The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE 7Prt.;;'..LIC JOURNALS.

We are a..,,--,,it -----■•---
ea with the ease with which some of
Our c:Qntemporaries wheel round from one extreme to
the other. It was but the other day that the Standard
extolled to the skies a laboured article on the Press in
Blackwood, in which all possible evils were anticipated
from the prevailing licentiousness of newspapers, and
the Conservatives were invited to offer premiums for a

Vauban of the press, to invent a system by which the
evil might be effectually resisted. " Generally speak-
ing," said the slashing writer in Blackwood, " the press
is decidedly democratic ; and this is proved to demon-
stration by the immense circulation which the leading

papers which have adopted that side of politics have
obtained. That it is. daily, too, becoming more licen-
tious—that strong and vivid pictures addressed to the

passions and the imagination, incitements to sensual in.

aulgence, and that fatal union of genius with 1 toup u
ousness which is the well-known sign of a declining
age, have of late become prevalent, is matter of uni-
versal observation." Last night, however, the Stand-
ard had another game to play—namely, to create
alarm on account of the threatened repeal of the duty
on newspapers. The existing state of the press was all
that was excellent last night ; it was like our matchless
Constitution before the Reform Bill ; and of all this
excellence we are to be deprived by Lord Brougham's
revolutionary plans.
" If (says our contemporary) the press now adequately sup-
plies that channel for public feeling and for the public will,
which is wanted to perfect the theory of safe and universal
representation, a derangement of the press may disturb the ba-
lance of popular will and popular power, in a manner to ren-
der more extensive changes inevitable, if not to be desired.
Though, too, we must incur all the consequences of seeming
vanity and presumption in avowing the opinion, we neverthe-
less confidently assert t-ne conviction that in every attribute of
knowledge and talent, the existing press of England greatly
excels the F.74ouse of Commons ; we need not say, for this all
will ae.lnit, greatly excels the periodical press of any other age
er Country ; and in the qualities of integrity, and a general
respect for morality and honour, the press certainly does not
fall behind the house which follows Lord Althorp, as a leader,
and accepts Messrs. Littleton and O'Connell amongst its most
prominent speakers.
" If, then, we are right in assuming, first, that the press re-
presents an important division of the people not represented
in Parliament ; next, that it discharges this duty with compe-
tent talent and integrity, the public ought seriously to "consider
whether it will allow the press to be tampered with, particu-
larly by its natural enemies, by its successful rivals in the pur-
suit of actual power, but distanced competitors in the race
integrity and talent."
Taking all this, as in duty bound for gospel, though
the House of Commons may not be so ready to take
it, and admitting that " the existing press of England
greatly excels the periodical press of any other age
or country," we are to inquire how the repeal of
the stamp duties is to deprive us of this great ad-
vantage. First, the existing unstamped papers are
exclusively teachers of spoliation and rebellion ; and
seeing what is the commodity that experience has
shown best to fit the penny-press market, is it desirable
to make that market commensurate with British
society ?
" It is our deliberate opinion (says our contemporary) that a
removal of the newspaper stamp duties would call into
existence five hundred daily journals in London, varying in
size from less than a sheet of letter paper, to perhaps a larger
dimension than that of any newspaper now printed. The first,
and least mischievous consequence of this immense accumu-
lation of printed matter, would be the physical necessity of
depriving us of the privilege of sending newspapers by post,
thus breaking down the political union and sympathy of the
country, and, as a necessary effect, localising in London, as
the very same cause has localised it in Paris, all the political
influence of the empire."
But it is admitted that the circulation of the un-
stamped papers which advocate spoliation, extends at
most to a few thousands, and why are we to infer that
a repeal of the stamp duties would add so immensely
to the circulation of papers of this description ?
There is no restraint on buying these infamous papers,
whatever there may be on selling them ; and we are
therefore entitled to infer that if no more be sold, it is
because there is no demand. We know that of the
papers which do not require a stamp, the circulation
is enormous, extending to hundreds of thousands, and
nothing can be purer then the morality of those which
