The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-15 00:00:00

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slightest portion ; so now he will force on a still ampler
measure, should he entertain the same unfortunate
prejudices. But we hope better things. Experience
makes even fools wise. Surely, then, it cannot be
without its proper influence on such a shrewd man
of the world as the Duke of WELLINGTON.

are our motto—let him still sway the destinies
of Great Britain. But if he will not, then let
him retire at once from the helm ; for he may rely
on it, that he will not be able to hold it one single
week after Parliament has resumed its labours.
Vainly will he look to the House of Lords for sup-
port, should he be prevailed on, by any irresponsible
power, unrecognized by the Constitution, to take the
adverse side of Reform—that House cannot help him ;
though strong to do good, it is incompetent to work
mischief ; he must look to the House of Commons,
and to this alone for aid ; for here lies the only strength'
that can henceforth enable a Premier to continue in
s I office.

No doubt his GRACE is aware that the great mea-
sure of Municipal Reform was in active progress
when the late Ministry quitted the helm ; and that
Mr. ABERCROMBY was preparing a Bill on it, found-
ed on the ten-pound franchise. No doubt, also, his
GRACE is aware that the sinecure Church of Ireland
was undergoing the same process of purification. Now,
we ask him, will he carry forward these two impor-
tant reforms in the same spirit in which they were
commenced ? If lie will, then—as measures not men

LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 15. 1834.

We take for granted that his GRACE will not go to.
the Ultra-Tories for materials for his new Ministry.
These are all dead, without hope of resurrection: He
must, then, form a Government out of the Whigs, and
the more liberal section of the Tories. This is just
practicable, and no more—unless, indeed, Sir. R.
PEEL, and those who usually think and vote with him,
will agree to forego their prejudices as respects the
Church. In such a case, the principles of Reform
will still go forward as briskly as when a purely Whig
Government was at the head of affairs ; but we must
confess we have our apprehensions on this score, for
Coalition Ministries seldom or never hold together for
any length of time. They are like two teams of horses,
fastened, one before and one behind a cart, which, of
course, stands stock still, while they are exhausting
their strength in pulling, each of them, different ways,
and conducing to no end but their own downfall.
In the present more than doubtful state of our home
policy—for we see a stormy season approaching—we
feel that we have but one safe course to adopt, and that
is, to call on our brother Reformers of all degrees and
classes, to lay aside their small differences and act to-
gether for the public good. Union is strength, and in
the present day, strength that is irresistible.
For ourselves, while we regret the dissolution of the
Whig Ministry, which, with all its faults, had strong—
the very strongest—claims on national gratitude, we
feel convinced that the leading principles of their
policy must be carried forward. The DUKE may
be an excellent Tory, but he can only prevent a
second tumble, by becoming a still more excellent
Liberal. So too with Sir it. PEEL, and all whoni h.s
GRACE may prevail on to join him. They must
unlearn' a great deal of what is prejudicial, as the best,
and only way to enable them to learn what is really
useful to the country.
A word more, and we close these hasty remarks,
penned in doubt, and certainly not without anxiety.
It is just possible that the Episcopal Bench, presuming
on what they no doubt consider the " Godsend"
of the Duke of WELLINGTON'S appointment, may,
early next Session, make another of those " trips,"
which they made on the great question of Reform.
Now we warn these Prelates how they offend a third
time. Twice have they stumbled, and twice have
they been spared. Let them then take 'a hint in sea-
son, and not repose in proud, complacent security on
ground which is already undermined
beneath their feet.
,The corrupt portions of 1-I'.;:ir church must be purified.
Not a thousapi.
Ibukes of WELLINGTON can save
them,

A Morning Contemporary has just published a se-
cond edition, announcing from the Messager of yes-
terday, received by an extraordinary express, another
dissolution of the French Cabinet. The extract from
the Messager is thus given :

" 5 o'clock, p.m.—There is no longer a Ministry. We
have just heard, through a source which admits of no doubt,
that at the Council held to-day, all the Ministers tendered
their resignations. Nothing has yet transpired respecting the
cause of this strange proceeding."
If this intelligence be correct, what is to become of
LOUIS PIIILLIPPE? The measure for assembling the
Chambers a month before the regular time could not
have been resolved upon without some pressing neces-
sity. It would, however, be premature to offer any
observations on what has occasioned this resignation
on the part of Ministers, if indeed they have already
resigned. The only question which could have come
before them was that of the Amnesty ; and we cau
hardly conceive what difference of opinion there could
be on this subject. The KING and M. PERSIL,
both know thath4rsh,measures cannot now be resorted
to, whatever they may think of the effects of clemency,
or the weakness exhibited by a sudden change of
policy.

DISSOLUTION OF THE MINISTRY.

