The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-23 00:00:00

MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR rose to state shortly to
the House the outline of a Bill which lie proposed to bring
in upon the above subject, and the first reading of which
he intended to move this day. The Bill was intended to
regulate the municipal affairs of those boroughs, thirty in
number, which, ❑nder the provisions of the Reform Bill,
had the privilege of sending Members to Parliament, but
which bad not as yet proper municipal constitutions.
There could be no doubt of the importance of the subject,
or of the necessity for a system of regulation for the bo-
roughs in question ; and he was sure that it would have
their Lordships' full and deliberate attention and consider-
ation. The whole population of the boroughs which this
Bill was to regulate amounted to upwards of 1,200,000,
and the number of persons qualified under the late Reform
Act to vote for the election of Members of Parliament
was between 58,000 and 60,000. The boroughs them-
selves were for the moat part situated in parts of the coun-
try where the iron and other important branches of trade
were carried on, such as Birmingham, Wolverhampton,
Stoke-upon-Trent, Halifax, Wakefield, ; there were others
in other parts of the country, such as Cheltenham, Bright-
behnstone, Chelmsford, Frome, Strcud, fee. The general
principle which regulated the Bill was, that the qualifi-
cation which, under the provisions of the Reform Bill,
gave to an elector the right of voting in the election fur
the representative to Parliament, should, under the pro-
visions of the present Bill, confer upon him a right to
vote in the election of municipal magistrates : and the
boundaries under that Act would regulate the franchise
under this Bill. Thus those who possessed the right of
voting for Members of Parliament would vote in the
election of magistrates in these corporations, and the
boundaries would be the same as those called the Parlia-
mentary boundaries. To the voters under those provi-
sions would be given the right of electing the Common
Council in each town, arid fur facilitating that object, each
town would be divided into wards, on the same principle
as regulated such division in the Scotch burghs, under the
provisions of the Bill which he (Lord Brougham) had the
honour of submitting to their Lordships a short time
since. The next provision of the Bill which he thought
it necessary to mention to the House was, that it was pro-
posed that the common councilmen, when elected in the
manner b 1 fore stated, should have the choosing from their
own body of the Board of aldermen ; and on this he must
observe that the practice would be different from that
which prevailed in the election of magistrates for the
city of London, where the aldermen were elected by
the votes of the constituency, in the same way as the
common council, instead of being chosen by the Is ter,
as proposed by this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Differently from
that mode, that the Common Council would now be first
chosen by the electors, and they would then proceed to
choose the Board of Aldermen. In addition to this he
would observe that the Common Council were to be
chosen for three years, while the Aldermen would be
elected to hold their• offices for life, except in cases where
specified disqualifications should occur. The same Com-
mon Council would also choose the 'Mayor, to hold his
office for one year. There was one most important officer
still remaining, the mode of appointing whom would differ
from that pursued in nominating the others: this officer
(the Recorder) would be in the nomination ofthe Crown,
and theme were many reasons, which need not be detailed ,
which had influenced him (the Lord Chancellor) in so
providing for the appointment of that officer. The body
of magistrates chosen under the above provisions would be
the municipal authorities of the town, and they would
have two branches of duty to perform—the one would be
the administration of justice, and the other the regulation
of the police. With respect to the first of these duties,
several regulations were made by the Bill, some of which
be would refer to. The quarter sessions would be holden
in the same mode and at the same times as were at present
Foy:Atli, and the magisterial body would consist of
the officers above referred to, with the addition of
the county magistrates, who he (the Lord Chancellor)
considered ought to have a concurrent jurisdiction with the
town authorities. The Recorder would preside at these
sessions, end would, of course, afford the advantage of the
learning and ability which would be the necessary qualifi.
cations for his office ; and that officer would, of course,
not practise in his profession, either at the sessions or the
assizes. The quarter sessions, instead of being confined to
being holden once a-quarter, might, by the authority of his
Majesty, he holden oftener, according to his pleasure as to
time; and the object of this enactment would be to do
away with an inconvenience which now existed in the
awarding of punishment to offenders tried at the Quarter
Sessions. By the present practice, in consequence of the
long interval between the several holdings of the Quarter
Sessions, the length of time during which a prisoner was
confined previously to trial was subsequently deducted from
the full amount of punishment awarded to him upon his
trial. The results proceeding from this course were, that
it frequently appeared to the public (not aware of the
above-mentioned deductions) that crimes of a comparatively
setious nature were followed by too trifling nth uTtincteinott;
nssmuch as the proposition inflicted after etheetir
eyes
was awarded; while, on the otherhhau
of the previous confinement was all which
hand,
that a
length of interval, it unfortunatelyu
,atpoPbse
innocent, wee
pri-
soner, who might afterwards turn t fromt the rams
until the next
,„. To obviate the evils arising fro•t►
sitting of the session
wal at the pleasure of his ill.tjestv f
this practice, the renewal
d had 't
• "
sessions in tie manner he state been Noer-
tirese sessions
d on. It had originally been intended that tlit
1 mine •
visited with the punishment imp°risonment

