The Sun.
London, England, 1834-04-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The periodical account of the state of the
Public Revenue for the year and the quarter
ending on the sth inst., as compared with the
produce of the national income for the corres-
ponding year and quarter, ending April 5,
1833, will be found in another part of our
paper. We need scarcely say that it is of a
gratifying character, evincing, as it does, unequi-
vocal symptoms of a gradual improvement in
the national resources, and of the ability of the
people to purchase and consume in greater
quantities those articles of convenience, comfort,
or luxury, on which taxes are imposed. On
the whole of the year ending April 5, 1833, as
compared with the succeeding twelve months
ending the sth instant, there has been no
marked increase, nor indeed could any increase
be expected when we take into consideration
the amount of taxes which had been extin-
guished in the latter period, but which had been
productive in the former. A considerable
allowance ought likewise to be made for the
amount of corn duties which came into the
Customs of the year ending April, 1833, and
which do not swell to a corresponding degree
the revenue of the succeeding annual period.
Thus we find the customs of the quarters ending
October, 1832, and January,lB33, exceeding the
Customs ofthe corresponding quarters of 1833 and
1834 by the large sum of 716,6991. But the
great cause of the defalcation in the revenue,
or rather of those deductions which prevented
its increase, is to be found in the remission of
taxes. In the Excise, which may be reckoned
a test of the resources and means of consump-
tion among the great body of the people,, very
considerable reductions had been effected in
1831 and 1832, the full effect of which could
on/g be felt in the succeeding period. Thus,
as mentioned by Lord Althorp in his financial
statement on the 14th of February last, taxes
had been repealed in 1831 and 1832 which had
produced to the revenue 1,790,000/. ; and in
1833 a farther repeal took place of imposts
amounting to 1,545,000/. ; making a total in
the course of three years of remitted taxation
to the extent of 3,335,0001. This great reduc-
tion, it will be remembered, occurred immediately
after the year 1830, when the Duke of Wel-
lington's administration had repealed the beer
duties, producing more than 3,000,0001. more.
The consequence of these multiplied reduc-
tions was, that in the year ending April, 1832,
there had been an excess of expenditure over
income to the extent of nearly a million and a
quarter. It was only by a searching economy
into every branch of the public expenditure, by
unsparing retrenchment in every case where it
was practicable without impairing the efficiency
of the public service, and by the elastic force of
the national resources, which enables the people
to consume more of taxed articles, as the hands
of the Treasury pressed less heavily upon them,
that we have been prepared to surmount this
state of things, and that, according to the cal-
culations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
or rather according to the official returns of the
Government, the surplus of revenue over ex-
penditure amounted on the sth of January last
to 1,513,083/.1 In the quarter ending the
sth of April, 1834, as compared with the
corresponding quarter of last year, the improve-
ment is more striking than in the year itself.
The three great branches of our revenue,Customs,
Excise, and Stamps, have all felt its influ-
ence, the Customs showing an increase of
186,0171., the Excise of 102,986/., and the
Stamps of 87,412/. The falling off in the
assessed taxes and the Post-office is exceedingly
trifling, leaving us with augmented resources
for the quarter of nearly 400,0001. On this
great amount the Chancellor of the Exchequer
could not have calculated when he made his
financial statement on the 14th of February,
though he reckoned on a surplus of revenue
over expenditure within the ensuing year, of
2,600,000/. ; the existing surplus in January
being more than 1,500,000/., the reductions in
the estimates being about 500,0001., and the
estimated increase on the tea duties, which can- j
not appear to any extent in the present quarter,
being 600,0001. Such a state of things in-
spires us with a hope that, without any public
inconvenience, his Lordship may be enabled
to repeal the window as well as the house du-
ties. In stating this most gratifying anticipa-
tion, or rather in making this favourable con-
jecture of the ability of the Government to re-
duce both these obnoxious duties without trench-
ing on the just claims of the national creditor,
or the necessary support of our national esta-
blishments, we may mention that the surplus in
the Excise, which is 103,000/., would have
been muoh greater but for the reduction of the
duties on soap, tiles, and other articles, which
has taken place since the quarter ending April
,5, 1833. The Excise of the present quarter,
iad it included the produce of those duties,
would have exceeded the corresponding quarter
of last year by the large sum of 800,0001. The
ability of the people to consume other excise
articles has thus been increased by an allevia-
tion of their fiscal burdens, and its limit, we
have no doubt, is far from being yet reached.--
Times.

