The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-21 00:00:00

ace either of omission or of addition, or defect either of our
ention, or any other whatsoever ; but shallfalways be valid
1 in force, and shall take effect in all particulars, aed be
iolably observed ; all general or special enactments, not-
ntistanding, whether apostolic, or issued in synodal, pro-
acial, and universal councils; notwithstanding also all
ehte and privileges of the ancient sees of England."
-(Hear, hear.) Now the former declaration is upon Dr.
":zeman's authority alone, but no doubt authorised by the
e of Rome, and that is a declaration that our Protestant
archbishops and bishops do not exist.—(Hear.) This re-
script Is a substitution of the Archbishop of Westminster, of
the Bishop of Southwark and others, for the Bishops of the
Protestant Church, who are thus declared to have been null
an t void and to be entirely abrogated and annulled.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, I ask, does this fairly come within the
scope of a foreign Sovereign ? My Right Hon. Friend an-
swered the question at once, as if ahe had been taught by Dr.
Wiseman himself—(A laugh)—as if he had been brought up
at the feat of his Eminence. That the Pope has no autho-
rity as a spiritual function for the appointment of all bishops
at all times is, I think, proved by various works, but by no
one more clearly than by Dr. Twiss, in his book on this
subject, full of learning, and stated with great temper. I
think nothing is more clearly proved than this, that the cir-
cumscription of dioceses must be consented to by the sove-
reign authority, and that the appointment of bishops is not
spiritual but temporal. The consecration of bishops Dr. Twiss
fairly considers a spiritual matter ; but that bishops can be
appointed without the consent of the sovereign authority, and
an express agreement that the Pope or some other autho-
rity shall have the power to appoint them, is what I think
all good authorities on this subject would deny, and they
would deny it in common with the public law of Europe,
and in common with the practice of every country in Europe.
—(?lean) Let any man who goes to Protestant countries—
let him refer to Prussia. Holland, or Saxony, which, though
it has a Catholic King, has a Protestant people, and he will
find in every one of them that the Royal authority would
be used against such an appointment, against any such a
circumscription of dioceses, and that it would not be per-
mitted. If that is the case, I ask you to look at the
nature of this aggression. It is, as it struck me at the very
commencement, an assumption of power over the realm of
England at variance with the supremacy of the Crown, at
variance with the rights of its clergy, at variance with and
! i contradiction of the independence of the nation. Some
lion. Gentlemen say, let us have a resolution ; let it be in as
stringent terms as you please, deciding that there is no
right to assume such power, and that the Queen retains all
her temporal authority and spiritual supremacy as it is
by law established. That might be done, but I do not
know that it would be wise of Parliament to come to
resolutions which, when they were produced in a court of
justice, when a Roman Catholic clergyman appeared there as
Archbishop of Westminster, and another Roman Catholic
clergyman as Bishop of Birmingham, might be decided by
the presiding judge to be of no value in law—to be utterly
worthless, and to be a declaration which he, sitting
on the bench of justice, could pay no attention to.
cannot advise the House to take a course by which I think
the dignity of Parliament would be compromised.--(Hear,
hear.) My Right Hon. Friend who last spoke goes to the
other extreme. He sap," If regality is attacked you have the
case of Lalor, in which regality was asserted. Why does not
the Attorney-General proceed according to the case of
Lalor?" My Right Hon. Friend hardly stated the case
against Lalor as it actually occurred. He says that Lalor,
having attempted to encroach upon the temporal privileges
of the Crown, was, for that attempt, indicted and convicted.
After that statement I must claim the indulgence of the
Howse while I state what was actually the case against
Lalor. The indictment was framed in the Court of
Queen's Bench in Ireland, and it charged Lalor that he
bad received a bull from the Court of Rome, giving him
authority, as vicar-general, prejudicial to the King's autho-
rity within the realm, and that, under pretext of such
vicar-generalship, he had exercised, by appointments to
benefices, in matrimonial causes, dispensations, and
other matters, jurisdiction appertaining to the episcopal office
to the detriment of the authority, dignity, and regality of the
Crown. On this indictment Lalor, after a consultation of
half an hour on the part of the jury, was found guilty, and I
believe sentenced. He was proceeded against under an Act
of Richard 11. He was proceeded against, in point of fact,
for having usurped episcopal jurisdiction ; not for doing any-.
