The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-23 00:00:00

UNIVERSITY INTELLIGEN

OXFORD, MARCH 21.—Tuis day the following degrees
were conferred :
MASTERS or ARTS.-Rev. Edward Freke Lewis,
University ; Rev. Charles Augustus Samuel Morgan,
Christ Church ; Rev. Francis Crane Parsons, Worcester ;
William Dodd, Magdalen Hall ; John Wyndham Bruce,
Exeter.
The Examiners appointed to examine and nominate a
mathematical scholar have announced to the Vice-
Chancellor that they have elected Mr. 'Jeffreys, 8.A., and
student, of Christ Church.
CAMBRIDGE, MARCH 22.—0 n the 12th inst., the
Rev. William Selwyn, Rector of Braunston, Leicester
shire, and late Fellow of St. Johnia College, was collated
to the sixth Prebendal Stall at Ely, vacant by the death of
the R v. William Walbanke Childers; on the presentation
of the Bishop of Ely.
Ott Friday last the Rev. Richard Battiscombe, M..A.,
was instituted to the Rectory of Southineer, Norfolk, on
the presentation of the Provost and Scholars of Eton
College.
At a meeting of the Syndics appointed by a grace dated
Feb. 18, 1833, to consider of what standing candidates
for the degree of B.A. ought to be, before they are allowed
to he examined for that degree, and also to consider for
what period after examination the certificate of approval
signed by the Examiners shall remain in force, and to re-
port thereupon to the Sen tte.
1. The Syndics recommend to the Senate that hereafter
no person should be admitted before Ash Wedneielay in the
Lent term, of each year, ad respondendurn quastioni, who
shall not have been publicly examined at the usual time of
examination in the month of January of that year, and
produce a certificate from the Examiners of examination
and approval; except those who in consequence of ill-
health may by the permission of the Examiners, have ab-
sented themselves from such examination.
2. That no person lie admitted to examination for the
degree of B.A. until he has entered into his eleventh term,
he having previously kept nine terms exclusive of the
term in which he was admitted, and that no certificate of
approval, in the case of a person so examined in his
eleventh term, shall he valid, unless it shall appear when
such person applies for his admission ad re•pondendum
quastioni, that lie has kept the said eleventh term.
These iegulatiens shall not apply to Those persons
whose names shall appear in the List of Honours at the
examination in January. 1834.
A grace will be offered to the Senate at the congrega-
tion this day to the effect of the above resolutions.

QUEEN'S COUNTY ASSIZES.

MARYB 'HOUGH, MARCH 11

MunDER or Ma. GREGORY.-In the Crown Cour
John Rochfort and John Doyle were indicted for the
murder of Mr. Gregory, on the 19,h August, 1831.
Mr. Gregory, a solicitor, held some land in the district
of the collieries, but resided in Carlow. During the
harvest of 1831 he was in the pracrice of visiting his
farms twice or oftener in the week, and had, on the occa-
sion previous to his last visit, intimated to his steward that
he would be there again on the 19th of August. He
came in a taxed cart, attended by his clerk, and having
remained far some rime and dined in the farm house, set
out to return about 6 o'clock in the evening. At a plac•
called the Rushes Cross, where four roads meet, six mgre
came out of a field, and one of them, named Carroll,
s.ized the horse's head. Gregory asked him what be
toe int. " You shall soon know that," s.i.l the fellow.
endeavouring to stop the horse ; but Gregory prevented
him by whipping the animal. In this way tlie
proceeded about one hundred yards, the t uffian stil
holding the bridle, until the horse plunged and dis
eng reed himself from his grasp. Just at this momen'
Doyle (the prisoner) came up with a blunderbuss
in the rear of a vehicle, and fired it. The contents,
consisting of a great number of pellets, entered at th.
right should.rblade, and passed through the unfortunate
man's bo.ly, many of them, when his waistcoat
opened, falling out, as the sureeon described, like a hand
ful of peas upon the floor. The prisoner Rochfort at the
same moment, with a pitchfork, struck him a blow uptit
the arm. The horse then started forward, Gregory stil
retaining his seat, and looking hack earnestly at his pur
suers. lie recognised llochfort in the number. The
clerk also distinctly identified Rochfort as basting beet•
amonest those who pursued his master. The same night,
while Gregory was in perfect possession of his senses, the
prisoner was brougl t before him. He pointed to him a'
nce, and said, " That is the man." This was subse-
quent to an information he had sworn before two Magis
trates, in which John Rochfort was named as one o'
th- murderers. Rochfort replied, " I can bring nine
witnesses to prove that I did my day's work ;" upot
which the murdered man subjoined, "And mine too I',
The approver, a man of powerful frame, named Martin
Patterson, stated that he was sentenced, at the last As
sizes, to be transported for life. His crime was connecter
with the Whiteloot system. He had been ',moved to the
hu k at Cork, when he volunteered to give evidence
ag linst his accomplices in this murder. He bad been
present at three or four attacks on farm-houses, but on no
occasion where personal violence was used. Ooly a
woman had been struck. Being pressed to explain the
nature of the blow, be replied, with a broad grin upon
his face, " A fellow had a sword, and he gave her a snit'
in the head with it." A more perfect specimen of a
" gay bold-faced villain" never came upon a green cloth
than this same Mi. Martin Patterson. He very readily.
and with a good deal of humour, described the mysteries
of Whitefootiam, into which be was initiated at Lugaa.
corrin, an estate of the Marquis of Lansdowne's. The
()All has been described on former occasions. I.
hinds the subscriber " never to go on the green cloth
to prosecute a brother ; to ride fifty miles on horse.
back on a law ful occasion ; never to have a chil-
ling and see a brother want sixpence ; not to be crimi-
nally familiar with a Whitefoot's wife; to suffer his
right arm to be cut off, and nailed to the gaol-door.
sooner than betray a brother; and to keep down land
johl.ing and heresy." This list object, be said, was to b.
eff,cted " by the means that were going on in th,
country." The signs by which the members of the fra
teroity knew one another were various ; such as takinr
off their hats, and replacing them again with a particula
flourish, which the fellow exhibited with great alacrity t.
the Court, lifting up and readjusting the collar of th,
coat, and passing the right hand across the mouth. Th.
dialoesue which ensues is curious—
" Who made you 2—A low-sized man, of a sandy com-
plexion and fair hair; or a back-haired man, of David's
own complexion;" with other jarg..n of the like unintel
ligit.le descrip•ion.
A great host of witnesses were produced to prove an alibi
for Rochfort, another for Doyle, and a third for the up
prover-, 'flowing, or endeavouring to show, that he cool
not possioly have been present at the murder, and, coos,
quently, that all he swore ib.,ut it was false. There wee
doubtful circumstances in the ca-e, and they very pro
oerly gave the I:frriefit of those doubts to the prisoner
The verdict of acquittal was certainly not the result
intimidation, but its ju,tice and propriety met the appro.
Nation of the imp irtial and excellent Judge who tried the
t case.

