The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-04 00:00:00

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in several ro nece3sary to Eueope, a chiefly to
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England and to Hungary. Tnrkey is a neighbouring
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‘
eocarn,ntnryo til
pair:lftettiahletrhjaenordist Wtoe
itzlinakvoe enemies ha.
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F-, ~, i
"e„
'0 •
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o,.C‘;7.>s, 11 ~ enemy, instead of respecting his interests, but • egt —nee ''l 14', * '''44, + ,
\ ZN \..' would have him, if not an ally. at least a friend
for his own interest's sae. As to the glorious
Republic en the United States, which has -thrown
enosatstootsa.etset its protecting flag around me, let me hopo that
the common sympathy which thee two kindred nations,
England and the United States, hear to the cause of my
cta:ntry and ts myself, will be rho first link of a closer
union of the polities of the two countries in respect to
Europe,which uniou,convenient ;es it is to both your great
glorious, and free countries, would make a happy turning
point in the destinies of humanity. I should not have lived
in vain should I have lived to be the opportunity of such a
consummation. And here I would not, were it not my
duty to reflect upon certain circumstances which I con-
sider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail my.
self of this first opportunity which offers itself to meet
openly. The circumstance is that I considered, and
consider it still, to be my duty not to mix with any
great party question of England, or of any other
country. I w;01 the con-admitsion of foreign interven-
tion in my own country, so I must have clean hands
myself in respect to other countries. That is
my position, to which 1 adi (oilmen ntiously adhere.
I c thsider, therefore, that, my duty, as well as the
respect to your lswi, honesty as well as prudence,
oblige me net to play here the passionate part of au
an,itator, not to eel let with the reputation of being a
icvohstionist. Lt tact, I came hither not to get
this reputation, but rather I declare my conviction to be
that England wants no revolution at an, because, firstly,
it wishes hut a progressive development, and, stcendly,
beeause England has sufficient politieal freedom to be
insured that whatever England may still need it will
not only carry out, but will carry it out
peaceably. Now, this being my duty and my reso-
lution,will be in England, this : such and such are the true
facts
teiciet
past
tsistsetnrtulgyg—my ground was, IS, and
hope, arelecsertn ofai toH
gene-
rous sentiments of En ;land to my country's cause. I
stated that, in my
usnecgurarey. the These
facts, I confidently
opinion, the form of government can
be different in different countries, according to their
circumstances, their wishes, and their wants; England
loves her Queen, and has full metive, to do so; England
fseueffil, se oi
sufficient
butt re clsEngland,on t:
her
monarchy,erbetionghaatean
feels great, glorious, and free, and has full motive to
d d tso 1 c tdhi
ta t
rcanu
bb
leic na
no
forms of government in other countries, differing
in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On
the contrary, the United States of America, being
likewise a great, glorious, and free country, under
republican government, the circumstance of being
republicans cannot give them sufficient motive to
hate and discredit monarchical government in Eng-
land. This must be entirely left to the right
of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns.
Therefore, all I claim for my country, also, is, that Eng-
land, seeing cut of our past that our cause is just,
should acknowledge the sovereign right of every
nation to dispose of itself, and, by acknowledging
this, England should not interfere, but also
not allow any power whatever to interfere with the
domestic matters of my country, or of whatever other
nation. The rest should be left to the respective nations
themselves, the more because it is worthy of that inde-
pendence and freedom for which we struggled. I
therefore thought that this N,i,s not the place for
me to speak 1- about the future organization
and form of government of my country,
because that is a home question of ours, with which
nobody ought to interiere.—(Loud cheers.) But
my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I
hoped. I met rather in certain quarters the remarks
that I am slippery, and evade the question. Now, on the
sense of sincerity, lam particularly susceptible. I have
the sentiment of being a plsiu honest man, and I would
nut be charged with having entered by stealth into the
sympathies of England without displaying my true co-
lours. Therefore I must state clearly that in our
past struggle we made no revolution. We began
to transform in a peaceful, legislative manner the mo-
narchicenaristocratical constitution of Hungary into
a monarchichoglemeeratical constitution; we con-
served our municipal institutions as our most valuable
treasure, but gave them as well as to the legislative
power for basis the common liberty of the people; instead
of the class privtleges of old we established the personal
responsibility of Ministers; instead of the Board of
Council of old, which being a nominal body, was of course
a mockery to that responsibility of the Executive, which
was our chartered rights on paper. but not in reality.
