The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-22 00:00:00

KOSSUTII'S DEPARTURE FROM

SOUTIIAMPTON.

On Thursday (as announced yesterday) Kossuth ter-
minated his brief but brilliant visit to E❑gland, in the
town in which he had first received his welcome. He
left London, accompanied by Madame Kossuth, and
Madame Puliky, and the other members of his suite, so
early as seven in the morning, but owing to the slippery
state of the rails and some imperfection in the engine,
the train did not arrive at its destination until half-past
11 A.ra. Oa arriving at the S nithampton station the
mayor and corporation were found to be waiting in their
robes of office, and, after a short greeting, a procession
was formed, and the illustrious exile, accompanied by his
kind hosts, proceeded slowly through the town to the
residence of the American consul. The streets were
densely crowded, and the people cheered warmly, a
courtesy which Kossuth acknowledged by bowing re-
peatedly as he passed along. The traces of fatigue and
excitement were more strikingly visible in his coun-
tenance, but we were happy to learn that he was
suffering from no more serious indisposition. Oa ar-
riving at Mr. Croskey's, the party partook of some
refreshment, and after a short rest the procession was
re-formed, and proceeded slowly to the pier end, off
which the Jupiter lay with the national flag of Hun-
gary flying at the main, to convey the exiles and
their friends to Cowes Roads to meet the Humboldt.
The Jupiter was crowded with visitors, and a military
band played " See the Conquering Hero comes" as
Kossuth ascended the gangway. Immediately on his
arrival on deck the Hungarian flag was saluted with
twenty-one guns, the number allotted by etiquette to the
flags of independent nations. This marked demonstra-
tion of respect and recognition for the nationality of
Hungary, was the signal for immense cheering, amid
which Kossuth, accompanied by the Mayor and corpo-
ration, descended to the cabin, where an elegant
dejeuner had been prepared by Mr. Gibbs, a local res-
taurateur. An address was presented on the part of
the Poles in Portsmouth by Major Stawaizi, and the
party took their seats. Among the company there
were, besides the corporation, Lord Dudley Stuart,
Colonels Salwey and Rochfort, Mr. Toulmin Smith, Mr.
Nightingale, and several notabilities of the town and
neighbourhood. The Mayor of Southampton presided;
and on his right sat Kossuth, and on his left the Ameri-
can consul.
The CHAIRMAN having given the usual loyal and
constitutional toasts, they were duly responded to,
Kossuth pledging the toast of the Queen in a most
marked and impressive manner, and Mr. Croskey, the
American consul, adding at the conclusion of the cheer-
ing, " One cheer more from America."
The CHAIRMAN, in giving the next toast, said—The
next toast I have to offer to your notice is, " The
Health of the Sultan of Turkey," who kept his royal
word, and set our worthy guest at liberty —(Loud cheers)
—and at some considerable risk, iu defiance of the
threats of Russia and Austria; but supported by Lord
Palmerston, he respected the laws of hospitality. For
that decision, as well as for his being an ancient ally
of England, I propose " Health, long life, and prosperity
to his Royal Highness the noble Sultan of Turkey."—
(Loud cheers.) The Chairman again rose and said—l
have great pleasure in proposing the health of a noble-
minded man, the ruler of a great republic and governor
of an industrious and persevering population, increasing
in productions, in commerce, manufactures, and wealth.
Of their ingenuity we have had ample proofs, convincing
us that the sons of the Anglo-Saxons across the Atlantic
are worthy of their sires. They have shown their de-
scent by their undaunted perseverence and their sym-
pathy for the exiles. I give you " The President of the
United States of America."—(Great cheering.)
The MAYOR then proceeded to give the toast of the
evening, and said, I am ,delighted, and feel honoured in
being again permitted the pleasure of proposing this
toast. I felt in sitting here what a variety of
changing scenes has come over our noble guest
in the course of his career. First, there was the dis-
play of his brilliant talents to encourage his coun-
trymen to seek for liberty by every constitutional
means. He then stood by them in arms, and would, no
doubt, have been successful had not the jealousy of pro-
fessed friends betrayed his cause, and the invasion of
his country by the hordes of Russia❑ serfs driven him
to seek refuge in Turkey, followed by the cries and tears
of millions of his aggrieved countrymen. You (ad-
dressing Kossuth) found an asylum in Turkey in the
shape of a prison, and that much too good to please the
despots of the north. At the solicitation of England
and America you were set at liberty, thanks to Lord
Palmerston and to the noble Sultan. But no sooner were
you free than you met with a refusal to pass through a
professed Republican country; not from the people of
that great nation, but from those who had been making
laws of centralisation, which will one day end in anarchy
and confusion.—(Hear.) I feel delighted in the recol-
lection that on these waters I was the first Englishman
that had the opportunity of greeting you and your be-
loved family, and of assuring you that England, my na-
tive land, was the home of the exile—the land of the
free.—(Loud cheers.) You listened with pleasure
and emotion when I informed you that our coun-
trymen would gladly receive you for the great principles
you have so nobly advocated and bravely defended. I
assured you that the people of Southampton would rally
round you by hundreds, and those of the provinces by
thousands ; and happy, thrice happy, are we here this
day to know► that these predictions have been more than
realised.—(Loud cheers.) Only four weeks this day
have passed since we had the pleasure of presenting to
you the first corporation address in England, and the
honour of your company at the festive board, where
your unequalled eloquence, your unassuming manners,
your faithful expositions of the principles of liberty, so
completely captivated our ears and our hearts, that you
made converts by hundreds in our borough—(Hoar,
hear)—and by thousands in all parts of the United
Kingdom which were made acquainted with your senti-
ments by that great Leviathan of liberty, the free press
of England.—(Loud cheers.) After some further ob-
servations, which want of space obliges us reluctantly to
leave out, his Worship concluded by proposing, amid
loud cheers, " Health and a prosperous voyage to Kos-