The late variance between the Chamber of
Deputies and the French Executive suggests
many reflections. We, among others, have been
turning the matter over in our mind, for as it is
indicative of a momentous change in European
politics, it is especially deserving of attention.
Without deciding between the French Ministry
and the Chamber, we think the decision of the
latter pregnant with good. An article from the
Allgemeine Zeitung, under the head of Berlin,
March 24, touching on this subject, makes its
Appearance, oddly enough, at the very nick of
time :—" In all the negotiations (says this Ber-
lin correspondent) in which the French Govern-
ment is engaged, there is an essential point to
be considered ; it is the want of consistency
in that Government, and the struggles of par-
ties which exercise the greatest influence over
affairs, but most particularly over the foreign
relations of France. In our opinion, the Doc-
trinaires are the sole and last with whom it
will be possible to come to an understanding."
The writer proceeds to describe the parties
struggling for ascendancy, and then proceeds to
predict " either a revolution, which will bury the
throne of July under the wreck," or " a chancre
of system effected in the Cabinet, against the will
of the King, to the profit of the Imperialists
(1. e. the King's military supporters)." This is,
no doubt, the view taken of it in the Northern
Courts. The Journal des Daats, on the other
hand, reproaches the Chamber with its vote, and
refers to England, when the treaties concluded by
the G-dkrament with Foreign States are always
i. ecinfirmeditry Parliament, whence Foreign
, fi
• Powers may a ways confide in the Government.
r- ..,
rsygones de hvganes. Many years will not
kt:''' elapse before a' great change in this respect
`--4itkea- place in England, as well as France. The
—4..3v., r - , , •--
4.4,4---:.--1--,:,..?...,•:V''•;./

r( f

French Revolution undermined the old Cabinet
diplomacy in Europe, by introducing the people
on the scene. Whoever examines the history
of the last century, will find that the destinies of
hundreds of millions of..men were continually
affected by Court intrigues, and that the Go-
vernments were not actuated by national in-
terests, but by considerations of a nature per-
sonal to the Sovereign. In describing that
period, Heeren, in his Manual of the Political
History of Europe, emphatically observes,
." Personal interests and passions, frequently of
the most detestable kind, decided respecting the
foreign, no less than the domestic relations of
the States." The wars were wars of aggran-
dizement. These individuals, at the head- of
eighty millions of people,. might, and, in the
case of Poland, did conspire together to parti-
tion large empires. Before the nations were
aware, the blow was already struck. Some of
the wisest men, reflecting on the calamities to
which nations were constantly liable from these
Cabinet conspiracies, abandoned all idea of the
possibility of preserving peace under the old
diplomatic system, and looked forward to re-
presentative Government as affording the only
security against war. The nations can have no
motive for war. It is the wish for aggrandize-
ment, arising out of the notion of a certain ex-
tent of territory with all the human beings on it
being property, that leads to conquest. Na-
tions never gain but always lose by conquests,
for their resources are employed in keeping down
those whom they have conquered. By industry
and commerce can nations alone thrive, and it

is so ordered that we have all a strong motive
for peace in this, that the prosperity of our
neighbours re-acts on ourselves. There is
hardly, for instance, a nation in Europe, how-
ever insignificant, of which the distress would
not be felt in this. The government of the
United States in North America cannot move a
step without the concurrence of the nation.
The treaties entered into between American
plenipotentiaries in Europe and the European
governments are not final till they receive the
approbation of Congress, and this contingency
must be taken into account by all powers nego-
tiating with America-. There can be no Cabi-
net diplomacy in America. The nation and the
government must go hand in hand. It may
be very inconvenient to the vicious and frau-

dulent governments of Europe to have to do
with a government which can have no se-

crets, which dares not enter into any secret ar-
ticles. But it is quite clear that such a state of
things is favourable to peace and stability. No
country need fear any sudden movement fromA me -
rica, and the apprehension.of sudden movements is
the cause of the exhaustion of the nations in absurd
military establishments. No one knows whence he
may be crushed, and he is kept in constant
alarm. We often think of the Fable in Phcedrus
of the Cat, the Eagle, and the Sow. The Cat,
who occupies the middle of a tree, tells the
Eagle that 'the Sow, whose establishment is at
the root, is undermining it to obtain the young
of the Eagle, whose nest is at the top, and she
tells the Sow that the moment she stirs out, the

