The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-10 00:00:00

remonstrance of Belgium with respect to the awn.
sations brought forward against her, the accusa.
tions which I have just stated and defined ? There
is another accusation. We have been reproached
for not fulfilling our international duties. We have
been declared incapable of doing all that our duties
prescribe to us, because we maintain that which
exists amongst us. Before examining this fresh
accusation, permit me to remind you how often
Belgium, since her existence as an independent
nation, has given proofs of her respect for the ful.
filment, aye, rigorous fulfilment of all that was
imposed upon her in the way of international
duty. At three different periods since 1830, Bel-
gium—which they say does not understand its
duties towards Europe—did nevertheless make im-
portant sacrifices iu her behalf, sacrifices that must
have made more than one heart bleed, and which
Europe ought to put down to our account. Sbe
will do this, most assuredly, when the facts shall
be better known to her. In 1830 we commenced

our career of independence. We were young then;
we had all the ardour of youth, and all the enthu-
siasm of a triumphant revolution. At that period

we were reminded of our international duties. We
were asked, in the name of Europe, not to extend
the effects of our revolution beyond certain very
restricted limits. Well, when this was asked of us
in the name of Europe, and as the first pledge of
the independence we had gained by arms, we re-
nounced the temptation of bearing our revolu-
tionary ffsg,. our triumphant flag, to the banks of
Escaut, and as far as the Moerdyck. In 1839 we
were again asked in the name of Europe to make
the sacrifice of 400,000 of our brothers, who had
powerfully helped us to acquire this independence
and free our territory. We consented. In 1848
shall I recall the attitude taken by Belgium, and
the service it rendered to Europe, by our preserv-
ing tranquillity at our frontiers ? In 1848, strong
through this constitution that now appears to be
the cause of regret, and perhaps of menace,—
strong through our institutions we were—l recall
it with pride, since one has the right to be proud
when defending one's self—we were the barrier
that stopped the revolutionary tide ' • and the
European governments, all powerful as they
were, would not have been quite sure of pre-
serving their tranquillity if they had been delivered
to their own might. See then what Belgium did,
when they required of her the fulfilment
of her international duties. And now, what do
they expect of her ? Is not this past a guarantee
for the future ; is not this past a pledge of what
she means to do hereafter? Do they want anything
else ; do they want some other i3elgium, different
from the one whose constitution was known at the
t'me when all the powers of Europe acknowledged
her independence and neutrality? They have
spoken, iu the document I am alluding to, of neces-
sary reforms indispensable to the repose and tran-
quillity of the European States, reforms which the
Government, in accord with the great majority of
the country, could not introduce here. What are
these reforms? They are—at least we have the right
so to conclude—they are changes in our constitu-
tion ; for with regard to legal changes the legisla-
tive majority suffices. Seemg these words, lam
warranted in asking of the Cabinet a clear answer
to the following question :—Ras the French Go-
vernment, or any one of the governments that took
part in the Congress of Paris, and at the sitting of
April 8, required of the Belgian Government to in-
troduce into our constitution any change whatso-
ever And if a demand of this nature were some
day to be made to the Cabinet—l beg to be an-
swered now and here—would its intention be to
subscribe to it? Such are the three questions which,
with the view of reassuring and justifying the
country, I consider it my duty to put to the Cabinet