suth and family."
KOSSUTH said—Mr. Mayor—may I be allowed to add
my generous friend—(Cheers)—ladies and gent
otlemof en,
it is true that I labour under the weariness, n in-
disposition, but of many sleepless nights, to which must
be added some slight qualms of sea sickness, for I am
the worst sailor in the world. (You must learn.) Yes,
I will try to learn.—(Cheers and laughter.) I must
only adopt the maxim of that celebrated English ge-
neral, although I am not at present in a condition to
do so, who said, " Put your trust in God, my boys, and
keep your powder dry."—(Cheers and laughter.) I
offer in my own humble person a curious specimen of the
whims of fate. My own inclinations have always driven
mo towards tranquillity and retirement and the comforts
of private life; but duty has ever pushed me into action,
and I believe it is the destiny and the most sacred duty
of every man not to listen to his inclinations or his af-
fections when the great cause of humanity and of father-
land calls him into action.—(Cheers.) So when I arrived
four weeks ago in England, had I listened to my incli-
nations, I should have desired to land unknown and un-
remarked; but knowing that when the people of Eng-
land had resolved to cheer me, theirs would be no mere
personal cheering, but the deep-felt ones given to the
principles of liberty, I was anxious rather to meet the
favouring stream ot public opinion, than to retire into
that concealment which so much better would have
suited my own personal inclinations.—(Hear, hear.)
And knowing that no merit could be mine, I felt that
might perhaps pass through England, melting away like
the girl's sigh upon the breeze, but I was met every-
where by the loud cheers of the people, and you, Mr.
Mayor, were the first and most generous representative
of the national feeling.--(Loud cheers.) You met me
upon the sea with a cheer that has since followed and
carried me through England.—(Loud cheers.) Ani-
mated by such cheers, by your kind welcome, and by the
principles of liberty, I rose with so sudden a strength,
that even your Government—as I believe it is the duty
of every Government—felt bound to acknowledge the
weight of public opinion, and in some degree to follow it.
—(dear.) So, four weeks ago Southampton was to me,
and in my humble self, the cause of freedom, the power
which gave to my ears the trumpet sounds of hope.
Now, when I leave Southampton, I shall remember that
out of that trumpet note has grown up the cannons'
roar in acknowledgment of a great public principle.
and I give you my word, in the name of a generous na-
tion, that the land which with your cannon you have this
day saluted as a living nation, will yet ho entitled to the
honour.—(Loud cheering.) But confidently believing
that all these manifestations had really some practical
end, that they were not merely the passing emotion of
noble hearts, permit me, gentlemen, to make one remark
now in the last moment of my adieus. It is to remind
you that public opinion is only strong and powerful
when it is kept alive. Public opinion is nothing from
the moment it falls asleep, but it is all powerful when it
continues to show a watchful eye, and that people are
not forgetting either the deeds of Governments, the
passing things and circumstances of the world; or that
those institutions of freedom which have the approbation
of the people of England, are intimately connected with
the development ot freedom all over the w orld.—(Hfeel the ear,
hear.) You, gentlemen, have shown that you
force of this remark, and for your sentiments and for the
pronunciation of them, for which I myself have given
the humble opportunity, let mo most sincerely thank
you, but let not your sympathy be content with pro-
nouncing itself. I hope you will live to pronounce it
again and again.—(Loud cheers.) Pronounce it so
that the mighty of the earth shall see that it is the
earnest will of the people of England to be as good as
their word, and if it be so kept alive, it is not my bo-
lief—it is my solemn persuasion that it will be your
proud boast to have spread the blessings of freedom
throughout the world.—(Loud cheers.) The mode and
matter is very clear, gentlemen. On every occasion upon
which I had the honour to address the people of En-
gland I mentioned the principle of non-interference—
not unilateral non-iuterference—which, in other words,
makes a market of national liberties and humanity—but
that by which a free and mighty nation makes respected
the,rights of nations, and In respect to that principle I
wise you to consider what is the present condition of
France—republican Frence.—(llear, hear.) I am en-
tirely convinced that in Europe it is precisely England
that will decide the next future of the world, and the
crisis that is approaching. The republicanism of France
is in such direct antagonism to the despotism of Russia,
that Russia must feel—instinctively must feel—that
sooner or later the absolutist principle of Russia must
meet the republicanlance. This must
therefore be considered as principlea
fatality—a necessity—by
Russia; and, whether she pleases or not, she must ac-
cept it. Now seeing that Russia must accept the neces-
sity—that in no case she can avoid t t, or shrink from
the meeting of these two principles-_the
meeting France in the battle-field will hinderrioi
from seeking to put down republic an e
da n
Russiager
Hungary. Therefore the idea of the great h
andte
mighty
French nation is no barrier against
inten-
tions of Russia, because it knows that ultimately the
absolutistic and republican principles must meet in the

death struggle. So in considering the question of in-
, tirveatiun, Russia knowing she must meet .Wrance, looks
to the feeling of other Powers, and asks " What will
England do ?" And if Russia sees that the public
opinion of England has so pronounced itself as to make
it certain that in interfering she will not only have to
meet the French, but English power, then she will not
interfere.—(Hear.) I will not go so far as to say that
such pronunciations will hinder war, but war between
established powers, and interference in the internal af-
fairs of a nation are two different things, both in their
origin and results.—(Hear.) Therefore, it is my con-
viction, that the power in Europe of arresting Russia
rests with England, and that England can decide on the
direction of the affairs of Europe. And now, gentle-
men, it is a happy condition of things to know that all
those peculiar and scanty views, I might, perhaps,
add, egotistical views of the olden times have vanished
before the enligktened spirit of the present generation ;
and it is happy that the increased development of the
human intellect must show that even true egotism,
which is not an immoral feeling can only be satisfied
when man seeks to secure the gratification of
his own personal wishes in harmony with the wants
and wishes of mankind and of nations.—(Hear, hear.)
And looking at the question from that point of view, it
is a happiness to see what aro the real wants and wishes
of mankind. In other words, to put an abstract idea
into a practical form, it is.happy to see that social free-
dom, political independence, and self-government are
alike opposed to centralisation and despotism.—(Hear,

hear.) Depend upon it, that the principle of self-lovern.