Eagle will pounce on her pigs. The conse-
quence is, the Eagle dares not stir from her
nest, nor the Sow from her burrow, and the
Cat succeeds in destroying both. We believe
that the governments of Europe do not enter-
tain all the wicked designs attributed to them,
but it is natural to suspect the worst, when we
cannot see our way. Now the determination of
the French Chambers not to ratify the act of the
Executive, is in accordance with the principle
of a representative government, and tells, in
plain language, not to be misunderstood, to all
foreign governments, that Cabinet arrangements
signify nothing—the fiat of the nation pro-
ounced through its representatives is a sine qua
This strikes a blow at diplomacy. The
wo greatest nations of Europe, France and
England, can have no diplomatic secrets any
more than America. The absolute govern-
ments, no doubt, hate this above all things ; but
it is the day-star of European regeneration.
From light all good comes. It is only in dark-
ness that men dread spectres. The nations of
France and England are now made to participate
in all public affairs. This renders it necessary,
above all things, to endeavour to enlighten the
people with respect to their true interests.
There is, we regret to say, but too much igno-
rance both in England and France ; but we will
not do our countrymen the injustice to place
them on an equality with the French. We con-
sider our countrymen infinitely superior to the
French in all the arts of civilization, and in
general much more enlightened. Through the
greater part of France, at this day, the cultiva-
tors of the soil are in total ignorance of the
essential principles of agriculture, such as the
rotation of crops, and with the examples of
Switzerland and Lombardy before them, though
they have the finest mountains in Europe, they
know not how to avail themselves of their
rivers, which, instead of being the source of
abundance, are to them destructive torrents.
In commercial matters they are also far, very
far behind ; and if it be true that Lord Dur-
ham and Mr. Edward Ellice have been sound-

non.

ing them, we are sure that they will be disap-
pointed. There are enlightened individuals in
France, but in commercial matters the notions
of the nation generally are of the narrowest
description. But if order can only be pre-
served, the mists of ignorance will gradually
disperse. At present there is no small danger
from the excitability of the mass, and the wild
enthusiasts, who, in Paris more particularly,
are disposed to give effect to the wildest no-
tions. We quite agree with our liberal con-
temporary (the Scotsman), that " the real dis-
pute in France lies not betwixt power and liberty,
but betwixt experience and enthusiasm—be-
twixt those who remember the lessons of the

last half century, and those who have forgot
them in politics, are only beginning to assume
the form of a science which offers as yet few
fixed and recognised principles to guide the
judgment even of those who have studied it.
The relations which the form of the Govern-
ment ought to bear to the state of property, the
intelligence of the people, their habits and na-
tural character, the laws under which they have
lived, their religious opinions--are all as yet
points unsettled; and, of course, the boundaries
which divide attainable from prospective im-
provement, practice from speculation, good from
evil, are still, to a great extent, unascertained.
The present is merely the age of political expe-
riment ; and when a wrong step may be irre-
trievable, and the source of ruin and misery to
millions, surely there is strong reason for
French Statesmen acting with caution, even if
the momentous errors of the last revolution did

not stand like the hand-writing on the wall, to
warn them against precipitation." The whole
of the article of our contemporary would well
repay attention, but we have not space for it at
present. We refer our readers to an interesting
communication which we have received from

