The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-03 00:00:00

Vttrb %bitton

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Cloch.

TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING

Six o'cLocs..

EPSON ArTME".7 HANDICAP.
5 to 1 agst Don Pedro
5 to 1 agst Ischia
8 to 1 agst Stafford
8 to 1 agst Alp
10 to 1 agst Little George

DEBBY.

28 to 1 agst Womersley
50 to 1 agst Barbarian
1,000 to 15 agst Blackstone

THE KOSSITTH
DEMONSTRATION.
(THIS DAY.)

(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
The procession, as we have already stated,
reached
Copenhagen-fields at a very late hour,
.indeed it was
nearly three o'clock before it came in sight, and fully
half-past before the legitimate proceedings of the
day were opened. But the glorious scene which
followed must have amply repaid Kossuth for the time
he was kept waiting in the back parlour of a respectable
English tavern, and if we may judge b. y the emotion de-
picted in his countenance when the picture came before
his eyes 30 he evidently thought and felt. It was estimated
that at this moment there must have been at least 50,000
upon the ground, and
it was only with considerable diffi-
culty that the various trades' clubs that had turned out
for the occasion could get in front to display the flags
and banners which floated over their heads. The
music, nevertheless, continued playing with laudable per-
severance, but the sound was lost in the hum of voices
raised by the immense multitude who had assembled to
give an English welcome to the Hungarian Chief. At
length,
.however, everything and everybody were got
into position, and, the signal being given by one of the
committee, Kossuth was led into the temporary hustings
by Mr. Thornton Hunt, the chairman of the committee.
He was immediately recognised by the human sea
that lay stretched at his feet, and then arose a
shout of joy which it is almost impossible to describe.
Round after rcund of cheers were given, followed by the
waving of some 20,000 hats, while in the midst of all
this excitement a splendidly decorated banner was
raised on high, upon which were inscribed in large
gold letters the words " Welcome, Kossuth, the exiled
Hungarian statesmen, leader, soldier, and patriot."
Ko,suth bowed, and bowed again, and still the wild en-
thusiastic cheering was continued, until at last the lungs
of the great multitude seemed to become exhausted.
When something like serenity was obtained and the
business of presenting the address was proceeded with,
Mr. Pattie, the secretary to the committee, read the
address, which ss as written in an ornamental style upon
a roll of parchment, and hound on a roller covered with
figured crimson velvet. 'I he address, which, was signed
by all the committee, was as follows:
"TO LOUIS KOSSUTH, TUE ADDRESS OF TEE INHABI.
TANTS Or LONDON, REPRESENTED BY THE UNDER.

SIGNED.
"Patriot citizan and worthy representative of a great
people,—We approach you with sentiments of hopeful
joy; we hail with satisfacqon your restoration to
freedom and to your c,i,untry's service, as we heard
with sorrow the tidings of your expatriation. In
the war, so heroically sestaiued by the Hunga-
rian nation, against the united Governments of

Russia and Austria, the symyathy of the people of Bri-
tain with the people of Hungary was so universally
expressed as to be historical, but we desire that it may
be recorded that, had our vishos received Govern-
mental aid, the intervention of Russia would not have
been met alone by protests upon paper, but upon
the field of action by the force of British arms.
Oar regret for the past is mingled with humilia-
tion for the futility of our &sires, but it is alle-
viated by our hopes and our resolves for the future.
Chosen as the guide of a brave people in the path of free-
dom, your liberation gives hope not alone to Hungary,
but to humanity. In the brotherhood of peoples rest
the hope of civilization, the assurance of our progress
in the peaceful arts, and the free development of man's
noblest faculties. n the brotherhood of peoples there
also exists the certainty of success in resisting the
encroachments of despotic powers. Distinguished alike
for wisdom as for integrity, if we have said so
much to you, it is because your name and that of
your country are linked in our hopes and our prayers to
the names of other men and other nations. Need we name
them? No; your true heart has already responded—ltaly,
Poland, Germany, and—there is a nation which for
half a century has expiated its love of freedom in bereave-
ment of its best sons, in the tears of jut mothers and
daughters. Its cup of bitterness is full. Whilst the
arms of the people were extended to embrace you, you
were repelled from their shores. As we believe in a
future for Hungary, so also do we believe in a future
for France. Whilst congratulating Hungary, and you,
Sir, freely chosen Governor, on your liberation, we
turn with sentiments of fraternal gratitude to that na-
tion which, despite of menace and intrigue, shielded
you in the adverse hour, and has restored aou to free
action and fresh hope in the fulfilment of your glo-
rious mission. To the citizens of the great Republic
which has thrown its flag around you—linked, as we
are, by tics of kindred—we aro more closely linked in
our mutual esteem for you, and sympathy for your
country. We rejoice a i:h them in the honour they have
won; but we lament cost we should have deserved that
honour less. Welcome to our country! Our words are
but the poor echo of a million voices which, from the
extreme limits of our land. bless your name, and, in
blessing you, bless Hungary."
Kossuth received the address from the hands of the
secretary. and fervently pressed it to his breast amidst
a renewed outbreak of cheering, which lasted for some
minutes, the opportunity being seized upon to introduce
more flags and banners to his notice, bearing compli-
mentary inscriptions, such as " A tear for Hungary,"
" There is no obstacle to him who wills," " Long live
Kossuth," and including the star-spangled banner of the
United State of America. The sun shoos brilliantly
forth upon the uncovered heads of the people, adding
an additional splendour to the spectacle,
and Kossuth seemed lost in admiration as he
looked upon the wonderful panorama befere him.
Repeatedly he essayed to speak, but it was only to be
interrupted with cheers, louder and sharper than ever;
but the chairman of the committee, at the pitch of his
voice, called out for silence, and the people being again,
comparatively speaking, silent from sheer exhaustion,
Kossuth, who wore an elegant surtout black velvet coat
under a heavy blue cloak, proceeded to address them as
follows:

