The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-08 00:00:00

MISCELLANEOUS;

An Ex-Attorney-General, and two most
learned and most liberal Ex-Lord Chancellors, aided by a
pious retired Chief Justice, and a Right Reverend pamph-
'eteering Prelate, are exerting their utmost influence to
c'efeat that " poor man's friend," the Local Courts Bill.

The half-pearly census, made up to June 30,
states the number of individuals occupying furnish 4
apartments in Paris at 44,843, of whom 32,610 a-e
French, and 5,233 foreigners. In the return up to January
last the number was 38,492, of whom 33,765 w re
French, and 4,127 foreigners.-- Galignani's Messenger,
A KING'S letter was some days ago forwarde
to Dublin, granting leave of absence to Lord PLutixsT,
end authorizing the Great Seal of Ireland to be placed in
•ommission. The Noble and Learned Lord will, there.
inec,,,,bsjeon on hili
the plac
Irishel
n Pcahruliracmheßutilid.uring the approaching
'is
MILITIA ESTIMATES COMMITTEE.—MI •
ELLICE, Lord JoaN RussEtr., Sir R. PEEL, Sir H. PAR-
NELL, Mr. P. BARING, Mr. FAzAVIRLET, Mr. Hums,
Sir H. HARDINGE, Sir J. WROTTESLEY, Colonel DAVIES,
Mr. GUEST, Mr. GROTE, Mr. SANFORD, LW! G. LEN-
NOX, Sir J. BYtIG, Mr. C. LsrEvas, Sir R. I.7I3ItOUSON
—all Colonels of Militia.

The last accounts from Naples state that the
Duchess of Banat was expected at Palermo about the end
of June, and that the Prince of Cuero Feaxco, the fa-
ther of the Count nT LUCCHESI PALL!, had prepared a
magnificent palace for the reception of his daughter in
law : but the Duchess could not find ber husband there,
AS he had disappeared, and his family did not know what
had become of him. .—Messager des Chumbr.s
There is said to be a split among the Conser-
vatives in consequence of a pressing demand haling been
made upon the purses of the more weighty Torieg,
support the cause of Don Minuet, which I as become
languid for want of funds. Previously to th- departure
of General BOURMONT, he bad a long interview with a
certain Great Military Chief, from whom he received the
most flittering assurance that adequate resources would be
supplied to him; but it now appears the Noble Con-
mender " rnkoued without his host."
The Right Hon. EDWARD STANLEY, Se-
cretary of State for the colonies, yesterday gave a magni-
ficent dinner to his colleagues, and a very select party, at
his residence in Whitehall-place. Tee viands were most
choice, but the dessert furnished by Cooc, the well known
purveyor, of Covent-garden, was particularly splendid.
An entirely new strawberry, each as large as a plover's egg,
called Turner's seedling pine, was served in great abun-
dance, with some peaches and nectarines of an unusei size
and highly flavoured.
CHARLES X.—The Messager de Gand,
says—" Letters from Prague speak of the happy discovery
of a horrible plot formed by one BARTHELEMY, who en-
joyed the entire confidence of the Royal exiles of France,
to poison the whole family. According to those lettere,
no doubt can be entertained of the reality of this infernal
project. This monster having been discovered, and driven
from the asylum generously afforded him, has, it is said,
been seized, and is kept In close confinement by the
Minden police."
Lord ALBERT DENISON CONYNGHAM
was married at St. George's Hanover-square, on Saturday,
to the sister of Lord FORESTER and the Countess of
CHESTERFIELD. The ceremony was performed by the
Rev. Mr. NORMAX, son of the Hon. Mts. Noamaer, who
is sister to the Duke of RUTLAND. An immense con-
course of nobility attended the bride,who was given away by
her brother, Lord FORESTER. We observed the Earl and
Counte3s of JERSEY, Lady CLARE, Lady CHARLOTTE
LISTER, Lord CASTLEREAGH, Lady ISABELLA FlTZ-
ciutox, Lady ELIZABETH NORMAN, the Hon. Mr. and
Mrs. ANSON, the Duke of RUTLAND, Mr. DENISON, Mr.
and Mrs. SPALDING, &c. &c. Neither the Earl nor the
Countess of CHESTERFIELD was there. After the cere-
mony the " happy pair" departed in Lady JERSEY'S car-
riage ; they, however, immediately left town for the
Marchioness of CONYNGHAM'S seat, at B frons, where
they intend to pass the honey-moon:
THE PROROGATION.—ParIiament will, it is
understood, be prorogued early in August. We are in-
formed it is the present intention to adjourn the House of
Commons on the 25th of this month, for the purpose of
enabling the other branch of the Legislature to decide upon
the several measures lent up from the Commons; that is,
to get rid of the arrear of business which at this period of
the session usually remains on the table of the Upper
House, owing to so many more Bills originating below
than above ; and as this session there have been a greater
proportion of that class than usual, we can scarcely expect
that the Lords will overcome such arrear in less than a
week ; and, looking at the state of public business, we
should hesitate to say that the adjournment of the Com-
mons can take place before the 31st inst., in which case
the prorogation will not occur before the second week in
August, for the Commons must sit for two or three days
after the Lords shall have disposed of the arrear.—The
Town.

