. I beg of you to remember that
we are at the head of the great liberal party of the. world;
Despots banded together may oppress humanity, and there-
fore we have the duty to see that humanity is not oppressed.
Therefore I 'seer, that England should, if she can, ally her-
self against the despots of Europe—against the despotisms
which oppress humanity. I will illustrate this. You saw
the Hungarians rise up against that monster despotism of
Austria—you saw a gallant people making a gallant fight.
You saw that people conquering the Austrians, but you
saw that other fearful despotism of Europe and of the
world - Russia—march in her hired hordes, and put down
that gallant people. Whore was England then ? (Loud:
cheers.) She stood by and saw the 'iron heel of despotism
crushing out the heart.of that people. I say, if we had
stood by and had seen the iron heel of Russia put upon
Turkey, that I think we should have reiterated the fault we
committed when we allowed Hungary to be put down. I
sided en that occasion with the wise, and, as I believed, in
the benevolent object of putting our hand upon the mane
of the great bear of Europe. No, I made a mistake zoologi-
c tlly—a beae has no mane ; but we put our hand on its
neck. (Cheers.) In siding with that object, I believed I
was endeavouring to make England fulfil her great destiny.
And, just as I mourned over the gallant Hungarians—and
I must say the gallant Austrians too—and as I should have
mourned over the Piedmoatese if they had been oppressed
by the Austrians—as I should mouth over the Belgians if
they were oppressed by France—so I should have mourned
if Turkey bad been oppressed by Russia. It was, then, in
furtherance of this great principle of non-interference, not
the non-interfereneeeef el; ever every body
else. (Cheers.) Austria, ltzissiae, and Prussiacan, if they
please, unite; and shall England stand by and see them
swallow up, bit by bit,' every particle of freedom in Europe?
Is that her duty ? That is not my idea of what her duty is.
(Cheers.) I know that there is a part—a portion of man-
kind who believe that the only religion upon the earth is
the worship of the almighty dollar. (Cheers.) I do not. I
am not of that opinion. I believe that, for the good of man-
kind, good men ought to unite when bad men combine.
Therefore, I say, I united with that party which pro-
claimed war with Russia. I was in the House of Com-
mons upon that solemn occasion when the message of the
Queen was brought down to us in' the house, which told us
that we wore at war with Russia. I felt great sorrow—
for war, as my hon. ft lend has said, is a great calamity to
mankind. I felt great sorrow that there was any man
amongst the millions on the earth who could for some pal-
try, petty object, inflict that great calamity upon the rest
of the world. For, mark you, th 6 Dtike of Wellifigton
well said, " Eagland can wage no little war." We are a
great nation, and the moment we declared war against Rus-
sia we roused Europe at once. Europe felt all the calamities
cf war, but for that we were not to blame. It was the Rus.
sian despot—not us. But if we, upon the suggestion of my
hon. friend, had stood cowering .by and had seen the
hordes of the Russian despot marched across the Pruth—
if we had merely entered our "solemn protest" upon that
occasion—not the protest .backed by bayonets and guns,
but in the empty form of diplomacy—l think we should
have placed England in a disgraceful position. We should
have disgraced her in the eyes of the world. I should have
disgraced' myself if I had acted on that opinion of non-in-
terference, and, I believe you coincided with me. (Cheers.)
Such, then, was my view of the Russian war. Now, I
will state to you my views upon this Neapolitan interfer-
ence. I think we aro militating against our own rule in
this matter, in interfering between a'people and its sove-
reign. Now, if the Austrians had marched •their troops
into Naples, then, I say, we might fairly have declared
war against Austria. But Austria has done no such thing.
We have said to King Bomba—as I think he is called in
derision —" You oppress your subjects; you must not do