THE BEULAH SPA.—Woutlerful ate the im
provernent, cuing fin at th celebrated via. A magol
ficent inn i,

Woo L.—England and Wales feed 36,000,00(.
of hhvep, .aL•11 4.f which yir;dl a fl••rce averaglog 4.0-.
woght, or 141,000,0001b4. Thi., at 1,4. p,r pound,
worth 7,400,004/. ; and maf.t,fact,ireff it would KALI,
20;000,0001, leiving a profit f 12,000.9001. per annum
to the various malufaeturers.

2041.4
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APIA! TOP THE PUSLO -
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The rnoootony of chscussto

:~x

of Irish Disturbances, was 40171 e Villat
an episodical discussion on the subject 61-WAT-
tich distress. Mr. Thomas Attwood opposed
the motion that the House resolve itself into a
Committee on the Irish Coercive Bill, as he

considered it extremely dangerous that the time
of the House should be further occupied in

discussing a Bill that concerned the English
people so very slightly, and moved that " A Se-
-1:•ct Committee be appointed to inquire into the
causes of the general distress existing among the
indu,trious classes of the United Kingdom, and

into the most effectual means of its relief." The

picture drawn by Mr. Attwood of the distresses
of the country was greatly overcharged. Profits
are unquestionably low, and in Borne branches

of manufacture there is much distress. But

the condition of the labourers generally is by no
means what he represents it to be. Who, fur
instance, would recognise the working people
generally in this description ? " One half of
the working population toiled with scarcely any
benefit to themselves, and another half had no
employment at all. One half were dying by
inches, and the other half were wandering from
door to door, claiming charitable relief. The
labourer that cultivated the soil, by his labour
alone produced one quarter of the produce of
it, whilst with the aid of machinery he pro-
►luced four times more of the good things of
life than were necessary for himself. Yet his
ungrateful country, when he gave bread to four
families, refused to him a sufficient quantity to
support one. At the present time, working men
consumed three-quarters less flesh meat than
they did at the time of the war." We have
not a doubt that the condition of the agricultural
labourers is actually better now than it was du-

ring the war. Wages have not fallen in the ratio
uf prices ; so that those who receive no parish
Allowance, are actually much better off; while
those whose wages are partly paid out of the
rates, are not worse off; for the allowance is
calculated now as then, according to the price
of bread. The hand-loom weavers are in a state
of great suffering, because they
impossible
compering
with power-looms ; and it is that
their condition should ever improve. If the
vorking men consume three-quarters less flesh
meat now than they did during the war, who
consumes that meat? for Mr. 'l'. Attwood will

