The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Paris papers of Thursday and Friday,
which we received in the course of yesterday,
contain no further accounts either of the exten-
sion of the insurgent movements in Spain, or
of any effectual measures taken by the Spanish
Government for their suppression. The greatest
part of the Basque provinces, anti the whole of
Navarre, with the exception of Pampeluna, the
capital, seem to be in their possession. Saars-
field appears not to have advanced beyond
Burgos, where he was probably waiting for
reinforcements ; and even if he had performed
any military exploit to secure his rear against
the Curate Merino, we probably could not have
had any very recent or very correct accounts :of
his proceedings. No other part of Spain had
declared against the Queen. The capital, the
southern, the eastern, and western provinces of
the monarchy enjoyed the most undisturbed
tranquillity, and reposed in confidence and
security under the sceptre of the Queen. The
loyalty of the army was still unsuspected, or at
least was belied by no example of defection, and
none of the provincial authorities had deserted
their posts or changed their colours. In the mean-
time, from the superior force of the insurgents
in Navarre and the Basque provinces, and
the terrors of the weaker Constitutional party,
the greatest confusion prevailed on the wes-
tern Pyrenean frontier. The population of whole
towns and villages had been driven into France
for a secure asylum, and covered the line of
demarcation between the two countries, like
wrecks on the sea-shore after a violent tempest.
The fugitives may have fled with alarm from an
advancing enemy, accustomed to discipline or
order; while this insurgent body itself may be
driven forward by the troops of Saarsfielcl, of
whose movements this would be the most satis-
factory indication. On the latter point, how-
ever, we have no certain information. This
state of things on the French frontier, and the
necessity thus imposed upon the French autho-
rities of disarming the fugitives, and of providing
them with the means of safety, have again for-
cibly brought before the French press discus-
sions on the probability and the policy of an
armed interference on the part of the Govern-
ment of Louis Philip, to restore internal
order, and to maintain the existing dynasty in
Stain. The opinions of the journals on this
subject are various and contradictory, while the
Ministry, by their organs, are still silent. On
the probability, therefore, of an approaching
interference, we can say nothing ; but, in so
far as that probability depends upon the wis-
dom or the policy of the measure, we, for our
parts, can have no hesitation in decidihg it in the
negative. In saying this, we, however, by no
means intend to deny to France the rights of
self-protection against any Carlist or Re-
publican movement on her frontier. If
the malcontents of Spain had united with
the malcontents of France to shake the revolu-
tionary throne of July, 1830,—if Bourmont
and his brother Vendean chiefs had placed them-
selves at the head of the Monkish insurrection
on the other side of the Pyrenees,—or if bodies
of the armed apostles, either of absolutism or
republicanism, had endeavoured to disseminate
their pernicious doctrines, or to gain over dan-
gerous proselytes in the French southern pro-
vinces, we might find in such parties and such
practices a reasonable ground for assisting the
Queen Regent, or for attacking her insurgent
subjects, not as rebels to her authority, but as
enemies to the tranquillity of her neighbours.
There is no appearance, however, that any such
occurrences have taken place, or that the secu-
rity of France is at present menaced, or is likely
hereafter to be exposed to any serious danger,
by the disturbances or civil war in Spain. Not
being, therefore, justified or required by her
immediate vicinity, or her admitted interest, in
passing the Pyrenees to support or to oppose
either Spanish party, a military interference on
the part of France would be exposed to the same
objections, and must be defeeded on the same
principles, as an interference from any other
more distant Powers. It may be more con-
venient for her to invade, but her invasion
cannot be more justifiable. The reasons
against French armed interference, in the pre-
sent Peninsular disputes (if we may admit the
want of personal interest) are so numerous and
powerful that we scarcely know how or where to
begin their enumeration. In the first place,
such an intervention would be exposed to all the
objections hitherto so justly urged against the
conduct of the Holy Alliance since the general
peace, or against the French Directory during
the revolution, in dictating political principles or
farms of government in countries over which
their sovereignty did not extend, and with the
internal institutions of which they had nothing
to do ; for, if the civil war continues and spreads
in Spain, it is quite evident that it must become,
or rather has already become, a war of opinion,
or of political principles, and not a mere dispute
about the right of succession to the throne.