However, we but conserved that which was due to us by
constitution, by treaties, by the coronation oath of every
king, to be governed as a self-consistent, independent
country by our own native institutions, according to our
laws. We established the freedom of thought, of the
word and pen, and secured the freedom of conscience.
We introduced with the abolition of exemptions
equality its duties end rights before the law. We
obliged all to contribute to the public necessity, every
man according to his faculties; we emancipated the
peasants, or rather gave them the land they tilled, to be
their free property. We made the soil free, the la.
bourer free, the industry free, trade free; but
we spared all existing material interests of every
etas!, and resolved full indemnification for every
material loss. We established trial by jury, pro-
vided for independent administration of justice,
cared for cheap government, end took care that the
national army should not become a tool of ambition
amongst ourselves, or an instrument of oppression against
foreign nations. All this we did peacetully by careful
legitlation, v. Hell the King sanctioned end swore to
tuneintein. But this very clynesty, in the most perjurinua
manner, attacked these taws, this freedom, this constitu-
tion, and cur national existence by arms. We
defended ourselves by 51n35 victoriously, and after
the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of Rus-
sia to beat us down, Ito resolved to defend our-
selves against this tyrannical invader also, hut of
course declared that the peijerious Hapsburgs not to be
more our Sovereigns—deposed them, banished, and
declared ourselves a free and independent nation, but
fixed no definite form of government—neither monar-
chical nor republican—declaring rafter to be willing to
fellow the advice of the European circumstances. These
are facts which cannot be altered, because they are facts.
By this you tco that in the past we made no resolution
at all as to the future. Every just man must acknow-
ledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted
every peaceful means of self-preservation; it
is not under the rule of the King, but under
the iron oppression of a tyrant, who conquered
Huneary by calling in sacrilegiously to his aid the armies
of the Czar. So Hungary is not under government,
but under a foreign intruder, who is not king of Hun-
gary, being neither acknowledged by the nation, nor
sanctioned by law. Fluegary is, in a word, in a state of
war against the Hapsburg dynasty. Hungary can in
no other way regain its independence and freedom
but in that way in which it was deprived
of it—by war—as every nation which is free
and indeperelent coequered its deliverance from its
oppressors, like Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal,
France, Sdedan, Norway, Greece, the United States,
and England itself—(Cheers)—that is by a revolution,
as some would call it—by a war of legitimate defence,
as I call it. I will ever reepect the lows of England, and
do nothing here contrary to them; but so much I can
state as a mutter of fact, that my nation will never ac-
cept and acknowledge the perjured house of Haps-
burg to become again lawful Sovereigns of Hun-
gary—never will it enter into any transactions
whatever with that perjurious family, but will avail
itself of every opportunity to rshake off its
yoke. Secondly, that though the people of Hungary
were monarchical for a thousand years, yet the continued
perjury of the llapsburgs during 300 years—the sacri-
legious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own his-
torical existence, with the historical existence of my
nation, as also my country's present intolerable oppres-
sion—have eo entirely plucked out of the heart at my
nation every faith, belief, and attachment to monarchy,
that there is no power on earth to knit the bro-
ken tie again ; and therefore Hungary wills and
wishes to be a free and independent republic,
but a republic founded on the rule of law,
securing social order, security to person and to
property, and
the moral development as well as the ma-
terial welfare of the people—(Cheers)—in a word, a re•
public like that of the United States, founded on institu-
tions inherited from England itself. This is the conviction
of my people, which I share in the very heart of my
heart. I confidently hope the people of England will
appreciate the justice of these remarks, and appreciate
the honest convictions of my heart; neither will it falter
in its sympathy to that cause which it honoured
with its sympathy, which it judged to be righteous
and true, and which it consoled by its
hopes. All I entreat is, that the people of England may
not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the world,
but rather make, by its powerful position, respected the
right of every nation to dispose of itself. With this hope
I thank you once more for your sympathy. I beg leave,
fatigued as I am, to retire, confidently trusting your
noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this
demonstration of your sympathy into any party nodis-
cussions whatever, in which I consequently could
participate, but which still could not fail to theincreawse,,c
1 difficulties, and do harm to my country's
)Clatlfte, which
you honour by your sympathy.
