The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-16 00:00:00

ST. ALBAN'S ELECTION.

On the motion for resuming the adjourned debate on
the amendment to the motion for the discharge of Henry
Edwards,

Sir G. CLERK suggested that both the motion and
the amendment should be withdrawn, and the debate
renewed on the petition of Mr. Edwards.

Mr. AGLIONBY had no objection to the
course, and the motion and amendment were withdrawn
accordingly.

The order of the day for considering the petition of
H. Edwards having been read,
Mr. AGLIONBY said that that matter was at present
entirely in the hands of the House, and he believed they
would be prepared to temper justice with mercy. He
had himself on the preceding night presented a petition
from Mr. Edvrards, in which that person had not at-
tempted to deny the allegations charged against him,
but having stated, that he had been found guilty of a
breach of the privileges of that House, expressed his con-
trition for his offerce,
and throwing himself on the mercy
of the House, had prayed that he might be discharged
from custody. He further stated that during his con-
finement he had the misfortune of knowing that those
nearest and dearest to him had been dangerously ill.
Under these circumstances he (Mr. Aglionby), would
move that Henry Edwards should be called to the bar of
the House and reprimanded by the Speaker, and then
discharged on payment of his fees.
A pause of a few moments hero took place, and no
other 34(,mber having risen,
Mr. E. ELLICE proceeded to say, that, as Chairman
of the St. Alban's Election Committee, he felt it was then
the duty of the house to deal with that matter as they
might think fit. He should add if there bad been for-
merly any doubt as to the propriety of the report made
by the Committee, that doubt must have been com-
pletely removed by the petition of Mr. Edwards.—(Hear.)

Sir F. THESIGER said he had expected that one of
the law officers of the Crown would have resea to inform
the House what course it ought in their opinion then to
pursue in that matter. But as they had not done so, he
felt compelled to assume the rather unwelcome task of
pressing with severity against a man who had acknow-
ledged his offence, and who had expressed his deep con-
trition for that offence. It appeared to him (Sir F. The-
siger) that it would really be trifling with the House—
(Hear, hear)—to dismiss Mr. Edwards at that moment.
That person had at first presented a petition to the
House in which he had indirectly denied that ho had
been guilty of the practices with which he had been
charged. But at present it appeared that that first peti-
tion was entirely false.—(Hear, hear.) He had shifted
his original ground, and had addressed the House in lan-
guage which amounted to an admission of his guilt. And
what was it of which he had been guilty? He had been
guilty of a gross and scandalous attempt—and an attempt
which had been successful—to obstruct the course of
justice by bribing a witness who had most important evi-
dence to give to the Committee to keep out of the
way. The consequence had been that the whole in-
quiry had been defeated, and that the petitioner before
the Committee, after all the expense and trouble to
which he had been put, had been denied a fair opportu-
nity of substantiating his case. Mr. Edwards stated in
his petition that those nearest and dearest to him had
been dangerously ill, and had suffered severely on his ac-
count. But that was one of the natural consequences of
gross misconduct. It was a providential arrangement
that men should not only suffer in their own persons for
their faults or their crimes, but that they should also
suffer in the misery which they inflicted on their rela-
tives and friends, and the certainty of that misery fre-
quently deterred from crime men who might be insensi-
ble to the mere personal losses or inconveniences to
which they might give rise. There might be many
zealous partisans who would readily expose themselves
to a few days' confinement by pursuing such a course of
conduct as that which Mr. Edwards had followed, if they
felt that after the lapse of those few days they could
escape with impunity. He believed that Mr. Edwards
had not yet sufficiently expiated his guilt, and he there-
fore felt compelled to move, as an amendment to the
motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Cocker-
mouth, that Mr. Edwards be committed to Newgate.
The A TTORNEY.GENERAL said that he quite
concurred in the view which his Hon. and Learned
Friend the Member for Abingdon (Sir F. Thesiger)
had taken of that case. The only reason why he had
not sooner risen to address the House was, that he did
not feel that the law officers of the Crown were pecu-
liarly called upon to state their opinions to the House
on questions in which no point of law was involved.
Mr. Edwards had virtually admitted that he had been
guilty of a gross and outrageous violation of the privi-
leges of the House; and he (the Attorney-General) felt
that that person had not undergone a sufficient punish-
ment for such an offence.
On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the clerk at
the table here read from the journals of the House a
resolution declaring that any attempt to induce witnesses
not to give evidence required by the House was a high
crime and misdemeanour, and that the House would pro-
ceed with the utmost severity against persons guilty of
such an offence.
The clerk at the table also read the resolution for the
commitment of H. Edwards to the custody of the Ser-
geant-at-Arms, and the statement of the offence with
which he was charged.
The motion and the amendment having been put from
the Chair,
Mr. AGLIONBY said it appeared to be the general
feeling of the House that Mr. Edwards bad not yet
undergone a sufficient punishment for his offence; and,
yielding to that feeling, ho should not press his motion.
The House would on a future occasion decide when it
would be proper to discharge the prisoner.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he was glad to find that his
Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Aglionby) had decided
on not dividing the House on that occasion, because it
was manifestly desirable that the House should, if possi-
ble, come to a unanimous vote on all matters affecting
their privileges. It was but right that they should
severely punish that grave offence. He should observe
that, after the course which that case had taken, he was
very glad that they had postponed their decision upon it
until that evening.
Mr. BANKES said it was not his intention to offer
any observations contrary to what appeared to be the
unanimous feeling of the House; but he wished to take
that opportunity of saying a few words with regard to
the other parties against whom warrants had been issued
by the Speaker, and begged to ask the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government whether any intention
existed of offeringa reward for their apprehension, in
conformity with the course pursued on former occa-
sions of a similar kind? For this course they had the
precedents of the Grantham case and the Penrhyn case,
if he was not mistaken. lie would also suggest that
they ought to have the short-hand writer's
notes of the proceedings of the Committee on
the last day of their sitting, when he believed
no evidence was received. He had understood
the Honourable Chairman of the Committee to state
yesterday that the question of the competency of the
Committee at the moment when they gave their report
was never raised or claimed to be raised. This was not
in accordance with a statement which he had read in one
of the public journals of that day, which indeed was
directly the reverse, for there it was said that the ques-
tion of the competency of the Committee was raised by
counsel, who ventured to address theta not as a Com-
mittee but as Members of that House. Could it be
said, then, that the point was not raised ? He also found
by the same authority that the Learned Counsel for the
petitioner did expressly, again and again, urge upon the
Committee the propriety of adjourning, in the hope of
obtaining the testimony of those witnesses, and that it
was stated by one party who appeared before the Com-
mittee that he had reason to believe that within an hour
he should be able to give an account of one of these wit-
nesses. For this reason he should be disposed to move,
at the proper time, for a copy of the short-hand writer's
notes; and although it might not be competent for him
to move for the speeches of counsel, he might move for
information as to the applications made by counsel with
regard to the petitioner or with regard to the sitting
Member. When the commission should be moved for,
he should move, in accordance with precedent, that it
should be composed of Members of that House.
Mr. E. ELLICE, jun., after what had fallen from the
Hon. Member who had just sat down, felt bound to offer a
few words of explanation as to what had taken place be-
fore the Committee on the last day of its sitting. The
Committee met, and proposed, in consequence of what
had taken place in that House, to meet objections as to
the legality of their proceedings. No such objection was,
however, raised on either side. An application for a
further adjournment was made to them in their capacity
as a Committee, and in point of fact the party making
that application naturally admitted that they were a
Committee legally entitled to decide the question. The
Committee, however, bearing in mind that they had
already been adjourning for a week or a fortnight, and
yet appeared as far from any chance of obtaining the
attendance of the missing witnesses as ever, did not
think it incumbent on them to hang up the case against
both the petitions and the sitting Member over the
Easter holidays, and, therefore, came to their decision
without the slightest doubt as to its propriety. Having
come to that decision, he communicated it to the counsel,
who said that, being precluded from a further adjourn-
ment, he could not go on with the case. Here he (Mr.
E. Ellice). perhaps, was wrong in not at once clearing
the room; but a conversation arose in which he distinctly
stated that no formal objection had been made to the
proceedings of the Committee.
Mr. BANKES explained.
Mr. AGLIONBY wished to put it to the House whe-
ther it would not be wise for the purposes of justice to
discharge the warrant against the three persons who
were not yet in custody?—(No, no.) The reason was
this. If the warrant continued in force they would keep
out of the way, and the Commission would lose the ad-
vantage of their evidence. if, on the contrary, the war-
rant was discharged and they were allowed to come
home they would, no doubt, be ready to come forward
and give evidence under a bill of indemnity.
Sir G. CLERK protested against this course, and was
rather inclined to support the suggestion of the Hon.
Member for Dorset, to address her Majesty praying that
a reward might be offered for the apprehension of those
individuals, having first summoned the Sergeant-at-Arms
to ascertain what steps he had taken to
,serve the

