The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-24 00:00:00

PUBLIC MEETING AT EDINBURGH.

(From the Edinburgh Evening Courant of Saturday.)
InuMerous public meeting was held yesterday in the "(eGrass-
Pursuant to advertisement, to take into consideration
.e IlleirlePriety of addressing his. Majesty on the subject of the
the i 'lnge in the Administration.
had Ford Provost appeared upon the temporaryAlitt
" Sir jeen erected in front of the Corn-market, ac
le after two o'clock
hustings which
accompanied by
kttfan'es Gibson Craig, Sir Thomas Dick Lauder,
_Bailies
Tra-,"nrian, Donaldson, and Maclaren, the Lord Dean of Guild,
I
Ayt4nrer Black, Councillors Crooks, Jameson, Richardson,
chti, and Russel, &c.
1141,11 the motion of Sir T. D. LAUDER, the Lord Provost was
ftntiously called to the chair.
and he
Lean PuovosT then presepted himself to the meeting,
tequi !'g received with great cheering.
.After
_having read.t_he
14
fashion calling the meeting, his Lordship spoke as follows .
Y rittaitty , ds and fellow citizens, this most. unexpected,. and, I
is /A.4'111, most unprecedented situation in which the.countr
loudieed by the sudden change in his Majesty's councils, callsty
ettaf,Yeciu the friends of freedom, liberty, and social order, to
knit-blich'vrard and respectfully lay before his Majesty. their
qs a:4 Petition, that he may not be induced to call to his ?oun-
t,he ,;" government men who are understood to be enemies to
,airta-;.llse of reforna.—( Cheers. ) You are all aware that the re-
-1„"er 'which we have to thank our gracious Sovereign and.
end ;:e Administration, was only a means to an end. This
Min.a„operatin{, as fast as a tardy House of Peers would
h cli----( Cheebrs, and cries of no, no.) Still, I say, they
takien°Perating, and the amelioration of grievances was daily
15111)1', Place. It appears therefore absolutely necessary that a
thoulid- "Pression of the feelings of the citizens of Edinburgh
throne be thus immediately shown, and laid at the foot of the
q,,e,-:--for which purpose this meeting is called. As. the
this d" is a vital one, I trust but one opinion will prevail here
(ScitnaY, laying aside all shades of difference on minor points..
t° ette, disapprobation). Our principal object being this day
etPir -ess our objection to men returning to power wh.o
.have
ref°, sled themselv the avowed enemies to constitutional
tes itilii:—: (Cheers) esl
will not take up your time longer. The
!Peak!Pe94l-unns will be submitted to you, and I trust every man who
ot4s 6 will be patiently heard. In a cause like this, every
ePends on the order with which the business is conducted.
!I/ley :Ivie the Tories looking upon you, and I can assure you.
1,.44Y. will the
highly delighted if confusion prevails here this
eatittivuerefore again trust that you will give every man a
4" I t 'leering, whether he accords with your views or not,
toms rust that you have only one object in view.
.The minor.
jlllll be gone into afterwards, but if you enter into detail
beenSi the
Meeting will lo_se all its effeet—( Cheers. ) .
OMAsta Dicx L DER Gentlemen, often as it has
lbere ;',Y lot to address Aouu I 'declare honestly that I never
kott,e t°od in need of our indulgence than I do at the present
this :it' I must confess that I am absolutely confounded
'his d-astehishment at the event which has called us to ether
eltrek3',; and so much astonished am I, that I really feel. it
4 rati e'Y difficult to concentrate my ideas into anything like
t‘ivl.e sitQuila! ocus.—( Laughter.) I feel myself very much in
'ties atloll of a certain honest sailor who having gone to
l'i,x.tisirlutitoex.hibition of the tricks of a Conjuror, was sudde.nly.,
gl°Do the air by means of the explosion of a barrel of
ow
.wder which happened to be ignited in the apartment
t;I, 1 Honest Jack happened, most fortunately for himself,
Illi4.beallirrlllelnd_slfe:..nd sound in a bed of cabbages. in a garden,
t)4 was party-LTA ly got up, and supposing all the. while thatd
t of t of the entertainment he had been witnessing, an
airpowe to
thhee trilt!, of the conjuror—( Cries. of " Question,
ilitt of a ,0 finish arty joke_(
t' 411 it, . Point ) I will come to the point, but you must
Great laughter) I say that
thieked sudden finding himself in this situation, he
1, Jer up his trowsers and exclaimed—Why Good God !
