The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-04 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY

tervning la the P.l7ais oi" Europe, for the ruin of the
French revolution, Pitt acted up to his part, as the
French revolution did its part for the destruction of
oppressive privileges and for the triumph of justice.
And thence it resulted that France was overspread
over the globe, or rather submerged it for a time ;
but democracy is like the Nile—when it submerges
it fructifies. When Nicholas issued forth his armies
upon Hungary to subjugate it—when, by the most au-
dacious and at the same time most cowardly of attempts,
Louis Napoleon took possession of Rome, doubtless it
would have been a happy event if a powerful Go-
vernment, for instance the English Government, had
come forward and exclaimed, " You shall not pass."
But if that Government had been truly democratic,
do you suppose that it would have confined itself
simply to the frozen theory of non-intervention ?
No, citizens; if it had within itself the power to
carry out a noble action, it would have said, " You
are going to fight against a just cause, I shall defend
it ; you intervene against right, I intervene for
right ; and that is why I say to you—invoking equity,
strong in the support of what man holds most sacred
in the eyes of the world which beholds us, and human
conscience which judges us—' You shall not pass.' "
In fine, citizens, the enemies of nations are friends in
bond (sont solidaires); the peoples and the Govern-
ments that represent them must be selidaires also. It
is not enough to paralyse the intervention of Evil, the
intervention of Good must be organized, and it is
high time. For we are perhaps even now on the eve
of a struggle, and—it is with a profound emotion that
I say it—perhaps a terrible struggle. May the Al-
mighty spare us such a calamity; may a last struggle
not become necessary to put a final end to combats;
may a last and formidable war not be indispensable to
stifle war 1 But can we entertain such a hope ? Alas!
our enemies have but too well studied how to make
bloodshed the price of progress. The revolution of
1848 met them with words of peace, of generosity,
of clemency. And when they had gained the strong
hand, how did they act ? They were violent even
unto madness. Dividing Europe into two camps,
these misguided men devoted themselves blindly to
create the necessity of a duel a mort. May Heaven
avert it ! But should the folly of the counter-revolu-
tion decide it otherwise, then let fate be accomplished!
Democracy, you may be sure, will not render up its
sword.
The CHAIRMAN said while M. Louis Blanc bad
been making his eloquent speech in favour of an effi-
cacious non-intervention—
Mr. REYNOLDS—No, no; he is not in favour of
non-intervention [here there was great confusion and
cries for an interpretation of the speech, in the midst
of which]—
The CHAIRMAN hoped the meeting would support
him. He said that while M. Louis Blanc was de-
livering that eloquent speech, he had been reading
three letters he had received from Robert Owen—
(Cheers) ; D. Brattiano, representative from the Dal-
matian provinces, which Russia would next eat up,
and member of the Central Democratic Committee of
Europe ; and M. Mazzini, which
,he would read to
the meeting.
They all contained apologies for non-attendance.
The following is the letter of M. Mazzini :
"Sir,—Your kind invitation reached me very late on
Saturday. I regret that both previous engagement and
other merely personal motives will prevent me from
availing myself of it, but in heart, soul, and wishes I am
with you and with all those who advocate the principle
contained in the address to Kossuth, that on the
brotherhood of peoples rest the hopes of civilization and
the free development of man's noblest faculty.'
"A truly holy alliance of the nations, on the basis of
freedom and equality for the moral, intellectual, and
physical progress of mankind, has been the parent
thought of all that I have during twenty-two years
spoken, written, done, and endeavoured. Let that parent
thought live and act through all your manifestations.
God and the people, truth and might, will help you on
your way, on which the blessing and friendship of all
now bleeding and struggling nations will welcome the
English workers.
"Believe me, Sir, with cordial thanks,
" Ever faithfully yours, _ _

4,IOBEPa MAZZINI.
" 2, Sydney-place, Brompton, Nov. 3."
Mr. BRONTERRE O'BRIEN next addressed the
meeting, and proposed the toast of " Germany."—
(Cheers.) He referred in terms of high praise to the
Democratic insurrections that took place in 1848, in
Vienna, in Berlin, in L3ipsic, Dresden, &c., where
emperors, kings, and dukes, were all sent upon the
tramp, and which was checked only because the
principle of non-intervention was not carried out. lie
hoped they would all be ready next year—he would
not say with force or violence—but still they would
be united to insist that when Ministers proposed a
Bill of reform, it should not be a mockery like former
Reform Bills, but that it should be a real reform,
such as would put power into the hands of the com-
mon people. Then what a glorious future might be
looked for in all Europe. He was in the habit of
mixing among some three hundred of the more ad-
vanced men connected with all the countries of
EuropS, and he could tell them that next year they
looked for the complete emancipation of the whole of
Europe. It would begin with France, for that was
the reservoir whence the living fountains of the
waters of liberty came forth and flowed over all Eu-
rope. When that example spread over the continent
Gemany would establish a grand confederation of
democratic republics. —(Loud cheers.) Yes, thirty-
seven democratic republics, as there were now thirty-
sevenstates, with one central assembly for the general
affairs of the whole, like the Central Congress of
America. The same thing would take place in Italy.