•
warrant.
Lord J. RUSSELL agreed entirely with the recom-
mendation just made by the Right lien. Baronet. fie
did not think it would be in accordance with precedent
for the Crown to offer a reward without first receiving
an address from that House.
The amendment for committing Mr. H. Edwards to
Newgate was then carried without a division.
THE KAFIR WAR.
Mr. ADDERLEY then brought forward the motion
of which he had given notice, with reference to South
Africa. He had presented a petition signed by parsons
in London connected with the Cape, praying that the
House would be pleased " to recommend to her Majesty
the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry to proceed
as speedily as possible to the Cape of Good Hope to in-
quire into, and report upon, the relations between this
country and the native tribes on the frontier of her Ma-
jesty's possessions in Southern Africa." There was one
name appended to it which had more significance even
than the others, namely, of the gentleman delegated to
represent the grievances of the Cape to her Majesty on
behalf of nine-tenths of the whole electoral body there.
The important duty had devolved on him (Mr. Adderley )
of stating those grievances. He asked the House to
consider the question not as a party question. At this
moment there was no such thing as a Government at
the Cape of Good Hope, nor had there been for
two years any Government there, either despotic or
democratic. The Council had not been filled up for a
year and a half. The Governor was obliged to act on
his own responsibility; he was not able to get a single
vote in supply, at the same time there was a dangerous
war on the frontier, and the policy of the Government
with respect to native tribes had entirely failed. There
were three propositions which would fall to be consi-
dered by the House. There was first that of which he
had given notice, for a commission of inquiry as to the
best mode of adjusting the relations between this coun-
try and the Kafir tribes. The object of that resolution
was to wind up for ever those outstanding engagements,
treaties, and agreements, into which her Majesty had en-
tered with the tribes and settlers at the Cape, in order
that on the concession of representative government to
the Cape that colony might in future take the responsi-
bility of its own defence. A precedent had been set for
the appointment of a commission to inquire en the spot
in 1827, when Lord C. Somerset was Governor of the
colony and Lord Bathurst Secretary for the Colonies.
Another proposition was made by the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government, who thought inquiry ne-
cessary, and immediately necessary. The Noble Lord
acknowledged that the Executive at the Cape was at a
dead lock, but the object of the Noble Lord Was very
different from his (Mr. Adderley's). The Noble Lord's