. .
ment is the only One that can give security to the person,
to freedom, and to the progress of reform. In a word,
the principle of self-government can alone, even in do-
. .

- -
mastic matters, ensure happiness. Therefore, it is my
humble wish, which I bequeath to you as my testament
—do not forget poor Hungary—(Loud cheers, which
lasted for several minutes)—do not forget those principles
of independence which must be dear to every son of free-
dom—in a word, self-government. And do not forget
that public opinion is only powerful when incessantly
kept alive. Therefore, remember for what occasion you
meet, and whatever future meetings you may have, do
not forget that you cannot meet on any public topic
which is not intimately connected with the principle of
freedom; and when you make resolutions settling do-
mestic matters—perhaps a further development of mu-
nicipal institutions—which, I may almost say, I feel in the
air as the coming topic for the next agitation of the pub-
lic mind of England, let it be your meeting to settle that
question; let it be an investigation into the state of
trade in England, and the cause of its decrease; or may
be a meeting for the further development of political re-
form, which you can struggle for in endless peaceful
progress, undisturbed by those dreadful concussions
which elsewhere interfere with the peace of the world;
or let it be a meeting to realise the results of free trade,
a result not realised yet—whatever question you meet to
discuss, remember my poor Hungary, and that the prin-
ciple of self-government is a great link to bind you to the
cause of humanity—(Hear)—rensember my poor country,
and in your resolutions do not forget her condition. Pro-
claim your wishes and your desires.. I will not carry you
on to the necessity of `war, because, if you emphatically
declare your will, a real manly will, it is sure to be
obeyed.—(Hear, hear.) In some weeks I have the inten-
tion to return from the United States, although, of course,
you must feel that powerful links will hold me there—
links of gratitude—links of identity of principle—be-
cause I have publicly avowed the form of government
which I intend to carry oat in my own country. These
are many and strong links; but I will hasten back, be-
cause the experience I have had here in England enforces
on my mind the conviction that in a very short time
the field of action will be open, and he whom,
seeing unfortunate, you have sympathised with,
and raised by your manifestations of respect, will very
soon return from the United States, and I hope that in
returning I may be the happy messenger of glad
tidings—that I may bear the news that the United
States of America, answering to your words of unity,
will join with England to guarantee against the com-
munity of despotism the community of liberty.—(Loud
sheers.) Then, gentlemen, my return will not be only
a source of happiness to me, but may form a new era.
I have almost a confidence that I may be selected as a
messenger of the will of the United States, declaring
that the liberties of Europe shall be preserved notwith-
standing their momentary failure. These principles of
brotherly love which have so generally replaced the
rivalries of old, I was here in a condition to witness,
as well as the difference between the Government and
people of England, and between the Government and
people of France, because governments are not always
the types of the people.—(Loud cries of " Hear hear.")
But, between these two principles, of the old rivalry
which is passing away, and the brotherly-love which is
replacing it,, we can hardly help reflecting upon what
fools we must have been to indulge in such rivalries.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.): We have nothing to fear
from free peoples, who, being never unjust, have them-
selves nothing to fear. Why then should we be such fools
as to be the tools of ambition, keeping up the old rival-
ries, which are the only means left to ambitious men for
the conservation of their power.—(Hear, hear.) I am
glad then to see this propensity to unite in intention for
the cause of freedom, and if needs be, in- action.—(Loud

cheers.) Cf course I must have felt that the feeling
would develop itself more towards the United States
than to other people, because blood is blood, and al-
though there may be momentary quarrels in a family,
blood will soon resume its right, and exclaim, " Brother,
why are we quarrelling?"—(Loud cheers.) You are
bound together hand in hand to restore mankind to the
great destiny appointed for them by the providence of
God. Prosperous you two brothers are—living proofs
that the principle lies not so much in the form of go-
vernment, but that it is the institutions that make a
people free, and that it is public spirit which builds up
the institutions to make people free and happy under
different forms of government.—(Loud cheers.) I hope
to God I shall find this union cemented on returning to