The names of Don Carlos or of Queen Isabella
11., are mere symbols for expressing absolute
government under the authority of the Church
or of the Inquisition on the one hand, and a
progressive system of political and religious im-
provement, under a party disposed to consult
the spirit of the age and to bring Spain within
the sphere of European civilization, on the other.
The former may be rendered more furious and
desperate by opposition and danger, and the latter
may become more or less liberal or radical in its
tendency by the prospect of success ; but their
broad distinctive characters remain,and the Mo-
nichxon struggle which must ensue between the
good and the evil principle, will have little de-
pendence on the mere occupant of the throne.
The Queen Regent, or rather her Minister Zea in
her name, attempted in her first proclamation to
her people to narrow the question in dispute to
one of mere dynasty, and proposed to continue
under the Infant Queen the same system which
had prevailed under her despotic father ; but
nobody was deluded by such an announcement,
or relied upon such an engagement. The Car-
lists flew to arms without heeding the manifesto,
and the Administration was obliged to correct
their error, as regarded the Liberals, by decrees
of immediate improvements, at least upon paper.
The distinction, which is at present broad and
palpable, will grow broader every day—the
o gulf fixed" between the parties, which is now
impassable, will widen and deepen with every
contest, unless the Queen's Government attain
such an ascendancy as to be able to crush the
rebellion without foreign interference. The
monks and friars know well that their knell is
sounded as certainly under a Government of
gradual improvement--as under one of radical
change—they see as clearly in their dreams of
alarm their revenues confiscated to the State,
and their convents or monasteries converted into
hospitals or barracks, under a moderate as under
a revolutionary Monarchy—they are not inat-
tentive to what has been done by Don Pedro in

Portugal, and they are aware that non Pedro's
regency has been acknowledged by their own. They
therefore have resolved to make the last effort to
maintain their power and their wealth by taking up
arms to defend the cause of Don Carlos, which
they regard as their own. A foreign military
force, by interfering in such a quarrel, would
have to fight not only against political convict
tion, but religious fanaticism,—not only against
the rights of opinion, but the rights br con-
science,—not only against the Code of abso-
lutism, hut the bre'vlary and the crucifix. If
such a contest is to take place, let it be con-
duttcd by the internal parties interested in its
result, and not by foreigners, who would only
exasperate its violence. But Trench interven-
tion would appeat not only impolitic from the
nature of the dispute which it would be invited
to settle,—it would be still mol's so from the
uncertainty of its success. it is certain, and we
believe generally admitted, that the immense mass
of the common people are Carlists, that the friars,
monks, and all the regular as well as most of the
secular clergy are on the side of absolutism and
ecclesiastical domination,—that some of the no-
bility and even of the military are tainted with
the same principles,—and that, in fact, the
physical force of the country, with the lavish
wealth of the church and monastic orders, would
be at the disposal of any daring leaders who
' would offer themselves to fight against foreigners
in the cause of Don Carlos. The French
already know the terrible effects of a warfare
against such elements of fanaticism under
Napoleon between the years 1808 and 1818,
and they know with what astonishing facility they
put down by its aid the Government and insti-
tutions of the Cortes in 1823. By entering
Spain to maintain the rights of the Queen, they
would have to combat the same overwhelming
faction which assisted them in support of Fer-
dinand VII. at the latter period, and which
opposed them in hostility to Joseph Bonaparte
at the former. Nay, it may be very doubtful
whether the Constitutionalists in such a case
might not join their domestic adversaries to op-
pose their foreign invaders. At any rate, the
party of the Queen would be considered as the
party of the stranger. Her friends and supporters,
instead of being called, as at present,Christinos,
would be obliged to take back their old odious
name of Afrancesados, and would be opposed
with a persevering obstinacy, compounded of
national pride and religious fanaticism. Trap-
pists and Curate-Merinos would start from
every monastery, and would be joined in their
march to battle, as before, by liberal men, who
dislike superstition much, but who dislike fo-
reign dictation still more. There can be no doubt
that a French army united with the troops of the
Queen Regent could easily disperse hordes of
such foes, but 'they would not be annihilated by
their dispersion ; they would collect at another
point,and would force on their adversaries a war of
extermination. The impossibility of maintaining
peace during a long minority by foreign troops,
even though the invasion were at first successful,
forms a third view of the impolicy of interference
which we would press on the attention of the
public, did our room permit. It would not be
enough to take possession of the fortresses of
St. Sebastian, Pampeluna, and Barcelona. The
invaders would be obliged to occupy the interior
of the country by a force of 80,000 or
100,000 men, as in 1823 and 1824,—and they
would continue to foment all the hatred and
rancour among their enemies by which they were
repaid by their friends at that former period.