16, 1851:

object was not to put en end to tbe pre,ent.
but to remove obstructions to its worhieg.—(ilear,
hear.) The distinction between the two propositions
in this respect was marked by the omission in the
Noble Lord's of such words as " definitive adjustment."
But the Noble Lord's proposition differed from his (Mr.
Adderley's) not only in the purpose and object, but also
in the mode of inquiry. The Noble Lord proposed a
Select Committee of Inquiry, instead of a Commission
on the spot. A Select Committee must consume a con-
siderable time. They would have before them a variety
of theories—from military men, from philanthropic men,
and from economic men—and before the termini:aim:l of
the inquiry the object would be fatally lost in its ex-
tent. A third proposition, that of the Hon. Baronet
the Member for Southwark, was also before the House.
That Hon. Member thought that this country neither
needed nor ought to institute an inquiry, as he wished
to throw the responsibility of the fu ure policy on the
Executive here ; but it should be considered that the
Executive had confessed its inability to aot practically ;
and, therefere, that proposition threw the responsibility
on the colony. That was scarcely consistent with the
justice, honour, and dignity of this country. After this
country had framed a policy of its own, which indeed
had caused infinite disturbance and confusien on the
spot, this country was bound in honour to wind up and
finish that policy before it threw on the colony the
task of instituting a now policy. That was the objec-
tion he had to the Hon. Baronet's proposition, but
though he saw the objection to it in point of justice, yet
he admitted it to be an effectual proposition ; and, it
not able to carry his own, he should prefer it to the
Noble Lord's proposition, With regard to his own pro-
position, the circumstances which in his mind rendered
inquiry necessary were—first, the apparently endless
recurrence of wars on the frontier, utterly destructive to
the colony, to the property and welfare of the colonists,
and not leading to the civilization or subjugation of the
savage tribes, but attended with enormous expense to
this country; and, secondly, the prolonged deference
of the concession of representative government; and
thirdly, not so much the encroachment lon the native
tribes as the vacillation manifested in our frontier policy.
With regard to the concession of constitutional powers, he
hoped that the Government would not much longer allow
its promises to be obstructed by officials on the spot, and
that it would abide by its own enlightened intentions,
rather than allow itself to be frustrated by officials on
the spot. With regard to encroachment on the native
tribes, be should say that the most dangerous character
of our policy was its vacillating character. The system
of encroachment, variable and uncertain, at one time
letting the Kafirs into their own country, and then driv-
ing them out of it, was neither vigorous, just, nor chari-
table. It bad been said by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Hawes) it was not fair to accuse an absent man, and more
especially an absent governor, during war. He agreed
in that as well as in Lord Torringtotea observations that
the Government should have recalled him when the Cey-
lon Committee was appointed, and he (Mr. Adderle))
hoped Sir H. Smith would be recalled, if the Neble
Lord succeeded in getting his Committee on the affairs
of Kafraria. But Sir H. Smith, when he went out to
the Cape, with the analogy of India in his mind, laid
dawn a gigantic scheme of encroachment, to be regulated
by the natural features of the country. He called the
chiefs together, and, notwithstanding the remonstrances
of some of his advisers, he said he had a plan of his own,
and forthwith proceeded to frame a treaty, in which the
advantages were all on his side, and the loss of ter
ritory all on the side of the Kafirs. For the first time
in our colonial history he introduced a form of Govern-
ment called a " Military Commission," of which he re-
ported in 1849 that it was perfectly successful in keeping
tranquillity. But in October, 1850, be reported the
existence of what he ceded " restlessness" in Kafraria,
and in that singular confidential kingdom, which had
been created between Sir Harry Smith and Lord
Grey, and of which no one else in the country, from
her Majesty down, knew anything whatever. This
" restlessness" be attributed to famine among the
tribes, and to the existence of wizards, and he pro-
posed to suppress it by deposing some of the chiefs, by
pensioning others, and by turning the wizards into ridicule.
But imprisoning chiefs did not destroy the allegiance of
their tribes, and if any of them deserved pensions they
should have received them before. A national superstition
had never yet been put down by ridicule, and when Sir H.
Smith tried to put his plan into op4ration he found he
was imprisoned instead of the chiefs, and even now be
was imprisoned though at the head of 5,000 men, with
a whole nation in arms around him. Lord Grey would
take no information from any person but Sir H. Smith,
though he had been warned several times, and Sir H.
Smith had told a gentleman who knew the people, aid
wished to warn him of what was coming, " I understand
the matter better than you do; mind your own business."
He still talked of the fidelity of Pato and some other
chiefs, but Pato was only shamming, as in the last war,
and was biding his time to take the side of the strongest.
The massacre of the six military villages, filled with
people unable to defend the colony or themselves, must
be a painful matter to Lord Grey, but it was to be feared
more blood would be yet shed in a similar way. The
war was very serious, and not likely to be put down
as soon as the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hawes)
seemed to think. It was not a war of plunder, but for
the recovery of lost territory; not against the Governor
of the Cape, but against the High Commissioner for
Kafraria, and the real wizard who excited it was Sir
Harry Smith. The authority of the chiefs bad been
destroyed, as Lord Grey had pointed out, but Sir H.
Smith had not succeeded in substituting his own. His
system would be successful if it could be carried out, but
this country would never permit it, for it was in fact ex-
termination. The only other system was to recognize
the nationality of the tribes, and gradually to elevate
them by the influences of civilization; but the Governor
had fallen between the former and the latter. The only
question that remained was, what course must now be
pursued? In the first place the war must be finished.
Next, he proposed they should adopt the course indicated
in the motion, for which he had a precedent in the course
taken in 1827, when a commissioner was sent out to the
colony. Though the Hon. Baronet's (Sir W. Moles-
worth's) policy might be wanting in justice, he preferred
it to that of the Government. The Hon. Member con-
cluded by moving, "That an humble address be pre-
sented to her Majesty, praying that she would be gra-
ciously pleased to appoint one or more Commissioners,
with instructions to proceed to South Africa, to inquire
and report as to the best mode of adjusting the relations
between this country and the Kafir tribes; and also of
determining the engagements entered into by her Ma-
jesty's High Commissioner in his settlement of the ex-
tended territory."
Lord J. RUSSELL rose to propose an amendment,
He owned he could have wished the Hon. Member had
kept his promise not to cast blame on Sir Harry Smith,
because, instead of investigating the cause of the present
war, ho had contented himself with making allegations
against that Gallant Officer and Lord Grey. It was,
however, more desirable to look to the general interests
of the country and to the position of the colony, as to
which they had a very serious question to determine. In
looking back to the history of that colony it would be
found, that when the Dutch were in possession of it
they had not confined themselves to Cape Town, but
had extended their possession to Fibh River. The co-
lony was in that state when we first came there, and our
officers employed their care and attention in endea-
vouring to reconcile the interests of the colonists with
the habits of savages, who had no other notion of pro-
perty than that it was so much goods on which to seize.
After the second capture in 1805, that question became
still more urgent, and a further extension took place in
1810, but in 1819 there was a proposal made in the House
that 50,000/. should be voted for sending out emigrants
to the Cape, to be settled in the district called Graham's
Town, and in its vicinity, which was very much ap-
proved of by the House ; and it was thought desirable
that persons suffering from inadequacy of means at home
should be enabled to live in comfort in a colony so
healthy as the Cape of Good Hope. The House agreed
to that proposal, and the only speech recorded on the
occasion was that of the Hon. Member for Montrose,
who only complained that Government had not gone far
enough, and that a further grant ought to be proposed,
and a greater number of people sent out. There was
such a number of persons sent out that the district be-
came in process of time very flourishing, and the English
and Dutch colonists came into possession.of considerab e
property. In 1848 it was stated the export of wool
was about 2,250,0001 b., the value of which
was 143,0001.; of agricultural produce, 182,000/4 of
live stock, upwards of 2,000,000; of fixed pro-
perty, 2,000,0001. ; making a value of upwards of
4,000,0001. in the eastern district. But the per-
sons who had been there settled by the direct interven-
tion of Government complained from time to time of
depredations made upon their cattle, that their lives and
properties were not safe, and that the tribes made con-
tinual incursions upon their estates. The British Go-
vernment and nation could not be indifferent to such
complaints. Having sanctioned emigration to the Cape,
after the colony had been formally ceded to us by the
Dutch, it was oely natural that persons in command at
the Cape should seek a remedy for the evils complained
of. This question was not to be decided by casting blame
on the officer who happened to be in command at the
Cape. Sir H. Smith was a man distinguished for

