The Sun.
London, England, 1856-03-15 00:00:00

commen cem en t of the difficulty, was to acquire large
pecuniary profits for herself at the expense of those
who adopted a more decided and straightforward
course. It was not the fault of the people, but
of the ruling classes, who avowed themselves the
thick-and-thin partisans of the AUTOCRAT, whcse
decorations and roubles were profusely lavished
on all by whom they would be accepted, and whose
services were worth the liberal price paid and re-
ceived. The same spirit that led to the murder
of an able and impartial Minister was in operation,
and has at length been rewarded by the adulation
of France and England.

Secret diplomacy has many evils, but none
greater than the prevention of indignant protests
on the part of the people against such untoward
proceedings. What would be the verdict of Eng-
land if the admission of Prussia to the Con-
ferences were put to the vote ? There would be
a majority of at least 50 to 1 against the sug-
gestion. Bait the matter is concluded
without their knowledge or consent. They
aro only informed after the matter has
been concluded, when their sanction is invited
for the irreparable evil. It is not so with our
transatlantic brethren. They insist on a full
knowledge of all points in which they are con-
cerned, and they are not the less respected. there-
for. What would the American Congress say to
any remonstrance as to the "inconvenience
of questions respecting diplomatic proceedings."
The Minister that offered such an insult to the
popular representatives would have but a brief
tenure of office, and few opportunities of repeat-
ing it.

The events that have occurred since the im-
perial revelation respecting the anticipated divi-
sion of the assets of " The Sick Man " form an
important chapter in English history. They will
be impartially discussed by future annalists, and
we fear that the manner in which we have
truckled to Germanism will not redound to the
credit of the present race. Our descendants may hear
['arch of the unconstitutional and irresponsible
influences which operated so prejudicially to the
iionour and interests of the country, but which
a one of our present representatives will endeavour
io bring to light. One who, like the DOUGLAS of old,
would undertake " to bell the cat," would indeed
achieve undying fame—a monument more en-
during than brass or marble.

Lord STANLEY has just been honoured with a
testimonial of greater value than many much
more costly and pretentious. Four hundred of
the inhabitants of the l;orough of Lynn, which he
represents, most of them electors, have forwarded
to him a brief and simple address on his public
conduct, one perhaps as honourable to the con-
stituency- as to its representative. If it dwells
on his merits, it is no small merit on their part
to appreciate them as they do. In 1848 Lord
STANLEY was elected for the old Tory borough as
a Protectionist, and has sat for the place since that
date. At the general election in 1352 he was
vigorously opposed by the Liberals, but, of
course, triumphed over his Liberal opponent.
Since that time he has been steadily evincing
Liberal tendencies, chiefly on points of imme-
diate and practical interest, though generally
grounding his advocacy of them on clear and sound
heoretical principles. lle first astonished his
old Toryfriends in Lynn by his manly speeches and
votes on the Church-rate question, then on re-
pealing the Taxes on Knowledge as they were
termed, and now lately by a remarkable speech
on the " Sunday question ;" indeed, he deviated
widely last year. from the standard of Sunday
orthodoxy common both to Churchmen and
Dissenters in Lynn, as in most other places.
It is gratifying to see that this last act of in-
dependence has not brought on him an angry
warning to quit, hut a frank commendation of his
independence. The memorialists not only express
their •‘ approval of his general public conduct in
supporting liberal and progressive measures of re-
form," but of this particular case as—a "proof of
his courage and sincerity"—they also define their
own interpretation of his vote, as evincing no
desire to increase labour, or even attendance on
worship, on the Sunday, but the wish rather to make
legislation equal for the rich and the poor, and to
extend the range of refining and humanising in-
fluences among the working people. We believe
the address emanated in part from those who do
not quite coincide in opinion on the Sunday ques-
tion with his Lordship, and, so far, is a truly
honourable illustration of the fair dealing
which men like Lord, STANLEY ought to
meet with from the public. It is obvious enough
that on this, as on other " progressive measures
of reform," Lord STANLEY has to face the dis-
pleasure of the majority of his own political party ;
he can vote under none but honest motives, and
it is a happy sign when constituencies show a
marked preference for honesty and independence
to mere conformity , even with their own views.
Too many representatives are fit only to be depu-
ties. Lord STANLEY has the ability for a !legis-
lator. Ile has, at least, the grand qualification
of being able to grasp a great principle, and to
follow it to its consequence. Nothing, for in-
stance, can have contrasted more painfully of late
than the shifty Whig votes and speeches of Lord
Jon RUSSELL—votes and speeches founded on
no liberal principle whatever, and the deeply-
thought reasoning and un-party votes of Lord
STANLEY.

Iu gratefully acknowledging the unexpected
mark of political confidence, Lord STANLEY
indicates a preference of practical over organic
reformz—a real preference, as we ought to be-
lieve, when stated from such truthful lips,
though, of course, we have heard it often enough
as the excuse for indifference to popular liberties.
Possibly, in time, his Lordship may regard some

of the more practical organic reforms as coming
within his selected province. One thing is cer-
tain, that in proportion as the condition of the
people, socially, ;intellectually, and morally is
advanced, their power, both direct and indi-
rect, will advance also. Practical reforms
are the preparatives for political reforms,
and the latter issue again in renewed prat•
tical advances. The readers in Lord STANLEY'S
libraries will rapidly become a class to which,
having done so much to create it, he would not
like to deny the elective franchise, and having
acquired it, they would be likely electors to choose
the right man for the sight place.
Lord STANLEY regrets, in the House of Com-
mons, as elsewhere, the predominance of the
combative over the industrial element. Honour-
able Members like party battles better than work.
It is doubtless, and always has been, the bane of
free assemblies; the fault, however, not belonging
to this or that form of government, but to human
Ambition of political distinction or
supremacy is as rampant in Russia as here ; its
mode of working, only, different. An earnest
man, however, must be continually annoyed
with the party debates on which so much time
and eloquence are wasted. He may even enjoy
the evening, but in his walk home sighs over the
empty result. There is, however, nothing for it
but to bear with patience.
.Englishmen are as
combative as they are practical. In Lord STAN-

T 1 at Ilre.

LEY, and a few more, the latter element much