We are quite satisfied that these and other
strong reasons, connected with the views and
feelings of foreign Powers, with the bad example
which interference would afford to the despots
of the continent,—with the expenses of the
expedition,—with the difficulty of guiding the
political system of any state by bayonets, and
the danger of king sponsors for a government
which they could not guide—have occurred to
the sensible men who now form the French
Ministry, and that they will prevent all armed
intervention, however disposed the French.
Cabinet may be to lend its moral support along
with England to the administration of the Regent
and the dynasty of the young Queen.—Times.
The most important and invaluable exposures
of municipal abuses are resulting from the la-
bours of the Corporation Commission. The
reports of the numerous investigations already
completed are too voluminous for republication
from the country papers ; but some of their
commentaries on this wholesome consequence
of Parliamentary reform, appear in another
column. The Corporations everywhere—recu-
sant Leicester excepted—obey the Royal com-
mission, and appear resigned to the coming
reformation. The publicity of inquiry was a
most wise and essential direction to the com-
missioners. The accusers and the arraigned are
brought face to face, in open court. If the
commission had been conducted in secret, the
public could never have been satisfied with the
inquiry, and the corporators would have justly
complained of the odious tribunal of an inqui-
sition. Defective municipal organization
political subserviency to boroughmongering aris-
tocrats—" in and in breeding" among the corpo-
rators—the closest secrecy in all the conduct of
the public trusts—gross mismanagement of public
property—and much personal corruption are dis-
played in the old corporate institutions through-
out the kingdom. If this signal exposure had taken
place some years since, the borough system could
not have maintained itself six months against
public indignation. The machinery of the rotten
boroughs and corrupt constituency is now laid
open. The Anti-Corporate party and journals
continue to chaunt doleful requiems for peace to
the manes of the expired Corporators, and
amuse themselves by debating the legality of the
Royal Commission, while the people are rejoic-
ing in its potency and utility. Felix Farley, a
Bristol Journal, which will be the last expiring
lamp of Toryism in that part of the kingdom,
pathetically laments that the Corporations have
obeyed the Royal authority, and positively as-
serts that "a more inquisitorial Commission
certainly never issued since the abolition of the
Star Chamber," in which latter sentiments we
fully concur. The Corporation Commission was
established with the original object of the Star
Chamber, as quoted in Bacon's History of
Henry VII., "to punish great riots, to restrain
offenders too big for justice—or, in the modern
phrase, to preserve the public peace." The Star
Chamber was subsequently perverted by the
§tuarts ; but we have no fears that the Corpo-
ream) Commission will be turned from its " pro-
priety." Its jurisdiction is limited to inquiry,
and Parliament—the Representatives of the
United Kingdom—will legislate on the reme-
dial measure of Municipal Reform. We shall
hereafter refer to the signal inquiry at Cam-
bridge, in which town all the rankst weeds
Of the existing system flourished. The Com-
mission has hitherto richly deserved the
abuse and misrepresentation of the Ulira

Conservatives and their new ally Cobbett ;
the latter has been, as usual, unlucky in the
objects he selected for vituperation and malig-
nant commentary. The Western Times cub°.
gises the " abilities, talents, and discretion" of
Mr. Roscoe and Mr. Rushton. The Exeter
Post contains a similar eulogy, " With regard
to Mr. Roscet,, and Mr. Rushton, we are
convinced that but one opinion prevails in this
city. Their candour and very gentlemanly
conduct throughout this inquiry has been the
theme of praise by every one." Indeed, all the
Commissioners, in their arduous and difficult
labours; have given the highest satisfaction to
all parties in the borough towns, excepting only
the Deputy Recorder and Town Clerk of
Leicester, and there we never doubted that
inquiry would be extremely odious and incon-
venient to the corporators. A more popular
Ministerial measure, or one more demanded
by the middle ranks and sound classes of
society, never emanated from the Crown ; and
the name of William IV. will always be
honourably associated with parliamentary and
municipal reform. The Corporation Commis-
sion is the first great amendment of the repre-
sentation, and presents itself at every man's
door.—Morning Chronicle.