thing by direct means against the authority or temporal
power or legality of the Crown, but for exercising episcopal
jurisdiction, and the right appertaining to and vested in the
Crown. By that statute of tfichard 11., after the enumera-
tion of the offences comprehended under the usurpation of
the episcopal jurisdiction, it was declared that all persons
committing these offences should be put out of the King's
protection, should forfeit to the King their lands, tenements,
goods, and chattels, and be imprisoned during the pleasure
of the Crown. Now, it appears to me that very possibly
some of these new bishops thus appointed by the Pope may
have done those very things which Lalor was found guilty
of having done; that in causes matrimonial, appoint-
ments to benefices, and various other matters
which appertain to the episcopal jurisdiction, they
have used the powers for which bishops are or-
dained. Now, I conceive that it would have been a
hard course on our parts. with such penalties before us—as-
suming we had got evidence—to have proceeded against ler.
Wiseman, and have endeavoured to convict him under that
statute of Richard.—(Hear, hear.) Had we done so, what
would, indeed, have become of that religious liberty in which
we are charged with being wanting? Had we acted upon
that statute, by which Dr. Wiseman would have been de-
prived of his goods and chattels and have been imprisoned
during the pleasure of the Crown—would there not have
been an outcry that we were harshly resuscitating for a par-
ticular purpose ancient statutes, which, not having been used
for two centuries, might be considered obsolete, and would
not the reproach as to the infringement of religious liberty
have been sent forth with ten times more vehemence than it
has been already ? (Hear.) We find that those Gentlemen
who have spoken on this subject, to the effect that some pub-
lic measures ought to have been taken, very much divided in
opinion as to what ought to have been done, have suggested
various courses which they conceive would have been
better than the present Bill. Without going into all
their suggestions, let me submit one observation to the
House. Here is a point on which there is hardly any dif•
ference of opinion, that this Papal aggression itself is arro-
gant in the extreme.—(Hear, hear.) There has been no al-
ternative proposed to the course that we propose on which
there has been anything like a general agreement, or which
has been at all made out to have a clear and practical bear-
ing upon the case in hand. The course proposed by Lord
Stanley was that there should be a resolution, but likewise
that we should have an inquiry with reference to future le-
gislation; and the Noble Lord manifests his belief that we
are not at present prepared for legislation on this sutject, by
declaring that he thought a year, or perhaps two years,
might elapse before that legislation could be proceeded with.
(Hear, hear.) Now, although I might have preferred my
own nurse, yet had that other course been proposed by Lord
Stanley, as head of the Government, I might have been ready
to adopt it in deference to the authority of the Govern-
ment. I now put it to the House ; you have one course be-
fore you— a course proposed by the Government—and there
is no other clear, definite course proposed as an alternative to
that course. Now is it not better, if you mean to do anything
at all against this aggression, to agree to the course proposed
by the Government—even though that course be not the
best possible—rather than reject it in the vague hope that
some other course may at some future period be proposed, to
which a fuller and more general assent may be accorded.—
(Hear, hear.) It has been said, among other matters, that
what is now proposed falls far short of that which I indi-
cated before Parliament met, and especially in that letter of
mine which has often been referred to—my letter to the
Bishop of Durham.—(Hear.) Sir, I am ready to abide by
all the sentiments contained in that letter.—(lronical cries of
" Hear, hear," and much counter cheering.) The letter has
been so often referred to by others, that I may be permitted
to refer to it myself.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The re-
presentations which have been made of that letter have been
greatly erroneous ; it has been represented that in that letter
I did not look to public opinion for a cure of the evil com-
plained of, but to some stringent law on the subject of this
Papal aggression. Now, what I said in the letter was this
—after describing the character of the aggression, I pro-
ceeded:—
Even if it shall appear that the Ministers and servants
of the Pope in this country have not transgressed the law, I
feel persuaded that we are strong enough to repel any out-
ward attacks. The liberty of Protestantism has been en-
j,,yed in England too long to allow of any successful attempt
to impose a foreign yoke upon our minds and consciences.