his military services, and- his acquirements wore in-
ferior to those of few men, Why should the whole

blame be thrown upon him? It must be obierved that
various governors who had preceded Sir H. Smith,
namely Lord C. Somerset, Sir Benjamin D, Urban,
Sir Peregrine Maitland, and Sir Henry Yottin,2er, all en-
deavoured, according to their different views, founded on
the information they possessed, to find a remedy for what
appeared to them to be a very serious mischief. It was
found that the Fish River was ill chosen as a boundary,
because the thickets on each aide of the river enabled
the savages to come down to the borders, unperceived by
the military posts, and select a favourable opportunity
for making an incursion into the British territory. In
1819 the boundary was extended further east. Accord•
ing to the ancient system of the Dutch, there had been
a regular organisation for defending the Cape against
the incursions made by the native tribes for the purpose
of stealing cattle, which was called the system of c
mandoes." This system was one of considerable rigour,
but was liable to abuse, and gave rise to acts of violence.
When he (Lord J. Russell) was S,cretary for the Colo-
nies a gehtleman from the Cape described the system to
him, and he could assure the House that it wa-s not one
of which the people of this country would approve. If.
on the ono hand, incursions of a barbarous character
were made by the native tribes, who would ravage
and destroy all within their reach and drive away
the cattle which they captured, so, on the,
other, the settlers not unfrequently avenged
their losses by sacrificing the lives of any
natives who might happen to fall into their power,
without observing those laws by which military men
were so careful to regulate their proceedings. It was,
he apprehended, on account of those abuses that the
commando system was dissolved in 1832 by Lord Stan-
ley, who then held the seals for the colonies. But slim