Europe, because I feel in my conscience that the time
approaches for active accomplishment of your duty. I
hope to God that perhaps my humble self may be the
bridge above which America may stretch its powerful arm
over to Europe, saying, " Thou ancient and oppressed
nations of the European continent, here we are, great
and powerful, here is a brother's hand."—(Loud
cheers.) I hope I shall meet in England, also, another
brother's hand, which, uniting with America, will
give good hope for the destinies of humanity—
hope that they may be saved without the sacrifice of
blood. But if the support of these two great nations be
not given to a suffering world, then the results will be
bloody and uncertain, and, being uncertain, would nearly
touch the interests of England herself. Yes, I repeat it,
the development of the liberties of Europe has the most
intimate connexion with the development of freedom in
England herself.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, before I
conclude I owe it to myself and to the cause which I so
unworthily represent, to state one thing. Since I have
enjoyed the privilege of living in England it has been
my rule not to mix myself up with any of your interior
questions; even when I was very nearly touched by a
question, still I remained silent. But within these few
days I have read in the public papers a declaration of a
high official character, about the facts of the past, and
concerning what hus been the policy of England respect-
ing Hungary and the Hungarian exile. These declara-
tions impose upon me the necessity of saying something,
lest my silence should be misinterpreted. If I am not more
explicit, I beg of you to attribute it to the peculiar ne-
cessities of my position, and besides, it is only necessary
for your information that you should study the blue
books. I will say no more, let us not speak of
the past, every man has his virtues and his faults, and I
myself have committed many faults, which I am not
ashamed to acknowledge. Let us not then look to the
past, except for instruction, where we can study from
the book of life, full of mournful instruction for us all.
There in that open bock we can learn that whenever a
great and free nation forgets, though only for a moment,
a brother's duty towards humanity, the enemies of the
liberties of mankind raise their powers on this oblivion,
and proceed with gigantic steps, so that very soon those
free nations may be menaced in their most vital interests.
—(Hear, hear.) That is the instruction we may derive
from the past, let us not look to it for any other purpose;
but let the people of England pronounce again and again
resolutely and manfully in favour of the liberties of
mankind.—(Load cheers.) That direction of the po-
licy of England will never depend upon personalities,
because in a free country the people must be masters,
and that is the distinctive meaning of the word
" constitution." Constitution means where the will
of the people directs the public government of the
country.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore the question de-
pends not upon personalities, but upon the public
spirit of the people of England, which I am confident
will ever be on the side of humanity.—(Loud cheers.)
One word as to the secrecy of diplomacy, the source of
the present deplorable condition of Europe. Some peo-
ple may say that matters of importance, should not be
disclosed before the proper time. But take a case. The
merchant, it is said, does net disclose his transactions
before they are closed; but that is not true, because I
cannot conceive a single merchant or broker who would
not retain to himself the power of looking into all his
transactions, whatever might be their importance or
amount.—(Hear, hear.) That is the opinion of the peo-
ple. The clerks of the merchant must discover all the
affairs to the master, and in a freo country it is not the
Government, but the people who are the masters.—
(Cheers.) And as soon as the people look into these
matters, I am convinced that the secret power of Russian
diplomacy, which enables the Czar to put his foot upon
the necks of nations, will at once recoil before the
asgeniusog al
long
ffupiot
hashsurtoh:bet
ph:
apei
poore
motwtyupgoesiesesntie sufferingaatxasl
nnuepr dmeced erineeipnneos
sr
humanity.—(Cheers.)
tfcmuuchemloada
ancav
nysnei
considered
dwt themye r.
lo_el
most
dat
Hungary,
cwha
hiee
immoralner
me no agns
s. again
Russianenianr andgsßat huoineti
ttwrl
diplomacyioeuri
therefore, that yeu will
raise your powerful voice against the secresy of diplo-
macy; raise it in connexion with that question wbich
you have honoured with your sympathy. Your detrac-
tors say that demonstrations such as I have witnessed
are not the public of England; that Southampton, Man-
chester, Birmingham, are not public opinion.—(Hear,
hear.) Let not this, however, be the impression among
mlrnndpog.f to
h crush
foreigners. They say, " what are these demonstrations
of the people of England ? As soon as Kossuth goes to
the States not an Englishman will remember him or his
opinions." I am convinced that it will not be so.—
(Loud cheers.) I am so convinced, because I have the
honour of bidding farewell to the corporation of South-
ampton and its Mayor. In four weeks the trumpet•
sound of its welcome has risen into the roaring of cannon
in acknowledgment of the existence of Hungary as a na-
tion of many nations.—(Loud cheers.) [Kossuth al-
luded to the fact of the national flag of Hungary having
been saluted with twenty-one guns from the platform
battery.] Tho feeling, then' has increased in four
weeks, instead of abating ; and I have a full confidence
that when I return to Europa I will see repeated
petitions to Parliament, Government resolutions in coun-
cil, commercial resolutions in corporations, at public
meetings, at dinners, and on every public occasion, re-