1

not pretend surely that three. quarters less animal
food is produced now than during the war. We
have not a doubt that more food, both vegetable
and animal, is raised in the country now than
during the war. From the end of the American
war to the end of the late war, agriculture and
manufactures made great strides in this country;
and though we may have continued since to
improve, the improvement has b,en certainly
less sensible ; but, though man for man of the
population may not be so well off, on the whole,
as during the brisk part of the war, w en we were
consuming ever year hundreds of millions of ca-
pital in guns and bullets, the interest of
which capital, so consumed, is now pres-
sing on us, we yet are not in a declining
spteattee.
witNlNt'enatairoensevleywhre forced
esrsheeavilyh to m-
urdened ctohan
ourselves. The backs of Englishmen are strong,
hut it is possible to place too heavy a weight
on the backs even of Englishmen. V, e should,
no doubt, run better if we were less heavily
laden ; but there is no use in exaggerating the
evil, as the only safe remedy is, not to lie down
under the load, but to set about lightening it by
the only safe mode of doing so—namely, low,
eriug expenditure and paving off debt. Accord-
ing to Mr. Attwood, the change in the currency
in 1819 is the cause of all the distress of the
country in 1833. We are far from wishing to
deny that many very disastrous effects flowed
from the change in the currency. In a country
like this, in which the employers of labourers,
the active middlemen of the nation, generally
avail themselves of borrowed capital, any change
which reduced the nominal value of their stocks,
while it left the debts against them of the same
nominal value, was necessarily disastrous. The.
andholders, too, who were left with mortgages
and with provisions to mothers and brothers and
sisters, suffered greatly from the change. The
•vil was heightened by attempts to stave off the
vii by reliance on corn laws, instead of reducing
expenditure at once, and making the reductions.
rent which the times demanded. Many disc
,ressing results have flowed from the change in
he currency. But a change now would only
,enew the distress by producing another revolu-
ion. What Lord Althorp stated on the subject
was characterized by his usual fairness and can-
:lour—" He was quite aware (he said) that there
was great distress among the labouring classes, but
It was not greater now than it had been some
time before. He believed, on the contrary, from
he information he had received, that the great
mass of the labouring classes were in full ems
nloyment, and that there were fewer persons out
of work now, and less general distress, than at
several former times.—( Hear, hear.) Amotag,
one class of the people, and in one part of the.
country, he knew that there was great distress--
that nothing could exceed it—that the distress
was grievous, and that it was—at least he was
afraid it was—increasing rather than diminish,
inn—he meant among the hand-loom weavers.
They constituted a large and numerous class,
mud were in a state of great destitution. But.
that was not owing to the currency—it aeaa
owing to the competition between then and
machinery, and must therefore, he was afraid,
increase. He was aware, too, that in many
warts of the country the agricultural labourers
were in a state of great distress; but he did not
think that that was caused by the state of the,
currency." It is quite clear that the currency
..an have nothing to do with the wagea of all
those branches of industry which exceed the
consumption of the country, ami of which the
brices are consequently regulated by the state,
the foreign market. Let us, for instance.,
take the cotton manufac.ure. We have tinw
before us a letter from Kirkman Finlay* Esq.,
o Lord
Aspresent state or that
manufacture
ensively engaged, and with respect to al matters
,hilney' whichon the
Mr. Finlay is must ex-
,oncernina which he is so excellent a judge.
Ir. Finlay observes that " the cotton manu-
Facture of this country, is the most
ex-
,ensive employment fur the labouring classes
hat exists, perhaps, in any country in the
%,orld, with the exception of agriculture. It
maintains in many counties in Great Britain,
nore than one-half of the population ; and by
as means, either directly or indirectly, is a vast
ortion of the whole people maintained. *
spun in this
is always to be recollected, that not only do
•e depend on foreign nations for the supply of
to raw material, but that we also delimit oil
goods. e re:4l
ofre,irig three.
,•eu:
rnthfporartt
shee,alithte consumptions cotton-caroltwist
or
r
8 exported
assAton maiwiacturi.
ic;oauliiizetr,y)t,. r,Tid2aofidd
in 1832 exceeded twelve millions." According