On Saturday we recommended to the notice
of our readers Major Mitchell's excellent " Ob-
servations on the Report of the Committee of
Naval and Military Inquiry," published in the
last number of the United Service Journal.
We expressed our perfect concurrence in Major
Mitchell's opinion, that the appointment of that
Committee is referable to the hatred of the Bri-
tish army which has been constantly manifested
by the Whigs. It remains for us to show that
the same evil spirit which suggested the appoint.
ment of the Committee, has directed its investi-
gations and dictated its report. The first con-
clusion to which the members of the Committee
come is upon the expediency of the abolition of
non-effective garrison appointments. We give
the words in which their report embodies this
recommendation. The testimony they bear to
the services by which these appointments have
been earned—to the justice with which these
appointments have been distributed—is, from
such a pen, valuable indeed:—

" After fully considering the question of the non effective
garrison appointments with the opinions expressed in
favour of their continuance by some of the most distin-
guished military authorities, and particularly by the
Duke of Wellington, who, in a memorandum upon the
military governments which is appended to this report,
brings briefly but powerfully into view the whole consti-
tution of the British army, and the circumstances of its
officers, the Committee are still of opinion that upon the
principle re:-Tatedly laid down by Parliamen, that all
sinecure offices ought to be abolished, no garrison appoint.
ments should in future be made where no efficient military
duty is performed ; but as the officers now l , ling such
appointments appear fur the most part justly entitled to
the rewards of their profession by their long military
sere;,cs, or their distinguished merits during a period of
unparalleled exertion on the part of the army, and of
unexampled glory acquired to the country by the achieve-
ments of that artny, the Committee do not recommend
the withdrawal of the salaries to the prejudice of the
existing interests of any of these officers."—Report, p. iv.
Of course the sentiments here expressed by
the Committee can surprise no man. The
framers of the report have been for long years
carefully misleading the public mind upon the
subject of these garrison appointments. The
holders of them have been pointed out to obloquy
as feeding in idleness upon the labours of their
fellow•countiyinen; the emoluments of them have
been represented as large sums dragged annually
from the pockets of a distressed people. The
harangues of the popular orators have been loud
against " military sinecures :" the diatribes of
the liberal journalists have been bitter against
" military sinecures." Whatever deference may
be due to the " opinions of the most distinguished
military authorities, and particularly of the
Duke of Wellington," it is necessary for Lord
Ebrington and his friends, after the expendi-
ture of so much eloquence and ink, to
abolish " military sinecures." We, however,
who are not thus bound to prejudge the merits
of an important question, think it desirable to
found our judgment upon the opinions given
by more competent witnesses ; and we think
that, upon a matter in which the honour anti
discipline of the army are concerned, we shall
not do well to slight the authority of the Duke
of Wellington, because Lord Ebrington talks to
us of a " principle repeatedly laid down by
Parliament." His Grace, in the invaluable
" memorandum upon the military Governments,"
in which he advocates so admirably the best
interests of tbe army, and elucidates so clearly
the fiatne work of its constitution, thus speaks
of the " military sinecures :"

" There is nothing so easy as to give any institution an
unpopular name, and then to run it down and abolish it,
accordingly the military governments are called sinecures.
" The fact is that there are many of them essentially
necessary to the service, and that if these situations were
abolished to-morrow, and the obnoxious individuals who
now enjoy the advantage of the income allotted to these
situations were deprived of that income, it would be found
necessary to appoint others to perform the sante duties,
probably at an increased expense.
6' It is positively the fact that these Governments, whe-
ther necessary or not for the performance of the military
service of the country, are hell by those officers of the ser-
vice who have most distinguished themselves in the late
wars as the reward of their services."—Appendix to
Report, p. 278.

We Cite the authority of the Duke of Wel-
lington as one which ought to have weight, not
less with his political enemies than with his
political friends. For to him individually the
fiercest rancour of faction has never ventured to
deny the praise of having readily sacrificed
patronage, and strictly discountenanced profu-
sion. The report itself, however, gives us
an account of the original establishment
and present condition of the garrison ap-
pointments, wholly inconsistent with the
notions which have been industriously pro-
mulgated concerning them by the denouncers
of " military sinecures." After stating that the
first record of their regular establishment is
dated in 1683, it proceeds to make the following
admission :

" It seems clear that they have long been held on their
present looting ; that their emoluments have been in
general rather diminished than increased since their
original
.formation ; and that their whole number is
mailer than it was in 1792."