Paris, under the signature of " An Old Friend
with a New Face." According to our cor-
respondent, the reflecting part of the French,
however much dissatisfied with the Govern-
ment in some things, conceive, notwithstand-
ing, that matters should not be precipitated.--
Morning Chronicle.
Several of our contemporaries have animad-
verted in terms of severity upon the conduct of
Ministers in the case of the men convicted at
Dorchester of the crime of administering an un-
lawful oath. We have already expressed our
opinion that those persons were properly con-
victed, and that, taking into view the existing
situation of society in this country, Government
was bound to carry the legal sentence passed
upon them into complete execution. In one
sense, however, it is undeniable that Ministers
are to blame for the extent of punishment in-
flicted upon these individuals, for Ministers
are unquestionably the authors of that un-
fortunate state of society which prohibited
the exercise of lenity in their case, by
making such lenity plainly incompatible
with public safety and welfare. In this instance
we behold, and not for the first time, his Ma-
jesty's Ministers in the most shameful and de-
graded position in which it is possible for the
rulers of a country to be placed, that of having
to punish their own delinquencies in the per-
sons of other and less guilty men, but which,
shameful and degraded as it is, may be described
as the natural position of Statesmen who, either
for the purpose of accomplishing any measure,
or for that of retaining political power in their
own hands, have ever sought or accepted the
aid of lawless agitation, tumults, and confede-
racies. In another respect also we cordially
concur in the sentiments of several of the most
respectable ind intelligent of our contempora-
ries, that the conduct of Ministers in
the case of the Dorchester convicts has been
in the highest degree unwarrantable and dis-
graceful. It surely might have been expected
that Ministers, after having, by their course
of domestic policy, created a state of affairs
which, in their own judgment, precluded the
exercise of the Royal prerogative of mercy in
the case of these men, would have had suffi-
cient magnanimity and sense of honour to stand
boldly forward as the advisers of a severity
which their own policy had rendered indispen-
sable, instead of shrinking, in a manner as
mean and cowardly as it is unconstitutional,
behind the shelter of the Throne, and, in order
to save themselves, pointing distinctly to their
Royal Master as the proper object of. whatever
feelings of indignation or resentment the seve-

rity niay excite. The honest, manly, and con-
stitutional course Ministers have, however, upon
this as upon other occasions, shown themselves
incapable of pursuing. It will be recollected
that on Saturday se'nniglit a deputation from
those very numerous and formidable bodies, the
Trades' Unions of the metropolis, waited upon
the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, to place in his hands a petition to the
throne, praying for a remission of the punish-
ment to which the Dorsetshire unionists had
been condemned. What was Lord Melbourne's
answer, as promulgated by this deputation,
with an accuracy, to this moment unim-
peached ? That he and his colleagues did
not think it consistent with their duty to advise
the remission or mitigation of the punish-
ment ? No, this would have been too manly
and straightforw.ard. The answer of the noble
secretary to the deputation was, that the petition
should be laid before the King, and that no
steps should be taken towards the execution of

the sentence until his Majesty's pleasure was
known. These words were understood, not by

the Trades'Unionists only, but by all mankind,
to convey an intimation that the sentence would
be mitigated at least. The ministerial journals,
upon the strength of it, began immediately to
express opinions and put forth reasonings oppo-
site to what they had expressed and put forth a
day or two before. The Dorsetshire convicts
were, in fact, now considered to be quite safe.
Well, what followed ? About the middle of
last week, the interview with Lord Melbourne

having occurred on the preceding Saturday, it
was announced that there was no remission,
no mitigation—that in fact, the vessel contain-
ing the convicts was already on her voyage to
Botany Bay. A comparison of dates will leave
little reason to doubt that, at the very moment
when Lord Melbourne was calmly speaking to
the deputation of taking the King's pleasure
upon the subject, and delaying proceedings
until his Majesty's pleasure was known, the
order for the sailing of the vessel, if not
actually issued, had been fully resolved upon.
But this is not all. After the vessel had actu-
ally sailed, the Secretary of State for the Home
Department, as if in equal mockery of the King
and of his petitioning subjects, sent, or ordered
to be sent, a letter to the deputation which had
waited upon him, stating that their petition had
been laid before the King, and that his Majesty
had not been pleased to issue any commands
upon the subject. Now why, we would ask,
might not Lord Melbourne in this final com-
munication have said something about the ad-
vice of ministers, after having at his interview
with the deputation so unaccountably omitted
all allusion to what constitutionally must be
true, and having even insinuated what is equally
false in theory and in fact ? Why did he not
frankly and manfully say, "We thought it our
duty to advise that the sentence passed upon,
these men should be carried into execution, _

instead of repeating his former unconstitutional
and positively false intimation that the decision
of the question had rested with the King ?
Why should we have so much about the King,
and nothing at all about his advisers ? Was it
retiring modesty merely which thus shrunk from
the public gaze ? The present Ministers of
the Crown were not so very retiring in the hal-
cyon days of penny cups and civic festivities.
They were willing enough then to take, at least,
their full share, with their Royal Master, in the
noisy popularity of that moment of national
delusion and excitement.—Morning Post.