to Mr. Kirkman Finlay, foreign competition is
every year pres•ing harder anti harder upon us
in. this manufacture. " With regard (he says)
to the, competition of manufacturers on the
continent, it is well known that in Germany the
cotton-spinning trade was making very conside-
rable progress until 1831, when the low price of
yarns from this country compelled many of the
spinners on the Rhine to stop their works.
From this we may-judge that spinning in Ger-
many can only he kept in check by our being
enabled to supply the market upon the lowest
terms. In Switzerland the trade has made great
progress within the last ten years, and is still on
the increase. The quantity of cotton now con-
sumed there is, I believe, fully greater than what
is consumed in Scotland. Ten years ago, the
Swiss imported from this country all Nos. of yarns,
from No. 20 to 200; but each year, as they
have made progress, their imports have fallen
off, beginning at the lowest No., say 20 ;
and they have now so extended and im-
proved their spinning, that they require to im•
port no second quality below No. 60. They
have, in_ consequence of this progress, within
these few years, begun to supply that part of
Germany hot (tering upon tl.eir own country with
both mule and water twist. These were for-
merly drawn entirely from this country. The
Report of the Committee of Congress states,
that the twist spun in America, in 1831, was
67.862.000 pounds; while we know, from our
published statements, that what was produced
in Scotland in that year, only amounted to
23,112,01'0 pounds, being about one-third part
of what is produced in America." The remu-
neration, therefore, to all those employed in this
extensive manufacture must depend, not on the
currency, but on the rate at which Foreigners cal
produce their goods. In vain yOO urge that the
Erglish manufacturer is more heavily taxed that'
the foreigner and pays more for his food—thin
will not induce the foreign merchant to pay more
for the goods raised in England than for the
pods raised in countries like Switzerland, whici
pay no taxes deserving of the name. What hap
pet's in the cotton-manufacture happens in al•
other manufactures of which the p• oduce exceeds
the borne demand. The Sheffield cutler, ac-
cording to the author of the " Corn Law
Rhymes" (a dealer in hardware), suffers se-
verely from competition with the German cut.
lerss who are less heavily taxed, and pay less
for their food. The lot of the people
of this country is to suffer more than
the people of most other countries, in conse-
quence of having had a more expensive Govern-
ment. The glorious victories of which we boast,
have deeply mortgaged the industry of the
country, and as if this were not eno. gh, we have
taken upon ourselves the expense of governing
extensive countries in most quarters of the
globe, the effect of which is to remove from the
presence of the people legions of aristocratical
idlers, led by their industry. All these thing,
must be reflmed. Instead of thinking only of
Bishops and highly endowed clergy, we must
think of the people. But the change of the cur.
rency will not relieve us. Several Members, in-
timately acquainted with the state of their re
spective neighbourhoods, maintained that great
distress existed am,ng the middle and labouring
classes. Mr. Scholefield said the great mass of
the tradesmen were insolvent, and though be
used all his energies, he could not now make any
species of property pay. He had made man)
inquiries since he came to London, and was in-
formed that froin Charing-cross to the Royal
Exchange, three-fourths of the tradesmen on
both sides of the way would be insolvent,
called on to pay their debts. Sir .John Wiot-
tesley confirmed the statement of Mr. Schole-
field. The division of Mr. Attwood's motion
was 192 to 158, or a majority of 34 against it.
Many supported the motion who did not share
the views respecting the wonders to be wrought
by a change of the currency entertained by the
Hon. Member for Birmingham, from an unwil-
lingness to participate it) anything so ungracious as
the refusing to inquire into the causes of distress.
On the other hand, many who were disposed to en
ter into any inquiry which could have a practicalre-
sult, dreaded the consequences of allowing it to be
believed, which it would be if Mr. Attwood's:
motion were carried, that some change was con-
templated in the currency. The object of Mr.
Attwood, which is confessedly to change the
currency, would be associated in the minds of
the people with change, and the consequences
would be most mischievous. " During a former
Administration (said Mr. Warburton), it had
been urged against such an inquiry that it would
rot lead to any practical good. On the same
ground he would vote against the inquiry at
present, because he not only considered that it
would tend to no practical good, but that it
would produce much practical evil, and would
greatly augment the distress, to relieve which
was its professed object. The House of Com-
mons itself was the proper Committee for in-
quiring into the grievances of the country. It
Any gentleman considered that there was any
particular grievance which deserved to be inquired
jou), he had tt in his power to state his reasons
to the House, and it was for them to grant a
Committee to inquire into the particular griev-
ance." There is some truth in what Mr. Baring
stated, that much evil was occasioned by the un-
settled state in which many interests were at
present—the West-India question, the East-
India question, the Bank, &c. People are
afraid to embark capitals where there is fear of
change. We have no doubt that our indu tr)
will find great benefit by the opening of the
China trade ; but in the meantime the uncer-
tainty is not advantageous. We must get rid
of these eternal Irish questions as fast as we
can, and apply ourselves to the great questions
of the prosperity of the whole empire.-
111 orning Chronicle.

The Irish Disturbances Bill has at length gone
through the Committee. The report is to be
taken into consideration on Tuesday next. 0
the supposition that the House of Lords Wi
adopt the amendments of the Commons, and
that the Bill will become law, advantage must
be taken of it to introduce, Kith as little delay
as possible, a poor law. Mr. Attwood ascribed
to the change in the currency all the outrages of
the Whitettet. " The Right Hon. Member
for Tarnworth (said Mr. A.) had said, on a
former evening, that he blamer! the landh.rds for
the outrages in Ireland. He (Mr. A.) thought
that unjust. The landlords were hut tire victims
of a vicious system, which had reduced t e
value of the produce of their estates- one-half,
while it lett the mortgages as they were. The
consevel,ce waFreducethat they could not reduce
their rents without being ruined. They looked
to the mindlemeo for their rents, and the mid-
dlemen were obliged to oppress the tenants to
obtain them. "I tars each class oppressed the
class immediately below them, and the result
was the prison state of Ireland."
wood would have found it difficult to show that
the condition of the Irish peasantry vas ever.