, ett o
Tr re retecrs said , that if we depriv d Cee saiete'd to
the means f deteeding therre-eives—if we object
es 10-
"nd
it,hueniiraneeaantejnitnconeslitsete:n. etewei,
with
theus
tgicreo. de twheartei
)tito
provide an effective system of, defence for them, anddra'si•
ad
no right to complain, bscate:e it proved to be 2
note
upon the imperial resources. It was impossible
allow that this argument had a great deal of fut:ceo.ived.
that as it might, the commando system was dlesTrefire
In 1835, Sir B.D'Urban being Governor, 10,000 in
g
invaded the east district, clestroyieg farms and sweePeed
away everything they encountered, until they c° 11,1Jrbis°
a flourishing province into a desert. Sir B. D
took his military measures with great vigour!. 51;e
met the Kafirs. He was suceessful; but, the cotarne
with only a small regular force, directed with abilithe
system having been abolished, the inconveniences I_7st
system which succeeded it began to be felt, and th,e_cer,
of thu military operations attracted attention. Teprv..oo
dinary and extraordinary charge for the military d te.ti,
of the colony in 1835 amounted to 249,7901. The
mated charge of the military chest for the year eces'aß
d;
the 31st March, 1837, was 206,1491. It must b;!ligd
mitted that this was a considerable expense, end,' fire
been incurred by resisting the incursions of the ;Oho
and in defence of the colony. In one of his dispatches
Sir B. D'Urban stated that between the 23d of Deevs
her and the Ist of January, before the war began, ed
Kafirs had murdered every man they found, destrniA
250 houses, and carried off 100,000 head of cattle
.11,1;
150,000 sheep and goats. This alone would show
the evils we now had to deal with were not evils 137130
themselves, or to be met by simply declaring that steo
had been done was wrong, and that some other si
tier—
must be at once adopted. Upon the occasion q
tion Sir B. D'Urban carried hostilities far into 4
country of the Kafirs; he even went beyond the gait an
4
severely chastised those tribes who had either anti
participated in or encouraged the hostile invasion of
tbs
British territory. Sir B. D'Uurban then declared 7tr
opinion that if we desired to maintain our territory
e
cure for the future it was necessary to extend the
should
be
dary, and he recommended that the boundary
carried beyond the Kieskamma, and fixed
the
river. We should not then blame Sir H. Smith for
tending our frontier line, when we fbund that in 18
it was proposed to extend our boundary for tbePSO•
pose of giving greater security to the Albany and b,red
merset dietticss, which it must always be realer? of
had a just claim to our protection. The Cabil3"s.o
that day took this matter into serious consideration.
00,
authority of Sir B. D'Urban stood very high. Tbe„ess
litary ability which he had shown and the on w.
which had attended his operations, induced the G°l-00
merit to attach great weight to his representation/4,40j
the other hand, it was stated in this countrY re
with great effect on the public mind—that the 11;
tribes were treated with great injustice; and thaLleo
fact, the European settlers themselves were the %-ted,
of hostilities by the outrages they cconl'oey
and that the time had come when it was natieer
Pepe,.
sary to replace a system of severity towards the
eper
by one of conciliation and justice. Finally,
,Lord •of
ley at length gave instructions that the new territory.
which Sir B. D'Urban had already taken Pneseessoer
should be abane.oned. We returned within our re be
be
boundary, and it was determined that treaties shell'd ee
made with chiefs of the Kafirs, and reliance Plarieenrge
them as the means of preserving peace. Sir George
them to
Napier went to the Cape, not ong after, in ors c•
carry these instructions into effect. Sir Andries %jog
kenstrem, a man of considerable talent, and exerkelieth.
great influence over all who came into contact with sot
was appointed to carry on the necessary
aspneotiation
.10
the frontiers, and to conciliate, as far possible, 'he
Dutch settlers, whose confidence he possessed, and the
native tribes, to whom he was known. From th's
disturbanees occasionally broke out, although the...,Y11,.,0i
assumed the character of open war, for Sir B. D'uf,rbett
successes had been striking and remarkable, Itemiat
left a powerful impression on the natives. Inesits;lllo
were centinally being made into our territory l°
,:•,,e4
purpose of cattle stealing. These forays were be'l
tlf
to be favoured by the chiefs, although they constald •
disavowed the imputation. Sir :George Napier 11 el,
conference with tee chiefs for the purpose ea.
ducing them to observe the treaties into which ail no
tered. It soon, however, became apparent that the :or
system was as little likely to secure permanent te5.6,
quillity as that which it had superseded; for in 184„,eee
during the time when Sir P. Maitland was ge/s-ood
there arose a fresh war, which was more extensivee
dangerous than any that had occurred before. -I,n„d'il
Parliamentary papers would be found Sir P. Matto;
account of the occurreacee—at first trivial, and e'hioll
quently assuming a more aggravated character-4v
do
led to this war. It appeared that in this installeesebte
Kafirs had not to complain of any invasion of their Pew
by the settlers; but, because the British authoritinejsfir
posed to punish, in a part of the British colony, nb;
ty
who had committed some offence against the law, ar;fr
of Katirs came in to rescue the prisoner. It wee 9'B, eas
tained that this was not an isolated attempt, no
suggested by one of the chiefs. Now, there could '1" bs
doubt that when Sir P. Maitland went to the colon!, he
was actuated by the most benevolent intentions, °lt of
was inclined to adopt the opinion that the outbreaks of
the Kafirs were entirely owing to the non-observance
it conciliatory system towards them. Sir P. Martian
however, bore remarkable testimony to the good e"00
duct of the settlers, and the absence of all provocation
0,
their part for a considerable period before the war clog
menced ; indeed, he declared in one of his dispatches'.
the colonists had committed no act of offence agaitintb°o4
natives for seven preceding years. This war cont,":l,-00
