The Sun.
London, England, 1851-02-28 00:00:00

her Majesty refusing, that be bad declined
to undertake the duty of reconstruc ing a Go-
vernment. For that rumour there was not the
shadow of a reason, and he was authorised
by her Majesty to say, that even if he had de-
manded a dissolution, her Majesty would have
refused to comply with his rr quest.—(Cheers.) That he
was mortified at not being able to constitute a Govern-
ment he was not prepared to deny, but that he felt any
hostilities to his political opponents he hoped
their Lordships would not believe.—(Hear, hear )
He held it an object of vital importance that the income-
tax should not be permitted to degenerate into a per-
manent tax. It had been introduced by Sir Robert Peel
at a critical period, and he had pledged himself, when-
ever the revenue should equal the expenditure, that tax
should cease, and but for that pledge the House of
Commons would never have consented to the im-
position of a tax so unjust, so unequal in its
Pressure, and altogether so anomalous. Sir Robert
Peel had said he expected he should require it for five
years, but he had only asked for it for three years, and
it had again been renewed. The state of things was
different now to what it was in 1842. We had a surplus
of two millions and a half, and the country was in
a state of general prosperity, and to conseet
to its renewal without some modification would be
tantamount to its perpetuation for ever. Shortly before
the introduction of the Budget there was a general feel-
ing on the part of many of an opposition to the house-
tax. He would never be a party to any measure in op-
position, which, if a Minister, he did not see his way to
accomplish, and therefore he declared that he would not
oppose the renewal of the income-tax, but would deal with
it by appropriating the surplus to its reduction, and he
believed that by so doing from one-third to one-half f
the income-tax might be repealed, and he was desirous
to give some pledge to Parliament for its gradual reduc-
tion and for the repeal of from one-third to one-half
in the present year, and for the apportionment of a
surplus to its reduction. He would not enter into a dis-
cussion of protection in the abstract, but he would take
it as admitted that the land was labouring under the
pressure of undue taxation, and that the result of the
unrestricted admission of foreign corn bad produced
a more extensive effect than had been desired
or imagined, and that no imposition of a moderate im-
port duty could have raised the price even to an amount
that was at the time of the introduction of the Corn
Bill scouted by the Free-traders themselves. By the
position of a moderate fixed duty they might raise
a revenue of 2,000,000/. without materially raising the
price of corn to the consumer. It was not adverse to
the principles of free trade to impose in favour of a
class exposed to undue burdens counteracting duties to
meet those burdens, and he believed that by impos-
ing a moderate fixed duty on corn they would
two years be enabled to get rid of the income-tax.
That question of protection was one that had et to be
settled by the country, and if at the next, election the
decision of the country should be against pro-
tection he would respectfully bow to that de-
cision—(Hear, hear)—but until that decision took
place he should continue to act upon his present opinion.
He bad no desire to reverse the recent commercial
policy of the country, but only so to modify it as would
arrest the progress of that ruin which was rapidly com-
ing upon the agricultural classes.—(Hear.) Alluding to
the recent measure of Popish aggression, he said he was
the last man to interfere with the full and free exercise
of the religious opinions and services of his ftllow-
countrymen. He knew not whether the act of the Pope
violated the law, but though insignificant in itself, it bad
oeen rendered infinitely more important in the first in-
stance by the insulting tone in which his bull was intro
dated into the country, and it would be inconsistent
with the dignity of the Crown and the independence of
Parliament, if steps were not taken to deal with the mat-
ter. He, however, did not approve of the measure of the
Government, because it bore on the face of it marks of
passion and haste instead of deliberation and anxious
consideration.—(Cheers.) The Papal aggression, in his
opinion, ought to be as strongly resisted as it would have
been in the days of their ancestors; but be confessed he
was not prepared to legislate on a question of such
vast importance until he had time to inquire into its
various bearings. The danger to be apprehended from
a delay of two or six years could not outweigh the in-
injurious tendency which a measure, passed hastily
and passionately, and not touching the rcot of
the real grievance would have on the country.—
(Hear hear.) He thought before any legislative
remedy was proposed, a Parliamentary inquiry should
be instituted by a Committee of both Houses into the
actual state of the relations between Roman Catholics
and foreign powers and their own Church, and also
into the state of the law. Eis Lordship concluded
by expressing a hope that the House would
not see in the course he had pursued anything dis-
creditable to his motives or derogatory to his character
as a statesman though he had failed in his attempt to
form a Government.—(Cheers.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was desirous of ex-
plaining what he considered was a misapprehension en
the part of the Noble Lord as to what had passed be-
tween himself and his Sovereign. He had on Monday
stated to their Lordships that the Noble Lord stated to
ner Majesty, on Saturday, that he was not
then prepared to form an Administration ; lie had
laid a considerable stress on the word then, and in con-
sequence of the Noble Lord not being then prepared,
Lord John Russell had been sent fur. Having set that
matter at rest, be would refer to one topic to which the
Noble Earl bad addressed himself. The .Noble E
had addressed himself to the difference between himself
and Lord John Russell on the Catholic Bill, and had
characterised the measure as one of a penal character.
Ho could not bit still and haar it so oti.rscerised with-
out protesting against it. He was not sure that he had
not beard the Noble Earl characterise it as a measure of
persecution. He could assure the Noble Earl that it
Seas as far from his heart, and the heart of his
Noble Friend to introduce any penal measures of r er-
-ecuf ion on it, was contrary to the heart of the Noble
Lord himself. The ground upon which that measure
had been introduced was to protect this country
!ram foreign influence. That foreign influence
snaking use of the Papal power for its aggression. I:
was intended to protect equally Protestant laity
end Roman Catholic laity fur foreign influence,
and he should at all times feel it his
•luty to protect Roman Catholics in the free exercise of
risen. religion; but, at the same lime, it was equally
duty so protect the prerogatives of the Crown
and the liberties of the people from foreign aggres-
sion, and his Noble Friend was prepared to make
such alterations in the Bill which should remove any
misapprehension as to its preventing the full enjoyment
of every privilege by the Roman Catholics without
deteriorating from its efficacy as a protest against foreign
aggression. 'rho reasons which had induced himself
and his Noble Friends to resign had been the one set
forth, viz., the want of efficient support in the House of
Commons.

