The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

hardly repeat that these are mere conjectures.—
Morning Chronicle.
We congratulate the public on an important discc-
very made by a Morning Contemporary—" that it is

The Ministerial chaos of France has terminated in
a very strange sort of creation—it has produced a Ca-
binet of most incongruous materials—putting one in
mind of Burke's illustration of a Ministry, in his own
time, of different colours and violent contrasts—the
fantastic combinations of a tesselated pavement, with
here a bit of black stone, there a bit of white. Of a
truth Louis Philip has proved himself a whimsical
artist in the construction of this piece of political
mosaic work. That it displays a fanciful genius in the
contriver every body must admit. But the ingenuity
of the work is much more striking than its apparent
solidity. One thing France has gained by this Minis-
terial revolution. The Doctrinaire power which had
so long overlayed whatever there is of public virtue,
political talent, and patriotic principle in France is
broken in pieces, like the statue of brass and clay.
This Doctrinaire power had, during the whole
of its arbitrary, dishonest, and contemptible
career, the admiration and support of all
the servile portion of our Whig press. The
eternal trickiness, the serpentine policy, the anti-
Constitutional tendencies, and even the hatred of

impossible we can have a worse Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer than the Noble Lord who has lately succeeded
to a seat in the Upper House." The Noble Lord
took office in October, 1830, with an estimated surplus
of revenue of 397,0001., but an actual deficiency to
nearly that amount. In the March following, how-
ever, he took off—

The duty on Coals £330,000
Candles 485,000
Printed Calicoes .
:n 183° Hemp lOO,OOO
Sundries in the Customs 125,000
En 1833 Tiles
Sea Policies
Advertisements
Assessed Taxes 244,000
Raw Cotton
Soap
En 1834 Fruits, Oils, &c 300,000
House Tax 1,200,000

Amount of Taxes and Duties Repealed £4,689,000
The total revenue in 1831 was 46,424,440
Deduct the Taxes repealed as above

This would leave, if the produce of the different taxes
were in 1833 the same as in 1831
But the actual revenue 1833 was... 43,170,600
Which is nearly equal to the amount before the above taxes were
repealed ; and the revenue of 1834 will fall little, if anything, shor t
of that of 1833.
We must also take into account that the expenditure, when Lord
Althorp took office, notwithstanding great reductions made by the
Duke of Wellington, amounted to
£47,142,943 in the year ending Jan. 5, 1831
and 44,758,242 ...