a long time, and was more costly to the Treasury Tio
any that had previously taken place. Sir P. Maitlattutfo
the first instance, and Sir H. Pottinger subsequese;dr,
carried on the war with the success which had atten"..
former contests, and ultimately the • Kafirs were •
pletely, and, it was hoped, permanently defeated.
Maitland then considered what system he should ren,"„--r
mend for the purpose of securing the colony from :h-s
I
then depredations and attacks, and he recommended 1-„,1
the boundary should be extended to the Kei, and thatl ;
hostile Kafir tribes should be allowed to live in the Wet, i
adjoining the British territory, but that those distrl-ei
should be peopled with friendly tribes. Sir H. Pottiego
took a view of the subject not very dissimilar frorn tb
of Sir P. Maitland. Earl Grey
also issued ins":-
tions to the same effect; but, at the same time,,-1;
gested that it might be possible to control the -1`,;(0,
through their chiefs, and to obtain the co-opers'o'r4
of the latter in an endeavour to improve the Intioeet
habits of the Kafirs by discountenancing .P"%er,
which were abhorrent to British feeling. Some %ea%
sons, and among them the Hon. Member who 1,-;Olt:
brought the question. before the House, seemed to
that the Kafirs ought to be left at liberty to do fibige
they pleased among themselves. Upon that point he
come to a different conclusion. Practices Pr,enelitli,
amongst savage tribes in various parts of the worm-ra,
which British feeling could never be brought in airtee,
ante. The Hon. Baronet the Member for Southwark ECG
other evening indulged in some pleasantry on the Stmtbe
of witchcraft; but this belief in witchcraft was ntadsef te
(over for the perpetration of the grossest abuses. ether
man possessed large herds, or was rich in any clime
kind of property, it was a common thing to accuse
i 'dee
of witchcraft, whereupon he was put to death, and
whole of his property was divided amongstahe chietoe,
was impossible that these murders and confisefit:te#
should take place under the eye of British magistrst:
and governors without an attempt on their part tntortdi
down practices so abhorrent to us. ConsequentlieeiThhe
Grey, Sir 11. Pottinger, and lastly Sir H. had endeavoured to suppress these practices, v°
°'a
out, however, attempting to destroy the nut" asi
city of the chiefs, which they looked upon
a means of governing the people. Sir H. Pottillgey
drew up an able plan, by which he thought the col°,
might be secured from war for the future ; ho
like others who had gone before him—as able as
self—he was of opinion that the territory should be eer
tended to the Kei. Sir H. Smith had been accused
despotic government, and almost of tyranny and cook".
But the objection which had been made in some or ifr,
letters that had appeared in the newspapers on the 6E14,
ject was, that Sir H. Smith had behaved with too moo,
lenity to the principal chiefs. In one of the lette',e"
13
for instance, it was stated that . Sir Henry Pottinger
kept Sandilli a prisoner, and that if Sir H. Smith 'd.
either hanged him or sent him out of the colony, instear,
of allowing him his freedom, the colony would, not b
in the danger in which it was now placed.—(Bea,,i.ei
The accusation against Sir H. Smith had been that'L
bad too great confidence, that be placed too great :61
Hance upon the faith of? those chief:, and that be
not sufficiently distrust them. He (Lord J. Russell) ad
ti
mitted that Sir IL Smith had been deceived in his sett
cipations—that he had believed that no insurreet'°' p
was intended, and that the war which ha broken it°,l°
had taken a character which he had not expected
that ho was not unaware that there were circurastnll,-,,e9
of danger was quite clear from the feet of his at 0; ee. leaving the Cape and writing home to say that "bee, circumstances on the frontier required his appearonp"
there, in order to meet the danger that was aPpt
dhaenagdtetrd.veoußlduat the
3hsueraceerttla.lienlYforhmaiddabnloet bad'
assumed.—(Rear, hear.) But, in making this ade11..6,
slop, he could not forget that numerous other instant
'r•
could be cited in which men of great talent and Plte f
of government had been surprised by the °''' o
sbhealpieevetdhathitt
.s.
breaking fiad
an iesurr, • ection which they thought they would
0,,
means of preventing.—(Hear, hear.) As the Hell.,?,:•001
tleman the Under-Secretary of State for the Co'-e-blies
said the other night, Sir H. Smith bad had the ; 11.
assistance of Colonel Mackinnon, an officer who ails ea-
acquainted with the frontier, and who was not only 713
!sable of rendering valuable aid in the field, but of gilir.)
information of the impending danger.—(Hear, °are..
There was one circumstance to be remarked Witli,„sr,
ference to the present war--that we did not now ,Re-ree
as we heard with respect to the war of 1835, that lama.
bodies of the natives had broken into the peacefe' Lot
settled parts of the colony; but the source of the Preqesl.
danger, and the hostilities that had recently been canes..
on, were removed to a great distance from those Plsficre
__(Clear, hear.) So far we had gained by the me 1105,10
we had adopted. But undoubtedly there were —ea,'
measures to be con:idered; and those further w-09;
sures, he thought, ought to be considered in ta.,
dispassionately.—(lf ear, hear.) They ought to
00
considered with reference to the engagements LP of
which we had entered, with reference to the' prem'elThee
protection which our taking possession of the `-'-'6f
originally by force of arms, and the ultimate ceesifsle,
the colony to us by treaty, after the peace of 'n to
clearly implied.—(Hear, hear.) We ought a13,-,100
consider themwith reference to the safety of the se.-
grass
as well as with reference to the well-being of those
tribes who belonged to' the territory, and whose interea
ought, if possible, to be carefully protected and guards ,
by us. In considering these questions he thought
could not say, as the Hon. Baronet the Member
o say
)
Southwark (Sir W. Molcswortle seemed disposed tb be
the other night with respect to the Cape, and whic Let
did say with respect to our colonies generally,
way.,
them have free constitutions, and take their own
r4J,
and don't let us be pat to any expense. fie (—Q