The Rev. Dr. CHALMERS preached again
at the National Scotch Church yesterday, in aid of the
funds, and attracted quite as numerous a congregation (more
numerous it could not be) as on the previous Sunday.
The admission was principally by tickets, many of the
bearers of which were at the church by nine o'clock,
when the doors were opened, and by eleven, when the
service commenced, every part of the building was so
crowded, and the beat so excessive, that several individuals
—young men amongst tke rest—were brought out in a
fainting state by the police. Hundreds went away,
unable to obtain admission at all. At the conclusion of
the service more than fifty carriages were at the doors,
and, in addition to these, between twenty and thirty
carriages, hackney coaches, and cabriolets, which arrived
ton late, were compelled to return with their burdens.
Lord Mciarrrx and several ether of the nobility were
present. The collection on the previous Sunday amounted
to 270/.
ANOTHER PROOF OF THE MARCH.—
Within the past few days a couple presented themselves at
the altar of a church in Plymouth to be married ; the
ceremony was performed in due course, and while the
attention of the parish clerk, whose duty it is to collect
the tribute on this occasion, was occupied in some other
matter, the honest pair, as the first act of their connubial
state, ran off without paying the fees. This trick of
cheating the parson, within the walls of the church, was
the theme of wonder to those present, and while com-
menting on the happy couple's commencement of life with
an act of swindling, the bride, " bearing all her blushing
honours thick upon her," was seen to approach the church
authorities ; luckily for whom the newly mat rigid worthies
had forgotten their " marriage lines,"—that their cer-
tificate. A severe lecture %vas read to the disobedient fair
one, for her dishonest propensity, and, having paid the
fee., her certificate was given her.—Exeter Flying P?st.
We gave An account of the suicide of an in-
fatuated young man of Uzes, who formed one of a party
of four, wh o left home together for the purpose of putting
an end to their existence. The three survives of this
tragedy have been tried by order of the Procure.ur du Roi ;
but, as it could not be proved that they had been directly
instrementai in it.uucing their friend to destroy himself,
they were acquitted. On the trial (during which the
spokesman of the prisoners professed the grossest atheism)
it appeared that the suicidal party was to have consisted of
five, but the fifth delayed his intention in order to finish
use of M. de BAuac's romances, in which he was much
interested! We should add, that since the trial these
young men have published a letter, in which they state
that the accounts of the extravagance of their principles
are much exaggerated, and that they had not, in reality,
any intention of making away with themselves.—French
Paper.
We hear endless complaints from the well-
behaved and working Members of the House of Commons,
of the annoyance they suffer horn the frequent interrup-
tiues, inhuman noises, and generally indecent behaviour,
of a tribe of unfledged legislators and dandy lordlings, who
congregate behind the Speaker's chair, and in the dark
corners of the House. We have been told that one of the
members of a Ducal family, famous for adhesion to office
under all Governments, is most conspicuous among this
band of worthies ; who intend, no doubt, to pay their
court to the Ministerial leaders by endeavouring to put
down the Independent Members by dint of noise. Pa-
triotic, however, as their motives may be, it is high time
that a stop should be put to their proceedings. We will
suggest one mode of effecting this object. Instead of calling
out " Order!" and complaining of the interruption in
polite Parliamentary terms, let the offender, or offenders,
be pointed out by name at once. This would be disorderly,
we are aware, but not half so much so as cock-crowing,
braying, and shouting, so as to drown all articulate end
intelligent speech : moreover, it would specc.lly prod
the desired effect, and frequent repetitions of it would be
needless. A circumstance occurred a short time ago in the
House, which leads us to suppose that these hole-and-corner
gentry' have no liking for a reocontre face to face with the
objects of their insult,. An Irish Member,
, who had dined,
having observed one of them as peculiarly troublesome,
tAlowed him from bench to bench, and even up stairs Into
die Galleries, till at length the fugitive *heaped, and thus
voided a collision which might perhaps have taught him
better manners for the future.—Spectator.

',SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The trumpets of the Ultra-Tories—the con-
servative Journals, and the runners of the Carlton
Club, announce that the Tory Peers have
rewed their courage to the sticking place, and
hat they are resolved to Burke (their own slang
phrase) the Lord Chancellor's Local Courts,
Bill. The subtle political craft of an Ex-Chan-
cellor, who cannot control his hankering after
the lost Seals. and who deceives himself by the
expectation of re-possessing them, is rumoured
to have prevailed over the good sense and
straight-forwardness of the Duke of Wellington,
and his Grace is reported to have assented to a
general muster of the Opposition Lords to-mor-
row. The unblushing admission this day
fortnight, by Lord Lyndhurst, in the Com-
mittee on the Bill, that if it had been pre-
viously known that the Bill was a " Govern-
ment measure," it would never have reached
that stage, but " the result would have been
very different," was a broad hint that his Lord-
ship would do his utmost to whip up a nnljority
against the third reading. Accordingly, vast
preparations are making by Lords and Ladies,
and Foreign Ambassadresses, to perform this
notable act of suicidal legislation. Every noble
cripple is to be brought up to the scratch ; and
an avalanche of proxies is intended to destroy
the " Government Bill." No one will believe
that the Opposition Lords care a straw about
the merits or demerits of the Bill. Lord Eldon
(during whose Chancellorship hundreds died of
the delays and expense of suits and the pro-
crastination of judgments) will doubtless shed
a few of his crocodile tears, and pathetically
lament the sacrifice of the interests of the poor ;
Lord Wynford will express his remarkable ca-
pacity and excessive anxiety to reform the law ;
Lord Lyndhurst will abjure all interested trio-
tivea, and disavow all personal hostility to the
Lord Chancellor—and who will credit them
The country will believe that party feelings alone
influenced the Peers to oppose the " Local
Courts Bill," and the people will see that those
modern law lords, who, when in power, upheld
every legal abuse, and opposed every proposition
of judicial reform, have now elected themselves
arbiters of the reformation of the law ! A strange
revolution must indeed have occurred in the minds
and moral feeling of these technical lawyers, if
they can either comprehend the principles of legal
reform, or sincerely desire to promote their ad-
vancement. Three distinguished public men, more
notoriously ignorant in their private capacity, and
as legislators of the principles of jurisprudence--
more thoroughly unacquainted with the laws
and judicial establishments of other countries
—never flourished in the same age. It is not
pretended that a Local Courts Bill is not
greatly needed in England—it is not affected to
be questioned that the principle of the Lord
Chancellor's Bill is excellent—it is not denied
that its provisions are additions to, rather than
alterations of, our legal system. Its first ap-
plication is to be limited, and is palpably expe-
rimental. None of its opponents bring forward
a substitute—no alteration is suggested to ob-
viate the alleged objections to the measure'; but
the whole Bill is condemned, because it is
christened with the odious, ill name of "a Govern-
ment measure." The majority of the Opposi-
tion Peers will vote it out on this enlightened
objection ; and some there may be who have
personal motives—who cannot endure the Lord
Chancellor's present station in the House of
Lords—who can have no peace of mind while
Mordecai sits at the King's gate ! How the
Right Rev. Prelates will comport themselves on
the coming occasion, after the Royal broadside
fired into their hulks, is a matter of public
curiosity, and is difficult of conjecture. They
may make another desperate plunge, and
" neck or nothing," stake their last ha-
zard at the table of the 'Tory Lay-
Lords. We should, however, rather imagine
that they have seen the error of their ways, and
that the voluntary and decided support given by
the King to his Ministers will convince the
Bishops that they have no hope of translation by
adhesion to the politics and factious plot of the
Carlton Club. 'Hey must now be convinced
that they cannot " trip up" the heels of Lord
Grey ; and these discerning Priests will probably
act accordingly. The political wonder of the
age is that the old Tory and wealthy Nobility
of this country should sacrifice their judgment
to a mushroom and needy aristocracy. The
late plodding John Eldon—the late radical John
Singleton Copley—the late Jacobin Sergeant
Best—these are the new Peers, who, making
their politics a ladder to their offices and titles,
are now leading on the Tory Peers, and running
them, as the Scripture swine, to the ocean pre-
cipice ! Too late the British Peers will discover
their folly and ill-directed astuteness. We dis-
tinctly see that the Upper House is determined
not to work with the Lower ; the shock must
come—the sooner the better—and let " the
weakest go to the wall." If this anomalous
state of the National Legislature continues, it
does not require the gift of prophecy to foretell
that there will be " more Peers or none."—
Morning Chronicle.