free opinion evinced by the Doctrinaires in the un-
ceasing persecution of the Press to which Louis Philip
mainly owed his throne, did not deprive those wretched
Statesmen of the sympathy and approbation of certain
of our Whig Journals. for ourselves, we expressed
the same opinion of them from the time their system
was first developed that we do at present. Their two
principal expedients of Government were the alarming
the rich and timid classes of society by police-emeutes,
and the extinguishing the source of intelligence which
threw an inconvenient light upon their actions by in-
cessant prosecutions of the Press. In place of the
Doctrinaires, France has got the ill-assorted composi-
tion of a Ministry which we have described as a whole,
but which it is not very easy to describe exactly in its
component parts. There is a fragment of the splendid
empire of Napoleon in the Duc de Bassano, but not a
splendid fragment. That is combined with a piece of
the juste milieu system to which M. Teste, the new
Minister of Commerce belongs, and who will not
realise the anticipations of our political economists as
to " free trade.' Then we have in the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, M. Bresson, a representative of the
intriguing and many-coloured policy of Talleyrand—in
the Minister of War, General Bernard, and in Charles
Dupin, the Minister of Marine, representatives of the
Orleans system, which is not, though it affects to be,
the system of honest patriotism or the charter. Nor
is a shade of the republican wanting in this curiously
cOnstructed'Cabinet, for we have it in M. Passy, the
Finance Minister, though a very delicate shade, and
this is commingled with the changeable hues of M.
Persil's policy, who in one respect may be said to be
unchangeable, and that is in his attachmnnt to power
above everything else. The continuance of this minion
of Doctrinaire tyranny in the Government must consi-
derably abate the exultation which the Press would
otherwise have felt at the overthrow of the Ministry that
had so long laboured for its utter destruction. The
continuance of this man in power seems like a seal of
condemnation on the whole Ministry. It causes us to
have some doubts, which we hope may be dispelled,
of the correctness of the report which gives the new
Ministry the credit of intending to commence their
career by the long-expected Act of Amnesty for poli-
tical offences. The prisons of France are now more
crowded than they were at any time since the restora-
tion of the Bourbons, by the victims of Bourbon sus-
picion and tyranny. The Citizen-despot, with his
cotton umbrella, has attempted to establish a dominion
in France worthy of the iron sceptre of the Czar. This
is the man whom Lord Durham, the present idol of
the Radicals of England, embraces as a friend, or did
embrace very recently. But Lord Durham, like the
recreant King of the Barricades, has also prosecuted
the Press. For our own part, we care nothing for the
patriotic professions of public men, when we have an
opportunity of judging of them by their actions, and
by that test shall we judge the new French Ministry.
—Morning Herald.
The speech of King Leopold, last Tuesday, on
opening the Belgian Chambers was quite silent as to
the state of the negotiations for the settlement of the
dispute with Holland. If it be compared with the
address of the King of the Netherlands the other day
to the States General, the Belgians will have little
reason to rejoice. The announcement by his Dutch
Majesty of the reductions to be made must be annoying
to his late subjects, when they find that their war
budget of 1830 is to meet with no diminution, but is
only to be adjusted upon a more equitable footing. The
allusions to the commercial state of the country are very
scanty and very unsatisfactory ; congratulation there
was no room for. In the way of promise, the railroad,
which had just been begun in time, is the only thing that
presents itself, and this was made the most of. But
if King Leopold, on meeting his assembled people in
the fourth year of their regeneration, had nothing to
congratulate them upon, and little to promise in respect
to their wealth or their commercial relations, he had a
very satisfactory account to give them of the order that
was established and maintained in their newly-created
army, and the measures that are about to be adopted
for putting that army upon a still more extensive and
expensive footing. Moreover, a line of fortifications
was to be immediately set about on their northern
frontiers, in order the more effectually to cut them off
from their ancient allies the Dutch, and render more
improbable than ever an amicable adjustment of their
international differences, from the continuance of
which King Leopold's subjects have already suffered
so deeply. But all this is not the only declaration of
war which the King's Speech contained. Not only is
an enormous army to be organized, and vast and ex-
pensive fortifications established for protecting his little
kingdom from aggression from without, the enemy
that is within his gates is also to be confronted with a
new projet de loi. We are at a loss to understand
what his Majesty can have been driving at in this part
of his Address. The Belgians should be but too
happy to encourage the countenance and ' sojourn
of strangers from our own and other countries
(their superiors both in political rank and social ad-
vantages), and not harrass them by legal importunities
of the kind which were to be announced. The other
topics of Leopold's Address are not more satisfactory
than the statement of the finances is likely to prove to
the braves Beiges.—Morning Post.
The public are naturally anxious respecting the
Ministerial arrangements which have become neces-
sary in consequence of the death of the late Earl
Spencer, and the removal of the present Earl to the
Upper House. All sorts of reports are in circula-
tion ; but we think we can assure our readers that no-
thing has yet been settled ; and indeed nothing can
be settled till the return of his Lordship from North-
amptonshire. All, therefore, for the present, can be
but conjecture. If fitness determine the changes,
Lord John Russell will most probably lead in the
House of Commons--retaining his present office of
Paymaster of the Forces. The extensive Parlia-
mentary experience of Lord John, the attachment
of the people of England to the family of Rus-
sell, his knowledge and acquirements, seem to point him
out for the situation. An additional recommendation
to a Reform Parliament, is the association of Lord
John's name with the great measure to which it owes
its existence, in consequence of the share which he had
in framing the Bill and carrying it through the House.
Neither is it new that a Paymaster of the Forces should
lead in the House ; for Mr. Fox, afterwards Lord
Holland, led the Commons while Paymaster of the
Forces. We have alluded to the expectation that
Mr. Spring Rice should have the Chancellorship of
the Exchequer, for which his ability and industry
peculiarly qualify him. It is not supposed that
he will be thought of for leading the House ; and as
there is no necessary connection between the two
duties discharged by Lord Althorp, the choice will,
probably, fall on Lord John Russell for one of them.
Mr. Edward Ellice, who is a great favourite with the
House, might have been thought of, but, unfortunately,
the state of his health compels him to withdraw from
office f9,-NA:T It is understood, we believe, that
EarI81), laced at the bead of the Admi-
lty of'r c e, displaces Lord Auckland ;
nd as we -believe th, is no foundation for the report
ich has assioned- n is to him, it is supposed he
be the sacs f Mr. Spring Rice. We need
• 4/, . ;NI
7 `