I

I

i b 6
;, Let

will,
rd 11'

rtra„ll)
G. 1v33 r'.,rf,l if we t-lolz thlt T.:,
(tfetZrs.-J,(, fur ail
hr• We should be responsible for a dreaniut
thec'of,'r,a war of races would cedainly take place in
tpp,,,,4ciee, and we should be responsible for looking t
,vntly
„ ws governors and protectors, while in foe ,
taep,"„e contented spectators of a scene of inardcr
revoltinDitg to the human mind.—(ilcar, hear.)
ik,.'til3o2..ing this alternative, then, there
a.red "a which he thought might very fairly carne thhoecootahT
hwith re.peet to it. They might consider the plan
ntet ‘:Ets ado,_,,t_ad by Lord tilenefg and the 17,,vc....nr,
tkli °A Lord Melbourne, viz., that of end, abou.in,
tt"etorte restrict than extend' the frontier. of the colony,
h treaties with the native tribes, in the hope
to h.t-eY would observe those treaties. This plan seemed
tt,1,478 been fairly tried. Those who had tried it had
Of d 7 wish that they might succeed; but hitherto their
es had not been commensurate with the benevolence
(gear,e Pr°.iect or their desire to carry it into effect.—
td;,ptt) Then there came lastly the plan which ha, been
Sittelhoo the advice of Sir B. D'Urban, Sir P. Maitland
le* -,-ottinger, and Sir H. Smith, namely, that of ex-
-14,4g the frontier to the borders of a river where
POetS
ilia could be established to check the incurtons
Ltd oi"ttuge tribes that sought to infest the colony,
depi endeavouring by the best system that could be
titetel to keep them in obedience—having, at the same
pi:Eittered through the colony a series of forts
tios of security, In his (Lord John Russell's) opi-
t t was certainly the system which was after all the
llimitcontistent with security on the one hand and hu-
t41,..,i;
seenethe other.—(Hear, hear.) Io point d secu-
ktirdreed to him to promise better than the plan
ricting the frontier, and in point of humanity he
krtiuered better than leaving the native tribes to de-
tear.;:te by the sword which was the strongest.—(Hear,
ma°tt
Io Point, therefore, both of security and hu -
klo'pt!' th,!% Ives the plan which he should be inclined to
Wh'ohil3nt*, at the same time, as this was the plan
64tpeoet military, 1845, and now in 1851, had caused the
ti
movements, and all the expense attend ant
soattseose movements, it was quite right that the
1114,P Cotnroons should delegate to a Committee the
tebi,;`, obtaining all the information they could on the
Nee ,t31(1 of giving their opinion whether this was the
14; ”";.I°ll Government aught to pursue. He thought
Nal " the Committee should approve of the
thn ulliitherto adopted—always supposing, of course,
/114, c first thing to be done was to give Sir
ercahSiolith the reinforcements he required, in order
410 c hitu to meet the immediate danger—(Hear,
frni---tiltere were persons in this country perfectly
bohloei
liletit.‘elr intimate knowledge of the colony, to.
301404:0;;tsrliabtence with respect to making treaties yvithethe
lttiool ,„ e,S, and arranging the mode in which. they
e,al future with each other, and what their red.
ghat ii.,ugnt to be with respect both to the colony an
Wit• te ,Vtain. If the House should appoint a Com-
rslly 't`''e views of the Government would, of course, be
tit 41,6 d to the members of that Committee; the ques-
Roy, witted to them would be considered ciispassi?n-
aad riot a great question which concerned the empire,,
Who ;143% question which concerned either the person
be 41‘4 at present Governor of the colony, or the per-
ktto° at present held the seals of the Colonial De-
rilitte,4l4--(Elear, hear.) He was quite sure the Corn-
Nth W°uld spend their time far better in considering
er the policy which had hitherto been adopted was
143, other
Mae or not, and, if not, in suggesting whether
cs.kllde could be adopted which was likely to be at-
e '4,th more benefit than in endeavouring to ascer-
"Pit th
-oe teer Sir H. Smith was wrong in this proclama-
tlitin4l that interview, or whether Lord Grey did
;',33 seictreeeiying with approbation the information that
'4% laim. With this view, therefore, he moved
ki;t:Mdraent of which he had given notice. The Corn-
INa4,,,,ight coma to the opinion that instead of the
/440'4 the Government proposed, and instead ef
% septit assistance to Sir H. Smith, as First Commissioner,
commission should be sent to the colony,
• tlir,-°ll. Gentleman (Mr. Adderley) proposed; but
Ottl46Ritt would be premature to decide that in the
„,1101emillacce• He thought it would be better that the
etikkii-terials for judging of the matter thould be fairly
titiall'et °re the Committee before adopting that cog-
etttdro% The Noble Lord concluded by moving, as en
tZentaiittli:elletbteo Adderley's motion, " That a Select
()lilted to inquire into the relations be-
shi eountriay and the Kafir tribes on our South
ketltfrontier "
utios SRIT.II hoped he should escape one imputz-
,74‘',.ch the Noble Lord had cast upon the Hon.
111), L°r Staffordshire, viz., that of treating this as a
;31.11entir:88,tion, because he was undeniably impartial in
(44 -he' both the motion and the amendment:—
,-ettr.) He objected to a commissioner being
3i e, -0 44 Proposed b the Hon. Member for Stafford-
'listed-411%e he could by
help thinking that while there
Netite.a. governor in the colony the appearance of a
illegke7toner there would cripple his authority, and
'lon% 1.4 once his power over the settlers and his in-
oppoi Jsith the natives.—(Hear, hear.) He was equally
tZtti tO the amendment of the Noble Lord, because
Ant not conceive what course the Committee could
th,e. that had not already been pursued by the Execu-
NZSllear.) The Noble Lord said that they ought to
tat .Itio the opinions of this or that Secretary of the
tell°llleis, and consider the question with reference to the
tiet'4t of the empire.
tia call before themßut whom could the Committee
1311 the but those very persons whose opi-
y were told to set aside?—(Hear, hear.) And
Verilth.e Noble Lord said that there were various gen-
1414,"tiltt this country who were capable of giving in-
to the Committee, he (Mr. V. Smith) looked