The Whigs are still unhappy. They have
power, place, and emolument; they have a trac-
table Wuse of Commons, a lenient Peerage,
and, as they aver, a confiding and patriotic
King ; they say moreover that they have peace
abroad and reviving prosperity at home ; but still
they are anxious and distressed. What can the
matter be ? Why palpitates so wildly and deeply
the gentle bosom of triumphant Whigism ? We
will let the public into the secret of this myste-
rious affair in very few words. " England,
Scotland, and Ireland, attend" (as the Times
once said when the Reform fever was getting
to be a decided brain case), for we have some-
thing worthy of note to communicate. The
Whigs are practically rejected, not by the House
of Lords only, but by the entire country. With
a decided majority against them in the Upper
House of course they cannot go on, save upon
contemptuous sufferance, without a swamping
measure. But it seems to have been recently
discovered that the boasted scheme of swamp-
ing, the sheet anchor of Whig assurance,
would not now do, were it even possible,
which is much doubted, to get a cer-
tain sanction for that impudent species of
treason. If Grey and Russell were to procure
patents of nobility to-morrow for sixty or a hun-
dred tailors or footmen, the Ministry might be
as far off as ever from a majority ; for the other
Peers, the Whig Peers, the very newest crea-
tions, might be expected to protest against this
last insult, and would probably go over to the
Tories rather than allow it to be successful. So
the wiseacres, who wished to carry this point,
are obliged at length to eat their ov% n words, and
to lisp their innocent recantation, by admitting.
that there are practical difficulties in the way of
this mode of " bringing the Peers into harmony,
which ought not to be encountered, save at the
last extremity. Difficulties indeed—difficulties