fr

materially better than it is, though the condition
of the landlords may be worse. Unfortunately
for the Irish peasantry, be the prices high or
low, a potatoe diet is all that they are allowed to
enjoy. It is impossible for Mr. Attwood to pre-
tend, in their case, that they consume three-fourths
less flesh meat than they did, for they have never
consumed any. In all periods of which we
have any account, the description of the Irish
peasant is nearly the same. All that can be
sold and conveyed to market goes to the land-
lord ; potatoes and that part of the milk which
remains behind after the butter is extracted from
it—buttermilk—is all that, under the most
favourable circumstances, fails to the lot of the
Irish peasant. The late Mr. Robert Bell, who
was intimately acquainted with the Irish pea-
santry, in the period when Ireland is said to
have been most prosperous, between 1780 and
1790, describes their wretchedness at that time
to have been almost insupportable. It almost
always happened, according to Mr. Bell, that the
stock of potatoes " intended for the consump-
tion of the year, was exhausted before the pro-
duce of the succeeding year came to maturity:
the scenes of rustic distress which ensued on
such occasions are not easily to be depicted.
But as this scarcity always happened in summer,
there was in every cottage a tolerable supply of
milk ; which, with coarse garden vegetables, and
a small quantity of oaten meal, purchased at a
very high price, was all these miserable people
had to subsist on for one, two, and sometimes
three months. The effect which this kind of
toil produced on their bodies was shucking.
Their aspect was meagre ; and, from the crude
vegetables they were obliged to subsist on, their
sk ins assumed a green colour." " Whenever (oh-
serves further Mr. Be:1) any of these people, by
extraordinary efforts of industry, by denying
themselves almost every comfort of life, were
able to pay their rents at the stated periods,
then the lowest of the intermediate land-
lords (for the real owners never hold communi-
cation with the cultivators of the soil) conceiving
the situation of these people to be too happy,
and that those who could pay so punctually
were able to pay still more, set up the lands
again to sale, at the expiration of any of the
tenures just mentioned, and disposed of them to
the highest bidders ; and had it even appeared
to them that the immediate occupiers were un-
able to bear any further pressure, yet they sup-
posed it possible that some more adventurous
persons with a larger portion of capital, might
come forward, and bid a higher price for the
lands. They were not often disappointed in
their expectations. Without much difficulty
they found men of that base and unfeeling dis-
position, which systems of oppression will always
create, who readily became the instruments
whereby whole families were driven from their
homes into beggary and ruin. But this was not
Evils, a thousand times wore than beggary,
ere out of these cruel practices. The moral
haracter was changed and totally perverted.
The most deadly animosity was engendered in
the mind, and sought every opportunity of vent-
ing itself in acts of secret revenge or open out-
rage." What delusion to suppose that the
outrages of the present day have a different
cause, or are of a different character from those
of times past. Mr. Bell observes that " the po-
litical character of the Irish peasants, if such people
could be said to have any, was distinguished only
by their hatred of the English name, and of
the laws under which they lived. Whenever
they spice of the Ei.glir.h, or their descendants
who settled in Ireland, it was in terms of ran-
cour and detestation. Their usual expres-ion
was na sassanich broddagli the execrable
Saxons. The dislike which the native Irish
had for the laws of their country, was mani-
fested by their constant efforts to evade, and
by the attempt they made, wherever they were
likely to prove successful, to resist the execu-
tion of them. It was with the greatest reluc-
tance they even consented to pay tithes. But
when any unusual imposition was laid upon
them, which appeared unreasonable and unjust,
they d:d not scruple to resist the levying of
them by force and violence. The author was
witness to a very remarkable instance of this
kind, which occurred in the county of Long-
ford, in the summer of 1778. A small assess-
ment had been laid on the parishes of a district
in that county, for the purpose of raising a sum
of money to indemnify a person who had lost
a great part of his property, in consequence of
its having been maliciously set on fire. Among
other parishes there was one of considerable ex-
tent, and about eight or nine miles distant From
the residence of this person, the inhabitants of
which openly refused to pay the contribution.
They had received notice on a Sunday, at
their parish chapel, that persons would come
to collect this money at an appointed time. On
the morning of a subsequent Sunday, the most
violent and inflammatory bills were seen posted
upon the doors of the chapel, purporting to be
written by a man who described himself as Cap-
tain of the Houghers (the horrible practice of
houghing cattle raged at its greatest height at
that time), and threatening to maim and destroy
the cattle of all persons who should pay a
farthing towards this most iniquitous demand.
On the same day, some friends, belonging to
the party who was to be indemnified, had a
conference with the people of the parish after
the service was concluded, and by persuasions
and threats endeavoured to obtain their consent
to the payment of the motley. The people be-
came mote obstinate than ever in their refusal,
and bid defiance to any force that might be used
to compel the payment. A party of about a
dozen horsemen, armed with muskets, pistols,
and swords, arrived in the course of a day or two
after, and proceeded to distrait] the goods of
those who refused payment. The inhabitants,
immediately assembled in large numbers, and
attacked them with stones ; the othei s defended
themselves fur a considerable time with their fire-
arms, but were at length forced to fly, and nar-
rowly escaped with their lives. No attempt was
ever made aiierwarels to levy this assessment by
force." A hatred of the law ha-, from the ear-
liest period oldie connection with England, been
engt ndered in the native Irish ; because the law
has not been tothem a means of protectioo ;but, on
the contrary, au instrument of oppression. We
must break down the system, which leaves the
actual cultivator without property, and en
tirely dependent for subsistence on the posses-
sion of a miserable patch of ground. We must
compel the owners of the soil to do more than
consume the ren s; we must impose ou them
the necessity of letting it to tomtits who wilt
embark money in cultivation. This we can
only do by a poor law, which shall put an end
to the competition for land to avoid absolute
starvation. The whole produce of the suit must
not be suffer, d to go to the landlord. As long
as the -present system continues, nu money can
be saved by tenants tor the purposes of extend-
ing cultivation. In the language of Mr. Bell,
" Laud thus rack-rtoted, thus curtailed of its