The carpenters and bricklayers belonging to
the Trades' Unions have, in consequence of Messrs.
Combe and Delafield's refusal to employ any person
connected with Trades' Unions, resolved to drink no
more of their beer.--Morning Paper.
HUMAN SACRIFICES.—An old idol, which
has been embedded in the river at Rangoon ever since
the occupation of that town by British troops, in 1824,
has appeared, it is said, in visions to the golden-footed
Majesty of Ava, complaining that the priest who had
charge of his altar, to save his own life had deserted
his godship, and absconded from his temple. To pu-
nish which crime the idol has requested that the cul-
prit be apprehended, and forthwith immolated at his
shrine, to appease his wrath. No sooner was this said
than it was done ; the next morning the priest was ar-
rested, sent down to Rangoon, there sacrificed, and
the deity re-seated at his shrine. The Raja of Joy-
pore likewise has sacrificed two rams to appease the
old rusty guns lying in the fort of Joypore, which it is
said thirsted for blood, and has ordered them to be
broken up, that in future no similar demand may be
made by them.—Harkaru.—E, I, Magazine.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 5.

(Before the LORD CHANCELLOR.)
ROBERTSON V. ETTLES.
This was an appeal from the Court of Session, Scot-
land, and arose out of an action raised for the re-
covery of a sum of money, amounting altogether to
1801. 19s. 5d., being the amount of a bill of exchange
for 1451. and 351. interest.
The grounds of defence were, that by the 12th
George 111., c. 72., the amount of the bill could
not be recovered, inasmuch as payment had not
been demanded until after the expiration of six
years, and there was nothing to prove that.the sum
had not been paid in the interval. Another ground
was, that the bill in question was written on a 4s. 6d.
instead of a .ss. stamp, as required by the Stamp
Act ; consequently it was irrecoverable in any
court. On the other side, it was contended that
the bill had been acknowledged by a subsequent act
of the party claimed against. The action was
brought before the Sheriff, and from thence to the
Lord Ordinary and the Court of Session, who found
the appellant liable to payment and costs.
The Lord Advocate and Mr. Milne were for the
appellant, and Dr- Lushington and Mr. Anderson
for the respondent.
After the Lord Advocate had finished his
opening,
The LORD CHANCELLOR proposed, for the pur-
pose of saving time, and the expense of another
day's attendance, that one counsel should be heard
for the respondent, and replied to by the junior
counsel for the appellant ; otherwise the appellant
would be put to an extra expense of 40/. or 501., by
another day's attendance. The whole sum in dispute
was 140/., and the costs of the appellant would not
be less than 2001., which she could never recover.
The suggestion of his lordship having been acceded
to, and Dr. Lushington having proceeded a short
ivay in his argument for the respondent, the
Lord Chancellor, with some earnestness, stopped
him, by saying—" There must be something done
to prevent appeals in cases of this kind ; it amounts
to a scandal and disgrace in the administration of
justice. Papers of this sort (his lordship taking
up the printed paper) are prepared in a case of this
small amount, of which a judge below would dispose
of 40 in the course of a morning. Counsel may
certify that there is reasonable cause of appeal in an
action for the sum of 55., but if they certify that,
no reasonable person would take advantage of that
good ground, however reasonable it'imight be, for
the appellant could never recover his costs. It
may be beneficial to some people, but not to the
appellant."
Dr. LUSHINGTON then proceeded, his lordship
commenting on the argument as it went on, and
observing that " had this case been tried at Guild-
hall, it would have been over in an hour."
Dr. LUSHINGTON said that as his lordship had
expressed his opinion so strongly in the case, he
should feel it his duty not to proceed further.
The LORD CHANCELLOR immediately rose, and,
in an emphatic manner, said " I need not trouble
your lordships by entering into detail in this case ;
I shall move, your lordships, that this judgment be
reversed, simply on the ground of the Stamp Act."
Judgment reversed.

