The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some of the proceedings of Lord Grey's cabir et
have more than once been made subjects of general
animadversion, more particularly with, reference to
the single point—that point of most essential import-
ance to a political party, the relation between its acts
and its professions. The principle of reform was the
only one upon which Lord Grey and his Whig friends
could hope to retain the government of this country
for one short hour, after their expulsion of the Duke
of Wellington. The Tories had ruled the British
empire so long, that everything artificial—everything
which could be the work of party—all habits and
maxims of state policy—magistrates, clergy—all civil
functionaries, all statutes, and such of our national in-
stitutions as modern law-making could create, or per-
vert to factious purposes—everything moveable, every-
thing tangible—patronage of all kinds, abuses of all
kinds—those individual and selfish interests by which
vulgar minds are swayed to sordid uses—this vast mass
of applicable power, was throughout subservient to
the views of Toryism. It was vain for a Whig
ministry to receive the King's appointment to office—
utterly vain, in the teeth of such a giant force, to
dream of keeping possession of the government, ex-
cept by calling some superior power into action ;
and that power existed nowhere but in the people of
England. This must have been manifest to Lord Grey
and his friends during their long exclusion from all share
in the Administration ; nor could they become suddenly
blind to it on their accession to the .Government.
Without, therefore, by any means desparaging the
liberality or patriotism of the Grey Cabinet in bring-
ing forward its measures of Parliamentary Reform, it
would be an insult to their discernment not to suppose
that if they beheld in an extensive reform of our repre-
sentative system the best means of advancing and
perpetuating the national welfare, they must also have
recognized in it the only effectual overthrow of their
own rivals the Tory faction, whose frightful, and to
the Whigs humiliating preponderance, had been
founded upon the encouragement of those grievous
abuses which the corruption of our representative
system had generated, nursed, and protected. Had
Lord Grey, therefore, and his associates been less
patriotic than we are willing to believe them, they must,
from the mere exigencies of self-interest as a party,
have carried into execution an extensive scheme
of reform, otherwise Toryism must still practically
have retained the ascendant, and tolerated speculative
Whigism as one of its most plausible and not least
useful instruments. This, however, as we have said
before, is no discredit to the Whigs : for in fact there
can hardly be a stronger recommendation to any class
of statesmen, than that their interests and those of
the people are identified. But neither is it at all to
the praise of the Whig Cabinet, that since their first
bold conception of the reform policy was realized, and
great power thereby distributed throughout the com-
munity, they have on more than one occasion appeared
to have lost sight of that which ought to be regarded
as the principle of their own existence—viz., Govern-
ment by and for, and in concurrence with, the people.
Three memorable examples of this inconsistency being
of recent occurrence, will easily be brought to mind
by the public—namely, the wretched Marriage Bill of
the dissenters, the last division on the pension list, and
the debate three or four days ago upon the Irish
Tithe Bill, with a prospective reference to the other
legislative enactments by which it must be succeeded.
It is well known that on each of these, especially on
the first-mentioned measure, and the last, great dif-
ferences of opinion have existed in the cabinet ; that
Lord J. Russell had nearly 'forced his colleagues to
accept his resignation rather than expose himself to
the disrepute of covering by his name a bill of which
he felt the utter inadequacy to its professed object—
viz., that of satisfying the dissenters by a redress of
their grievances ; and that with regard to the last
measure—we mean the settlement of Irish church
property—the disagreements in the cabinet were openly
declared by Lords Althorp and J. Russell, it being
generally understood that the two latter noblemen,
with, we believe, by much the most numerous portion
of the cabinet, are in favour of more liberal and efficient
church reforms, as well as of a more ample satisfaction
to the just and reasonable claims of the dissenters,
than Mr. Stanley and one or two other members of that
body. But it will be asked, if the great majority of
the Cabinet be agreed in opinion as to the expediency
of certain important measures, why do they suffer a
minority of no more than two—for such is the asser-
tion of the Tory prints--to thwart them so effectually
as it is plain they.have done, and thereby not merely
