The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-18 00:00:00

STATE OF PARTIES IN FRANCE.

PARIS, MAT IS.

You say that you attach much importance to correct
information as to the state of parties in this country. I
will, therefore, proceed at once to tell you what I know,
and few persons have, from their position, better oppor-
tunities of giving correct information on this subject
than I have.

France is at this moment divided into four parties :-
Ist, the young Republicans, who desire a pure and un-
mixed republic ; 2dly, those who wish to see republican
principle, prevail, without the absolute exclusion of
monarchical forms ; 3dly, the Legitimatists or Carlists ;
and 4thly, the Doctrinnaires, or men of the juste milieu.
Some persons talk of a fifth party, the Napoleonists, but
these are so insignificant in number as not to deserve the
name of a party, although circumstances might occur to
give them more importance than they now possess.
The young Republicans, ardent and zealous, but more
prominent in society by the prosecutions which the Go-
vernment direct against them than by the influence of
their own doctrines, would reform society to its basis—
establish a government nominally as well as essential), re•
public—enforce a progressive instead of proportional tax, so
as to bring about a general alteration in property—favour
the interests of agriculture and internal commerce and com-
munications to the prejudice of the manufacturing and finan-
cial interests and foreign trade—effect a complete change in
the s)stem of customs and municipal duties; the abolition
of all monopolies ; the establishment of provincial banks
for the encouragement of agriculture; the abandonment of
the system of public loans, and consequently the suppression
of the sinking fund; the reduction of luxuries of every kind,
and a sweeping diminution of the national expenditure ;
the nomination of the officers of the National Guard by
the people; the abolition of the qualifications now neces-
sary for the Chamber of Deputies ; the extension of the
elective franchise to the value of three days' labour, as in
the Constitution of 1791 ; the nomination of the judges
and justices of the peace by the electors; the ministers of
religion to tie paid, not by the public treasury, but by the
communes which desire their ministry ; the enfranchise-
ment of the press from all fiscal and other shackles ;
the abolition of elections by arrondissements ; the
establishment of only one Legislative Chamber, &e. ;
a foreign war for the purpose of recovering the limits of
the Rhine and the Alps, and to destroy the influence of
the absolute governments of the continent, and to pro-
cure for France a system of alliance, based on the harmony
of political principles. Such is the profession of faith of
the pure Republicans—a profession which has procured
for them considerable popularity in Paris, but which is nut
so favourably received in the provinces where even republi-
can opinions frequently give way under the dread of the
establishment of a pure republic. In the event of another
revolution, the young republican party would find in the
capital sufficient elements to interpose obstacles to the
creation or any other form of government than that which
they would attempt to establish. But after ad, I am
convinced that this party would find itself isolated from
the great mass, by the effect of the exaggerated
terror which would result from a new revolution,
and would be able to oppose only a temporary resistance
to the new order of things, which would arise from an
appreciation of the value of true liberty, and a frank
and complete adoption of the principles of July. Nay,
more; as the young patriots of whom I speak are gene-
rally instigated by sentiments of generosity, a clever na-
tional government would nut find it difficult to attach
them to its cause. But let us not mistake. Only men
who are profoundly convinced of the efficaciousness of the
principles of July, and seriously devoted to Republican
institutions, although opposed to the adoption of a pure
Republic, could rely on the adhesion of the young Re-
publicans.

After this party, or rather before all parties, comes that
which is composed of such men as Lafayette and
Dupont de l'Eure, who, without any love of monarchy,
have thought it possible to regenerate that decrepit' form of
government, and to base it upon true republican institu-
tions. These men, who enjoy the esteem and confidence
of the mass, and who look more to things than names,
form the real national party—that party arour.d which
would press even the partisans of the present Govern-
ment, in the event of a new Revolution ; for this Revolu-
tion taking place on the principles of July, and the party
of which 1 speak being the only one in France capable of
giving positive guarantees of integrity and order, it is evident
that the partisans of the present Government would rally
round it for their own protection. Take the following
hypothesis. The Government of Louis Philip is over-
thrown. France is again in revolution. I ask, to whom
the protection of the various interests involved would be
intrusted? To Messieurs Marratt, Cavagnac, and Cabet ;
or to Messieurs Lafayette and Dupont de l'Eure.
I admit that there is as much patriotism and poli-
tical integrity on one side as on the other; but are the
social position and experience the same? I think not.
I ask also whether there is among the young Republicans
any individual who enjoys the same reputation in foreign
countries as M. de Lafayette? Is it a reputation, or a
name of yesterday's date that can destroy in Europe the in-
fluence of despotic Governments ? I think not.
In my next I will speak of the Legitimatists and of the
army. A. R. S.