LESLIE V. SHEPPARD.

This was a similar appeal, and involved the ques-
tion whether the holder of a bill of exchange gave
time to the drawer by forbearing to sue the acceptor.
It was a case of no interest except to the parties,
and his lordship postponed judgment.
His lordship intimated on his rising, at half-past
four o'clock, that he should sit on Monday on Scotch
appeals, and that I.ord Denman would sit on Tues-
day for the purpose of hearing two appeals from the
English Court of Exchequer.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

On Saturday James Smith, a staring fellow, who
pretended to great simplicity, and was dressed in
a smock-frock, was brought before the LORD MAYOR,
charged with having sneaked into a house, and stolen
a cloak and several books, the property of Mr. De-
veux, a clerk in a merchant's office, No. 29, Fen-
church-street.

Mr. Deveux said that Friday night being foreign
post night, the counting-house was open late. Be-
tween ten and eleven o'clock he saw the prisoner
descendirig the stairs from the second floor with
complainant's cloak and books, the cloak having
been very conveniently and adroitly thrown over
the person of the prisoner, who thought to pass as
the owner, by assuming an independent air. Wit-
ness, however, collared the fellow and gave him a
lodging in the station-house, where he altered his
character.

The LORD MAYOR—How can you account for
this, prisoner ? Smith—l've no notion how in the
world it came about. I don't know where I was,
or how I got there.
The LORD MAYOR—YOU did not suppose that
the cloak was your own, did you ? Prisoner—l
don't know, but I suppose I must. I might have
dreamt it, please your lordship ; but, God bless
you, I have the worst memory in the world.
The LORD MAYOR—We'II try and refresh it for
you. Did the officer find anything else upon him ?
Policeman—Yes, my lord, I found two pair of
white silk stockings, just from the wash, upon him.
Probably, some Nor washerwoman has been robbed
of them.

Prisoner—Not a bit of it. Those stockings are
my own. I brought them from Bolton with me,
and I hope your lordship will order the policeman
to give me them and the one shilling and tenpence
halfpenny I had in my pocket.
The LORD MAYOR—Oh, I find you are begin-
ning to get back your -memory Perhaps, now,
you can tell us something about the cloak and boots.
The prisoner relapsed into his former forgetful-
ness, shook his head, and declared that it was quite
unknown to him how he got into Fenchurch-street
at all. It was all a dream. He only recollected,
that after walking from Bolton he lay down and fell
asleep.—(A laugh.)
The LORD MAYOR—WeII, people walk in their
sleep, but I never heard that they were in the habit
of robbing in their sleep.—(Laughter.)
Prisoner—l'm sure I can't say nothing about it.
Policeman—My lord, he is known as a very bad
man. He is a notorious morning and evening
sneak, and pretends, when he is met on the stairs,
that he has been to inquire for a Mr. Jones, or a
Mr. Dixon, as lives on the top floor. He has been
in Bridewell for three months.
The prisoner stared at this intelligence, and,
shaking his head, said, " Know nothing at all
about it."
The LORD MAYOR—What ! not recollect whe-
ther you were ever in Bridewell ? The gaoler said
that Smith had been imprisoned in Bridewell, he
believed, for fourteen days.
The LORD MAYOR I thought it was for a
longer period.
Prisoner—No, my Lord ; I had only fourteen
days, and that was quite enough.
A woman in the crowd—And that it was. Poor
gentleman, he was, you see, my lord, a cleaning of
a dusthole, and they pulled him 'cause he found a
spoon. He never know'd whether it was silver or
copper, and there vas nobody to identify it.
The LORD MAYOR—Who are you ? his wife,
woman ? Woman—No, please you, my lord ; but-
I looks arter him for to brush him up a bit.
The LORD MAYOR—I shall separate you for
some time ; for I shall send him for trial to Newgate.
Prisoner—l hope you'll make this here policeman
give me my money.
Policeman—l was obliged to take him to the
Compter in a cab ; for he swore he would not walk
an inch to prison, any more than he would walk out
to be hanged, and I paid for the ride.
The LORD MAYOR then desired the policeman
to give the prisoner the difference between the
charge for the cab and the contents of the purse of
the prisoner ; when he was committed to Newgate
for trial.