1 Rhtti.) timbers what will the fellow do next.—(Great
kilatnte that Tisl°w, gentlernen, I will have done with this when
(Moot f_ 1- ain not the only man astonished, for the whole
min end to the other is astonished, but it will sur-

prise you when I tell you that the Tories and Conservatives
are not Only astonished, but actually consider this as a most
untoward event.—( Hear, hear.) Why, you will naturally ask
how should they be so, but I will tell you: The tinSwet• to this
question is vety ask whether during the whole of
theit eXperience in the Duke of Wellington, they did not find
that when his Grace wished to make a move against us he did
not invariably make a move that turned to our advantage. I
think the Duke well deserves to be called the great Captain
of the &gel for I ask you who made us turn out 1 and
When Standing in battle array to fight the battle of re-
form, who give us the word to march ? I answer the Duke
of Wellington.—( Great cheering.) It was that extra-
ordinary declaration that the Duke made in his place
in Parliament that gave the great impulse to the cause of re-
form ; and what our Conservative friends are at this moment
afraid of is just that the present conduct of his Grace may
make us march in double-quick time. His Grace at one time
declared that he would be mad—nay, worse than mad, if lie
accepted office. All of you know that it is no very uncommon
thing for a person liable to insanity, to have certain pre-
knowledge of the coming on of his malady. I think, there-
fore, that it would be wise for the Duke's friends if on that
occasion they prepared to take advantage of the preliminary
admonition he gives them, and fit him anew with a strait-
jacket.—( Applause.) But if the Duke was mad on that oc-
casion, I ask how insane he is at present ? By what means
does he intend to govern this great country ? Does he intend
to govern this great country, without carrying along with
him the confidence of the people of Great Britain ? I say
that it is impossible that we can ever submit—after we
have ploughed, and after we have manured and sown
our ground—at the very moment when we see the fair
blade of promise piercing the soil, under the genial in-
fluence of a serene and sunny sky—l say is it to be tolerated
that we shall see the enemy come and harrow us up in order to
sow his tares among our wheat ?—( Loud cheers.) I ask you
whether the Duke and his crew are the people who ought to
administer those measures which have been carried, or who are
likely to give us hopes of any salutary measures to come ? I
ask whether it is likely that the Duke of Wellington is the
person who will establish and confirm the freedom of Portu-
gal or confirm the freedom of Spain ? and I ask you further,
whether he is the man who will tie more closely that knot of
harmony, uniting us to France, our best friend, and which he
conceives to be our worst enemy.—( Cheers.) And then, to
wind up all, I ask you can we expect the Duke of Wellington
to be the pacificator of Ireland ?—( Cries of " No, no.") You
all answer me no, therefore it appears unnecessary to answer
further arguments, but to read the resolution which I have the
honour to propose.—( Cheers.) Sir Thomas then read the
first resolution.
Mr. WEMESS, in seconding the resolution, said he did not
expect, after the prospects which they had so recently enter-
tained, that they would be soon met to commemorate this
doleful event. He could not well see what could have urged
his Majesty to adopt the resolution of putting aside an Admi-
nistration, which seemed so well to be answering the ends for
which it was appointed. It surely could not have been because
it had done too much, but rather that it had done too little ;
but did they expect anything from the Tories ? Had the feel-
ings of the people been gained by such proceedings, or their
commercial and trading interests promoted by such a mea-
sure? Surely not. Or was it that haughty oligarchy, who,
if admitted to power, would rule with tenfold more force than
they had done hitherto ? If any of these reasons, surely the
last was the only one. After recommending unanimity, Mr.