•
Lord STANLEY explained that he bed said he was
justified in saying what he had said as to the causes of
the dissolution of the Government, inasmuch as a
Noble Earl was not aware until Saturday, that he had
ceased to be a Cabinet Minister, and that a Noble Earl
(Minto), a relative of the Prime Minister, was quite as
unaware of the fact of his being out of office on Sa.nrday,
ai he had been when he was at Rime, of the intention
of the Pope to appoint a hierarchy in this country.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'cicck.

The interior of the House presented the same appear-
ance as on Lionday evening; the benches below and
above the bar were crowded with lion Members, as were
also the side galleries.
NEW MEMBERS.

COL GILPIN took the oaths and his seat for Bedford-
shire.

Sir G. TYLER also took the oaths and his seat for
Glamorgansbire.
METROPOLITAN MARKETS BILL

Mr. CHILDERS moved the second reading of this
Bill.

Alderman SIDNEY moved that the Bill be read a
second time this day six months.
After a short conversation the House was cleared for
a division, but subsequently the Bill was postponed until
this day week.
PETITIONS.

Colonel FREESTUN presented a petition from the
Catholics of Weymouth against the Papal Aggro.-
aim' Bill.

Mr. FAGAN also presented several similar petitions.
Lord ARUNDEL and SURREY presented 40 peti-
tions from the secular clergy of the Roman Catholic
Church in this country, and several petitions from other
parties, against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.
Mr. MONSELL presented several petitions to the
same effect. _

Mr. SULLIVAN also presented similar petitions.
Mr. sTuAar presented a petition praying that the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill might not be extended to
Scotland. _ _

Mr. ROCHE presented a great number of petitions
from the county of Curk against the Eccle3iabtical
Titles Bill.

Mr. HENLEY presented a petition from a place in
Oxfordshire against the admission of Jews into Parlia-
ment.

Mr. HASTIE presented a petition from Glasgow in
favour of the abolition of the window•tax.

Mr. REYNOLDSP;e:ented—a—la;genumber of pe-
titions from places in Ireland against the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill, and several petitions from the Dublin news-
paper proprietors, praying for the repeal of the duty on
raper.
Mr. KEOGH presented a petition from Meath against
the Ecclesiastical Tit a Bill. Petitions to the sam.
effect were presented by Sir Joshua Walmsley, troll
Bolton; by Sir E Buxton, from Essex; Mr. Sadlier,
from Carlow; and Mr. Scholefield, from Birmingham.
Mr. W. WILLIAMS and Mr. B. OSBORNE presented
petitions praying for the repeal of the paper duty.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER and Colonel SIBTLIORP presented
petitions from places in Lincolnshire; complaining of
agricultural distress.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from Seaham; against
the Mercantile Marine Bill; also seven petitions against
the Bible monopoly.
A great number of petitions a ere presented against
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.
MINISTERIAL CRISIS.
STATEMENT OF LORD J. RUSSELL.
Shortly after five o'clock, RON. MEMBERS who had
notices of motion having postponed them, the orders of
the day
On the
eiottihen calledoniort
he on.
d
reading
of
the
Eeelesi.
asticalTilesH AN RUSSELL,situmption Bill,
Lord amid
the
moat
ptoaskte tpon::
profound
silence, rose and said—sir, in moving the
COS of this order of the day, I will
oppOltntliq Of stitipg to tilt llotua what hoe ocourrod