,rders before mentioned should sit as judges in the local
e ,ur's, according to the provisions of the Bill which he
Lad the honour of submitting to their Lordships' consi•
deration, but which they had subsequently rejected. lie
(the Lord Chancellor), notwithstanding that rejection, still
hoped that their Lordships would be prevailed upon to
hear arguments in favour of the Bill, and that the event
would be, that the provision as to the recorders sitting as
judges would be ultimately adopted, by which means the
two Bills would in that respect be fitted together, as had
at first been intended. Another regulation for the due
admidistration of justice was, that cases of difficulty were
to be adjourned to the recorder, who would be resident,
tl at the learning and ability of the latter individual might
be made available. There were also provisions in the
Bill for the regulation of the police of the boroughs.
'this part of the Bill bad been framed with a view to
the advantage which would ensue from its chiming in
with the Local Police Acts in boroughs where such acts
were in force, so that the Local Acts should not in.
trfere with this the general Act, and that the police
committee (to be composed of the above mentioned magi-
strates) should be able to carry on the police affairs under
the provisions of the Local Acts, where such Local Acts
existed. He (the Lord Chancellor), as he had intended
this statement for a mere outline of the provisions of the
Bill, would not go more at large into an explanation of
them. He had stated the general outline of them, and it
would be unnecessary for him to go more at large into
the details, but he would conclude by moving that the
Bill be read a first time, at the same time that he wished
:it to be understood that be did not mean to press it
oeyond that stage during the present session. He could
only add that he was quite persuaded that a more impor-
tant measure had seldom been introduced to the attention
.4 Parliament.

In answer to a question by Lord WYNFORD, the exact
purport of which was not audible in the gallery,
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that this Bill con-
tained two schedules, A and B, very different from those
of the same name which he had recollected in that
House.—(A laugh.) One of these schedules contained
a list of the whole of those boroughs (30 in number)
which were wholly in want of muncipal constitutions, and
schedule B contained those (27 in number) which had
Local Police Acts.

Lord WYNFORD observed, that he thought that the
main objects proposed to be attained by this Bill might
have been effected by the interposition of the Crown with-
out the consent of Parliament, and that he therefore
doubted not only whether the interference of Parliament
was unnecessary, but also whether its interposition was
not, in fact, interfering with the prerogative of the Crown.
lie also objected to the Recorder being appointed by the
Crown, because that officer was the counsel for the cor-
poration, and might frequently be engaged in Crown
questions.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Noble and
Learned Lord would, on referring to the Bill, doubtless
find that his objection on the score of infringement of the
prerogative was groundless. The Bill stated, that when
charters were granted by the Crown certain conditions
only were to be complied with, but certain internal affairs
relating to the rates, &c., could only be regulated by a
municipal corporation. With respect to the Noble and
Learned Lord's remarks as to the Recorder, they were
certainly deserving of further consideration, as to whether
that officer should be absolute'y appointed by the Crown,
or merely nominated for the assent of the constituted au-
thorities. He (the Lord Chancellor) had not any great
objectio❑ to the adoption of either course—the great point
with him was, that a fit and proper person should be ap-
pointed to fill the office. The provision as to the residence
of the Recorders, was to avoid the evil of Recorders being
little more than non-residents, as they now were in some
instances.
The Bill was tLen read a first time.

Their Loidships then adjourned.

INTERCEPTED MIGUELITE CORRES.

PONDENCE.