far greater, perhaps, than even now stand in the
way of impeaching the Incapahles for entertain-
ing the proposition. But this is not all, nor is
it the worst part of their case. They might still
keep on, for a time at least, with an adverse
House of Lords ; for that House could only
throw out their Bills, and they care not a straw
what Bills are lost, if they can only retain office.
The great thing is, that the country sympathizes
with the opposition of the Peers, and we think
that in this, as in many other instances,the Upper
House is found in practice to be a far better
representative of the permanent sentiments and
feelings of the people than the House of Com-
mons. We are quite sure, however, that we
run no risk of exaggeration, when we say
that the great majority of the country would
infinitely prefer the swamping of the Whigs as a
M inistry to the swamping of the Peerage, in
order to establish and perpetuate Whig ascen-
dancy. And this is after all the practical point.
The Lords oppose the Whigs ; does the coun-
try wish the destruction of the Lords in order to
save the Whigs ? We think that not one
Englishman in a hundred would vote in the
affirmative on this question. Then we say that
the country. :ejects the Whigs—ask for the
formation ol a 'Ministry in which not the Com-
mons only, but the Lords also, may confide.
The Times asks with great simplicity, what is
to be done when the whole nation says one thing,
and four hundred Peers another ? We answer,
first show the fact of such an extreme collision,
which can scarcely by any possibility take place
more than once in a thousand years, and then
we will engage to provide an appropriate remedy.
The country, we repeat, rejects the Whigs. It
would, indeed, be something odd if it did other-
wise, for the Whigs have long ago rejected the
country. The Radical mob, we contend, so
far from being the country, is an antagonist
power, and the Whigs rejected the country
when they pandered to the base passions of the
mob, in order to carry the Reform Bill. That
mob now turns against the Whigs with per-
fect propriety, the Whigs having merely
used it as a tool which they always intended to
throw away with contempt when their own si-
nister purpose was served. What public in-
terest has not deeply, not to say incurably, suf-
fered under their wretched management ? What
says the internal trade of the country, depressed
as it has been beyond all former precedent by
the agitation of the mad reform scheme ?
What says the foreign trade, whether Dutch,
Portuguese, Turkish, East India, West India,
or Chinese ? What says the shipping interest,
and that dense mass of population lately so ac-
tive and improving which depends for its exist-
ence upon the prosperity of the port of Lon-
don ? What confidence can moneyed men
place in Ministers who, on so simple a matter
as the renewal of the Bank Charter, which all
admit must be renewed, alter the most ho-
portant parts of their own measure with a le-
vity and wantonness of caprice perfectly
unexampled ? Upon the vital subject of
finance Lord Althorp confesses that 'Mi-
nisters do not possess the confidence of
their boasted Reformed House of Com-
mons. But even their blunders in domestic
legislation, startling and most injurious though
they be, shrink into insignificance when com-
pared with their extreme, and we might almost
say treasonable, mismanagement of our foreign
affairs. The people of England ordinarily take
a deep interest in foreign policy, and are very
susceptible on all points connected with the
maintenance of British interest and honour
abroad. Public attention has been recently di-
verted from this subject by the unnatural excite-
ment of reform ; but the people are now fast
recovering their usual good sense, and will soon
ask what has been doing on the continent by
those liberal and enlightened statesmen the
Whigs. The great and obvious business of our
foreign policy is undoubtedly to keep France
and Russia in check ; but what if it shall be
found that France has been insidiously and suc-
cessfully encroaching upon Belgium, besides
taking up a formidable position in the Mediter-
ranean, and that Russia has been crushing
European Turkey, and actually obtaining
military occupation at Constantinople ? Du-
ring the memorable period at which citi-
zens Grey and Russell were correspond.
ing with Jacobin Unions, and holding
nocturnal colloquies with tailors and apothecaries,
the enemies of English greatness were on the
alert, sapping the very bases of our influence
and prosperity, Grey and Russell, it would seem,
knowing nothing at all about the matter. Do
these infatuated men think that their country
will call for no reckoning for such gross mis-
conduct ? The Whigs may well wish to swamp
the Peers, that is, to pack the tribunal before
which they must be conscious that they ought
to be impeached. A pretty business, too, the
Conservatives will have on their hands, when
they conic into power, to undo the enormous
mischief of the last three crazy years ! Upon
ordinary principles of calculation it ought to
take years of war, and some hundred millions
of money, to bring back the country to the
state in which it was found by the Whigs—that
is, to wrest Belgium and A;giers from France,
and protect Turkey and Greece from the iron
yoke of Russia—and this sacrifice would pro-
bably be required but for the awe in which
the name of Wellington is held throughout
Europe. We have not now space for the
full discussion of this great subject, but we must
add that every hour's continuance of the Whigs
in office beyond what may be needful to com-
plete their exposure in the eyes of the public is
a manifest addition to the calamities and dangers
of the country. Not one of the questions with
which, according to Lord Brougham, Ministers
did not shun to grapple has been satisfactorily
settled, nor can one of them be so settled as to
command public confidence without Conserva-
tive aid. All is doubt, difficulty, and confusion,
except so far as the known strength of the Con-
servative interests prompts and impels to mea-
sures more conservative than revolutionary, and
lays a temporary arrest upon the progress of de-
structiveness. This is clearly an unnatural state
of things, and cannot long continue. Now, if
the position of the Whigs be untenable, and if
there be no middle term between a constitutional
and a revolutionary system, we beg to ask whe-
ther the time be not fully come in which an
attempt at least should be made to form a Go-
vernment able to offer something like security to
the first empire in the world against the horrors
of anarchy and dismemberment.—Morn. Post.

