The Sun.
London, England, 1851-08-02 00:00:00

britnina, `ant

LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 2, 1851.

In the House of Lords last night,
Several Bills were forwarded a stage,

A motion for papers by Earl TALBOT gave rise to a I
conversation on the subject of the recent order regula-
ting retirements in the navy.
The Royal assent was given by commission to the
Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill and several other
public and private Bills, and their Lordships adjourned.
The Commons met at one o'clock yesterday, and sat
on continuously.
The New Zealand Settlement Bill was read a third
time and paved. The Metropolitan Interments Bill
wag reported from Committee, and ordered to stand for
the third reading this day. The County Courts Further
Extension Bill went through Committee.
On the motion for the Committee of the Episcopal
and Capitular Estates Management (No. 2) Bill, a pro-
kn4ed discussion ensued, in the course of which two
attempts were made to postpone the Bill, both of which
were, however, successfully resisted; at length
Lord J. RUSSELL suggested that the Bill should be
committed pro forma, and be proceeded with on Monday
next. This being adopted, the CHAIRMAN reported pro-
gress. with leave to sit again.
The General Board of Health (No. 4) Bill went
through Committee.
Sir J. PAKINQTON moved a resolution declaring that
in the opinion of the House the importers of sugar ought
to be allowed to refine that article in bond, and after-
wards enter it for home consumption upon paying the
same duties that are now levied ou refined sugars im-
ported into this country.
Mr. LABOUCHERE opposed the resolution on the ground
that the change sought for was not desired by the ma-
jority of sugar refiners, and that it would give great en-
couragement to fraud and evasion.
Mr. MITCHELL supported the motion.
The House was counted out at Nine o'clock.

The election for the city of the " violated treaty"
has virtually terminated. The Earl of ARUNDEL

and SURREY 13 at this moment the represem

tative for the city of Limerick, selected by a con-
stituency to which he was utterly unknown,
and of which he was equally ignorant a few
short weeks since. He was, however, looked

upon as " a martyr for the faith," as one who had
forfeited the seat he had previously occupied for his
conscientious opposition to the Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill. The sacerdotal influence was, therefore, readily

exerted in his favour. Every priest was prepared to
exert himself to the very utmost, to use not only
ordinary, but what in this country would be
regarded as very extraordinary efforts on behalf of
the N oble Candidate. Every ecclesiastical engine

was consequently put in motion—indulgences and
threats, blandishments and fulminations were made
equally available. Even the amiable and respected
Roman Catholic Bishop of the diocese, a man of a

character very different from the lion of Tuam or
the lamb of Elphin, was induced to abandon the

salutary rule he had adopted, and pro hoc vice, to
interfere in secular affairs, and to engage in all the

annoyance and tumult of a contested election. Under
such circumstances the result may be easily anti-

cipated. Mr. RUSSELL who, as we have already
explained, had powerful claims on the suffrages of his
fellow-citizens, and whose political opinions were in
every respect analogous to those of his Noble Oppo•
vent, found that the ecclesiastical influence, we
should rather say, " domination," was too powerful ,
that there was not the slightest possible chance of

. . _
success, and that his appearance at the hustings
would most probably damage his future prospects.
lie accordingly withdrew his pretensions at the
eleventh hour, and Lord ARUNDEL and SUR-
REY has had a " walk over," and is at this moment

the representative in Parliament for the third city of
Ireland.

So far as the Noble Lord is personally concerned,
we can have no possible objection to this result. The
heir-apparent of the eldest branch of the " HOWARDS,"
a man distinguished no less for his ancient blood and
elevated position in society, than for the amiability
end frankness of his disposition, who gained the
friendship and respect of every person with whom he
was acquainted, might have addressed, without pre-
sumption, any constituency in the United King-
dom; and it would be fortunate for the country if
many such men could be found to undertake the cares
and responsibilities inseparable from a seat in the elec-
tive branch of the Legislature. But there are mat-
ters connected with the case deserving of the most
serious consideration, and which should not be lost
sight of or forgotten when the new Reform Bill of
1852 is before Parliament.
And first we ask, why it is that Lord ARUNDEL had
at this period to look after "the most sweet voices"
of any electors, English or Irish? Almost imme-
diately after the Noble Lord had attained his majority
he was returned to Parliament for the town in which
his father's influence was supposed to be paramount,
and from which he himself derived his title. It has
never been asserted that he was very closely cross-
examined on any political subject, or that serious
differences had arisen between him and his consti-
tuents on any important question of general interest.
So far as the " free and independent " electors of
Arundel were concerned, the Noble Lord might have
retained his seat until called in the ordinary course
of human events to the Upper House. So far as
they were concerned, he might have recommended
" curry -powder " as a panacea for the starving Irish,
or indulged i❑ other freak of fancy. He might have
supported or opposed the Ministry, been Tory, Whig,
or Radical, Protectionist or Free-trader at his
mere will and pleasure. He might continue
the unobtrusive course on which he had entered, or
have "out-sibthorped SIBTHORP," without exciting a
sensation in that ancient borough. But the Duke
was its recognised patron ; he could not allow any
interference with his privilege of " doing what he
liked with his own," even though the delinquent was
his heir-apparent, the successor to his titles and
estates. He held an office under the Crown, which
was supposed to ensure, not only his own support in
the Lords, but the support of " his Members" or no-
minees in the Commons. Lord ARUNDEL, influenced we
believe by strictly conscientious motives, thought proper
to oppose a Government Bill—and through what influ-
ence we know not, he was compelled to resign his
seat, to relinquish the position he had so long filled.
Is this a fair representation or a gross delusion ? was
the cloven: foot ever more clearly exhibited, or a
stronger illustration afforded of the necessity, for
further measures of reform and the insufficiency of
the Act of 1832? It even goes farther than the
case of the Duke of NEWCASTLE, when Earl of
Lincoln, for although that Noble Lord obeyed
the call of his father, and resigned
his seat, he yet again offered himself as a candidate,
and stood a close contest. But Lord ARUNDEL did
no such thing. He was well aware of the de-
pendence of the constituency—that it was the Duke
of Nourome for the time being who practically
returned the Member—who might, if he thought
proper, send in his footman as a legislator, and who
was induced to exercise his power even at the ex-
pense of his nearest relative, by the liberal and
reforming Ministry. Do not these simple facts
speak trumpet-tongued?—do they not afford the
most powerful and convincing arguments in favour of
a large and comprehensive measure of Parliamentary
reform ?

There is another point in the case, which
cannot be passed over without notice. The Duke
of NORFOLK had scarcely acted in this
cavalier manner towards the electors of Arundel,
when Mr. Jonx O'CONNELL deals with the represen-
tation of another and_ more important constituency
with almost equal nonchalance. He, however, re-
quired. the assistance of clerical coadjutors, or his
Pc.risoejdect must have fallen to the ground. They
spiritualexer-
cised despotism over the consciences of the
voters a t prevented thepossibility of any appeal
that domination
against their decwisaisonb, eudpw-e have seen how fully
supersede
into practical operation
when it could
RUSSELL. It may be impossible ose
.113)lowerful claims of 11Sr•
etcompletely to get rid
of this species of influenpcesib
enitesa,ttihe
fverything practi-
cable should be attempted' ; but
alle
should be attentively o'
trans-
actions attending the resignation and election the
Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY ntively