£2,384,701 saving per annum.
It certainly does appear to us, that if we cannot
have a worse Chancellor .of the Excheqiier than the

Minister who has repealed nearly five millions of taxes
and reduced the expenditure 2,384,7011., our next
Chancellors of the Exchequer must do wonders. And
yet we think it would puzzle our contemporary to
point out how another five millions of taxes may be re-
pealed in an equal period, without diminishing the re-
venue ; and how the expenditure may be reduced fur-
ther two and a-half millions, without impairing the
efficiency of the service. It must be borne in mind
that the reduction amounts to one-sixth of the sum
over which any control can be exercised. In giving
the Chancellor of Exchequer credit for the above re-
duction, we do not wish to be unjust to the other
Ministers, being aware that all of them have contribu-
ted, in their respective departments, to effect the sa-
vings of which the two and a-half millions are corn-
posed.—Morning Chronicle.

We resume, as we were lately induced to promise,
the subject of the Parliamentary Paper lately printed
by order of the House of Commons, giving the report
and evidence before the Committee on the subject of

the " Civil and Military Expenditure in,the Colonies
We concur heartily in the recommendation of reducing
that expenditure to the utmost, which the Committee,
very creditably to themselves, annex to the report; the
subject matter of which, indeed, very opportunely and
wholesomely, obtrudes the whole important question of
retrenchment on our consideration. The more we
examine the details, the more we are satisfied with the
necessity of a searching and unsparing application of
the pruning knife to the profuse and unwarrantable
expenditure to which along period of profligate jobbing
and mismanagement has perniciously accustomed the
nation. We say we cannot too often remind public
men of what they are too frequently apt to forget
amidst the clamour of interested dissension, that the
nation demands retrenchment and relief from fiscal
burdens. The memory, indeed, of public men, seems
to be of an extraordinary fugacious description on this
most special point of the nation's welfare :—they will
prate and quarrel about any other question; but theques-
tion—the almost solely vital question of retrenchment—
they seem, with miraculous unity of sentiment, to avoid
adverting to—" Oh no I we never mention it." If pub-
lic men forget,'however the memory of the nation is more
tenacious in this most essential particular, viz., that the
pledge on which the Grey Ministry came into power, on
the total wreckof the iron-bound and Conservative struc-
-1 ture of the Wellington Administration, was retrenchment
and Reform—that is to say—retrenchment, as a matter
of equally vital necessity as Reform ; as a matter of
equal consequence in public estimation as Reform, and
not to be postponed to any question of Reform,
general or particular, or in any respect whatever, It
may be replied, and with great truth, that many re-
trenchments have been made, many taxes abolished,
modified, or shifted to advantage ; but that is no rea-
son why more should not be effected in the same way
—why further retrenchments should not be made—why
more duties should not be reduced—more taxes taken
off. Look at the Stamp tax on newspapers—on paper
—on glass, and on many other products of British in-
dustry, and the extent of improvement and employ-
ment of which they are susceptible, and then assert
that there is no further room for salutary reduction
and beneficial relief ? If timely attention be not
paid to the public will in this respect, the nation
will grow at last tired of Legislative promises and
delays, and in the same manner as they rose as
one man in calling upon Lord Grey to carry
the Reform utea.sure, so will they combine in one
united call upon some future Neckar to cut the
gordian knot. l- .We often hear, political men and
public writers making a great mystery of the evident
want of sympathy occasionally exhibited by the
great body of the people towards the persons, and
the interests of the individuals composing sections
of the legislative and administrative portion of society.
Our readers will probably imagine that we refer to
the above marked characteristic of public feeling ex-
hibited during the late conflagration of the Houses
of Parliament. Certainly it was a singular subject
for contemplation to observe that, while a minute
handful of public men were dissolved in sentimental
sorrow on the occasion, and making a clamour as if
chaos or docrmsday itself were come, the people—we
say emphatically not the mob, but the people—were
looking on Ole affair with consummate contempt, or
apathetic indi.fference. Why was this ? The answer con-
veys a salutary admonition. Because they want practical
relief from their burdens—because promises of relief
have been made to them again and again which have not
been kept—because flattering tales have been told to
their ears which have not been held good to their
hearts. They share this sentiment of sagacious indif-
ference with IC sop's ass, who, when urged by one
master to fly frorm another master—whom the first re-
presented as an enemy—refused to budge a single
step, observing, that it signified little whether it was
Jack or Martin (i. e. Whig or Tory) who laid on the
intolerable burden, and applied the stimulating lash.
The people might think, and indeed might think them-
selves warranted to say, " we have no part in David ;"
and it will be a wholesome warning for the two Houses
in future, to march a little more rapidly and consistently
with the public will, in point of fiscal and other re-
forms, or the time may come when the concluding
part of that scriptural sentence may be pronounced as
the popular watchword, " To your tents, 0 Israel."—
Morning Advertiser.