It would be seen, by the report of the pro-
ceedings on the Bank Charter last week, that
Lord Althorp has postponed the consideration
of the two resolutions relative to joint-stock
banks. The fact is, that they must not only be
postponed, but altogether abandoned, or at least
so modified as to appear nearly new. Their
chief provisions involve absurdities. It will be
recollected that joint-stock banks of issue were,
by these resolutions, to be required to invest in

Government securities " the half of their sub-
scribed capital." This was to be done without any
reference to the quantity of notes which they
had actually issued. Now, such a proportion
might often be too small to give the public a
perfect guarantee for these issues, and might
often be too large for the liabilities of the bank.
One bank may have three times the amount of
its subscribed capital in circulation, and another
not a fourth part of that amount, yet they are
thus made equal in their necessary investment,
while their liabilities are so disproportioned.
The only rational regulation on the subject
would be to proportion their investment or
guarantee fund, not to their subscribed capital,
but to their actual issues, by making them give
security for the whole or any part of those issues.
This is well put in a statement or memorial
which was sent us ten days ago, purporting to
be from " the Directors of the 'Manchester and
Liverpool Banking Company" :
" The memori %lists contend, that, admitting it to be
right to exact security from banks of issue, that should
not be done by the compulsory investment of a portion
of their capital. The issues of one bank may be more
than twice or three times the amount of its capital;
while those of another, placed in a different situation, or
conducted in a different way, may be under a third or
fourth part of its capital. What, then, could be more
unequal as respects the banks, and more illusory as re-
spe.qs the public, than to oblige both establishments to
give security for their issues by vesting half their capital
in Government stock? Were the first bank to stop pay-
ment, the security in the hands of Government would not
afford the holders of its notes more than from 3s. 4.d. to
ss. in the pound ; while, were the latter in the same
predicament, the holders of its notes would be paid in
full out of the Government securities, and there would be
a large surplus over. It is clear, therefore, that the se-
curity to be given by a bank of issue ought to be pro-
portioned to its issues, and not to its capital. The
former mode will effectually protect the public from loss;
the latter gives little, or rather no protection whatever."
Their objections to the project of making
banking companies " which do not issue notes"
give security to the amount of the one-fourth part
of their subscribed capital are equally irresistible.
Unless a bank issues notes, Government has no
more to do with its management than with that
of an insurance office, or any other mercantile
establishment. The state, in conceding to com-
panies or individuals the right of coining money,
should always take steps to prevent their frauds
on the public which takes their notes, but with
their other transactions it has no right to inter-
fere. The same memorialists make a just obser-
vation on this subject ; they contend

" That, except in so far as the issue of notes is con.
corned, banking is essentially a private business, with
which the state has no more title to interfere than it has
to interfere with any other description of mercantile
agency. If A choose to deposit money in the hands of
B, who lends it to others, why is the interference of
Government more necessary than if A had deposited it in
the hands of C, who employs it in manufactures or agri-
culture ? It is the duty of Parliament to take care that
coins, and the paper notes issued as substitutes for them,
be always cf their professed value; but assuredly it is no
part of its duty to inquire into the solvency of those into
whose hands coin or paper may come."