(Chheweasrs. heard by the
But little of this admirable spebta'ct those who were in
vast proportion of the multitude;
cheered many passagos
the compass of Kossuth's voiceb
g taken from this, the
in the address, and the cue
Ile address was once
whole populace join©d in.
which excited alter-
interrupted with a slight episode_
The Times, which had been
nate groans and laughter.
Procession, was burnt, and its ashes
exhibited in the
nd. In accordance with the re-
solutionthrown into the duck po
of the committee no one addressed the meeting
but Kossuth, and the proceedings in Copenhagen-fields,
therefore, closed as they beg ar ~ with lusty cheering.
The procession we:. re-termed after Kossuth bad re-
tired, and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-
barn, where the occasion was celebrated by a public
dinner. It was dusk before the ground was cleared.

people is the certainty of zuccess in resisting the
encroachments of despotic power. Truly, it is so;
take the interference of Russia in Hungary, of the
French Government in Rome, of Austria in Romagna
and Schlesysig-Helstein, and of Austria and Russia in
Hesse Cassel, which made only
most the most loyal, the
model ate, the most lawful opposition to
the absolutist encroachments of its petty tyrant, and
yet was crushed by Austro-Russian arms—take all this
together, and the fact is clear that the despotisms are
leagued agsiust the freedom of the world, so that
there is no hope against them hut in the brotherhood of
people headed :nt protected by Englana end the United
States of America,
.ay uniting in the principle of ac-
knowledgment of the neutral rights if every nation to
dispose of itself, and uniting in the principle not to admit
any interference of whatever forego Power in the domes-
tic concerns of wheterer nation against its own will. By
telling rice a view of the brotherhood of people, you are
the interpreters of my most, warm de.,ires ; end by as.
:curing rns to hope and to be resolved for the future, that
Ruasinti iuterveution in the domestic concerns of what-
ever country, shall, by England, not be permitted
more. By this you have anticipated all that
I, in my humble quality of a representa-
tive of the principles of freedom, in the name
of my country, and in the interests of all oppressed
nations, have again and again entreated from the
people
of England since I have been here. And hero
I meet again another noble idea of your address,
where you say that the name of my country is
linked in your prayers and in your hopes with the
name of other nations. Bless you for that word !
You ennoble my name and my country's by it. Yet
you speak truth. The very moment that Russia
first interfered in Hungary our struggles grew to Euro-
pean height; we struggled t o more for our own free-
doom, our own independence, but altogether for the
freedom and independence cf the European continent.
Oar cause became the cause of mankind. My
nation became the martyr of the cause of European
freedom in the past; of other nations it will
he the faithful champion of that freedom for
the future. I, for my own humble part, whom
my people and the public opinion of the world took for
the personification of my people's sentiments, I know
where my place is. I know what duties are entailed upon
me. I shall ensure the sympathies of England by my
devotion to my country's European cause. England will
find me faithful to that place and to those duties which
my people's confidence having assigned to me, which
foreign violence could hinder me from exercising, but
whose legitimate character no violence could destroy.