THE SUN, LONDON,

since I asked them on Monday to adjourn to this
day. Before Ido so I thiek it necessary to
notice a contradiction to a statement whiel I
made on Monday last.—(Great cheering.) I then
stated that Lord Stanley having been sent for by the
Queen had stated to her Majesty that he was not then
prepared to form a Government, and that I
was then required to repair to Buckingham
Palace. I received a contradiction to that statement
in terms very peremptory, and in a manner
not very courteous. I feel it due to my own honour to
state, in the first place, that nothing was further from my
intention than to misrepresent the conduct of Lord
Stanley. For that Noble Lord I have the greatest possible
respect, I have fought in Parliamentary matters side by
side with :him —(Cheers)—l have fought face to flee
against him.—(Cheers) In all times and in every
situation. I have had occasion to admire his
spirit, his courage, and his honour.—(Great cheering.)
Therefore I should be sorry indeed if anything which
fell from me did not give a correct representation of
wbat that Noble Lord had stated.—(Cheers.) The
House will recollect that it was not then my duty to
go into detail, not to relate particular circumstances, and
not, above all, to narrate what had come to my know-
ledge of conversation, but yet to state clearly
what appeared to me to be the general result of
all that had occurred.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite ne-
cessary that I should sate a reason why, after having
once taken leave of my Sovereign, I st as again required
to repair to the palace ; that it was necessary is obvious,
from the various statements circulated—statem•nts,
some of them previously to the Hon. Gentleman's con-
tradiction, and some of them subs quent—(Cheers)
—which represented that Noble Lord as anxious to form
a Government, and myself as having endeavoured to
force myself into the presence of my Sovereign, when
that Noble Lord was engaged in that task.—((;hears.)
And what, Sir, then occurred? His Royal Highness
Prince Albert wrote to me a letter on Saturday after-
noon, and by the permission of her Majesty, and also
of his Royal Highness, I will now read it to the
House.—(Hear, hear.)
" Lord Stanley has, after a conversation with
her Majesty, declined to undertake the formation
of a "Government at present, until it is clear no
other Government could be formed. The, Qua, n has
sent for Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, and she
wishes to see you immediately."