solutions that will show the autocrats of the world that
when England pronounces upon any question she will
keep that question alive, and that in keeping it alive she
will not allow any power in Europe to contravene her
will.—(Cheers.) Remember that the greatness of Eng-
land reposes on the manly resolution of her peop,e. Now,
gentlemen, in bidding you farewell, let that farewell be
connected with the declaration of the most warm senti-
ments of gratitude to you. Be assured, gentlemen, that
if, with the aid of God, my country once more become
free, which I confidently believe soon will be, let me
assure you that the name of Southampton will be en-
graved on the golden table of the history of Hungary,
as a name out of which its liberties have grown up, and
millions have been restored to the blessings of social
order.—(Loud cheers.) Southampton will be a name
eternally dear to my country, and handed down from
generation to generation as a central object of affec-
tion. Why should it not be so? For, after, it was
the welcome I first received at Southampton, which
was the electric spark that lit up such a deto-
nation throughout England.—(Loud cheers.) How-
ever warm may have been the subsequent welcome of the
people of England, there can be no doubt that it was in
the great heart of Southampton we first found consola-
tion and sympathy.—(Lead cheers.) We found it in
him to whom for three successive times you intrusted
the chief honours of your municipality; a position which
I hold to be very glorious, because it has not its root in
party motives, but in the confidence of his fellow-coun-
trymen.—(Loud cheers.) And also I hope you are
united with me in acknowledgment of the happy circum-
stance that in Southampton you have a representative
of your younger brother, the United States of America.
—(Loud cheering.) Let rim stand as the vanguard for
the realisation of that unity between the two countries
which will be the sure foundation of the freedom of the
world. Therefore, gentlemen, let me personify the idea
of England and the United States, by giving you the
health of the Mayor of Southampton and the Consul of
the United States.—(Kossuth resumed his seat, appa-
rently much exhausted, amidst the loudest cheering.)
The MAYOR having returned thanks,
Mr. CROSILEY said that Brother Jonathan begged to
return his thanks for the great honour which had been
done him on this occasion. His health had been pro-
posed by a man who was univeraally allowed to be the
greatest statesman and warrior of the age—first in the
arts of peace and in the hearts:of his fellow-countrymen.
—(Hear, hear.) When Kossuth had come to these
shores, he (Mr. Croskey) felt it to be his duty, as the
representative in Southampton of the United States, to
co-operate with the authorities of the town in their de-
monstration of good feeling and sympathy. He bad
done so, then, as a matter of duty, but now he was im-
pelled by principle and affection. It had always been
his wish to bring about a goood understanding between
the two countries, to reconcile prejudices, and to in-
crease communication and commerce. With those
views, he looked upon the fact of Kossuth's going to
America as a fitting medium by which the affections of
the two countries might be drawn closely together.
America, which was only 76 years old, had no old tradi-
tions, but she had long looked upon England as her na-
tural enemy.—(Cries of " Oh.") If any remnant of
that feeling still remained, ho hoped that Louis Kossuth
would be the means of dispelling it. On the other hand
England had looked upon America as the republic of
disorder.—(Cries of "No, no.") It had been so in for-
mer times, but now Brother Jonathan had proved that
there could be as good government in a republic as un-
der a monarchy. Liberty could be enjoyed under a
republic, and, as he was happy to add was proved by
the case of England, under a monarchy also.—(Cheers.)
Holding as he did an official position, he could not ex-
press the feelings of his heart as freely as be might wish.
He had colleagues in other parts of Europe whose posi-
tion he might compromise. All ho should say, then, to
Kossuth was, that America sympathised with him,would
" hear him for his cause," and " be silent that she might
hear." He (Mr. Croskey) believed that cause to be a
just one; but there was no one more able to speak to it
than Kossuth himself.
The next toast was " Poland," to which
Lord DUDLEY STUART rose to return thanks, and he
created much amusement by addressing the Mayor as
Admiral, he being by usage admiral of the port. He
said he thanked them for the toast they had pledged and
the manner in which they had pledged it, and he took
that opportunity of expressing the great satisfaction ho
had felt at bearing his share in the great demonstrations
in favour of the illustrious Kossuth.—(Cheers.) His
illustrious friend had come amongst them, and every eye
watched him, every ear listened to what he should say.
Now, he had been among them one month—an eventful
month, having been watched by powerful enemies, and
he (Lord Dudley Stuart) would venture to say with his
reputation not diminished, but immensely increased.—
(Loud cheers.) In saying that he did not mean to say
that every one in this country agreed with all that had
been advanced by their illustrious friend, but it was not
necessary, in order to admire a man, that we should
adopt every one of his opinions. The people of England
had spoken out in his favour, and he (Lord Dudley
Stuart) believed that the Government had been anxious to
obey their bidding. But it was very well known that
when the people of England had made up their minds, if
the Government were not prepared to go with them,
that Government would very soon have to go out of
office. The Noble Lord concluded by adding his good
wishes for the prosperous voyage of the exiles.
This toast terminated the proceedings of the dejeuner,
and shortly after. as the Humboldt did not appear at her
appointed time, Kossuth and family repaired on board
a small steamer, in which to wait for the arrival of the
American vessel, as the Jupiter's heavy draught of water
required that she should return at once to port. The
company on board gave Kossuth a tremendous farewell
cheer, and the Humboldt having arrived about nine
o'clock, ho repaired on board, and proceeded on his voy-
age to America.
We cannot conclude our report without offering our
acknowledgments to the Mayor of Southampton for the
marked attention which the representatives of the public
press received at his hands throughout the entire of these
demonstrations.

THE NEW STATION AT KING'S-CROSS.
In Pancras-road, where some time ago Alfred fought
the Danes—hence the place came to be called Battle-
bridge, and so continued till an amusing caricature of
George IV. in cement turned it into King's'CTOSS---
on to form
. some enormous constructions are now going
the London Station, we will not call it " terminus, of
the Great Northern Railway. The width of the
facade, from the side towers, is 216 feet; the extreme
width of the station is 305 feet; the height of these
towers. 71. feet. The clock will be 90 feet from the
ground, and will have dials 9 feet in diameter. Pas-
sengers will enter in the centre of the pile of buildings
on the left hand (west), extending northwards, and will
find themselves in a pay-office 100 feet log, 40. feet
wide, and 40 feet high,
it to connect the various apartments on the first-floor on
either side, which it would otherwise separate.
with a gallery on the east side of
The first-class waiting-room is at the north end of
this office ; the second-class at the south;
and there
are refreshment rooms and all the other accommodations
which are now looked for in stations of this importance.
The rooms are all large and lofty, but aro to be finished
into
the plainly. The waiting-rooms open, of course,
the departure-shed, which is 105 feet in width, and 800
feet long, covered with a semicircular roof 71 feet in
height to the crown. The departure-shed is exactly the
same size, and is covered in the same way. The brick-
work throughout, and there is a large quantity of it,
very little stone being used, is an exceedingly good
specimen. Tho mortar is compounded of blue lies lime,
clay from the foundations burnt and ground, sand, and
cinders: in the proportion of 1 lime to 1 sand and 2
burnt clay and cinders; it soon becomes exceedingly
hard. The architectunder whose superintendence these
works are being carried out is Mr. Lewis Cubitt, and the
contractor is Mr. J. Jay, who is also executing the other
works to which we have alluded, north of this station,
partly under the direction of Mr. Joseph Cubitt, the
engineer of the line, and partly under Mr. Lewis Cubitt.
—Builder.