. .
It would be better that all banks of issue gave
security to the amount of their issues, but surely
this regulation will not be imposed on joint
stock banks if not likewise imposed upon other
country banks, from whose failures the nation
has suffered so much within the last 40 years.
But what the Noble Lord required on one hand,
in order to confer stability on these joint-stock
banks " not of issue," he took away with the
other, in proposing to grant them a charter on
limited responsibility. No banking or mercan-
tile company ought to enjoy such a privilege,
either on their own account or on that of the
public. When a man allows his name to be
mixed up with the concerns of a trading associ-
ation, he ought to be made liable not only for
the sum which he invests, but for the whole of
his fortune. He cannot otherwise be supposed
to take that interest in its management which
shall be a security to the public that it is ma-
naged well ; and the public, having thus reason
to doubt of its stability, will not repose in the
firm that confidence which is necessary to insure
an extensive and beneficial employment of its
funds.— imes.

A pamphlet has been published under what
we suspect to be the false signature of " An
Attorney and Solicitor," in the form of a letter
to the Lord Chancellor, and professing to be
occasioned by his Lordship's late " supercilious"
allusions to the independence and disinterested-
ness of attorneys, &c. The real purpose of the
letter is to injure the Lord Chancellor, and to
aid the project, still entertained by the Tory
Peers, of throwing out the Local Courts Bill.
The manner of it is an appeal to public corn-
passion on behalf of that helpless and ill-used
body, the attorneys (of a large proportion of
whom, however, we are bound to say, in a
parenthesis, that more upright, honourable, or
valuable men, do not exist in the whole corn-
munity). It is insinuated that one of Lord
Brougham's objects in bringing forward the
Local Courts Bill has been to " advance a few
gentlemen of the bar to the new offices which he
would fain provide for them." This is a sample
of the writer's spirit, who, if he be a soli-
citor, is, we conjecture, one of the political-fag-
school,—one of the followers of that honest and
enlightened junto which, day by day, and night
by night, during the debates on the Bankruptcy
Bill, raised the same outcry against the Lord
Chancellor almost in the same words. His
conduct on that occasion ought to have silenced
his calumniators for ever. He allowed the
judges of assize to nominate all the country
commissioners of bankrupt ; these commissioner-
ships (no bad prize to an intriguing Minister)
being not less than 600 in number, and yielding
each from 6001. to 200/. per annum ; and he
referred the choice of the official assignees to a
committee of the principal merchants in the city ;
thus entirely divesting himself of the patronage
which had afforded such a fertile theme of
obloquy. It is the fate of every real Reformer
to encounter imputations on the purity of his
motives, but experience ought to have taught a
man like Lord Brougham to disregard them,
especially as no one is better qualified to strip
from faction and selfishness the hypocritical
mask under which they would disguise
their object and their origin. The present
pamphlet is obviously no better than a case of
Solicitor versus People." The whole grava-
men of the charge against the Lord Chancellor
is, that he is relieving the poor from the miseries
of costly law and often unattainable justice ; he
has reduced, though not in an equal proportion,
the emoluments of the solicitors; that lie has,
in short, preferred the interest of the client to
that of his attorney. What sort of national
sympathy with attorneys, and proportional hos-
tility to the Bill, an accusation like this may
provoke, we shall not now inquire. We recom-
mend the Tory Lords to pause before they take
any irrevocable step in support of their new
allies. They have no credit themselves to spare
for liberality or disinterestedness, and this addi-
tional scandal may tell heavily upon them. The
attorneys, however, have this superiority over
them--that, unlike the Lords, they are not op-
posed to all reform ; and as the author of this