W. concluded by seconding the resolution.
Councillor JAMESON.—Gentlemen, this is, indeed, a terrible
crisis—a crisis only to be paralleled by that tremendous time
when you yourselves met by countless thousands in the King's
Park, and, with your black banners unfurled, did then de •
nounce the soul of that man of whom the bloody god of war
is the father and the friend. That was indeed a tremendous
time, and we may now congratulate ourselves that this other
terrible crisis is not so tremendous. Then the power was in
other hands, and the moral influence in ours ; but now the
power and the moral influence are both in our hands ; and it
only depends on ourselves, and our wisdom, that we succeed,
by using that power and that moral influence right. At the
time to which I allude, our hopes in the Whigs were raised
high, and we expected that they would consummate these
blessings to the nation which they so anxiously desired. I need
not enter into detail, because I see them mentioned in that
friendly placard.—( Hear.) Mr. Jameson proceeded and said,
that although they expected these reforms, the wishes
of the nation had been trifled with by the Whig Govern-
ment, and the extension of the franchise, vote by ballot, and
the shortening of the duration of Parliaments, had become
merely the themes of Radicals or confined to essays in the
Radical newspapers. But although the Whigs in these re-
spects had trifled with the wishes of the nation, he trusted to
the justice of the meeting, when he said that recent disclosures
had shown that this Whig Ministry were more blamed than
they deserved.—( Hear, hear.) This Ministry was always at
the beck of a vile court faction who could at any time turn
them out, when that faction chose to under-rate the conse-
quences of a nation's indignation.—( Cheers.) But mark the
result when the Whigs, actuai ed by the spirit of national re-
form did begin the work by weeding out the worthless weeds
of their own body; he meant the Stanley and the Graham
party, and when certain disclosures made in the Grey pavi-
lion reached the Court sycophants, and when they saw
what was intended, and were terrified that the Mini-
stry were to commence the new campaign with awakened
strength; the Duke of Wellington, great as he was then,
demeaned himself, by becoming the whisperer behind
the curtain of those who were too ready to abuse the
royal ear and mislead that good old man, for, he thought
the King was entitled to the eternal gratitude of the
nation for the boon he had already granted, and, though
every remaining act of his life were unpopular, it ought
not to make the people forget it. Mr. Jameson then
made some farther observations, strongly advising the
meeting to union, as nothing would give the Duke of Wel-
lington and his party greater advantages than the Liberals
dividing among themselves, instead of uniting against and
conquering their common foe. When that was accomplished,
then the Radicals might advocate their respective opinions ;
but, if each Radical just now began to put forward his fa-
vourite nostrum, there was a great Quack Doctor in London,
who, taking them all separated, would cram down their
throats his nostrum, and that nostrum was one that would
madden their souls, paralyse their bodies, put fetters on their
limbs, and despair in their hearts.--( Cheers.) Mr. Jameson
then proposed the second resolution.
Mr. BAIRD wished to make a few remarks upon the resolu-
tion they had just heard. He feared, after the eloquent ad-
dress which had just been delivered, they would be with him as
" After a well graced actor leaves the stage,
Men's eyes are idly bent on him that enters next,
Thinking his prattle to be tedious."
But he would not be tedious.—(Laughter.) What did they
think of the new firm, " Wellington, Peel, and Co. ?"—he
feared it would be no better than in the years 1815 or 1816,
when the firm was " Castlereagh and Co." Did they wish
that these times should come back again ?—( No, no.) He
also said no • but then what were they to do ? Why, turn the
Duke to the right-about. That was a word of command
which his Grace had given to thousands, and he richly de-
served that the same should be said to him. Whatever the
Tories might pretend they would do when they came into
power, he warned the meeting to distrust them. The Tories
would tell them that they should bask in the sunshine of pros-
perity, but let them remember that
" It is the bright day that brings forth the adder,
And that craves wary walking."
Let the meeting be but united, and they needed not to care
for all the Wellingtons and Peels in existence. He concluded
by seconding the motion.
Sir JAMES GIBBON CRAIG then presented himself. The re-
solutions, he said, which you have now passed do you high
honour, and will do a great deal to establish liberal principles
in the Government of this country. We are now placed in a
dilemma—in a crisis which has proved most alarming to the
country. The Administrstion which first gave reform, and
which promised the fruits of reform to every man in th 6 coun-
try, 'have been displaced for reasons which we do not know,
but which we cannot fail to guess at. It was not for their
leaning to Tory measures, but because the Court party were
apprehensive that all Tory principles were about to be put
down, and that a system of Government would be established
which would confer upon every individual the privileges which
he has a right to expect—it was these grounds that the late
Administration have been sent to the wall in a manner different
from any thing that has been known in any country, or at any
time. The time chosen for this was when there was no differ-
ence among Ministers, and when the country was in a state
of prosperity, by the mere working of a Court intrigue.