THE LIVERPOOL COUNTY COURT.,--MY. Ramsbay
is certainly hard to please. If a witness explains, he is told
that he is a fool, and is not to talk ; if he stumbles or hesi-
tates, forthwith he is to be fined for not answering ; if he
answers questions simply, he blusters, and sulks, and storms ;
if he is silent, he is obstinate ; if he answers at any length,
the sententious maxim, that " a fool is always talking," is
thrown at his head; if, in deference to this hint, he assents
by tacit gesture, he is warned, " If you have a tongue in
your head, use it, and don't bow to me like a Chinese man-
darin, hopping about like a cock-sparrow ;" and after all this
miserable gabble, Mr. Ramshay " supposes that; he shall be
told that he has been discourteous; and if he is, he will take
care to have the person before him, and will deal with him
accordingly." For our own part, we should be sorry to Dave
to visit Mr. Ramshay at Liverpool, especially in the present
cold weather • but we must tell him that he has been dis-
courteous, and a good deal more. But when is all this to
come to an end? Have we not seen the last of this discredit-
able nonsense—this mockery of justice—this sad exhibition
of arrogance, vanity, and conceit, as some may call it—or,
as others more charitably and apologetically will phrase it,
this display of shattered nerves and a wounded temper?
We do not want any more of these discreditable diaries.—
Chronicle.
INNER TEMPLE, Nov. 21.—The following mem-
bers of this acciety have been called to the bar and were
sworn in this evening in the hall :—Augustus Phillips, Esq. ;
William Sharp Cross, B.A. ; Richard Bright, B.A. ' • John
Hampden Fordham, 8.A.; William Joyce, Esq.; Henry
Thomas Wroth, 8.A.; Thomas Potter, Esq.; David
Featherby Thornbury, 8.A.: Robert Lakin, Esq. ; Spencer
Vincent, 8.A.; Alexander Staveley Hill, S.C.L. ; George
Ward Hunt, sq.; George Tayler, Esq.; Hugh Thurstain
Hulton, Esq.; Thomas Cragg Rawsthorne, B.A. ; John
Maurice Davies, L.C.L.; Henry Jeffreys Bushby. Esq.;
Pedro D'Aleantara Travessez Valdez, Gent.; and William
Haworth Holl, Esq.
LINCOLN'S-INN, Nov. 21.—The following gentle-
men were this day called to the degree of barrister-at-law, by
the Hon. Society of Lincoln's-in, viz. :—William llackett,
Esq. • Edward Frederick Smvth Pigott, Esq. William
Wilkie Collins, Esq.; Charles 'Pole Stuart, Esq. ; Mark Dew-
snap, Esq.; William Park Dickins, Esq.; Stephen Soames,
Esq.; Charles Thomas Calvert, Esq. ; Horace Townsend,
Esq.; Philip Williams, Esq.; and Edward Samuel Dale, Esq.
DETERMINED SUICIDE.—Yesterday evening Mr.
Payne held an inquest at the George, Paul's-alley, Redcross-
street, on the body of Richard Yeomans, aged 60, a com-
mercial traveller, who committed suicide by hanging him-
self on Tuesday last. Mrs. Eliza Tanner, of's, Alfred-place,
Paul's-alley, stated that the deceased, who was her first
cousin, lived in her house. He was a commercial traveller,
and was formerly in excellent circumstances; latterly, how-
ever, he had been out of a situation for some time, and was
not very well off. He had lately been very disconsolate, and
was afraid he should never get another situation. On Tues-
day afternoon she looked into his room about six o'clock, and
saw him hanging by the neck to a hook in the wall. She im-
mediately got assistance, and had him cut down, but life was
extinct. In his room was found a letter addressed to witness,
directing how his furniture, watch, and some money from a
rab
onubdri a
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verdict of “Teraporary insanity."