are in possession of the largest circulation. The pa-
pers which set the stamp laws at defiance are conducted
by men who would not embrace so desperate a course,
were they not anarchically disposed ; and it is no won-
der, therefore, that all the unstamped political papers
should advocate spoliation, and even darker crimes.
But are we to conclude that, because men, who, as a
condition of their existence, are violators of the law,
urge to further violations of the law, therefore all
other writers, if unrestrained by fiscal impediments,
would equally urge to violations of the law ? We, on
the contrary, contend, that, as purchasers may every-
where buy the unprincipled publications, the smallness
of the circulation sufficiently proves that the public in
general loathe them. Our contemporary then contends
that the next consequence will be a deluge of public
treason and private libel.
" Nothing (says our contemporary) but the stamp laws
prevents the setting up of newspapers for temporary purposes
and personal objects. Let the duty be removed, and we shall
have newspapers set up, as they are occasionally in America,
without any design of a permanent profitable return, of
course of a permanent existence, merely to run down one par-
son, or to raise another up. If the newspaper support itself,
well—and if rich in local slander it will support itself ; but if
not, a few pounds will cover the cost of ruining any man in
character, perhaps in circumstances. The idle and the ma-
licious will be a-gape for the new journal, so that little adver-
tisement can be necessary. Every election for a churchwarden,
or sidesman, or beadle, will either call some new parochial
print into existence or cause those established to be retained
in the quarrel. Of course, in this perpetual flux of journals,
character cannot be acquired, and would be of little value if
attainable. What security, then, can the public have from
private libel and public treason? Pecuniary security there can
be none ; for the whole suppellex of a journal's establishment,
such journals as they will be, can be converted into cash, at
the printer's brokers, in half an hour; and security in charac-
ter, as we have seen, is utterly hopeless."
We thought it had been admitted by our contem-
porary, that the public in this country expect from a
newspaper not merely foreign and domestic news, but
a record of all that passes in Parliament, Courts of
Law, in public meetings, &c. Now such a news-
paper cannot be furnished without the possession of a
large capital, and incurring heavy responsibilities for
an establishment. We defy any man without the pos-
session of great capital or great credit, to establish a
paper, fit to compete with an existing one ; and why
are we to suppose that the public would be satisfied
with a bad commodity when a good one was in the
market ? The press of America is, we grant, abusive.
We do not think that the press of this country, how-
ever, would, in this respect, resemble the American.
The capital of England may be said to supply the mat-
ter for the press of the whole- empire. All the foreign
intelligence, Parliamentary reports, law proceedings,
&c., are copied from the London papers by the country
papers. Now America is without any locality to in-
demnify a publisher for the expenditure necessary for
a London newspaper. Washington is a village, and
any newspaper published in it must trust to circu-
lation in other parts of the Union ; and no man
would think of incurring an expense in getting up
a publication which might be copied by a rival
and the copy sold as soon as the original. The
expense of a newspaper in America is merely
the expense of compositors and pressmen ; and
hence the facility with which they are set up. In
London, however, were the Stamp Duties repealed to-
morrow, the establishment of a newspsper would be a
work of difficulty and great expense ; and property
renders men sharp-sighted. To suppose that the
owner of a valuable property would expose it to hazard,
by encouraging treason and running a-muck against
every one who came in his way, is most absurd. We
are, however, inclined to think that the repeal of the
tax, by bringing newspapers within the reach of a
lower class of readers, would render the press more a
representative of the opinions of that class than it is
at present. The press would perhaps be somewhat
more declamatory than it is—somewhat more intole-
rant ; for the great failing of the lower orders is to
make little allowance for those who do not think as
they do. We deny, however, that the poorer classes
are prone to licentiousness, irreligion, or laxity of
morals. So far is this from being the case, that they
rather in general are on the side of austerity. How-
ever, whatever be the consequences of the change, we
must make up our minds to them ; for we defy any
Government of the country to continue a tax long
which has for its object the excluding a large portion