t
so any more." Though flament as much as any one that
should be such an animal upon this earth as King
Bombs, yet between him and his people I think it is our
duty not to interfere. The moment any other Power in-
terferes, then we can step in. With our mighty fleet, that
can cope with all the other fleets of the earth, and our
gallant army, of which nothing can be said too high, we
could put down the Austrians, as we might, if we h al
wisely guided, have put down the Russians. We have
been the friends of freedom, of good government, of hu-
manity ; ti.ut if we had narrowed our •minds to the consi-
deration simply of making money, of spinning cotton, of
hammering iron, and weaving cloth, I think we should
have been a despicable people—not England filled by Eng-
lishmen. (Cheers.) Upon this point my hon. friend and
myself differ. I don't know whether he will take the in-
terpretation I have given you of non-interference, but sure
I am that we shall be called upon to make this application
very soon, for I believe that the world is now upon the eve
of groat events. We live in great times. Talk about the
apathy of the people of England, There is no apathy in the
People of England. I saw them rise as one man in support
of the war. (Cheers.) I saw them rise as one man in sup •
port of that gallant army we sent abroad. We welcomed
them back —ay, with thee° heartfelt thanks which men so
worthilywsChioeensaserowyneeadfauallotfirolillociamdtleid:tssii.:;
faeenradruedeoi
mani
ni ao tp lo9ws
tictiail
noi nyn sendttoeofrfoe
urer
fue.irtthh uo us
r
sons at least we
England sr far as to make her an
abettor of oppressiez
I would be loth, more loth ta;anall that
enter into war; but even with her
That is my view. finAany part of the world. (Cheers.)
ley hon. colleaaue I inosttnenrtirely agree with. With her
mince matters, and I like
occasions. There is at
sty':
she did an injustice to us. (Cheers.) It is not the timeto
straightforwardwith
I ihwould h
anybody
as
eba gok nitnogseawl
ois dane r,
allbtiof
ri9itnionaent, and I use au American
them beyond their o
term, a fillibustering
iln
sawte rf etleanteea pwrainrcbieptlew,een
.Eugiaud
aonuantlAtinoeriinctaorwfootue
wn
wbe°,uilary—if that leads them to
America, and if that leads
attack foreign nations—if
btehbe fulfilment of our non-
We have everything that can bind usuitaoutkhiantd
almost the greatest calamity that
a n d i a
sat
tint
tie
t. language,
nctuilodu_ suffer.ldtttl
they
shye.
havee
ethfeesuarmbeenliet,ernamtrfle,e„„lhawofs,.ur
flesh ;
thcioyns ; they are
are of the same bleed, they have thaen(si
,lee
it
destiny make:. her the
have the same literature, laws, and lust jtto they are
bon
men on the other side of the Atlantic. Bet'fatre --"'"---
edfo
,a,nNien.j,ulstiNeee,
No, England's
nwgel
at on
ds,tsangdreabty
idenhey (Cries
protector of mankind, and we should be deregati
our dignity if We allowed any nation, however gre2 how-
credit ever nearly allied to us, to do aught that would bring diws"
credit on the great principles of humanity, if we could e"
vent it. I say, though I wonld have us bound to AinepriC .a.
by everything that can bind, though I would by every tie
unite net° her—and I would not interfere one iota in her
interim' transactions, though Ilook with great sorrow upon
them—l will not even express in public my opinion on the
matter—yet lather than see her oppress mankind, I would
oppose her, add oppose her to the death. (Cheers.) Now, I
I will tay one word about diplomacy, I have sai matter.
will now pass on from foreign affairs, excepting
d one
it is the

duty of England not to interfere between a people and their
sovereign. In the internal affairs of other countries Eng-
land has nothing to do, and ought not, in my belief to
plant hired and salaried spies in every Court in Europe,
and call them 'ambassadors. That is not my phrase; .I
merely accept it as what I believe to be an accurate descrip-
tion of an ambassador.. (Laughter.). I would have every-
thing above-board, for I know—l have seen it—that we
are deceive 4 into positions into which, if things were
known beforehand, wp.shnuld never be in. '(Cheers.) There..
' fore, ' I am against all secret diplomacy. Franklin said that
he deceived everybody by telling the truth. (Cheers.) That
was his view of diplomacy; and if England, iri the fulfil-
ment of the great duty that is upon her,• did openly and
avowedly state what she was intended to do--if She sent
her ambassadors, with open instructions for the world 'to
know what she was endeavouring to be at, we need not
have planted over Europe and the world persons who are
said to represent England, bat do not repreSent England.
They represent the bad parts of her policy. They do that,
very accurately. They are very useful persons, but inju-
rious to England. I will pass to other matters in which
myself and my hon. colleague differ, and in which, as you
may suppose, he is in error. (Laughter.) The hon. gentle-
man then proceeded to discuss questions of a purely domes-
tic character, and