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TIMES.—The fruits of the recent Papal policy in
sending to Ireland a Logan) a Latore, and holding
under his Auspices the Council of Thistles, are beginning
to be gathered by the branch of the Roman Catholic
Church more particularly affected by these pontifical
operations. The first effect of these ill-advised pro-
ceedings was to give additional point and significance to
the rescript affecting this country which so immediately
followed them ; the second was to produce a violent re•
action in favour of the educational system which the Pope
attacked; and the third is now manifesting itself in the
effusion of a spirit of bitter discord and reviling within
the precincts of the Roman Catholic Church itself. It
is the fashion among persons haunted with a morbid
fear of the prevalence of Popery to invest the priests,
in their imagination, with an almost superhuman per-
spicacity and dexterity, which enables them to
turn events as they rise to the account of
the Church, and to baffi t with apparent ease
the most unfavourable conjuncture of circumstances.
Let those who are impressed with such apprehensions
review the course adopted by the Pope in Ireland, and
imagine, if they can, how, had he implicitly obeyed the
promptings of the worst enemies of his creed, he could
have contrived to do himself a greater quantity of mis-
chief in a shorter period of time. It was in his power,
by uniting cordially with the Government in support of
the Queen's Colleges, to gain for his own religion a large
portion of the credit of the successful experiment; or,
had he stood aloof, he might at any rate have escaped
censure and disrepute. But, although fully apprised of
the strong tendency of the Irish mind towards educa-
tion, he has chosen to stake his influence on his success
in putting it down, and to submit to the nation the al-
ternative of not being educated at all, or of setting his
authority at defiance. To the honour of the Irish people,
the contest is no longer doubtful; not, we presume, that
they love the Pope less, but that they love education
more. But the ultramontane party is not yet
satisfied with the demonstration it has given of
its utter inability to cope with the mixed system
of education, whether administered in schools or
colleges. It has shown that it is utterly unable to shake
existing institutions ; it is about to show that it is
equally unable to establish any of its own. Unfortu-
nately for themselves, the pious founders have received
just enough support towards their Catholic university to
oblige them to go on with the scheme, and not enough,
even in a pecuniary point of view, to hold out any rea-
sonable hope of a successful termination. It is a delu-
sion, with just enough reality in it to prevent its being
abandoned altogether. Hovering on the confines be-
tween existence and nonentity, it would have been in-
finitely easier to deal with had the support which it has
received been either more or less. It is entering into
that state which usually precedes the failure of favourite
Irish projects, either in Church or State. Ireland being
unable or unwilling to carry it out herself, the projectors,
according to the national custom, are seeking for foreign
assistance. Just as the Snikhs were expected to fight
the battle of Young Ireland in the plains of the Pun-
jaub, just as Republican France was to second the
efforts of Smith O'Brien, just as America is now to pro-
vide the steam communication between Galway and
New York, even so she is expected to contribute whatever
may be wanting to launch this hopeful speculation into
efficient competition with the handsomely endowed
and firmly established colleges. As an emissary of this
hopeful mission to obtain money for one of the few pur-
poses for which Ireland does not require it, and to over-
throw one of the few institutions of which Ireland has
really reason to be proud, Dr. Cullen and his associates
have selected a certain Rev. Robert Mullen, who seems,
to judge by the specimen which he has given us of him-
self, to be possessed of a fund of cool and unbounded as-
surance, which no reception that our American neigh-
bours can give him will succeed in abating or discomfit-
ing. A simple parish priest, he may fairly be taken as
a sample of the democratic sect in the Roman Catholic
Church. For his immediate superiors he evinces about
as much respect as the Californian clerk whose " diffi-
culty" with the judge under whom he served we recently
commemorated. " The Irish bishops," says this eccle-
siastical leveller, " are divided now between Rome on
one side, Clarendon, Lord John, and the murdering
Whigs on the other. Those bishops and priests
who are favouring those godless institutions
are apathetic in reference to the founding a
university for the Catholic youth of Ireland, are, as
much as in them lies, scattering what is of God, and
favouring Antichrist. Through pride, obstinacy, servi-
lity, and political partisanship, they rebel against the
Pope, and betray the interests of Catholicity." It is not
for its own sake that we quote this miserable tirade. It
matters little to the English public with what particular
species of falsehood and slander this emissary of discord
and ignorance goes forth to prosecute his unholy mis-
sion; but we call attention to such language in order to
show what manner of men they are whom Dr. Cullen
selects from the whole body of the Irish clergy to bear
his message into distant lands, and in what spirit they
go forth. It is quite evident that the mission of this
extremely free-spoken gentleman is not so much the col-
lection of money as the systematic defamation and slan.
der of one-half of the prelates unfortunately placed under
this most arrogant and incapable man. Because there
are yet found in Ireland a number of bishops unwilling
at the bidding of an ignorant intruder to renounce opi-
nions which it has been the lab= of their lives to pro-
pagate and establish, the inferior clergy are encouraged
publicly to denounce them in the most unmeasured lan-
guage, and casting aside all respect for their years, their
virtues, and ecclesiastical position, to bold them up to
the hatred and contempt of their own congregations.
Failing to coerce the Irish laity into his miserable sys-
tem, Dr. Cullen recklessly stirs up against his brethren
the dregs of the clergy, careless of the scandal, pro-
vided he can obtain some revenge for the signal repulse
which he has sustained. Thus, while the people are
flying from Ireland with an eagerness which even the
approach of winter can hardly abate, while the efforts of
Protestant missionaries are crowned with a success
equally gratifying and astonishing, while the feelings of
those in England who are prepared to do much to con-
ciliate Popery are incurably alienated from it, do we
find the ultramontane party, blind to their present
weakness and coming annihilation, striving to dis-
credit the most respected of their own faith, and to
sow dissension amid the ranks of a Church already
too weak to stand its ground before its present anta-
gonists. If anything were needed to confirm the Irish
people in their resolution to stand by their new
educational institutions in spite of all the efforts of
Rome to reduce them to a state of ignorance similar to
that of Spain, of Naples, or of her own States, it would
be the indecent treatment which such men as the vene-
rable Dr. Murray—of whom it is impossible for Pro-
testants themselves to speak or think without respect—
have to endure from the emissaries of a man forced upon
the Irish Roman Catholics for no other reason, as it ap-
pears, than his marked hostility to everything which the
wisest and mildest of his predecessors had laboured to
establish. Let but Dr. Cullen go on as he has begun,
and we do not despair of seeing the Pope as much de-
spised and detested in Ireland as in his ;own dominions.
It is perfectly possible to refute the most cogent ab-
stract reasoning by applying it to practice, and the
belief in Papal infallibility has more to dread from the
experimental demonstration of its absurdity it is now
affording than from all the sneers of sceptioism or all
the weapons of controversy. Doctors may differ, but
who can believe that Cullen and Mellale are the friends,
and Murray and Blake the enemies of the Irish people?
HERALD.—The struggle between Rome and Eng-
land becomes daily more keen and deadly—the impunity
which has been conceded to the Papal emissaries, both
in this country and in Ireland, has stimulated their ef-
forts and increased their audacity. In vain has the Le-
gislature enacted measures to restrain the one and chas-
tise the other; the executive power locks on with indif-
ference or secret pleasure, and busies itself, through the
instrumentality of its Irish Viceroy, in devising means
to obtain once more the confidence and support of the
very party which has sworn the destruction of our reli-
gion and independence. Strong in the conviction that a
tottering Cabinet, whose only hope of existence depends
upon their alliance, neither can nor will put the laws of
this realm in force against them, Wiseman, Cullen, and
M'llale have reached that heieht of arrogance and inso-
lence which induces them, not only to deride and defy
the law in their own persons, but to issue a proclamation
in which it is broadly and clearly declared that to accept
or enjoy privileges conceded to all British subjects by a
solemn Act of the Legislature entails upon those who
make use of them no less a punishment than everlasting
perdition. The public must be aware that when the
Act of Parliament was passed for the purpose of sup-
pressing secret associations, exceptions were made in
favour of certain societies or brotherhoods of ancient
origin, and which were known to be not only totally un-
connected with political movements, bat especially estab-
lished upon the principle of extending feelings of
benevolence and good-will amongst men. The society
of Freemasons was particularly named in the enactment,
its existence sanctioned, and certain clauses introduced
into the Bill with a view to secure to it all its privileges.
It is unnecessary to repeat that this ancient and time-
honoured institution is principally known to the British
public through the many and interesting establishments
for humane and charitable purposes it maintains out of
its own funds, and for the kindly feelings it encourages
amongst its brotherhood. Of this latter fact many
strange and even romantic proofs could be afforded our
readers if space permitted; but, in truth, the character
of this society needs it not; its public ads of benevo-
lence, and the rank, character, and station of the men
who belong to it, afford the beat evidence of the truly
excellent and philanthropic principle upon which it is
founded. That et body of men distinguished by the
practice of such truly Christian virtues should become
obnoxious to any class of Christian ministers may well
appear extraordinary, but our surprise will cease when
we come to reflect that the absence of religious dis-
stinctions is the groundwork of their system, and
its main object to unite in the general cause
of humanity and personal good-will men of all
political and religious persuasions. This rule,
which strikes at the root of that isolation which
superstition and intolerance require as a condition of
existence, has naturally called forth tho champions of
this repulsive and degrading school, and the Roman
monk, Dr. Cullen, as its mouthpiece, issues a proclama-
tion, to which we have before directed the attention of
our readers, iu which he classes this respectable society
with the cowardly assassins and villains of those
con-
gregations which he edifies by his own teaching, in-
structs but too well through his own priests—andand signe its members to the very
vhilcohw ehsatvoef thosebe maiodncsebnin-
the kingdom of darkness
Rome for the proper classification of offenders,en anderecte fory
the due levy of those pecuniary penalties,with an
ingenuity that might excite the admiration andi33' envy
anag
cof
every sheriff's officer in the empire, she has so clo
it that neither the quick nor the dead can possibly hop
to escape the demand. Many of our readers may pos-
sibly feel incredulous upon this subject; we aantin,,faceir,
readily imagine that Englishmen may well
t ..te to believe that in the middle of the nine-
teenth century such principles should not only be pub-
licly upheld, but that the punishment of eternal pet,