" Gentlemen,—l most warmly thank you for your
generous sentiments of active and operative sympathy
with the freedom and independence of my native land,
so closely connected—as you have rightly judged—
with the freedom and independence of other
nations cn the European continent. It is to
me highly gratifying to know that a large
party of the present meeting belongs to the
working classes. It is gratifying to me, because,
if to belong to the working classes implies a man whose
livelihood depends on his own honest and industrious
labour, then none amongst you has more right to call
himself a working man than Iso to call myself. I in-
herited nothing from my dear father, and I have
lived my whole life by my own honest and in-
dustrious labour. This, my condition, I consider to
have been my first claim to my people's confidence,
because well they knew that being in that condition I
must intimately know the wants, the sufferings, and the
necessities of the people. And so assuredly it was. It
is, therefore, that I so practically devoted my life to
procure and to secure political and social freedom to my
people, not to a race, not to a class, but to the whole
people; besides, I devoted all my life for many years,
by the practical means of associations, to extend
the benefit of public instruction to the working
climes, and to forward the material welfare of the agri-
culturists, of the manufacturers, and of the trading men.
Amongst all the enterprises to that effect, of that time of
my
life, when I was yet in no public office, but a private
man, there is none to which I look back
for with more satis-
faction and pride than to the association the encourage-
ment of manufacturing industry—to its free schools, to its
exhibitions, to its press, and to its affiliations. Besides
conferring immense material
benefits,
it proved also
politically beneficial, by bringing
more friendly relations the different in closerent contact and
classesclasses
of my dear
native land, by interesting the working ss the public
political concerns of our nation, and by a
so ea
din evel opmg a
strongly united public opinion to support me in my:chief
aim, which was conserving the municipal and constitutional
my country—to substitute for theprivwilehgoeles
institutions of
of single classes the political emancipation of the
people, and substituting freedom to class privileges—
to impart to the people the faculty of making the Con-
stitution a common benefit to all—for all—in a word, to
transform the closed hall of class privileges into an open
temple of the people's liberty. This being my early
connexion with the working classes, I bad at,South-
ampton already occasion to say, that amongst all the
generous testimonials of English sympathy which
honour me, and my nation's past struggles, which
console our present sufferings and assure our future,
there is none dearer to my heart than when I see that
those classes whose only capital is their honest labour
and their time, stop in their work and sacrifice that
valuable time for the purpose, openly and resolutely, of
ex
pressing that the great_. principles of freedom can
reckon upon the s}mpatles, the co•operation, and
the support of the
people of England. In the
streets of London, a few days ago, and here on the
present occasion, this
scalp,
phenomenon presents
eap .
it-
self on a still largera still higher degree;
the more it is therefore gratifying
me, and consoling
to my country, the more have I the to
pleasurable duty to
acknowledge the high value of it, and to thank you the
more fervently for it. I said at Southampton that in these
demonstrations of the operative classes I ec nise that
natural instinct of the people, before which every indi-
vidual greatness must how down with respect. The
acknowledgment I have to make on this occasion,same
onlpon a lageF sail* 9.nd in a higher degree. Allow
firstly, to cohgrifiurttte you on the attention which
you have hereby- proved that you devote to public mat-
ters, to the glory as well as to the interests of your
country, and to the freedom and interests of humanity.
May this public spirit never decrease, may every English-
' man for ever feel that it is the basis of all constitutional
organization, be it under s republican or a monsfchical
form, that it is the public opinion of the people which
must give direction, to the policy of the country, and