A ROBBER SHOT.—On the night of Wednesday
week, Mr. Hurley, a farmer residing at Stork-green, near
Moopham, Essex, was aroused from his sleep about 11 o'clock
by an unusal noise about his premises, which he could not ac-
count for otherwise than by conceiving that depredators were
present. Although at the advanced age of 60 years, and no
one near him but his wife, Mr. Hurley did not suffer his fears
to unman him; but, arming himself with a gun, be went in
quest of the cause of the alarm. Finding his hen roost open,
and thinking it had been robbed, he approached the door, and
thrust the muzzle of the gun through the aperture ; upon the
moment of doing so it was seized hold of by some person
within, and Mr. Hurley being pulled forward, a scuffle ensued
for the possession of the weapon, during which Mr. Hurley
received two desperate blows on his head from a bludgeon :
the butt-end of the gun being in the grasp of Mr. Hurley, by
sheer accident went aff. A t this moment it was wrenched
from his hands ; it being quite dark, he immediately retreated
to his house. He there armed himself with a sword and pistol,
and went to protect his property, desiring his wife to close and
fasten the door after him. Again advancing to the hen-roost,
he was astonished to see two men dragging a third away,
whose clothes were on fire, and who was groaning in apparent
agony. Mr. Hurley then, and not till then, was aware that
the discharge of the gun had wounded one of the depredators,
and he deemed it wise not to interrupt the design of his com-
panions of conveying him away. When assistance arrived,
the wounded man was found in a turnip-field, deserted by his
companions. He was recognised as a man named Davey, one
of the most noted poachers in Kent. He lies in a hopeless
state.—Maidstone Gazette.

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1834

mons was intended for that day, and that Mr. Denison had
mistaken the day, supposing it to be Wednesday instead
of Tuesday. The original summons was altered in that
respect. The constabl required that the deponent should
immediately appear before Mr. Denison. He complained
of being suddenly called upon to answer so serious a
charge, and said he would appear the next day before the
Magistrate. The constable went away, and in the after-
noon returned with a summons for him to appear next day
before the Rev. Mr. Blanchard, at Middleton in the Wold,
a place fourteen miles distant from the deponent's house,
and more than eleven miles distant from the place where
Mr. Denison was accustomed to perform his magisterial
duties. The summons stated that Walker Fentiman had
charged James Cockburn with having pointed his gun at
the said Walker Fentiman, and had fired off the gun,
whereas the said James Cockburn had sworn that he did
not point the gun at the said Walker Fentiman and fire it
off in the manner alleged. The summons in the first in-
stance required Mr. Fentiman to appear before Mr. Deni-
son at Pocklington, but it was afterwards altered to Mr.
Blanchard's, at Middleton, in the manner already stated.
It could not fail to be obzerved here that the Magistrates
ought not to have issued such a summons, for that perjury
was no breach of the peace, and consequently was not an
offence that called for their interference, and certainly did
not call for it in such a hurried manner as to justify the
haste which had occasioned the Magistrate to forget, in the
first instance, the day of the week and month, and after-
wards to alter the hour required for Mr. Fentiman's appear-
ance, and the place at which he was to appear, so as to
make the distance many times greater than it was before.
There could be no doubt that this conduct on the part of
the Magistrates was an instance of hardship, irregularity,
and oppression, from which every one would, unless the
circumstances were fully explained, infer that the Magis-
trates were not actuated by the best motives in the world.
The deponent swore to his belief that what was done was
for the purpose of occasioning him trouble and expense.
The Learned Counsel then went at length into the remain-
ing facts, which have little or no interest, except to the par-
ties concerned, after which,
Mr. Justice WILLIAMS said there were facts in this case
of which the Court could by no means approve. Among
the rest was the change of the place at which the deponent
was to appear before the Magistrates ; but he agreed with
the rest of the Court that there should be something dis-
tinctly to bring the case within the rule alluded to.—Rule
refused.