M. VILAIN XIV., Minister of Foreign Affairs,
rose amid profound silence, and said—Gentlemen,
I am about to have the honour of replying, in a
very few words, to the three questions just put to
me by the Hon. M. Orts. He has asked me, in the
first place, if the Cabinet has sent an answer to
the French Government, or any one of the Go-
vernments represented at the Congress of Paris,
since the publication of the protocol of April 8.
When I read that protocol in the journals, I
thought it my duty, notwithstanding some very
sad disturbing thoughts, in case the French G 3.•
vernmen t, or any other Government represented
at the Congress, should officially transmit the
treaty of peace together with the protocols to the
Cabinet of Brussels, to draw up an eventual an-
swer, such as might be communicated to all the
Governments taking part in the Congress. This
answer was finished four days ago, it is ready, and
were it permitted me to read it here, the Chamber
would find in it some of the same considerations
that the Hon. M. Orts has just ably vindicated in
our presence. Nothing is wanting to this docu-
ment, ready and finished, I repeat four days ago,
nothing is wanting but my signature. It had
been my intention not to give it till the day after
any one of the Powers represented at the Congress
of Paris should have thought proper to notify,
officially, the treaty of peace together with the
protocols. In the second place, the Hon. M. Orts
desires to know if any one of the Governments re-
presented at the Congress has asked the Belgian.
Government to propose any change of the consti-
tution. Not one! Lastly, the Hon. M. Orts asks
me whether the Cabinet, in case such a demand were
made to it., would be disposed to recommend to the
Chamber any change in the constitution? Never!
(Prolonged applause.)
This last word, pronounced in a firm voice by the
Minister, was received with shouts and long cheer-
ing by the left, the centre and a few members of
the right, and also by those in the galleries.
M. ORTS—I thank the Minister for the answer
he bas just given to my questions. Looking at the
reception this answer has met with in the
chamber, I have nothing more to say beyond stating
the feeling of pride I experienced on hearing that
answer issue from the lips of an old member of the
National Congress. (Applause.)
The PRESIDENT—After the patriotic words of the
Minister for Foreign Affairs, the sentiments just
delivered by M. Orts, and which are those of the
entire assembly, I think I may declare the subject
closed.

Strong excitement was manifested in the assem-
bly-, when the President concluded, and, at the re-
quest of several members, the chamber adjourned
to the following day.

THE ATTACK ON THE BELGIAN PRESS.

( Front the Constitutionnel of yesterday.)
It must be accepted as a general fact that no
state can shelter or cover by its legislation those doc-
trines which have for object to menace order or mo-
rality, or foment troubles and excite disturbances
in neighbouring nations. To do no harm is the first
law in the conduct of Governments as well as of in
dividuals ; and he who infringes openly only on this
Jaw must naturally await reprisals. The troubles
of the past two years render still more imperative
this obligation on the part of Governments to for
bear, and to prevent others, from attacking the
rights or the . tranquillity of neighbouring na-
tions. The revolutionary whirlwind has scattered
the political refugees over many countries, none of
which have refused them a home, but of which none
also should afford the means of satisfying hatred or
revenge. The internal government of one country,
should he sacred for other states ; and when an en-
tire nation has chosen and accepted a form of go-
vernment, it does not belong to another foreign
government to attack or permit to be attacked by
sarcasms or abuse the rights of that nation or the
manner in which it has employed them for the in-
terest of its security, prosperity, and glory. The
maintenance of this tolerance, of this mutualrespect,
is au European and universal necessity. None can
emancipate themselves from it, without being ex-
posed, and that fruitlessly, to international compli-
cations. In dependently of the duties which belong
on this subject to all nations, it must be said that
the Belgian nation possesses special and stronger
duties in consequence of the position it occupies in
Europe, consequent on treaties. When treaties
had placed the security and independence of Bel-
gium under the guarantee of the powers, she
accepted bonds of gratitude which she certainly
cannot lightly break, and much less 'permit to
be broken by strangers who take advantage
of her loyal hospitality. We will not speak
of the particular proofs of interest for which
Belgium is indebted to France ; we are confident
that they are not more forgotten in Brussels
than in Paris. Common sense teaches the
world that the liberty of the press cannot be
more extended than that enjoyed by citizens, and.
that a man cannot claim more liberty in a journal
than he enjoys in his house or in the street
or. Any
citizen who would assume greater liberty, rights,
privileges, than those possessed by his neighbours
would be an enemy of liberty and a tyrant. The
limits of the liberty of the press are then those of the
liberty of the individual; and none can possess a
right to effect by means of the press that whichlhe
is forbidden to effect by any other means. It would
be both unreasonable and extravagant to claim for
the press rights beyond thoseenjoyed in private
life. It is therefore imperative that revolutionists
should conform themselves to necessity ; every-
where they will find a refuge, provided they con-
sent to live quietly ; they will find nowhere a
stronghold from whence they can hurl with impu-
nity their torch of discord and their encouragement
of crime. The lurking holes of Algiers and Morooco
have nut been destroyed in order that those of the
Marianne should be respected. (This is an allu-
sion to the secret society bearing that name.)
Honest folks will be protected at home and abroad;
and the nation will prevail against factious and
violent minorities in whatever spot they may
shelter themselves.