The meeting concluded With a vote of thanks to the
Chairman. •

M. ItaSSUTH AT STALYBRIDGE.

MANCHESTER, WRDNESDAY.
M. Kossuth went to•btalybridge to-day, and was
very warmly received by the inhaGitants. On his
return to Manchester in the evening, his friends
assembled iu great force in the Free Trade Hall, to
hear an address on the present complications with
the Neapolitan Government. The ex-governor
was loudly cheered by his political supporters, and
a strong muster of Hungarian and Italian " dis-
satisfied patriots" were present—special trains
having been ruu to convey them from all the neigh-
bouring towns.
The chair was taken at eight o'clock by Mr. G.
Wilson, who commenced the proceedings by ex-
pressing the great satisfaction he felt at seeing
Louis Kossuth coming forward at the present
crisis in the affairs of Europe. It was often asked
how it was that a foreigner like Kossuth, an exile,
without a country and almost without a home,
should excite so much sympathy wherever he ap-
peared in England. He had lived for five years
in comparative retirement. He had no newspaper
in which to expound his views, and no platform
from which ho could utter his sentiments to the

people of England. And yet he evoked, wherever
he went, their warmest sympathies. The reason
of his popularity was to be attributed to the noble
stand which be had made to preserve the political
rights of his fellow-countrymen. It was because
Komuth had uttered sentiments similar to those
used by Washington before the memorable sepa-
ration of the North American States from the
Crown of England that he was honoured and re-
spected in a laud where free citizenship was the
birthright of all. It was true that they could not
restor. Kossuth to his former position, but they
could offer to him, and to all men, a home when
pursued by despotism. (Cheers.)
M. KOSSUTH commenced by asserting that he
had never courted notoriety. If he had been born
in a country where the duties of a citizen might
haveibeen confined to the tranquil fulfilment of a
peacelble daily obligation, following his own pro-
pensities, he would never have taken any conspicu-
ous part in politics ; but ho was the son of an un-
happy country that required all the assistance of
her children. That which was the pride and glory
of Englishmen was an object of hatred to the
despotic Governments of Europe. They hated with
an implacable hatred a country where political
exiles could not only brave their hatred, but where
they could receive public honours such as no
despot, with all his power, could extort from his

subjects. (Cheers.) This sympathy was a good
tpeartnr ot it
y sbmet, w be
ee
nc a
fur se be
aint d
gehnttye d E tnhg el a bnodnadns
do
those
continental countries which to-day were nothing,
but which to-morrow might be everything. The
just interference of England and France in the
affairs of Naples was ominous. He had often been
asked what was the meaning of royal congresses
and the presence of French and English fleets in
foreign waters? His answer was,-"Woo to the nations
when kings put t heirheads together, and diplom a tists
met in fond embrace." England, which Austria had
recently characterised as a "second-rate Power," was
actingFFvv rr
oee
Would
French
dhh in
EEp
men concertogrpl
ealrenvo
ami with
ant 1
ti
asked,
Louiserfde
ponderingr ne
pwoelriecyn?etßwevaonitteitdirs were Eng
ns
Englishmen
nNamopenae,:h:rstoesohrilli
nesybeielotrielognfowph:trthoeneavrrnßeeeuld cttuhhtt
affairs.heryea
edoipdlerlotht
ewcaanset
waasredvoiffluerteionnt..
rwe fiot rhm
thes, but
French
theyp
Sprung like a toadstool from a pool of blood, the
ruler of France could take no root in the soil of
his country. His Government could have no
future, because there was no reason why it should
ever have existed. Revolution in France was a
question of time only. It could not be far remote
when the 3 per Cents. were at 66, while in 1848
they stood at 73. Louis Napoleon knew that
Italy was a volcano, and therefore his whole solici-
tude was turned to prevent an explosion. Hence
his desire for joint intervention with England.
But let the people of England take care that there
was no trifling with the destiny of unfortunate
nations. Having given a description of the rise
and fall of Sicily, once the garden of Europe, but
now the most miserable place within the pale of
Christendom, M. Kossuth proceeded to refer to the
insurrection of 1841, contending that Great
Britain, having once recognised the nationality of
the Sicilians, was bound either to follow the
policy of non-intervention with the Governments
of foreign nations, as laid down by Canning, or to
control, by her authority, any attempt to break
down the form of government which she had her-
self assisted to set up. Either of those courses
would be reasonable, but to paralyse the democratic
energies of a people, to swing them upon the rope of
diplomacy, and then to let them fall to the ground,
was trifling with the destiny of a nation. (Cheers.)
The object of the British Government, as repro-
tented by Lord Palmerston, in the course it was
now pursuing, was to secure the peace of Europe,
endangered by the atrocious misrule of the King
of Naples. But how was that object to be attained ?
A spark kindled at Naples would set the whole
Continent in a blaze. The ruler of France knew
that, and wanted intervention, to avert the catas-
trophe. But why should Great Britain lend her
shoulder to support the tottering throne of Euro-
pean despotism ? (Cheers.) England bad nothing
to fear from Continental revolution. The throne
of her Sovereign rested upon. the affections of her
people, and not upon the personal safety of any
Hapsburg, Bourbon, or other Continental despot.
(Cheers.) Diplomatic relations were broken off
with the King of Naples, and vessels of war were
cruising off his coast to protect, it was said, the
lives and property of French and British subjects.
This might be so, but he warned the people of
England how they lent themselves to the promo-
tion of French influence in the adjustment of the
grandeur,
by trifling with the destinies of Italy. •
Neapolitan difficulty. Ours was a great nation.
Its glory was raised upon the self-reliance of its
sons; but let it not, in the zenith of its fame, in
descendt re he height
to t of
the
litesadminogra_sltrainngd
of materiellafteerreiaign influence
t
M. Kossuth concluded amid loud applause.
A vote of thanks was passed to the chairman for
presiding, and the meeting separated at 10 o'clock.