NOVEMBER 22, 1851.

who presume even to
dition should be declared authoritatively against all
however, are possible, wo can convince the most scepti-
cal by simply quoting some further portions of the lan-
guage of this Bishop in his recent anathema. lie says:
" All persons joining the society of Freemasons are
subjected to the penalty of excommunication, cut off as
rotten branches from the Church of God; and if they
die in this deplorable state (i.e., if
the society of Freemasons), they are doomed to eternal
perdition." they die belonging to
Such is the language of the man styling
himself head of the Church of Rome in Ireland, directed
against a body whose existence and privileges have been
confirmed by oar laws, containing within its ranks some
glands l even
of the noblest, most exalted, and truly Christian men in
inaufonrtryitsanboobulnedcifinlitns
wl this
kesmopfi re'
mercy,andw h
distinguished
in the cause of suffering humanity; yet this stupid per-
secutor, who hesitates nut to assume one of the attributes
of omnipotence, and to pronounce a judgment of eternal
punishment upon his fallow-creatnres, dares to invoke
the sacred names of civil end religious liberty, and w ith
transparent hypocracy to profess himself an advocate
of freedom of conscience. This Dr. Paul Cullen, who
thus arrogates to himself a right of declaring publicly
that statutes passed by the Queen, Lords, and Com-
mons of this vast empire are only calculated to people
the kingdom of Satan, and who would, if he possessed
the power, introduce into these realms the impious and
abominable Roman canon law, is a natural-born subject
of our Sovereign; yet although uttering—usque ad nau-
seam—professions of loyalty, some persons are found so
unreasonable as not to place implicit confidence in his
desire to render unto Caesar what belongs to Caesar. He
has, we believe, up to this moment declined taking the
oath of allegiance. We were at a loss to understand the
motives of his conduct, and it was only by an exami-
nation of that Romish canon law we have already al-
luded to, that we have been enabled to discover the mo-
tives which have induced him to decline this public act
of fealty to his native Sovereign. We find in this collec-
tion, under the head—" De jure juvando," that bishops
" should not take any oath of fidelity to their temporal
Sovereigns unless they hold temporalities of them." The
refusal of this priest to take the oath is now accounted
for, and his obedience to this canon in enforced by an-
other law of the same infamous code, which under the
head, "A recta memor : quotiens heec est ;" dist. 19, 20,
and 24, promulgates this truly dreadful doctrine:—" All
the decrees of the Bishop of Rome must be kept per-
petually of every man, as God's word spoken by the
mouth of Peter; and whosoever clod:knot receive them,
neither availeth him the Catholic faith, nor the four
Evangelists; but he blasphemes the Holy Ghost, and
shall have no forgiveness: Dr. Cullen would be better
employed in an endeavour to reconcile these debasing
and blasphemous canons with Scripture and Christian
charity that in passing sentence of perdition upon his
fellow-subjects, and disturbing the peace of kingdoms, in
a hopeless effort to introduce the frightful code from
which we have made the above exeracts.

COURT CIRCULAR.
WINDSOR, Nov. 21.
Her Majesty, with the Prince of Wales and the Prin-
cess Royal, drove out this morning in Windsor Park.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert accompanied the
Queen on horseback.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her
Majesty this morning at the Castle.

Sir Edward Buxton and Mr. Gurney had an interview
with Earl Grey yesterday at the Colonial-office.
A deputation, including Sir James Carmichael, Mr.
Brett, and Mr. Campbell, had an interview with the
Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, yesterday, at the Board
of Trade,

Dispatches were sent off from the Colonial-office, yes-
terday, to the Governor of Canada, and the Governors
of the other North American provinces.

COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
COWES, FRIDAY.
_ _

LOLA MONTES.—This lady left Cowes last evening in
the Humboldt for New York. She arrived at the Vine
Inn on Thursday, quite alone, her baggage and servants
being on board the Humboldt, having first purchased a
Bloomer dress at Redferas.

DEPARTURE OF KOSSUTl3.—Kossuth, attended by the
Mayor and Corporation of Southampton, and about 300
friends, camo down to Cowes in the Jupiter steamer yes-
terday afternoon, after waiting in our roadstead till
seven o'clock, and the Humboldt not arriving, she bid
the patriot hero farewell and returned to Southampton.
Kossuth and his suite and the American Consul landed
at the Vine Hotel, but were hardly seated at dinner
when a gun announced the arrival of the steamer. She
took her final departure from the English soil at a quar-
ter before eight o'clock, receiving the warm congratu-
lations and hearty cheers of the people of Cowes.
They were no sooner on board the Humboldt than she
steamed away for New York. The night was fine and
fair, the wind light, at north.