(From the Times.)
The following is another of the intercepted letters of the
ilfiguelites. It will be read, perhaps, even with more
interest than its predecessors, and it is certainly not inferior
in importance to any that has gone before it
TO THE DUKE DE CADAVAL.
" I profit by the occasion of an express by way of
Spain to write your Excellency a few things. This
morning I was with Lord Beresford, who always takes a
most lively interest in our affairs. I was thinking of
sending out Eliot and some other officers, along with some
marine artillerymen. I told him that I had resolved upon
sending Eliot out alone by the following packet. He did
not much like the alteration ; however, as soon as I had
pointed out the motives which bad determined me so to
act, the first being the want of means, he found my
reasons good ones. He again insisted upon the same
thing as upon former occasions,—that is, the absolute
urgency of delivering our navy into the hands of men
who would ' undertake something' (that was the ex-
pression); who had experience of what could be
done is a naval action, and how far they could ge
without being at every step in fear of the vessel
going to the bottom, &c. I was with him again when
I went with Eliot previous to his departure, that the
Marshal might tell him a few useful things, and shall bee
him again to-morrow or thereafter. Once more I beg
your Excellency will 89 manage that the man shall be
better received this time than formerly, that we may be
able to depend upon our navy, which is so much and so
very necessary to us, not alone for our defence at present,
but for the recapture of the Azores, which is very urgent.
After having talked of the navy, we were analyzing the
state of our works and fortifications round Oporto, and
particularly those destined to impede the disembarkation of
provisions and other objects for the rebels, a little map
which Campbell had sent him serving us for this purpose,
and, as far as could be known from the plan, he remarked
some defects, which, nevertheless, perhaps, do not exist in
the works themselves.
" One thing which the Marshal censured (and I think
with reason) was the measure taken by the Government of
sending agents hereon a business so simple as the purchase
of a steam-boat; in reality it is difficult to explain why,
since the Government have here a Legation, a Consul, a
Vice-Consul, and agents of the Treasury, it could be ne-
cessary to incur the expense of sending another agent or
two to make a simple purchase, a business that could
have been done with two lines to me or to Sampayo,
saying, Buy a steam-boat for such a purpose,
and here is the order to receive the necessary
money.' Thus it is that everything goes wrong in our
affairs; they have one knife that cuts, and they buy ano-
ther, and thus throw away money that is wanted for
what is necessary. Ido not blame their sending Carlos
Mathias or Gallway ; but I cannot help censuring the
spending upon the mission of the two here from 400/. to
500/. sterling (it will not come to less), when I have
not wherewith to pay the postage of a letter, and could,
without augmenting in any way the expenses of the Go-
vernment, have arranged the purchase of the boat ! Do
not trust in the Viscount of fine words and no good works,
unless you would have trouble with him every day. 'For
what have the Government placed you here,' the Marshal
asked me, if you are not to do what they require, but
they are to send agents upon agents for nothing at all ?'
This speaks no more than one plain thing, and that is,
oar Alinister for Foreign A ffsiis must have the presump-
tion that no other in the world can have to go on in
this way! To crown the work, the packet arrives, and
they da not even speak of money for the previously
known purchases, and when I had to speak upon the
business, and Beresford inquired of me to-day about
hadsteaem boat, I was obliged to say that nothing
ben dune, &c. It is impossible that the nation
svhiosueoldndensot
sbaentalroern lust, its destinies being confided to
and C,stellos Brancos. Carlos
Mathias said to me
that your Excellency and Viscondes
de Santarem aretehoysoeuarlotFn. esewelhio understand and know bow
to do things; fo
for the Viscount, and I know wellency I can answer, but not
why I say so, and if,
owing to his insufficient head,thlesteam-boat is lost, the
public shall know the why
and the wherefore, and have
the proofs of them. Beresford told the that the Earl of
Aberdeen had complained of not having
time, and I told him that neither to
tL"Ye'can me for some
rl nor to any
one else would I go, for that I had n answers to give to
what they desired to know, and consequeni
views only tended to discredit me or my,
andj o iynao n
m e inter,nt
inter. o
when five, six, or more packets pass over,
receive a single word officially to guide me insuch, who
w
views. After all I went presently to Aberdeen
re-
ceived me, as ever, very well; commenced making inqu-
ries, to which I gave the best replies in my power,
assisted by may private information. Amongst others,
With what disposition and on what footing Lord William
Russell stood towards our Government ?' Official foun-
dation fdr a reply caret in this legation. ' Why they
kept the King at Braga—that is, neither in the Court
nor with the army, when be should be with the latter,
that be might be seen, and assist at something every day ?'
&c. He spoke likewise of
Answer to this there is none,

our navy; I told him the proposition we were about to
carry into effect, which he much approved of, but he
insisted there was no time to be lost. I informed him

about our loan, of the conduct of Hoppner, and many
other things, and I know that Le desires at this moment
to have grounds for making a speech in Parliament re-
Ppectiag us, but he and the others are afraid to open their