pamphlet, with an amusing simplicity, admits,
the corporation to which he belongs is in a state
very far re,noved from perfection. The passage
being singular we subjoin it:—
" I must write more, I find, than I at first intended ;
and I may as well allude, before proceeding further, to one
or two of the well-founded and most frequently reiterated
complaints against many of the members of that branch
of the profession to which I have the honour to belong.
Many among us are truly accused of incompetency ; some
of unworthy and disreputable practice. I call these well-
founded complaints, for with shame and sorrow do I ac-
knowledge my conviction of their justice. But where lies
the fault? Necessity, my Lord, has no law; and so un-
bearable is the poverty of some of our number, that their
choice lies only between a species of practice indefensible
and most dishonouring, and a residence within the walls
of a prison. It is a fearful alternative, but the Legisla-
ture has imposed it. All the world cries out against the
increase in the number of attorneys, and yet we hear of no
judicious enactment to limit or diminish their number—
and why? Because they bring money into the treasury,
and enrich the exchequer. All that men in power do
towards checking the evil consists in continued encroach-
ments upon the guaranteed rights of the existing body ;
but this is hardly fair, and experience has shown it to be
inefficient.

" I will name one or two very simple means by which
the complaint [night in some degree be obviated. If severe
means must be resorted to, I would say let their influence
he felt by those who merit them, and not by the entire
mass. Parliament is now legislating for the ruin of us
all. I would say, visit more frequently upon delinquents
the just reward of their malpractice., and prevent men
who•e names have once been struck off the rolls from
continuing to practise in the names of other attorneys, or
in those of their employers, as they now notoriously do,
and to assist them in which would seem to have been one
of the chief objects of a recent reforming statute.
" This is practicable enough, my Lord, and it would at
once diminish the number and increase the tespectability
of the profession.
" Another remedy, equally simple and equally effica-
cious towards the removal of the two evils which I have
admitted to exist—our general incompetency and our
overwhelming number, is this; examine applicants for
admission as attorneys before you suffer their names to be
put upon the rolls. The advantages of a recurrence to
this system (for you know, my Lord, its non observance at
the present day is only an abuse which has been suffered
to creep in with time), I am persuaded, would be found to
be incalculable. Articled clerks would be stimulated to
exertion ; the profession would become more intellectual
and high-minded ; its numbers would be diminished;
and that too by the rejection of the most ignorant, who
are generally, from causes which might easily be traced,
found to be, at the same time, the most illiberal and un-
principled.
" If I speak merely of an injustice done to ourselves, I
can hardly in fairness expect to attract much of your
Lordship's valu able regard. If I show that the come-
quences of that injustice produce injurious effects upon the
other branches of the community, I may hope to be
somewhat more successful. There is a class of men (of
whom one or two out of almost an innumerable body I
desire to be understood as redly believing to he respect-
able) termed certificated conveyancers, who, upon the
payment of about 81. per annum at the Stamp-office, are
furnished with a license to carry on the trade or profession
of a conveyancer ; and the gentlemen in question thereby
acquire, or at any rate they exercise without control, the
privilege of advising on titles, and preparing deeds, wills,
and other important documents, and thus assume to them-
selves all the profit to be derived from the most lucrative
branch of a solicitor's practice. My Lord, it may be
quite unimportant whether or no attorneys are injured by
this ; but is it of no consequence that the state should be
defrauded of its duties? that the public should be sub-
jected to the impositions of a class of persons such as
these certificated conveyancers far the most part are, alike
free from responsibility, anti unprepared by the five years,
or indeed any, of that antecedent study which the Legis.
lature has deemed necessary in the case of an attorney ?"
Times.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

IAI PERU LPA LIAME NT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The Alteration of Markets'-Day Bill was read a second
time.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that it was important
that their Lordships should have the same papers laid be-
fore them relative to the Irish Church Bill, as had been
laid before the House of Commons.
The Duke of RICHMOND said he would make in-
quiries upon the subject.
On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the
third reading of the Limitation of Actions Bill was post-
poned till to morrow.
Mr. BERNAL and ethers from the Commons brought up
the Engineer and Artillery Pension Bill, the Militia Pen-
sion Bill, and the Sea Apprentice Indenture Bill, which
were read a first time.
The House then adjourned.