productive powers, and of which the profits are
divided among so many idlers, and consumed as
soon as received, can never add anything to the
stock of national wealth." in England the in•
crease of pauperism has not more than kept pace
with the increase of the population and the in-
crease of revenue. In a sensible pamphlet just
published by Mr. R. Montgomery Martin, under
the title of " Poor Laws for Ireland," we have
some tables of the comparative number of
persons relieved by the poors' rate in Eng-
land, of the proportion of the national
income to the pours' rate. According to
those tables, the ratio of poor to the population
was 9.4 in 1688; 11.3 in 1766 ; 9.8 ie 1784;
9.7 in 1792 ; 8.8 in 1803 ; 8 iu 1813 ; 8-2 in
1814 ; 8.8 in ]815; 9.3 in 1821 ; 9 6 in
1831. The proportion of income to poor-rate
was 50.6 in 1668 ; 54 4 in 1803 ; 54.0 in
1812 ; 50.0 in 1822. By this sacrifice on the''
part of the possessors of property in England,
they are secured in the peaceable enjoyment of
that property. No man is afraid to lay out
money in cultivation. But in Leland, where
the mass of the people are without property, no
man can enjoy property in security. The very,
first step, therefore, towards laying the founda-
tion for obedience to the law is a provision for
the poor. Till that step be taken, combinations
of men will always exist to intimidate ad who
would take their possessions over their heads.
The people of England will be sufferers if this
measure be delayed. Ireland will not and can-
not be tranquillized without a poor law. The
resources of England must, therefore, be ex-
' pended not to benefit England, but to enable
Irish landlords to consume the whole produce
of the soil, and to dispense with the necessity of
having farmers of capital on their estates.—
Morning Chronicle.
Government has, it appears, been employed
with great earnestness on the West India ques-
tion. Mr. Canning's resolution, announced
eight or nine years ago, that in all our policy re-
lating to the %Vest Indies, one fundamental
principle must be assumed, viz., that the slaves
were to he finally r emancipated, and gradually
prepared by considerate measures for that impor-
tant change in their condition. The state of
those colonies has ever since exhibited au inde-
fatigable struggle between the Government of
the mother country, striving to make some pro-
gress towards that euthanasia of negro slavery
which Parliament has already recognised, and
the colonial interest (as it is called) which seems
inclined to do nothing but on absolute and irre-
sistible compulsion. A large proportion of the
people of England have testified much impa-
tience at the apparent paralysis of the question
thus produced. The Anti-Slavery Society and
its partisans, asserting, what indeed is true—
chat the colonists will, if left to themselves,
adopt only- such measures as have a tendency
to confirm and perpetuate their own dotninion
over the negro. and so to frustrate every hope
of restoring him to freedom—have pressed
Government, and will shortly move the Legis-
la•ure, to an immediate abolition of slavery. It
is probable that this alternative has been forced
upon Mr. Buxton and his friends by the mixed
obstinacy and rashness of the colonists, who
declare explicitly by their actions, if not in
speech, that slavery ought to endure for ever.
But since the property in slaves has been cre-
ated, sedulously encouraged, and formally ac •
knowledged by the legislation of this country
for above two centuries, and since the produce
of the capital so acquired has lona been made a
lucrative source of revenue to the public, thus
affixing a solemn seal to the title-deeds of the
planters, a question has arisen how far, in com-
mon justice, the country can now fling the
vicious nature of the property which it created
for its own ends, and has uniformly converted
to its own profit, in the face of the parties
whom it authorized to expend their money
the faith of such authority, and tell them, that
because it repents of having made such wicked
laws, they, the planters, shall expiate the crime
of Parliament by their own irretrievable ruin ?
This question, we may say, has arisen, and has
been argued variously. One set of individuals
affirm that " man can never have a property
in man, and that therefcre the planters, pos-
sessing no property in their slaves, are entitled
to no indemnity." Another class allege that
the proper course of policy would be, first to get
rid of the disgrace of negro slavery, and then to
talk of compensation. A third description of
persons are for making a fair estimate of the
value of West India property, setting free the
slaves, and remunerating the owners for their
loss of fortune. Some little time ago we heard
that this last project was likely to be realized,
that a large sun was to be raised fur a compen-
sation to the planters, and the negroes at once
emancipated. Had both Parliament and the
West India planters agreed upon the terms for
carrying this proposal into execution, it must
have appeared to any reasonable mind that one
paramount interest had been miscalculated or
wholly overlooked, namely, that of the unfortu- '
nate negroes. The improvement and comfort
of that race call, assuredly, for some concomitant
at least, if not preliminary, regulations, as well
as to guard them against the effects of childish
ignorance and habitual helplessness upon their
conduct after such an immense and sude en change,
as to secure them the means of regular subsist-
ence, since it must thenceforth be optional
with their former masters to tolerate them as
sjourners on their several estates or to expel
ihem bodily. Another important consideration
in time present financial condition of the,country,
the means of raising a sufficient sum for the
compensation of the planter, is surrounded with
at least equal difficulty. Tie West Indians are
said to estimate their property in slaves at an
amount of nearly 50,000 0001., and point to the
only instance in which Government have at-
tempted an emancipation of slaves by purchase
from the proprietor-, in the island of St. He-
lena, as the rule to be observed in future trans-
actions of the same description. The anti-
slavery party are said to talk of their readiness
to support an advance of 15,000,0001. to
20,000,000/. to effect their great object of im-
mediate emancipation. Is the countly pre-
pared for either course ? Will the new repre-
sentatives of the people, pressed as they are by
their constituents to force upon the Government
a large reduction of the exiting taxation, be wil-
ling to vote a large loan of moues, for the in-
terest of e hit h additional taxes must be imposed ?
chese difficulties force us to the consideration of
aotne other means by winch it may be possible
to accom;ilish the ultimate extinction of slavery,
and to provide against the abuses of the system,
whilst the necessities of the case compel us to
ndure a continuance of it, without calling upon
the public for pecuniary sacrifices for the iiidsm-
nay of the planter. Amongst other schemes
which have been mentioned to us far this pur-
i,ose, is one for passiug an Act in the present
session declaring every child to be born there-
after, or even from the period of the accession of