GRESHAM LEbTUHES —On Tiiesilay„, at Gresham Col-
h,ge, Basinghal:-street, a lecture on divinity was de.
livere3 by the Rev. Morgan Cowie, as deputy for the
Rev. H. J. Parker, reader in divinity, the Bab
j ect being
la) the history of the English translations of the, Bible.
Twenty-five persona were pres€nf.
[ADVERTISEMENT.] - Among the numerous extraordinau
cures without medicine effected by Du Barry'sdelicious
health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Food of Indigestion
(Dyspepsia), Flatulency, Constipation, Nervous;, Bilious, and
nervousness, f
indigestioniealageW , althamcross,
He —hiss El
Liver Complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility,
the following are not the least remarkable :—OID,) No. 47,121.
I
gatherings,
low spirits, and nervous fancies. Cure No. 48,314.—Mi5s
Elizabeth Yeoman, Gateacre, near. Liverpool : a cure of ten
--is :
a cifiareeotfhb extreme Jacobs, o Nazi ng V
years' dyspepsia and all the horrors of nervous irritability.
12, Patrick-street, Cork, 4th mo., 4th, IP¢
19.—Respected
Friend,--I have given your Arabica Food to a girl of fifteen,
who during the last seven years has not been a day without
vomiting fifteen or sixteen times, and sometimes oftener. The
fourth day after she commenced your food vomiting ceased
altogether, and she has not thrown up since
; her health
MARTIN,
is improving wonderfully. WILLIAM M.D.—
, Supported by testimonials from the celebrated Preessors or
Chemistry Dr. Andrew Ure ; Dr. Shorland ; Dr. Harvey ;
Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer; Dr. Ingram ;
Lord Stuart de Decies; the Dowager Countess o f Castle-.
Stuart ; Major-Gen. Thomas King, and many other ree tpectable
persons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other
means of cure had failed. Suitably packed for all climates,
with full instructions. In canisters, 11b., 2s, 9d, ; 21b,, 45. 6d.;
51bs., lls. ; 121b5., 225.; super-refined, ljb., 6s. ; 2lbs., lls.
Subs., 225.; 101bs., 335. The 101bs. and 121bs. carriage free,
on receipt of post-ofice order. Barry du Bari 7 and Co., 77,
Regent-street, London ; Fortnum, Mason, and Co., Purveyors to her Majesty, Piccadilly; also at 60, Gracechurc-street ;
330 and 451, Strand; 4, Cheapside ; tP. Cornhill ; 49, Bishops-
gate-street ; 55, Chariag-arose; oss ; 64, Upper Baker-otreet; 6$
awl 151, Oxiord-otreet.