Let me also hope, that whilst Hungary and I are aware
of the solidarity of our cause with the cause of European
freedom and independence; and whilst Hungary is re-
solved to stand manfully in its place, the other nations,
and England itself, will not forget that the freedom and
independence of Hungary is indispensable to the lade-
pendence of Europe against Russian encroachment and
preponderance, and so neither the ether European nations
nor England will allow Russia again to interfere or
to uphold that detested house of Hapsburg, with which,
eternally alienated, Hungary will never, through time,
have any transaction, unless to ban it, expulse it, or to
hurl it in the dust. Amongst the nations linked to
my country in your hopes and prayers, your address
especially names France, Poland, Germany, and
Italy. To be sure there are some of those events
which may be scented already in the air. As to
France, my sentiments are known. I have de-
clared them openly. I will be true to those sentiments;
and can only add, that it is a highly important step in
mankind's destiny to see brotherly love between nations
so substituted for the unhappy rivalries of old, as to elicit
in England also such brotherly welcome to the French
as was seen at the late Greet Exhibition, and to elicit
such sentiments in England. And so certainly it
should ever be. The French nation is great enough
for the pulsation of its heart to be, and to have been
always, felt over the greatest part of the European con-
tinent. Till now it is true that the expectations have
never been realised which Europe's oppressed nations
had in France; but it must be remembered that the
French nation has fallen short in the realization of
its own domestic hopes also. It would, therefore,
be unjust to make a reproach of that which was
a misfortune, which they themselves deplore most
deeply. I attribute their mischance to the unfortu-
nate propensity to centralisation which the French
nation during cll its trials conserved—centralisation
which leads ever to the oppression of liberty—cen-
tralisation with which the guarantees of liberty rest
rather upon personalities than upon principles;
and when an omnipotence of power is centred,
be it in one man or in ens assembly, that man
must be a Washington, or that assembly be composed
of Washingtons, not to become ambitious, and, through
ambition, dangerous to liberty. Now Washing tens are
not so thickly sown as to be gathered up everywhere for
the reaping. I would, however, solemnly protest,
should whatever nation attempt to meddle in the
domestic concerns of my fatherland; so, of comae,
I cannot have the arrogant pretension of mining with
the domestic concerns ot what .:ver other nation;
and least of all, of the great French nation, which
is powerful enough to come at lust triumphantly
out of its trials and suffirings. I have only the warm
wish and hope teut the glorious French nation will
soon succeed in making that which is now hut a name
—then Republic—.s reality, and will succeed soon to
achieve that work so es to see upon the basis of
common liberty :established the contentment of the
people, and, secured by that contentment, a lasting
social order; which cannot tail to be secured when
it is founded upon liberty, but which, without
liberty, is impossible; and secondly, I hope that
the great French nation, in case it realises the
name which it bears, will not forget that it is to her,
to England, and to the United States to cheek the en-
croaching spirit of absolutism wherever it should dare to
threaten the independence of nations and their right to
dispose of themselves. That is what oppressed hu-
manity expects from the French Republic as well as
from England and the United States. As fur Poland,
that sad martyr to the most sacrilegious of ambitions,
it is enough to say that Poland and Hungary
are neighbours and have a common enemy. Though it is
utterly falsetto call our past struggles a Polish conspiracy,
still I can own loudly in the name of my country that
there is no people on the earth which could feel more
interested in the future of Poland than the Magysre.
We feel, also, highly gratified to see ourselves
united in your prayers, and hope with Germany.
Wo are kindred in sufferings, united in hopes,
united in your sympathies. Germany and Hungary
must feel united in aim and in design. Now, as to
Italy—ltaly, in so many respects dear to my heart
I will not dwell upon its terrible woes, they are known
and appreciated through the world, and elicited, even
in those quarters where it was least expected, the
strongest indignation of generous men, proving
that questions of humanity can, in England,
be no party question. I will not dwell upon the horrors
of Naples, out of which even your Government publicly
foretold that a revolution must arise. I will not dwell
upon the scaffold which Radetzky reared 3,742 times in
three short years in Lombardy. I will not dwell upon
the just hatred of Venice, nor upon the intolerable hu-
miliation and nameless sufferings of Rome. I will only
say that it is not even possible to imagine a stronger iden-
tity of interests between two nations than that existing
between Hungary and Italy. The freedom and inde-
pendence of these two nations have the same enemies.