to impair the nature of the laws proposed, but ob-
viously—and we must add, for the Ministers, nfost
disreputably—to obstruct and retard the course of the
public business, so as to render a session of Parliament
of little more use to any other end but that of raising
" subsidies," than the most anti-reform Prince of the
House of Stuart could have desired ? But see again
how Cabinet bickerings—how a general absence of
conscious and self-reposing power in the parties whom
it consists of—and the grievous want of one determined
and over-ruling mind among those who form the
majority of that Cabinet—have embarrassed the
affairs of the country, and made this session '
almost as bad as the former one—unproductive of
every thing but " ways and means" for the current
service of the year. What is the state of our pro-
mised and projected legislation in its most essential
branches ? The .House-tax Bill, only at the second
reading ; the Local Courts Bill, and the Abolition of
Imprisonment for Debt Bill, so solemnly pledged to,
but neither of them yet brought in ; the Church-rate
Bill, brought in, but in a state of suspended anima-
tion ; the Church Reform Bill yet unborn ; the Irish
Tithe Bill, that Messiah of peace and good-will to
men, now but at the second reading ; one Dissenters'
Bill, such a monster that it was forced to be strangled
in the birth, and no other yet prepared for Parliament,
while the vast body of dissenters are hourly increasing
in united force, and rising into demands before
unheard of, for no other reason but the seeming
unwillingness or real incapacity of Ministers to
satisfy their original, temperate, and just expecta-
tions, and to redress grievances which it was
even more disgraceful to the country than pain-
ful to their victims to have at any time im-
posed. Everything is postponed or abandoned for the
sake of carrying a bill to cut down the just emolu-
ments of poor clerks in office, or to force upon the
country a new nostrum of social tyranny, which smells
of the pedantic and fanatic despotism of Robespierre
in every line. Without saying a word upon the greater
or less reputation of this cabinet, or of its members,
for what is termed " talent," we cannot refrain from
saying that the grand want is will—the power which
impels, perseveres, overcomes, and accomplishes all
things : that will, if it exist at all, resides not among
the majority of the cabinet. But unless it so exist,
and unless it be so planted, no cabinet is worth a
straw. In the Duke of Wellington that single faculty
supplied the defect of a thousand others. For it there
is no equivalent, we are afraid, in him who has nomi-
nally succeeded the warrior statesman.—Times.
It gives us great pleasure to escape from the idle
declamation on the subject of the poor laws, dished
up to us again and again by most of our contempora-
ries, to the sound sense of men like Mr. Leslie, the
Governor and Director of the Poor of St. George's,
Hanover-square. It is to the exertions of this gen-
tleman that the inhabitants of the parish of St. George
arc principally indebted for the very important reforms
of which such honourable mention has been made of
late in many quarters. Mr. Leslie has published, in
the shape of a pamphlet (we believe copiod in two
successive numbers of The Sun), Remarks on the
present state of the Poor Law Question, in which he
shows that the object proposed by the Poor Law
Amendment Bill has been very generally misappre-
hended by those who have abused it. "It appears,"
he observes, " from all the collected evidence on the
subject, that the only effectual mode of carrying into
effect the statute of Elizabeth, is by what is
called the workhouse system, for wherever this sys-
tem has been enforced under proper regulations,
its effects have been uniformly beneficial, both
physically and morally. Everything," he ob-
serves further, " which the bill contains (except-
ing those parts which relate to the laws of set-
tlement and bastardy) is only subsidiary to the esta-
blishment of the workhouse system ; it constitutes the
agency and the machinery by which it is to be carried
into effect. If a better agency and machinery than
that proposed in the bill can be devised, let it be
adopted ; but let it not be supposed that the object
can be effected uniformly throughout the country by
detached legislative enactments ; it is impossible, for
instance, that small parishes can have the benefit of
the system, except in union with other parishes and
it is impossible that any statute can point p\tt the mode
in which such unions (depending, as they must do, on
varying and local circumstances) can be effected, any
more than in the common and familiar case nt ate
enclosure of the common and waste lands of a pa-
rish, the statute should point out what parts shall
be allotted severally to each proprietor and coin.,
inoner." Mr. Leslie then proceeds to show, in 4
very able manner, that the whole object And