All I have to say on this matter is, if we do not put down
the Duke of Wellington, he will put down us.—( Cheers. )
The question is now, whether we are to reap the fair
and just benefits which the Reform Bill was calculated
to give us, or shall it remain a dead letter, and shall its pro-
visions be set at nought ? Are we to remain free, or shall we
be doomed to slavery ? The Duke of Wellington formerly
asserted that no reform should be given to the country,
and how will he govern the country now ? Will it be
by the House of Commons, where nine-tenths of the
members are hostile to his measures ? And if not by that
House, will it be by any other House of Commons ? If he
should obtain a majority in the House of Commons, lie will,
indeed, rule this nation—but how will he rule it? Will it be
by Constitutional principles or by the sword? It can only be
by the sword—for he never will obtain a command over any
House of Commons freely chosen by the people. The question
then comes to this, are we to remain free, or are we to lay our
heads before the Duke of Wellington ? Observe how we
stand at present—it is an omen of what, is to come. The
The Duke of Wellington is, at this moment, sole Minister of
country—there is no other—he is the dictator of the country.
Is that what we have reason to expect, or is it according to the
constitution of this ceuntry ? The object of my rising at pre-
sent is to move an address to his Majesty, to make him aware of
the mischief which his late dissolution of the Cabinet may
bring upon the country.—( Hear. )—I seriously lament—every
man must lament, that his Majesty has placed confidence in
one in whom the country has no confidence. It is a proof
of the fallibility of human nature, that his Majesty, who gave
his country the blessings of reform, should have appointed a
person to his councils who will defeat the great measure which
will render his name famous through all ages. But still we
ought to be grateful to his Majesty for what he has done—as
subjects we ought ever to respect the King.--Cheers.) The
Learned Baronet then read the third resolution, which was
received with cries of " No, no," from one part of the hust-
ings. Sir James continued—l would repeat what was so
eloquently stated before, if every man is to bold his indivi-
dual opinions at this meeting, it will prove for the benefit of
our enemies. It is of the utmost importance that there should
be no difference of opinion among us at present. When we
have triumphantly established our common object—the prin-
ciples of Reform itself—then we may begin to discuss our dif-
ferences. But let us not lose the substance in search of the
shadow. Our great object is, that every man may enjoy the

fruits of the Reform Bill—that the Duke of Wellington may
be excluded from power—and then let us trust that Provi-
dence may continue our prosperity as a nation ; and that we
shall be as prosperous in peace as we have hitherto been
successful in war.
Bailie Nl' LAREN, at this late hour, would not detain the
meeting by any lengthened observations. He would merely
call their attention to the fact, that this was a very strong reso-
tion which he now called upon them to sanction. He under-
stood that an amendment was about to be proposed, containing
specific plans of reform, some of which might be excellent in
themselves, and he had no doubt many of his friends would
vote for them, but he deprecated any division in the meeting.
However much he might respect the motives of those who
wished for a division, he would honestly tell them, that so far
from promoting reform, they would only strengthen the hands
of the Duke of Wellington.—(No, no, and cheers.) These
were his opinions—he knew many parties differed from him in
opinion—but it did not follow from that that they were right.
—( Cheers, hisses, and cries of " yes it does.") He would
conclude by cordially and warmly seconding the resolution.
-- • •

Mr. Arrouri rose and said—Fellow-citizens, you see before
you to-day, together on the same hustings, the two classes of
Reformers who upon this occasion wish to unite, so far as they
can do without an abandonment of principle, against the com-
mon enemy, the opponents of all Reform—of all improvement,
of all liberty—against the Duke of Wellington, in short—
( Great cheering.) When this same audacious Statesman at-
tempted, before the passing of the Reform Bill, to form a Tory
Administration, for the purpose of defeating that great mea-
sure, we, the people, by our united efforts, hurled him from
his high place, and told him in a voice of thunder, which re-
sounded from the Land's End to John o'Groat's House, that
we would not be baulked out of our rights—that we were de-
termined to have the Reform Bill—to establish for ourselves,
in short, the franchise of freemen.—( Cheers.) And we suc-
ceeded, spite of the influence and intrigues of the Court—
spite of the influence of the aristocracy—exercised as it was
over the then unreformed and boroughmongering Parlia-
ment.—( Cheers.) And now, my friends, that we have ob-
tained that Reform, which, although by no means perfect, has
at least doubled the power of the people—that we have a House
of Commons, chosen by an extended constituency, of which the
great majority of the members are pledged to a liberal line of
policy, and to the determinedopposition to Tory rule and Tory
misgovernment—the very idea of the Duke of Wellington and
his partisans being able to retain the reins of government be-
yond the first week of the meeting of Parliament, is absurd
and ridiculous—and is a libel on the reformed House of Corn-.