They are like two wings of a single army ranged
against one enemy—the victory of one wing is a victory
to the other, the defeat of one a misfortune to the other.
One cannot become independent and free without the
other also becoming so, else there would be no security
to their freedom acid independence. So it is not
even possible to imagine a stronger link of
brotherhood than that which between the two nations
needs must exist. I confidently believe that this imperious
necessity must be equally felt on both aides; and that
both nations must be penetrated by the convicticn of it
as strongly as myself—the more because there is a
happy incident which must further strengthen the har-
mony, hopes, feelings, and wishes between Hungary and
Italy. I will tell it to you. There are new doctrines
agitated in certain countries, which, by what right
it is not mine to investigate, aro considered by many to
be incompatible with social order and with the principlo
of security of property. Now Hungaty has and will
have with these doctrines nothing to ao for the most
simple and more decisive reason, because in Hungary
there is no occasion, there is not the slightest oppor-
tunity for them. Ve have not the disease, so we
want no medical speculations about the remedy. We
want freedom and independence, and we will be rescued
from the evil, the Austrian dynasty. But we want no
theoretical speculations about property—we want them
as little as the citizens of the United States, whose in-
stitutions we wish to have established in our country,
with the difference that Hungary is red will. not be
divided in states, bat will be one country, composed of
free municipalities. And I am confidently assured that
all this is the very case also with Italy. Ital
nalesiothenro
its
scpcaeosipolne
norto sithsapreopu thoselt:tr l e
addoecrtsr
havene s , t hhe
aryt has
eeof
vower
nor
to do with them; and I am therefore glad by whatever
feelings to know that this happy coincidence
of Imam-
stances can only strengthen the harmony, brotherly
love, and union which between these two nations
must exist, in consequence of the identity
of their interests. So in respresponse to your
wishes, hopes, and sympathies,
I will only say that
my restoration to personal freedom I value chiefly cn
account of seeing myself restored to activity and to my
country's service. I have the full conviction of my
country's freedom and independence being intimatelyu
identified with the freedom and independen;Eouf,
E
and even with some very important interests _
self. Resolutely I accept in my position sll
as well
as all dangers of this persuasion; and my
n country,dtitv, will alwaes
as all other peoples who share this
•d
find me faithful to them. I wis duties as
only to see them as well
England
y
having some confidence n
also to my mind, which,
feeblethooUgohnlyin m
in frankness but
faculties,
of unwavering consistency will
for ever conserve the merit
and of disinterested resignation.l unite with you
unchangeably in the fraternal sentiments
express in this, your address, towards
Turkey, and I de-
which you
y
cidedly declare that I never will join any combination,
however promising, which might do that country in-
jury. I will rather promote its interests, fully aware
that Turkey is not in contradiction with the interests of
Europe, as the Czar and the Hapsburgs are, but rather

BANQUET AT HIGHBURY-BARN.

In the evening the committee, with a number of
their friends, dined together at the Highbury-barn
Tavern, in the large hell, which is capable of con-
taining from five to »ix hundrA people, and which
was quite occupied on the occasion. The company
consisted almost altogether of the working-classes,
and, though members of all parties and sections in
politics were understood to be invited, yet, as might
have been expected, the general, if not the universal
feeling, was that of the extremest character of Eng-
lish democracy. Several of the banners which had
been used in the procession were hung up in different
parts
o f
thethec
bill;ila
i r andmanwas
,
ga 1 lt,h
e m directlyotto
behind,
" There is no obstacle to him that wills."
Mr. Thornton Hunt, the chairman of the committee