r•T ,t

functions of the commissioners are to. .“iitt:.,4
local expenditure ; and .that wherever the a::,
a'::,
they will supersede parties vested. with ' powers
to order, without appeal, *louver -expenditure they
Lcii
please. The magistrates, tb 1,..tp,, pheir-ctOjt, have
generally become sensible th'it, iCitl4 (thy eery' eat in-
tentions, they cannot exercise e powers now in-
trusted to them without producing the most mischievous
results. But what is singular, enough, we find the
very newspapers in which the misapplication of the
poor rates is attributed to the circumstance of the
money being expended by parties not having .an inte-
rest, like the heritors in Scotland, to
,keep down the
outlay, now turning round on the magistrates and
abusing them for yielding. up a power they cannot
c xercise to advantage. "No man," as Mr. Leslie
says, " can have an interest in confiding 'unnecessary
powers to any body of men." In the committee, the
powers proposed to be given to the commissioners will
become the subject of careful investigation ; and if it
he found that more is demanded than can safely be
given, it will be withheld. But of course the House
of Commons will he guided by arguments, and not by
abuse and silly declamation.-31orning Chronicle.

We call the attention of our readers to a report of
the interview between the deputation of the dissenters
and Lord Althorp, and also to the report of the public
meeting last night at the London Tavern, on the sub-
ject of the separation of church and state. We have
not space for present comment, but to-morrow we shall
offer some further remarks on the critical state of the
church question. The Tories and the bigoted clergy
of the establishment seem determined to " bring down
an old house about their ears." Their vicious oppo-
sition to the moderate claims of the dissenters has
doubled the demands of the non-conformists. We
suspect that the church will soon discern the advantage
of conciliation, and that even the Oxford and Cam-
bridge pedants will be glad to admit the dissenters to
a share in the benefits of university education. We
have elsewhere alluded to the performance of the
Archbishop of Canterbury, who read a homily of the
sixteenth century in the-Lords last night. The minds
of the right rev. prelates are as antique as the palaces
in which they reside. As legislators they are not
robed in the mantle of Elijah.—Morning Chronicle.

We are informed by a correspondent that " the
universities of Oxford and Cambridge have resolved
on a new course of action in the matter of the dissen-
ters' bill. They say that, provided the legislature
should pass the bill for opening the universities to dis-
senters, they will still have the power of refusing to
admit them. The applications at present greatly ex-
ceed the number of students whom they can instruct,
and the selection depending upon those who have re-
solved that they will have no intercourse with the sec-
tarians, the power of rejection will be with them."
But what of this? Who cares for their power of se-
lection, and consequent power of rejection? Oxforct
and Cambridge are very respectable, as well as some-
what ancient places ; but they have no patent for con-
taining all the learning, and wisdom, and talent, of
which wealthy and merry England can boast. Good
things may come out of other cities and towns in the
present day, as well as they formerly did from out of
Nazareth ; and if Oxford and Cambridge shall prove
contumacious, why not have national universities in
other places ? There is no magic in their names—nay,
there is much in the very soun of them to remind us
of deceased learning and blasted reputation :—but let
that pass, and let them pursue their own course—the
" Facilis descensus Averni" on which they seem to be
bent. There is balm in Gilead for those whom they
hate, even if there be no hope left to them of retracing
their fatal steps.—Morning Advertiser.