of the people from the benefit of the press.—Morning
Chronicle.
Lord Denman is reported to have said at the late
Sheriff's dinner at Bristol, " that he hoped he might
safely assert that throughout the country generally,
party feeling and political enmities had entirely sof-
tened down, See." But we think that the majority of
persons will agree with us in asking, what are the
grounds on which the Learned Chief Justice has
founded such a hope ? Is it, we would ask, on the
conduct exhibited in either House of Parliament,when
some of the most important measures of the Session
have been sacrificed to party considerations, and where
the tone of debate has frequently assumed an asperity,
which party, and the very rankest spirit of party, could
alone account for ? Or has his Lordship arrived at
the conclusion from the scenes lately exhibited in Glou-
cestershire and elsewhere ? Or can his Lordshiy
have wholly overlooked or forgotten the almost unpre-
cedented attacks made lately by a portion of the Press
on the character of a Minister of the Crown ? We will
only add, that we wish that there had been even
the slightest foundation for such a hope—for of all
the curses with which the country is afflicted, the
curse of party is the greatest ! A ptly has it
been termed—" the madness of the many, for
the gain of the few." It is this which excludes
from the nation's councils some of the most able and
efficient men ; and almost irremediably, we fear,
precludes the hope of seeing that union of the talent
and integrity of public men which was held out to the
country as one of the immediate benefits to be derived
from the carrying of the two great questions of Catho-
lic Emancipation and Reform. The settling of these
questions, it was said, would remove the chief and dis-
tinguishing landmarks between Whig and Tory. Has
it so done ? If so, what benefit have we yet derived ?
But we would ask how much longer is it expected that
the country will rest contented to see whole Sessions
wasted in arranging party manoeuvres, or rest satisfied
in watching Whigs and Tories contending for the loaves
and fishes, while its real and vital interests appear to
be considered by the combatants of a wholly secondary
importance ? The very names of Whig and Tory are,
or should be, obsolete. We condemn the very use of
the term as mischievous, and because they convey no
intelligible idea, or at least nine men out of ten would
attach a different meaning to them. For ourselves, we
have long professed to belong to neither; the public
good, unconnected with all party, has ever been the
polar star of our exertions ; and every useful measure,
from whatever quarter it may proceed, whether from
Lord Grey or Sir R. Peel, a Stanley or a Hume, shall
ever have, as hitherto, our zealous and independent
support.—Morning Herald.
In the evidence published by the Chairman of the
Committee devoted to drunkenness there is ample proof
that the appropriate faculty of seeing double was pos-
sessed by nearly all who took a part in the investiga-
tion either as witnesses or examiners. It is curious,
indeed, to observe how the men in buckram may be
reduced by looking at the exaggerations in connection
with any one unquestionable fact from which they have
germinated. For example, Mr. Mark Moore states—
" There is one class of individuals in the coal trade, called
undertakers,' and another coal-whippers,' or coal. heavers.'
The coal ships from the north are consigned to the former by
the owners, factors, or captains, to deliver' or unload ; and
they employ the latter for that purpose, in gangs' of nine
men each; one gang being appointed to each ship. The great
evil in this arrangement is, that almost all of these under-
takers' are publicans, or connected with publicans ; and no
coal-heaver, with the exception of a very small number, can be
employed but through them.
" The understood conditions of employment are, that
the men shall spend, in ardent spirits and malt liquour, a con-
siderable portion of the earnings. The score' at the end of
the week always amounts to one-third, and frequently one-
half, and sometimes more than half of their wages. A case
has lately occurred of one man, who for weeks together has
not received more than 6s. per week out of about 245.
"In this weekly score' there are two items of a very op-
pressive character charged by the publican, viz. "tow-row"
and bad-score' under each of which is put down from Is. to
2s. 6d., and for which the coal-heaver never receives one far-
thing in any shape ; the charge being made under the pretence
of treating the captain.'
" There are two sets of coal-heavers employed, the con-
stant' and the extra-men ;' and it is a common practice for
the former, in the consideration of their being constantly em-
ployed, to pay the undertaker' (publican) 2s. 6d. a week for