The Whig Ministry is dissolved ! This news will,
no doubt, startle the majority of our readers ; but let it
not dismay them, for whoever succeeds to power, must,
willingly or unwillingly, carry forward the great prin-
ciples of Reform. There can be no halting now—
no retrograde movement—no " standing at case." To
falter, or pause, or even hesitate on the great questions
of reform and retrenchment, is at once to be overthrown
and trampled on. The Duke of WELLINGTON is
talked of as Lord MELBOURNE'S successor ! Be it so.
It is no great matter ; for though his GRACE may be a
reluctant, he must be an active reformer. He has no
longer the same corrupt influence to work with, that he
had when he was last in office. He can only maintain
his power now by consulting the interests of the commu-
nity—by calling the people into his councils—by legis-
lating for them, not for a faction. His GRACE, if not a
statesman, in the enlarged sense of the term, is at least
endowed with shrewdness and common sense; and these
will suffice to teach him that his political position in
1834 is wholly different to what it was in 1829. Then,
he was the representative of a party ; now, he is the
representative of the people. No doubt he will bear
this in mind ; and remember also that as he forced on
Reform, by his reluctance to grant any, even the

The Paris Papers of Thursday, which have been
received, are taken up with discussing the probable
effects of the recent changes in the Cabinet. The
particulars will be found in the extracts given in
another column.

The Guebhard loans are recognized ! Spain is
honest, not from principle but necessity. The recent
defeats which the QUEEN'S troops suffered have
awakened every slumbering virtue in the Spanish
bosom ; and the nation generously resolves not to
turn bankrupt for the present. Thus invention is not
the only virtue of which necessity is the parent ; hence-
forth national honour may be classed among the gentle
offspring of that despotic power. When Sanch
Panza is commanded by his master to recount the
particulars of his interview with the incomparable
Dulcinea Del Toboso, and especially the letter
which he had got by heart to repeat to her, he
replies that he made a point of forgetting the letter
the moment he repeated it, knowing he would have
no more occasion for it. The prudent conduct of
Sancho, in forgetting the letter, has not been lost
s'ght of among his countrymen. Even the Legislative
Assemblies find it very convenient to forget their use-
less votes and
I drotcstations‘, as SOO) i as they discover

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1834

that the remembrance of them serves them in no more
stead than the contents of Don Quixote's epistle would
have served his Worship's squire. Our readers will
remember the debates which took place in the Cham-
ber of Procuradores on the question of the Foreign
Debt, and the vehement—almost furious—language,
in which a proposal for recognizing the Guebhard
Loan was repudiated. The British and French Li-
beral press protested against the resolution of the Cor-
tes—deputations were sent express to Madrid, to re-
present to the Cabinet the injury they vkere about to
inflict on thousands of persons whose only cause of
misfortune was implicitly trusting in the honour of
Spain—petitions were drawn up, addressed to the
Spanish Chambers, forwarded through the agency of
Foreign Ministers, setting forth the claims of the
petitioners, and praying that justice might be done
them, and that,the Cortes would not adopt measures
which would involve them in utter ruin. But were
these protests, remonstrances, and petitions of any
avail with the chivalrous Cortes ? So far from it,
that they scarcely deigned to notice them, and when
they did, their remarks showed anything but sym-
pathy for the evils of which they were the cause. The
rebellion in Navarre was then hardly worth being
noticed. RODIL was issuing manifestos every day,
declaring that in another week the insurrectionary
spirit would be utterly extinguished. Meanwhile the
Carlists were making preparations for vigorously carry-
ing on the war. RODIL'S manifestos turned out
to be idle fictions ; he was dismissed, and before
his successor could place himself at the head
of the troops, General O'DOYLE and a division
of the QUEEN'S army were defeated, and the
officers shot by command of the insurgent chieftains.
The Ministry took the alarm ; the Chambers saw the
time for jesting over the woes of distressed creditors
was gone by, and that without the moral power of
France and England, the throne of Queen ISABELLA
11. would be exposed to the hazard of some disastrous
shock. The result of all this has been reported by
telegraph in Paris, the despatch being dated from
Madrid the Bth inst, and from Bayonne the 12th.
The telegraphic despatch runs thus :
" The Ambassador of France to the Minister for Foreign

Affairs.
" The Chamber of Procuradores adopted to-day, by a great
majority, and without any modification, the amendments of the
Chamber of Proceres, on the law respecting the foreign debt.
The Guebhard loan is thus recognised, and placed in the
same category as the other loans. " Signed, &c."
Thus -the fears of the Government, and the danger
apprehended by the Procuradores have compelled
Spain to do what she ought to have done voluntarily ;
and which so performed would have procured for her
the unlimited confidence of the whole mercantile world.
We are far from censuring the late conduct of the
Procuradores in annulling their former vote on the
debt bill. But let them not attempt to deceive us,
respecting the real cause of their return to an
upright and honourable policy. We know them
now. They have themselves developed the national
character, and the people of England will not
readily forget it. Spain wants money, arms, and
men to filrt her battles ; and so she would amuse us
with More promises, and inundate us with another
flood of her securities.