BO W • STREET.
Mary Morgan was charged with stealing a qun-

tity of eggs and butter from the shop of Mr. Evan,,
a cheesemonger, in St. Martin's-lane. The robbery
was effected in the following novel manner :—The
prisoner watched an opportunity, when there was
only a little girl, the daughter of the prosecutor, in
the shop, and, going into the shop with a jug in
her hand, asked the child to procure her a little
water. The child, taken off her guard, left the
shop for the purpose of doing so, and during her
temporary absence the prisoner helped herself to the
eggs and butter, and then bolted, not thinking the
water or the jug worth waiting for. Unfortunately
she had been taken thirsty only the week before,
and Went to the same shop for a little of the Tem-
perance Society's liquor, and then helped herself to
sundry eggs and a good slice of bacon, with which
she got clear off ; but on this occasion she was not
so fortunate, being pursued and taken with the pro-
perty in her possession.—Committed.
basil ASSAULT.—Cornelius Donovan, Timothy
Donovan, and half-a-dozen more of the same name
and family, were charged with assaulting about the
same number of the respectable family of the
O'Neills. It appeared that the row took place in
consequence of a disputed claim between them to
the right of possession of a house in St. Giles's.
The magistrate could not decide the point as to
the right of possession ; the parties must fight it out.
Tim Donovan (interrupting his Worship)—There,
do you hear that ? Come out of this, all of ye, and
settle it at once.
The worthy magistrate told Tim he had mistaken
his meaning, which was, that their dispute as to the
right of property must be settled in a Court of law.
" I wish your worship would let us settle it in our
Court," said Tim, " and the Donovans would put an
end to the dispute in a twinkling."
The case was dismissed, and Tim, as he left the
office, observed, " By Jasus we have got to begin it
all over again."
A young man, named George Hunt, who de-
scribed himself as being engaged in the ballet de-
partment of the Theatre Royal, Covent-garden, was
placed at the bar, charged with stealing a violin, the
property of Mr. Wilkins, engaged as a violinist in
the orchestra of the same establishment.
The prisoner was remanded.
MARYLEBONE.

Thomas Allingham, a promising youth, about six-
teen years of age, was charged with nearly boring a
pig to death in the following extraordinary way :
Policeman 117 T, about seven o'clock that morn-
.

ing, was on duty in the Bayswater-road, when he
saw the prisoner mounted on a large pig, which he
was riding round a field, beating and spurring the
poor animal in the most unmerciful manner, until it
at last sunk down under its load, and appeared
nearly dead. The policeman desired him to desist
from his barbarous exercise, when he jumped from
the pig's back and commenced a furious attack upon
the constable, threatening to stab him with a knife.
With great difficulty he was brought to the station-
house. Ordered to find bail.
Mary Ann Davis, a miserable-looking being,
clothed in rags, and carrying an infant in her arms,
was brought before Mr. SHUTT.
A policeman, between ten and eleven o'clock on
Friday night, saw the poor creature and her child
fast asleep on the steps of a door in Oxford-street,
and conveyed them to the station-house.
Mr. SHUTT—Was she intoxicated ? Witness—

I don't think she was ; she was shivering with cold,
and the_infant was crying.
Mr. S-HUTT (to the prisoner)—Where did you
last sleep in a bed ? Prisoner—ln St. Giles's ; but
that was many nights ago, your Honour.
Mr. SHUTT—Have you been to any other Po-

lice-office to apply for relief? Prisoner—l have
been to Marlborough-street three times, and was
told to go away and do as well as I could.

Mr. SHUTT immediately directed an officer to pro-
ceed to the overseers of St. Giles's, with a request
that they would lose no time in ascertaining the
truth of the woman's story, as she must not be suf-
fered to perish in the streets for want of relief.