' lodging money,' while they always lodge at home with their
families. One qualification is indispensable for being put on
the list of constant men,' viz. hard-drinking." The hardest
drinker is the best man.'"
There is probably some truth in this representation,
and the system, so far as it may be truly described, is
decidedly unjust and injurious ; but, whatever may be
the foundation of truth, there is obviously a super-
structure of gross exaggeration ;- for it must occur
to every one on reading the statement, that the
" undertakers " must have an interest in getting the
vessels unloaded, and that to ply the men with liquor
as alleged must disqualify them for the labour. Indeed,
Mr. Mark Moore, multiplying his men of buckram as
he advances, and discovering Kendal-green in the
dark, quotes evidence that " the men die off like rotten
sheep "—the men whom he has described as " con-
stant men ! " Now we confess, that we are at a
loss to understand how men called " constant," because
regularly employed in preference to others, can die off
like rotten sheep : certain we are that no shepherd would
give the name of constant to a flock perishing of
the rot. It may be answered, that the description of
" constant men " for sets that die like rotten sheep,
means men constantly dying like Liston's Apollo Belvi,
who, by his own account, was subject to sudden death :
but let us read the rapid mortality of the " constant
men" as we may, and the inference must be, that if
so quickly swept away by gin, the " undertaker's" pre-
ference of them (and certainly the preference for such
very short-lived subjects is natural in undertakers)
could not long exclude the " extra men," who would
in the case described soon be able to make their own
terms, and to hold the chief possession of the business.
The truth very likely is, that the " constant men"
both work and drink harder than they ought, and that
they are exhausted before the natural term of a la-
botiring man's life ; but the vast excess of liquor and
corresponding mortality alleged must be exaggeration,
or the system would be destroyed by its own destroying
vice. In all the arguments and the evidence of these
super-sober sages we see the same practical reductio
ad absurdam. They always drive on to some conclu-
sion against notorious experience. By their showing,
London should, in respect of its working population,
be a city of the dead—that is, either the dead or the
dead drunk, and the few workpeople staggering
up and down should be nearly naked ; for the
favourite drift of the drunken evidence is, that all
wages and pauper relief are expended in gin, and after
the money is gone, the labouring man pulls off his
shirt, and the poor woman her flannel petticoat, upon
seeing the temptation of a gin-shop with a great lamp,
and they pawn the garments at the nearest pawnbroker's
to get liquor. Such, horrid circumstances doubtless do
occur, but they are not to set down as the habits of
the populace, for the curious eye may detect shirts and
flannel petticoats, notwithstanding gin-shops. To say
that there is more intemperance than there should be,
is merely asserting a truism, and we know not in what
walk of life the ne quid nimis is to be seen illustrated;
but the intemperance of topers will never be abated by
the intemperance of the advocates of sobriety ; and all
these overcharged cases, like overcharged guns, mis-
carry theirllaimthe,rough the recoil. What being of
common
that was anxious for the cure of
a disease, would lay a monstrous exaggeration of the
shynmwpetvoemr,s
sbpeuforrreedthoen ItysalCifaanna?ticEismve.ry cAaurseepius w
for the greatest zealis
drawing
by the most frightful sought, notbyproipgohstiful angtntotiohne
aptest remedy, but pic-
ture of the evil to be corrected
.._Times.

MURDER AT UTTOXETER.—On the 3d inst. an
inquest was held by Mr. Cattlow, at Uttoxeter, on the body
of Sarah, the wife of Jonathan Mottram, who is a pensioner of
many years' standing, and
.has lost his right arm. On the
previous evening, between nine and ten o'clock, Mottram went
to the house of the deputy constable and surrendered himself,
saying that he had killed his wife, which on inquiry turned out
to be too true. Her death appeared to have been effected by
repeated blows of an iron bar from the bottom of a grate, and
of a brick-end, and there were no less than eleven wounds on
her head. After an inquiry, which lasted more than four
hours, the Jury returned a verdict of " Wilful Murder" against
the husband, who was committed for trial at the next Assizes.
There was a good deal of evidence tending to show that the
prisoner was insane ; and the Jury, to many of whom he was
known, did not arrive at the above conclusion without retiring
and deliberating a considerable time. Sta./Ards/um Advert

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1834