The rumoured changes in the Cabinet have not
Liken place, although the event is likely to happen
every hour. Up to the 7th instant, the only accepted
resignation was that of M. ZARCO DEL VALLE,
Minister of War. The resigned Portfolio was held
pro teinpore by M. DE LA ROSA. No successor bad
then been appointed. •

The Constitutional army is beginning to retrieve the
losses it has recently sustained, and to repair the dis-
graces which it has suffered in the late affrays with
the Carlists. On the 7th, the insurgents were ex-
pelled the Bastan by ORAA. All eyes are now
turned upon MINA, by whom the fate of the war is
expected to be soon determined.

In former numbers we adverted to the situation of
British farmers and labourers under the operation of
the Corn Laws which have prevailed since 1815, and
have shown, from incontrovertible evidence, their effect
in diminishing the home growth of corn. It must
consist with the knowledge of landlords, from their
own experience and observation, that farmers are
without capital ; whence it follows that they are
unable to employ the number of labourers required
for the cultivation of the soil, to keep their land
clean and to make it dry, without which even manure
is of little avail ; but which the want of money among
their tenants renders them unable to purchase, or to
keep the stock necessary to make it on the farm. From
the operation of these causes, the growth of corn in
England must diminish, but the fact of the diminution
is rendered certain by the quantity of corn imported in
the fifteen years ending with 1815, as contrasted with
the quantity imported in the fifteen years ending with
1830, which we have given from accounts laid before
Parliament. It is impossible by any law whatever to
increase the price of corn in a course of years beyond
the amount of the duty paid upon importation,
and the expense of brinobinc, foreign
corn to this country,
and the higher the duty is, the greater is the difference
between the price of corn in this country, and in any
foreign country from which we can obtain a supply,
when our great demand does not operate there, and the
'inducement to import grain is increased in the same
proportion ; whereas if our demand were not prevented
from operating abroad, the price there would always
be the same in such countries as it is here, with the
difference only of the expense of carriage. The price
of corn must always depend upon the supply as com-
pared to the demand, measured in the money of the
period. We must have a supply equal to our demand,
for our people cannot starve, and the price will therefore
be the same whether the supply comes from abroad, or
whether it is furnished at home. The expense of bringing
it from abroad, and the duty whatever it may be, must be
paid by the consumer so long as a supply from abroad
is necessary, but the home grower is not thereby be-
nefited. The price he gets is the price occasioned by
the demand, measured in the money of the period before
the foreign supply comes in, which it does not do,
until the home demand has increased the price so much,
as to enable the dealer in foreign corn to gain upon
the increase of the price and the saving of the duty,
which increased price must be sufficient to replace the
expense of transport from abroad and the duty, what-
ever that may be, which two last do not accrue to the
home grower of corn, though they fall upon the con-
sumer. But even if it were possible to raise the price
for a course of years by a restraining corn law, the
receiver of rent never can be thereby benefited, because
the effect of a restraining law is to diminish the home
growth, as is manifest from the accounts to which
we have referred, and rent being the surplus pro-
duce which remains after defraying the cost of
production, and cost of production being enhanced by

increase of price, while home produce diminishes, .it
follows that in process of time there will ultimately be
no surplus7produce—in other words, there will be no
rent at all. In this way, it becomes apparent, under a
restraining law, how rents come down, even with a
high price of corn. Seed and horse-corn are among
the things which constitute the cost of production.
The cost of seed and horse-corn is the same, whether
the gross produce be only two quarters, or whether it
be four quarters per acre. But with gross produce di-
minishing, as it does, under the operation of a restrain-
ing law, the value of the seed and horse corn may, in
process of time, with labourl which is also raised by a
high price of corn, become equal to the value 9f the
whole of the gross produce.
The tendency of'the present law, therefore, being to
leave landlords without rent, and .ultimately without
tenants, it is to be hoped that they will not longer exert
their influence in support of a law which brings dis-
tress upon farmers and labourers, and through them
upon the manufacturers, whose best and most exten-
sive customers are farmers and their labourers ; but as
the distress of farmers and labourers increases, they
become less able to 'purchase, and thus the distress of
the manufacturers increases. Even this is not all. By
the operation of a restraining corn law, which allows
our great demand to reach places abroad only by fits
and starts, it has rendered the growth of corn' a
-hazardous concern there, as it has been rendered a
losing one at home. Industry there may thus be ex-
pected to desert the cultivation of the soil, and
apply itself to manufactures ;• whereas if we al-
lowed the great demand of our manufacturing
population for corn to. bring up the price in countries
from whence we .can obtain a supply to a price com-
mensurate with the price here, we should thus make
the number of our manufacturing population, which
increases our demand for corn, the means of preserving
our manufacturing superiority,by inducing those coun-
tries to continue to apply themselves to the raising of
corn in order to supply that demand. Prussia, from
whence we obtain our chief supply of foreign corn, has
lately turned her attention particularly to the increase
of her manufactures, by which she will mate a new
demand at home for her corn. She may thus render
herself independant of us for a sale of her corn, and
exclude our manufactures from the markets of Germany
for the sale of their manufactures.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK.

The following is an extract of a letter from Madeira, of
the 22d October :—" I am happy to say that an arrival
here, the day before yesterday, brought an order from the
Portuguese Ministry, annulling the tonnage duties on all
vessels touching here, which they say never were intended
for this port."