mons and the patriotism of the people.—( Cheers.) But we
are told that the Parliament will be dissolved. So much the
better. We shall then have the affair in our own hands, and
the next House of Commons will be much more decided and
determined, to follow out the wishes of the people. The great
Duke, so far from bettering himself, will only have slipped
from the frying-pan into the fire. I have no hesitation in
saying, that the present crisis, if properly managed by the
people, must be productive of beneficial effects to the cause of
Reform.—( Cheers.) It must put an end to the wavering
line of policy which has been hitherto adopted—it has taught
the Whigs a great moral lesson, that all attempts at propi_
tiating our opponents by compromise or yielding of principle,
so far from securing them in power, must, by weakening them
in the confidence of the people, only make them an easy prey
to the Tories—( Cheers.) I say, gentlemen, that the -Court
would not have ventured, by their intrigues, to have had the
Ministry dismissed, had they not imagined that because the
late Administration had become somewhat unpopular, they
might with safety dismiss them in favour of the Duke of Wel-
lington. Let the Whigs then learn from this, that if ever
again they are offered the reins of Government, they must
only accept them with the most unlimited powers--( Cheers)
—and let them be sure, that no Government which assumes
even the name of Liberal will be retained a moment longer in
power than while the Court considers itself obliged to do so.
Let them be convinced, in short, that their only chance of
remaining permanently in office, must depend on their having
the complete and full confidence of the people. (Loud
cheers.) We on the hustings are fully united in one thing,
whether Whigs or Radicals, to declare our determination that
the people of this country will not submit to have forced
upon them by the Court a Tory dynasty.—( Loud cheers.)
The two first resolutions, then, expressive of this, which have
been moved by the Whigs—we the Radicals, or Durhamites,
have allowed to pass without opposition—without even
attempting to modify them according to our own taste.
We think it is of the utmost importance that the King
—the Court—the Duke—and the country, should be fully in-
formed of our unanimity and determination in regard to the
Tories. But, my friends, this meeting has a twofold object.—
The first being the turning out of the Tories, upon which
point there must be no difference--(Cheers)—the second ob-
ject of the meeting is the declaration of the people of Edin-
burgh, what kind of Government they wish to see established,
and the line of policy which ought to be adopted. The reso-
lution which you have just heard read, is the Whig expres-
sion of the opinion on the subject. Now we, the Radicals,
wish to substitute another in its place, which we conceive to
be better fitted to express the wishes of the great body of
the people.—( Cheers.) The Whigs and we have agreed
to put the two resolutions together, amicably and with-
out heat, and it is for you to judge betwixt us. You
have heard the resolutions, which I am far from ob-
jecting to as stating any thing which ought not to be
stated, but I object to it as not being pointed and precise—as
not conveying to the Throne the real opinions of the people
—and as being couched in that vague general language which
may mean everything or nothing, which may be subscribed to,
equally by Stanley and Brougham, as well as by Hume and',
Durham. I shall read it to you once more. How, my',
friends, will this do ? Is this a time that our sentiments ought
to be concealed ?—( Cries of " No, no.") If the resolution
means anything at all, it simplies a restoration of the old men
into office, and a continuation of that same wavering, clip-
ping, paring, compromising policy, which has been carried on
since the passing of the Reform Bill, and which was so elo-
quently denounced by Lord Durham in this city.—( Cheers. )
Do you, my friends, wish to have this state of things restored?
Do you wish to have Lord Melbourne, and Lord Palmerston,
and Lord Brougham brought back to power without conditions
to the people, and trimming end compromising with their
enemies as heretofore ? Do you wish to have your rights
denied you ?—( No, no)—to have the Corn Laws kept up
—pensions and sinecures retained—the taxes and the
standing army unreduced—and the misgoverment of un-
unhappy Ireland continued? If you wish these things, then,
my friends, you will vote for the Whig resolution.—
Continued cheers.) But, if it is your object to have
a change of measures, not only to have the Tories ousted, but
to have the old Cabinet purified—if you wish, in short, to
have Lord Durham at its head, and to have its principles car-
ried into effect—to have the reform of the representation per-
fected by the adoption of the ballot and triennial Parliaments,
and to have the unrepresented enjoy that franchise to which
they are as fully entitled as are we, the electors—and by which
means alone we shall be enabled, without agitation and without
trouble, to banish for ever the Tories from his Majesty's coun-
sel. If you wish to enjoy the full fruits of reform—to have
improvement carried into all our instiuttions—to have equal
rights and equal justice dealt out to all classes of citizens—
then, my friends, you will support the resolution which I shall
now read to you, as an amendment—a resolution which is
couched in no vague language, but expresses what the people
wish, and are determined to have—it is a resohition which
does not name Lord Durham as the future Premier, but, by
embodying his principles, sufficiently points him out as our
man. I shall now read it, and ask you to compare it with the
other.—( Here Mr. A. read the amendment.) Can you hesi-
tate betwixt them? _ _ _

Councillor RUSSELL seconded the amendment.