There have been so many reports in circulation re_
specting the financial measures of the Spanish cabinet
that the following short statement, collected from va-
rious sources, as to the actual position of the negotia-
tions for a new loan, may be interesting at the present
moment. There are three parties now in treaty for
it—the English, French, and Spanish. We under-
stand the probability is that it will be taken by the first
or last party. We believe the recognition of the
Cortes' bonds stands thus :—lf the Spanish or French
capitalists succeed in obtaining the contract there is
little chance of that event occurring. The former are
naturally desirous not to encumber the resources of
Spain with fresh obligations, and the latter are profit-
ing too much by operations in the Perpetuelles to con-
sent to any change that may affect them. The
English capitalists who are engaged in the negotiation
look at once, we believe, to the recognition of the
bonds ; but it must be recollected that a Board is now
sitting in Madrid to investigate the national finances,
and to report upon them, and until this report he made
no recognition can take place, even if the loan be ta-
ken by English capitalists. We yesterday ventured
to recommend caution to those parties in dealing with
the Spanish Government, and certainly this statement
which we have no doubt is substantially correct, does
not render the caution we then gave less necessary.—
Morning Post.
We hail with pride and gratification the noble
stand made by the University of Oxford, in defend
of that church, whose interests are identified with
the very existence of this country as a religious and
God-fearing nation. Above fourteen hundred mem-
bers of convocation had signed the declaration of ap-
proval and concurrence (inserted in a former number
of our journal) on Saturday evening last (scarcely a
fortnight since its original promulgation), and we doubt
not that each successive day will bring an accession of
strength from distant parts, as the Oxford committee
have wisely resolved to leave the declaration open for
some little time to come. This will give every honest
Protestant, who has received his education within
the walls of the university, the opportunity of affix-
ing his name to that which will, we trust, be
an imperishable record of constitutional resistance
to the nefarious attempt to violate her ancient
and undoubted privileges ; and to substitute crude,
idle, and most probably impious theories for the
sound learning and religious education, whose
value and whose force are nobly manifested by the
number and weight of the names arrayed in quiet de-
termination to maintain such learning and such educa-
tion unpolluted by the foul streams of dissent and in-
fidelity. We call, then, earnestly upon all members
of convocation who have not yet subscribed their names
to lose not a moment ; and we beg, moreover, to re-
mind those churchmen who are not connected with
the university, that they have now an opportunity of
expressing their concurrence with what has been done
by their brethren in Oxford. We rejoice to see by
the Leicester and Nottingham Journals that the good
men and true of those towns have buckled on their
armour. Let every,town, aye, every village, in Eng-
land follow their example, and we may yet, under the
blessing of God, be rescued from a measure fraught
with everyjpecies of violence, injustice, and danger--
with the dFstruction of all those institutions which, as
Englishmen, we love, as Christians, we revere.—.
Morning Post.

out shoot-
ing3.,each, near Wish
in a direction from
As a gentleman of Brighton WP
'de fired at one of them
on Tuesday afternoon, on the
Barn, he saw two eagles flyir
to the smallness of the shot
Hove towards Shoreham.
and hit him, but owing
(No. 6) and the height the bird was from the ground,
he did not suceeed in bringing him down; the eagle
merely ducked a little, and then, apparently not being
much hurt, quietly followed his mate on their course,
due west, Such strange game are not often met with
in these parts.—Hants Advertiser.
A DRUNKEN SERVANT.—WiIIiam Crab!),
a servant in the employ of Mr. Sorry, of Broomfield,
was charged with getting drunk when sent out with
horses. Defendant was sent to Ingatestone with a
load of straw, but got so intoxicated that Mr. Surry
was obliged to send another man to fetch him home.
Defendant seemed to think it was only the last degree
of drunkenness that was punishable by law, " for,-
says he, " I was able to . stand. "—Fined 9s.—Essea.:
Herald.

SCENE IN TIIV, CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES,-
-One day last week, one of the members, in allud;
to the grant asked for the completion of the public
monuments in Paris, observed that some of the Thew
constructions at the Garden of Plants appeared to, him
of very (inestimable utility. The hon. aoroy parti,
;
cularly pointed to the new series of h'4.l3itations erected
far the apes and monkeys (Laughtt)
ttohatthseoirmouot
foofrtthoer4puittries%a class of ani-
mals, he added, which did ngt &ppear to him to merit
. the member in cinest(ioina,
M. Jaubert w4'4eutarly signalised himself.) M.
liafuhgeh a da
at Jousseli* money should be devoted
caasperaton at the laughter of M. Jaubert. M.
(Laughter,
expressed
s siend whichgr e a:
Jaubert--I know not why M. Jousselin has taken the-
trouble a Addressing himself particularly to me. But
business on his hands. (Renewed laughter.) The
im(n,xiags.hejimcittoushaelellfrytt,ou,,nll
addresses e
when
thush en hael l
speaks,
those
hwhoo 1
smi
lal yh ba
have
oe disposedooug enough of
toot.
President said that M. Jousselin particularly addresa-
hJla, n)b e 13
Iwas
theno t
replyN•er) parliamentary.i. laughter, j bALecoming. (M. Jaubert, "Oh !"--,