his present Majesty,
_free, , and to provide that
the proprietor of the .mother of the children shall
maintain them till the age of ten years, on con-
dition of their being apprenticed tolhe master,
under regulations to be made by the magi-
strates, till they attain the age of twenty-
one, granting to the West Indians, as a compen-
sation for this interference with their rights
of property, the continuance of the exclusive
advantages they now enjoy in the sugar market
of this country for a certain number of years.
The scheme then proceeds to suggest the
simultaneous issue of an order in Council to
regulate finally the condition of the existing race
of slaves in the Crown colonies by the enforce-
ment, in the first instance, of Mr. Canning's
regulations, the repeal of Lord Goderich's
order, the limitation of the hours of labour, so
as net to amount to more in the whole than
those required by that order, and, finally (the
greatest improvement of all), the interposition
of the magistrates between the master and the
slave in all cases of punishment—the absolute
power of the master to cease, in fact, altogether.
To these regulations it is proposed to add the
provision, that no slave now attached, or to be
thereafter attached, to an estate, shall be
sold separately from the estate, and that
no slave shall, under any circumstances,
be henceforward separated from his family.
We give no opinion on this scheme, which
we hear has obtained the sanction of some
respectable parties interested in colonial pro-
perty, and throw it out merely for consideration,
as embracing, certainly, the main objects in
which the public are interested,—the protection
of the slave from abuse of power, while
his condition remains unchanged, and the
ultimate extinction of this odious system. The
planter, on the one hand, may say, as supporters
of arbitrary power also contend, that it is im-
possible to substitute any means of enforcing
labour and order if one iota is taken away from
the brute tyranny and terror which he alone con-
siders effectual for the purpose (no better illus-
tration is to be found of the fallacy of this
doctrine than the present state of discipline of
the army and navy, notwithstanding the all but
ainslition of corporeal punishment); and, on the
other hand, the ardent advocates of immediate
emancipation will object to this scheme, as much
too slow in its operation, and as enforcing no
direct Frovisions for the protection of the slaves
in the colonies having local legislatures. To
meet the last objection, we understand it was
intended to exclude those colonies from the ex-
clusive advantages to be continued to the other
colonies in the admission of sugar to this market,
till they have passed acts containing the same or
similar regulations in favour of the present race of
slaves. The Magistrates, also, were to be appointed
by the Crown,and their salaries,with such moderate
advances as might be required for the education
and instruction of the children, were the only
assistance which the projectors of this scheme
conside,ed should be required of the public in
this country fbr carrying it into effect. We ex-
pected, of course, to hear other objections, from
all quarters, to any plan which can be devised
for the settlement of this most embarrassing and
dangerous question. We fear the selection of
any is but a choice of difficulties, less only than
the evil of allowing the present state of things
to continue till a crisis arrives, which it may
neither be in the power of Parliament to avert
nor control. It is the indispensable duty of Go-
vernment to legislate at .once and for ever on the
ultimate cttndition of the slave in the present
session, and whatever may be the course they
determine on pursuing, we pray that it may be
directed with prudence, discretion, and wisdom;
and that when their measures are prepared, they
will be carried through with promptitude, deci-
sion, and energy.—Times.
Though it is most probable the matter was
well considered before the determination was
come to, we very much doubt ihe po,iey of Sir
John Key's postponement of his motion for a
repeal of the house and window taxes, until
after the Chancellor of the Exchequer has
brought forward his budget. As for Lord
Althorp's own reasons for his indecision upon
he subject, they are equally puerile. The
Noble Lord, forsooth, cannot make up hi-
mind till after the sth of April, when the whole
amounts of the year will be before him. This
might be very sound logic in the mouths of
those who who have no previous access to the
accounts ; but in the person who has weekly,
nay, d lily accounts of the state of the Ex-
chequer, under every head, it literally amounts
to nothing but that State indecision and want of
resolution, which is known in private life by
the term of " putting off the evil day." Lord
Althorp may, a fortnight hence, just as well
task of waiting till the sth of July, as of now
waiting till the sth of April. Instead of admi-
nistering to this loitering state of things, it was
the policy of Sir John Key to have urged the
Minister on to a state which must have compelled
him and his colleagues to come to a decision.
The Noble Lord's budget either will or will not
comprise this large head of taxation among the
ways and means. To exclude it, what would be
the proper course, but to obtain a previous vote
of Parliament condemning it, as the people by
their petitions have done, as odious and un-
equal ? But such a course would, it appears,
have been " uncandid in the extreme." It was
" unfair" to urge the Noble Lord, or, at such a
crisis, to " embarrass the Government." This
sort of language has in it too much of the ami-
able candour of schedule A for our taste. We
had thought that the time was gone by when we
were to hear this cant about embarrassing the
Government. If urging the claims of the pe:'ple
to justice and satisfaction be an embarrassing
of Government, we should say that it is the bu-
siness of an honest Member of Parliament so to
embarrass them every day of his life, unless, in-
deed, the Government has the good sense and
the ability to anticipate and go along with the
popular feeling, which unfortunately has rarely,
if ever, been the case. But on this occasion
we are greatly mistaken if the reason is
not to be found in the admission of enemies
into the camp. Are there not among the
metropolitan Members place-holders, and aspi-
rants for place and honours, to whom it
cannot be at all agreeable to do any thing either
to embarrass, or, in the slightest degree, to
annoy the powers that be ? And is not Sir
John Key in some measure the unconscious
dupe of these persons ? We would strongly
recommend the town constituencies, especially
those of the metropolis, at ar.y rate, not to be
so. If they hesitate to renew their appeal, the)
will be presumed to acquiesce in the delay ; at
the end of which they will be coolly told that
the year s arrangetnents, being made, cannot
now be disturbed, but that, if they will wait till
anotlitr year, their complaints shall be attended
to.—Morning Herald.