It is admitted that the whole amount at pre-
sent derived from the garrison appointments is
about 30,0001. per annum. It is admitted that
the emoluments of the garrison appoin:ments
have diminished since 1683. It is admitted
that now when we have an army twice as large
as we had in 1792 the number of the garrison
appointments is smaller than it was hi 1792.
It is admitted, finally, that the garrison appoint-
ments are held by Officers justly entitled to the
rewards of their profession. Let us conclude,
for to-day, by asking any man of common sense
and common candour whether, if these things
represented, there would have
senseless outcry which we have
beenhad baeneynoffatihr ley
heard against " military sinecures ?"--Morning
Post.

There have been two more fatal prize-fights
Brown, recently : one at Holderness, in which

one of the combatants, was killed, and the Jury
returned a verdict of " wilful murder" against the
survivor : and another at Keynsham, near Bris-
tol, in which the pugilist having killed his
antagonist, has been committed to Bristol gaol
for manslaughter. Another pugilistic contest,
in which a knife was finally used, at Kingston
fair, appeared in Saturday's paper. We had
hoped that these brutal exhibitions, deprived of
the artificial and fostering heat of misdirected
public patronage, would have rotted away into
beneficial obscurity. It was the fashion during
the last reign, among the looser parasites
of George the Fourth's court to advocate
prize-fights. as something at once manly
and aristocratical. Even Lord Wynford once
advocated pugilism, on the score that fair
" stand-up fights" produced fewer cases of
homicide, and kept the 1 talian stiletto from our
shores. But facts and reasoning contradict
him. What but cold-blooded malignity can be
engendered in the breasts of bystanders (not
sharing in the danger) by the example of prize-
fights, and the sight of blood premeditatedly
shed ? What can result from the reflection that
the combatants are not stimulated by the natural
feelings which impel men in accidental collisions
to the prompt redress of a personal injury, but
are urged to prepare themselves by long training
and with great premeditation? They are more-
over actuated by the lowest motives for the
prostitution of physical powers—a thirst for
gain. Now may not the cold-blooded calculating
malignity thus engendered often influence the
periodical increase of savage and sanguinary
murders. As to the banishment of knives, there
have been recent instances of combatants en-
gaging i❑ sudden " stand-up fights," and com-
mitting murder with concealed knives in their
double fists. The periodical assemblages of the
ring must be admitted to bring together all the
social varieties of immorality or debasement.
On these occasions the seeds of vice ferment
by mutual example and encouragement as in
a great hotbed ; and they are diffused through
the whole dank rottenness of the corrupting and
corrupted mass, until they germinate and luxu-
riate into noonday crime. One crime leads to ano-
ther ; for Nemo flit repente turpissimus; and
the apex of the structure whose base is coldblooded
gambling, is often premeditated murder. To
the general diffusion of vice, thus terminated,
the flash Journals most criminally and effec-
tively contribute by means of a circulation whist'
reveals materials for deep and anxious consi-
deration. In this point of view they have not
unjustly been called " Hangman's Gazettes,"
or " Nurseries for Thieves." How any re-
spectable people can defend prize-fights, as they
have lately been conducted, would be mysterious
in any age but this, when money supersedes
principle—when nobles and capitalists have
been found privately to have sleeping partner-
ships in houses devoted to prostitution ; and
when they can publicly blazon their titles on
the list of theiht Honourable and honour-
able Gamblers, at C rock ford's.—Morning
Advertiser.

COMPARATIVE COST OF THE BRITISH,
FRENCH, AND PRUSSIAN ARMIES.—IS it
not evident that a financial crisis is approaching ?
We think so ; and that it will come, in all pro-
oability, before another session is ended. In
that case, half-measures and palliatives must be
abjured, and recourse must be had to legislative
provisions, vigorous, substantial, and effective.
But there is only one way to secure the concur-
rence of the nation in such measures ; and that
is, to retrench all unnecessary expenditure, and
to satisfy the taxpayers—the reasonable portion
of them at all events—that their money is not
wasted. If our Ministers are men of discretion,
they must be intent upon the modes of reduc-
ing the disbursement side of the next Budget.