Dr. BROWNE said—We are met here for one common object
—and having one common enemy. Our object is to defend
the reform which we have obtained—to sustain it against the at-
tacks of its most determined enemy ; and after having secured
it from these attacks, to derive it those reasonable and practi-
cable benefits in the shape of improvement, which we have a
right to expect. Our common enemy, who has been already
so eloquently described, is a man of whom I may, without pre-
sumption, say that he is greatest soldier in Europe and the
worst politician.—( Cheers.) And as I see many lawyers
around me I may add, that though he is not much converant
with the jurisprudence of England, he is deeply versed in can-
non law.—( Great laughter.) And perchance, if you should
prove at all rebellious under his yoke, he will treat you to a
desert of grape that never grew on the vine. —Our enemy is
not to be despised—his glory as a soldier is the inheritance of
his country; it helps not our cause to deny his renown—it is
his renown that renders him dangerous, and makes it our duty to
meet him with a firm and determined resistance. I would then
put it to the proverbial good sense of our countrymen,
whether this meeting, having one common object and
one common enemy, shouid discuss speculative theories of po-
litical science before these assembled thousands. For myself,
I will say that I am decidedly in favour of the ballot ; and I
am ready to meet any man or any set of men in its defence ;
but this I say, that the time is not now.—( Cheers and hisses.)
What would be conceived of the crew of a vessel, who, when
in danger of shipwreck, should fall a quarrelling about their
wages; or if a house were on fire, what would be thought of
its inhabitants who should call in a painter, and discuss with
him the colour and tints of the drawing-room.—( Laughter.)
I have every respect for our gracious Sovereign, who conceded
to us the Reform Bill ; but I will say that since the House of
Hanover came to the throne of these realms, tbere never was
a Ministry treated in the way the Cabinet of Lord Melbourne
has been. They have received at the hands of the Court what
is commonly called " Jeddart justice "—they have been tried
and condemned without the privilege of being heard—before the
colour of their measures could be anticipated, unless by the
Court prophets, who anticipated that their measures would
be more liberal, instead of being less so. Through a base
Court intrigue, we have been deprived of their services, to
make way for a military dictator, a military Government and
court martial law. It is impossible that the Duke of Wel-
lington should carry on his Government by the ordinary
means. With the present House of Commons he cannot;
and will a dissolution mend him ? Our enemies have gained
confidence by the apparent dissensions: and what I will call
the unseemly and imprudent differences among men who were
going the same road, though one may be a little in advance of
the other—they have on this account taken courage to make
the most perilous attempt that has been tried since the first
constitution of the Monarchy. Once more, with your per-
mission, I would solicit your calm reflection as canny Scotch-
men, and submit to you that your first duty, as it is your first
interest, is to be united. The resolution stipulates for a more
liberal line of policy. ( A voice—" What is it ?") I am asked
what it is—if govern this great nution I
you,wouldtell I w
but thougherefit to
now-a-days every man is a States-
man, yet I have not advanced so far in self-conceit as to judge
of measures before they come before me. I am one of those
whose maxim is—with the people if possible ; but always for
the people—( Cheers)—and however I may be td act with you,
yet if I thought you wrong, I would honestly oppose you. I

may also remind you that they are not always your real friends
who on every occasion flatter you.—( Great cheering, mixed
with hisses.)
The LORD PROVOST then requested a show of hands for Mr.
Aytotm's amendment, when an immense number of hands were
held up. His Lordship then called on those who were in
favour of the original resolution to hold up their hands, when
about the same number of bands were held up ; and as it
seemed to us in some places by the same parties. His Lord-
ship being pressed for his decision, decided in favour of the
original resolution.—( Great cheering and hisses.)
Mr. CUNNINGHAM moved a vote of thanks to the Lord Pro-
vost, after which the meeting dissolved.