The proceedings in Parliament last night will,
upo❑ the whole, be read with saiisNction. The
13111 providing for Ireland the only description of

government by which the people of that country,
so long as Popery maintains its dominion over
their minds, can ever be effectually controlled,
pasted through the Committee, without any sur-
render by Government to the Popish party of
its essential and efficacious provisions, in addi-
tion to those numerous surrenders and compro-
mises which had been previously announced.
One concession, indeed, there was, which must
cause a blush of shame and indignation to glow
upon the cheek of every friend of the Adtninis-
tration. Mr. O'Connell demanded that the
Protestant Magistracy of the Corporations of
Ireland should be excluded from the powers
conferred upon Magistrates generally by the Bill,
accompanying the demand by the foulest terms
of calumny and insult ; and Mr. Stanley feebly
repelled the calumny and reproved the insult in
words, while he in effect gave the sanction and
concurrence of the King's Ministers to both by
acceding to the demand. This single incident in
the progress of the measure shows how the powers
it confers are lik ly to be exercised by the present
Government of Ireland, and would alone abun-
dantly justify the Protestant Conservatives of
every part of the empire in uniting to resist the
Bill, were it not considered impossible that such
a Government, either in Ireland or any where
else, shiruld be of long duration. The factory
system again became a subject of discussion, and
a painful illustration of the stupilying and
depraving effect of the dominion of Mammon
was afforded in the complaints of some master
manufacturers that their interests are about to
be sacrificed by the Ten Hours Bill of Mr.
Sadler upon ex parte evidence. What a strange
kind of vested interest is here set up ! A vested
interest in children being compelled to labour
above ten hours in the day ! And the medi-
tated invasion of this precious interest is about
to take place, upon ex parte evidence forsooth,
as if any other case in favour of the Bill could
be required by any man of intelligence or huma-
nity than that which these manufacturers them-
selves establish when, in the face of a Legislature
and country professedly Christian, they dare
avow that for their gain infants have heretofore
been compelled to labour more than ten hours
out of every 24, and to claim an interest and a
right in the perpetuation of this inhuman cruelty.
—Morning Post.