If they are sincere and searching in their inqui-
ries, they will still find numerous items of im-
proper expenditure which escape those who have
not the advantage of official accounts to guide
them, and who are obliged to move for returns
without end, in order to get at a knowledge of
facts with which it is the duty of the public
servants to be familiar. There is no occasion,
however, to call to our aid these official details
in order to satisfy ourselves that there is one de-
partment in the public service, the cost of
which is unreasonably large ; we allude, of course,
to the army. We have often urged an ex-
tensive reduction in our military expenditure.
Sir Henry Parnell, when Secretary at War,
would have cut down the estimates to the extent
of 600,0001.; and by a comparative statement
of the cost of our army with that of France,
we showed in the Spectator that this reduction
might be increased to at least a million. It is
a fact to be borne in mind, whenever the old story
is told that retrenchment has been carried as far
as it is safe and practicable, that, making every
allowance for the difference in the value of
money, the English soldiers cost 9/. per man
more than the French. For the future, it will
be impossible to pretend that our troops are
better fed and equipped than the French : for
we have the unexceptionable testimony of Sir
Willoughby Gordon to prove that the French
army in every essential particular is in a most
admirable state. But the Government of Louis
Philip is not the only one on the continent
from which our rulers might learn a lesson of
economy. The Prussian military eatablishment
is supported on much cheaper terms than our
own. Here again we are not instituting a com-
parison between our army and one of a second-rate
description. Napoleon repeatedly expressed his
admiration of the Prussian troops. Every one
who has had an opportunity of examining their
arms and equipments allows their excellence.
The question then is, what is the cost of the
Prussian military establishment ? We find
an answer to this inquiry in the work of
the Marquis de Chambray, a brief notice of
which is given in the last number of the Foreign
Quarterly Review. The Marquis is there
termed " a distinguished French military writer,
the author of the best military history of Na-
poleon's Russian expedition." He passed seve-
ral years in Prussia during Bonaparte's reign,
and has lately revisited it. He estimates the
total of the Prussian army at 300,000 men ; of
whom 100,000 are troops of the Line, 50,000
Reserve, and 150,000 Landwehr. The whole
establishment, including fortresses, &c., is sup-
ported for 3,374,1041. The English Army,
Ordnance, and Commissariat, exclusive of the
dead weight, which amounts to about two mil-
lions and a half, costs in round nurn)ers five
millions sterling : the number of our troops
may be taken at 100,000: if our army were as
regularn
stahyat
seven
oforces,ur millions
military
reea—rs,
un edr thb)
auelsf.haasl
much
s ialapnnpn
and a
establishment is more than twice as expensive as
the Prussian, exclusive of the Landwehr. The dif-
ference in the cost of provisions in the two countries
will account fairly enough for part of this enor-
mous excess on our side; but then, on the other

hand, clothing and equipments can be furnished
at a lower rate in England than in Prussia. Be-
sides, a third part of our army is stationed in
Ireland, where living is much cheaper than on
this side of the Channel. Prussia has been and
is at an enormous expense in keeping up the
numerous fortresses with which her dominions
are studded—not merely along the Rhine, at
Cologne, Ehrenbreitstein, &c., but in the inte-
rior. Again, not having the details before us,
we have deducted nothing from the Prussian
sum total for her dead weight, and the cost of
her militia force of 150,000 men ; which it
fair to presume must be considerable. We are
aware that some of our foreign garrisons are very
expensiVe establishments ; but, making every al-
lowance, the difference in the cost of our
army and that of Prussia will still appear enor-
mous. Why should it be so ? Will our repre-
sentatives perform their duty faithfully, if they
suffer the present system to continue? Let them
inquire into and satisfy themselves of the truth
of such statements as the above. They may not
be competent to argue every question of detail
with the Secretary at War, or Sir Henry Har-
dinge ; but if the House of Commons absolutely
reduces the sum total of the estimates by a
million, the people at the Horse Guards will
find out, as Sir James Graham has already
discovered at the Admiralty, that they can make
a million less answer every purpose which is
absolutely necessary ; and we cannot now pay
for others. It is undeniable that there is a
back-stairs' influence at work to prevent a
reduction of our military expenditure, which
nothing but a determined vote of the House of
Commons can overcome.—Spectator.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 16.