There were at present thirteen states there; and the
opinions of the friends in London were not united
whether there should be a confederation of thirteen
republics, aye republics—for those miserable devils—
kings and popes—would no longer be tolerated ; or
whether there should be one grand republic for the
whole.—(Cheers.) These republics would be founded
on the principles decreed by our own Alfred, who
promulgated the law that there should be only eight
hours for work.—(Great and prolonged cheering.)
Yes, Alfred ordained that there should be eight hours
for sleep, eight hours for recreation, bat that no man
unless for crime should work more than eight hours.
—(Continued cheering.) When France gave the
signal for this movement all the despots of the world
would attack them, then England would give the
signal for a democratic rising, and they would fly
not only at the political tyrants but at all the rich
mercantile moneyed classes who supported them, and
they would sweep away all vestiges of feudal tyranny
all over Europe.—(Cheers.)
Mr. AMAND GOEGO returned thanks, and said—
Citizens and friends—the unavoidable absence of my
friends Ruge and Tausenau imposes on me the task of
responding to the generous sentiments which yOu
have been pleased to express with regard to Germany
—a task which I would, indeed, wish to _have fallen
into abler hands than mine, but which 1 yet most
cheerfully accept. I thank you most heartily,
in the name of German democracy, for your
generous sympathies for our cause. That
cause is not triumphant now, nor can we, like the
illustrious Kossuth, boast of former triumphs. Yet
the barricades of Berlin, Dresden, Frankfort, the
glorious struggle of Vienna, and the battle-fields of
Baden, have sufficiently proved to the world that the
German people were resolved to gain the glorious pri-
vileges of freemen. Had we to deal with one tyrant
only, as the French had, we should long ago have
succeed in breaking the yoke. But with us the task
is somewhat more difficult; thirty-five tyrants are not
so readily overcome as one. I know there are some
who will assert that the German character is too phi-
losophical, poetical, and metaphysical ever to achieve
great things on the practical field. This is true per-
haps to some extent; perhaps we are a little too much
in the habit of looking to the clouds above us, and
disregarding the clods beneath our feet. But of this
much let me assure you: we are for all that a freedom
loving people, aye, and one which will not be satisfied
merely with acquiring political rights and independ-
ence, but which will also, and more strenuously still,
insist upon a thorough social reform. For years have
we been carefully watching what has passed around
us. We have looked, for instance, to France. What
have we seen there, and what do we see there even
now? An approach, indeed, to political liberty; but
by the side of individual slavery and social misery.
This is not the liberty to which we aspire. No
once more rest ye assured, with us social ameliora-
tion shall walk hand in hand with political reform.
The achievement of political independence is with us
only the key to the much more invaluable trasure of
individual and social freedom and happiness. I know
that there are now around me many, and that beyond
the walls of this building there are millions of Eng-
lishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, and Hungarians, who
think and inspire with us in these most important
matters. Millions of brothers who eagerly and hope-
fully look forward to the dawn of their emancipation
from the slavery of capital. But reforms, such as we
contemplate, can only be gained by a league of the
peoples. I need say no more. Permit me to propose
a toast—" To the political equality of all citizens, to
the emancipation of labour from the tyranny of
capital ; in fine, to the political and social regenera-
of mankind."—(Cheers.)
Mr. G. J. HOLYOAKE, in proposing the toast of
Turkey, referred to the progress lately made by her
Majesty in the north, and to the loyalty with which
she bad been received by the working classes. The
thello
ypooa poorest
e t
knew classesth n
atialltthheeeneormthe.n
were
e ro
e democratsr,
e hem
newspapers said that loyalty lived in the breasts of
oc(rUatsr,
and while they respected the person of
the Queen they
would have given a thoughtful, D. inte igent, and manly
vote against the continuance of the Queen's office if
it had been put to them, and they would have done
so because she was the symbol of • t arts ocratic rule
which was ever adverse to the liberties of
the people.
If, then, these people showed that they could treat
with marked respect a political foe, or one whom they
considered as such, it showed their fitness for the
franchise ; for every one knew it was more difficult
to behave courteously to an antagonist than to a