—(Hear.) I could, Sir, do no other, on receiving that
letter, than conclude that Lord Stanley had declieed for
the present to form a Government—(Loud chesrs)—
until it was found that no other Government could be
formed ; and I ask whether there was any misre-
presentation in stating, two days after receiving
this letter, that Lord Stanley was not prepared
at that time to form a Government and
used the words "not then prepared?"—(Loud cheers.)
Sir, every one who has been admitted to the presence
of her Majesty is aware of the courtesy, of the memory,
and of the precise truth of everything which falls
from her (Loud chews) —but, Sir, though I
received from her Majesty an account of what
passed at her interview with Lord Stanley, I do
not rest solely on her Majesty's statement, but I rest on
the statement of the interview which Lord Stanley sent
to her Majesty in the course of the same evening, and of
which she permitted me to read the extracts
which bear on the point in question. And let me ob-
serve, that if I state these particulars to the House,
it is in consequence of the contradiction of the
Honourable Gentleman opposite.—(Great cheering.)
After stating to her Majesty the position
of the three parties of which the House of Commons is
composed, I...observed that the present Administration
had never met with any detest at the hands of
Lord Stanley's political friends.—(Great cheering.)
Lord Stanley thou went on to state that he would only
consent to form a Government in the event of no coa-
lition being formed. He believed that an Administration
formed under such circumstances would be more likely
to meet support, than one formed without time for reflec-
tion. Now he asked whether those extracts did net
bear out his statement that Lord Stanley was not pre.
pared to form a Government ? He would now
state, that having been desired by her Majesty to con-
struct an Administration, and at her Majesty's request
he had obtained interviews with both Lord
Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, I feel it
right to say, that no personal consideration
stood in the way of the formation of a Government com-
posed of those whose opinions appeared to prevail in tho
House of Commons. If Lord Aberdeen and Sir James
Graham had concurred in the formation of a Govern.
ment, I believe that no personal consideration would
have stood in their way.—(Hear.) With respect to
the several points of public importance on which we de-
liberated, although there was not any perfect
agreement, yet there did not seem to be such a
diversity of opinion as might not by further commu-
deation have been removed. There was one question—
' the Papal aggression—on which it appeared impos-
siele that we could agree. I think it quite necessary
to proceed with that Bill.— (Loud ethers.) Lord Aber-
deen told me that he thought respecting the late
aggression on this country no legislation at all was nt -
cessary. Upon that point there was so wide a difference
of opinion that it was evident that no Government could
possibly be formed by the coalition of such parties.—
(Hear, bear.) I again repaired to Buckingham Palace
and informed her Majesty of the difficulty which had oc-
curred, and laid bi fore her a full statement of the state
of affairs. The effect of that information to the Queen
was that her Majesty's desire led to a communication
with the Right Hon. Genth man the Member for Ripon
(Sir J. Graham), with the hope that I might be able,
with his assistance, to reconstruct the Government by
such an infusion of new strength as would give force and
efficiency to the Ministry.—(llesr, hear.) I was led to
this course by old associations, by the recollection of the
political aptitude which the Right Hon. Baronet so emi-
nently possesses, and further still, it' I may be permitted
to state so much to the House, by the ties of old and
long-continued friendship. We were agreed on most of
the great topics of public affairs, and I did think that if
an interview was fairly conducted we might come to
some general aecord upon subjects on which a difference
of feeling prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) The interview was
abortive, and I was therefore again obliged to re-
sign the commission for the formation of a Government
with which her Majesty had been pleased to honour
me.—(Hear, hear.) This morning I was informed that
her Majesty had received the letter from Lord Stanley
which I have read to the House. Placed under that diffi-
culty, her Majesty had, most wisely, as I think, sent, for
an old friend of the Crown, who is not more eminent for
his distinguished services abroad and for the
glory of his military achievements—(Loud and
long continued cheering) than he is for
the constitution of the country (the Duke of Welling-
ton)—(Repeated cheers from all sides of the House)—
I trust that I have said enough to assure the House that
the representation of the Right Hononourable Gen-
tleman the Member fur Bucks (Mr. Disraeli), that
Lord Stanley was prepared to form a Government
was incorrect.—(Hear and cheers; and cries of `• Oh.")
With this statement I conclude the narrative of what
has occurred within the last few days—(Cheers)—but
"cannot omit this opportunity of refuting the assertion
that I was ready to take the helm in a time
of prosperity, and to resign the Ministry as
soon 'as the Government was placed in a stare
of difficulty. To that assertion I respond that
I should not have deemed the adverse division come to
the other night any sufficient reason for a resignation of
the Government if I had thought that it could be carried
on successful.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) If I did not
shrink from the difficulties of the country when
3,000.000 of people were iii a state of distress it was not
likely that I should shrink from them now; but I saw
it was useless to proceed when cffice coule only be re-
tained at the risk of power which woul.l be
useful to the country and the loss of that character
which was honourable to its possessor.—(Hear, hear.)
When the directors of the Bank of England came to my
Right Honourable Friend to ask us to suspend the law,
and run the rick of an indemeity from Parliament, I
might have shrunk from the difficulties of the time;
when, at a later period, the whole of Europe was
shaken with revolutions from one end to the other, and
when there was every prospect of the treaty which
bound Europe together, and preserved the peace of
the world being dissolved, we did not shrink
from our parts, nor did we do so even
when in Ireland large bodies of people were preparing
to organise a rebellion.—(ob, oh!) We might then
have shrunk from the difficulties of the period;
but to suppose that we should do so
now, when all those troubles have passed
away when commerce is flourishing, when the people are
prosperous, and when the only difficulty at the Exche•
quer is, that it is rather fuller than it can conveniently
hold—(A laugh)—is quite ridiculous.—(Hear, hear.)
But, Sir, I wish to state some of the opinions which I
hold now with regard to the three questions which have
public mind, and engaged Parliamentary
the
a good deal of late.—(tlear, hear.) One of
the most important of those questions is free trade
and the free import of corn.—(Hear and cheers.)
Now, Sir, I take no credit whatever fur the establish-
ment of thepresent law upon that subject, for the system
which the Government of Lord Melbourne proposed was
a system of s different kind. It was.: system which was
based upou ;Eder* duV on core, and a tigfere4o.l.4llSY