te?crefor although he knew one or two gentlemen who
14saieglye information if they liked, yet it was by no
I th:), Pateful task for any one to come forward and
",_%ta Cathia superior officer had failed, or that subordi-
tatei "e", misconducted himself. and, as there were no
:ha% compelling them to come forward and give in-
,,,,.ttenapt--641 he saw no good that would be derived from
it'' (Hear, hear.) He was confirmed in this
II ."7 What took place last year in the Committee
Ltlbseetilel33.3,_ and ordn-anceeshtiemates.. Then again he
if:.(l.auffiele?..gentleTen could got in that House who
4Tvii ut!Y studied the maps of the Cape to be able
rata rewn °Pinion as to where the frontier. line should
''(Hear.) It was almost impossible to sepa-
p"ral eLscussion of the resent question from the ghe-
oh-ek eeltion brought forward the other night by t e
s',thte-e33lber for Southwark; and, in his opinion, they
oaTot to be separated.—(Hear.) The truth was,
.that
lic„waa a sample- ny (Hear.) Let them Just
,N9t(l4; for a moment. If was true, as the Noble
f 4114▪ 1-aeecced to admit, that the policy which had been
;1°,4, 46%itsce,o,i8oswas erroneous—or at all events un-'
that poi, it surely followed that some great reversal
ak
of n„ Y should take place; and this was the opi-
k..; i." 1,1 the best and wisest of the Governors of the
laS4 Pottine ho in one of his dispatches
ktriet Wptad be t leobitithe ofo glad
frontier.—(Hear,
if were in his power to ro-
bs(' rd said tlimits
hat the hear.) The
genee out , we must protect the settlers who
ts el: trai.o eee..!°,
this
Cape under o_ eonwcouragement. To
far was this to
to rted?..7,tehts was true; but h
th,l4ord the_(ll.a.r, hear.) Were we always to continue
farm .1 military protection, and they to afford
th 11°11e? Because he could prove that in the
int'preaPe the colonists had all along
4% I 14 for nil.
otect themselves,and had always been nn-
depended
/.4„.(afe _ nary protection, and always would do so
Is?(1 said :agave it to them.—(Hear.)
vieutt:wasT,ltt the colonists had accumulated
104. word, hilt
the
to that? T 4
hoeo oN, :017
He would a'nswer in
thelees,l, whirs : the Noble Lord the Secretary for___ the C0e1,..13Y
e1,..13Y the way, differed from the Noble Lord
}'Drat ki .41.11:lister of the Crown. The Noble Lord the
r re, chter ot
Iht) the Crown denounced every proposal
.qteeoloe ent, and the withdrawal of the troops from
otitish an the dismemberment of thde. empire. Lord
the with-
Lltosl of neer contrary, was recomman
/114 forces in all quarters if theiwnoghrladt.
in
my
latoll.-eviellaISSELL—I referred to t
,e,/tr, hear.)
ups °l' the e
f • in continuation, said that the Secre-
-0 dere olonies wrote to the Australians that they
role' surriel thtrnselves. The Governor of Australia
teeclt, whej Yon will not withdraw your forces froma
bto Grey a there i 3 so much property to defend."
(petty tePlel€d, "If you have so large an amount of
'`(tie/i• Stnitu aotne of it in defending the rest" He
9ttieilre he • applied the same argument to the Cape.
tm le% at) (The Right Hon. Gentleman here
k4:er, to
ale 3 extracts from the dispatches of Sir H. Pot-
'hitk3terifiee°w the indisposition of the colonists
eta() makess
whiek._. to defend themselves, and the r
mansel.er
in
th°lattheY profited by the extravagant
ot_
ese
Ist war, 2,war was conducted.) The causes
Ittlo-llotieer.a the causes of their long continuance_e,fita.yd
Ae, 'Ted, the but of this the House might rest pert*
Caged they sc long as the wars were expensive, so long
tttile,...lnes,P;°°o profitable to certain persona at the
the 41g then! e3e-
would means of promoting and e-
t` kta ne He saw some gentlemen in
use found.
bqt kittee, "uo had served en the Army Estimates
tteekhaederTici he appealed to them to say, had they
that tit evidence laid before that Committee to
4 p.tilcainiss nothing was more difficult than to control
it „t whari4t, or to prevent people encouraging
site„ was profitable to themselves ? Now,
qie-11 ees `,„7"2---01 which this country had striking.
Ite7a4ltid be7ere necessary to a war, how careful should
t-b 8 esteemll °Meting upon such wars, especially when
tithe() War bered that so long as the expenses went
,likber a e would be continued! If they were to have
tel? th,th°lntnittee or a commission, he should like to
le,,detpeoi tioquire into the expenses of the late_ war,t.
IP4't 4E4 131 t° inquire into the charges of peculation
Ne3issoedst the British army. If such a commission
Its 1' be Eras the Son. Member for Staffordshire pro-
e,e id not see how it could be rendered efficient
~riltios:esarY purposes. A commission, for example,
cir:ltl th adit accounts. He hoped that when his Hon.
th te 1,3. tho 9h:tinder-secretary for the Colonies rose to
ttaso. 140 use on this subject ho would apply himseit
t:::Nre-tt of the
a.‘lteci -443 of the question, and tell the House why
• lkiti war had never been properly inres-
took, 6,i,0b1e Lord at the head of the Govern-
• the' commando system in terms of disap-
te4lith'ie°ot, after all the results of the late war, Sir
44, 'o47d.itDeeessary to tall out the whole of the
kite 41d0ftisefact, to order a levy en masse;
k4uol ould ask, was hot that creating, by British
sy:(10,71,
11 a system almost identical with the com-
b,. 1114'of operations? But such proceedings
the 4; they; they had been repeated again and
theafforded tee most irresistible proofs that
'o•`:r. our Government in that colony must be
tt.3 atret:o he made this assertion under the influence
4tig.,e% witg,..pinion that Zagland never could have any
he jiafirs. Wit were thought desirable—
itt tit tiimar fr6co.sayi..pg so--but if it was for a mo-
‘l'fonteg__ut of, that we biight to exterminate that race,
ti'p4e eiffie;al3t'tleat the undertaking might prove muele
than those who contemplated it at all anti-
Ohe thing was certain, as he thought—that
qt 4 witi'lv.ll,ld agree with the Kafirs, or live on terms of
,;',.cm. In support of this assertion he might
in ..-xtembers to a work written, or at least pub-
", is 37 by Mr. Boyce; and, however queetion-