No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his
fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindi-
can ed its rights to freedom of opinion—civil, political, and re-
ligious."
Now, this was a clear appeal not to the powers of the
law, either as they exist now, or as they might be enacted
to the purpose, but to that liberty of opinion, civil and reli-
gious, which this country has long enjoyed, and which I con-
sieered to be the great antidote against the attempt to fasten
upon our consciences the yoke to which they had so long
been strangers.— (Cheers.) - With regard to any measures to
be taken in the way of enactment, I think, Hon. Gentl.men,
when I have read the words I used, will allow that they were
sufficiently guarded :—" Upon this subject, then, I will say
that the present state of the law shall be carefully examined,
and the propriety of adopting any proceedings with reference
to the recent assumption of power deliberately considered."
It -does not even say that any proceedings at all were to be
taken; it merely says that the propriety of taking any pro-
ceedings should be deliberately considered.—( Hear, hear.)
Au I I say, therefore, that if at the meeting of Parliament
the Government had declared that they did not think it ne-
cessary to introduce a Bill or to institute any prcceedings—
whether such a course would have been wise or unwise,
justifiable or not, at all events it would have been com-
pletely c,ensistent with the assertion in that letter—(Hear,
hf ar)—and Set it has been represented that this measure
:al's far short of the intimations held out by me be-
iere the meeting of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I
sow still that our main defence, our main security, consists
in that liberty of discussion, in that liberty of thought, in
thet political freedom which we have so long enjoyed, and
which we will maintain—(Cheers)— but it does not follow
r."ta this that it may not be necessary to have some legisla-
tive aseertilon of the supremacy of the Crown and the freedom
the nation.—(Hear.) It has always appeared to me, from
the very tint, that if any measure was to be proposed, it
should be one of the mildest form, and that it would be far
better to tail somewhat short of what the occasion might
seem to justify, than to exceed, in any degree, the absolute
necessity of these
case; and after all I have heard—after the
proposal ofsending fleet to Civita Vecchia, and various
other' propo: —I am still of the same
flear, hear.) been made
opinion.
—v
been much. After one assertion, in particular,
which has Houserelied upon, I wish to call the
attention of the_emeto what actually the fact.
Some of the Gentlemen opposed oPPosa to the Bill represent it as
one of persecution, andthatay the first clause contains
enactments of the second
within itss.lf theand third, so that
the omission of these two makes no . essential difference in the
gentlemen of
Bill. Wit bout entering into the question of _
law, on which
when in C emmittee we shall hear enough from
the long re ,be, I will put this to the h
Rou
se —lf this first
clause in itself is so very perseeutin g
- ow comes it for 21
years the :_;omen Catholics of Ireland have been subject to
the law, without making scarce a murmur against it ; that,
sion of
in point of fact, the only decided expres t.ntholic
Pnion
Roman
re-
specting it was that in 1830, of the arch.
bishops and bishops, which expression was cue o
eeace ?—(Dear, hear.) What this clause
says is simply
that, our existing sees and dioceses shall be protected from
aggression, and that Roman Catholic clergymen shall not be
allowed to assume the title from any place or district in the
United Kingdom. For 21 years the Roman Catholic pre-
lates and laity have been suffering under the dreadful perse-
cution which is discovered lurking under the clause, and
never ones in the whole time have been aware of their suf-
ferings. We have heard. of the gentleman who spoke prose
all his life and didn't know it; but only conceive a whole
people suffering all the martyrdom of persecution, and not
knowing anything about it ! This shows that the Bill
at all events, is not very oppressive. That questions may
arise frith regard to the execution of this Bill if it become
law in England I cannot well doubt. I believe that that is
very likely to be the case, but my belief is that when the
Roman Catholics see that Parliament has agreed to this en-
actment they willl bow to the authority of Parliament and
will not attempt the assumption of those titles.—(Hear,
hear.) But, Sir, other questions may arise, and I will not
conceal from. the House any more than I have from myself,
that you may not by this-Bill meet every danger that we
may have 't,o encounter. Nowp 1 have it not in contempla-

tion to frame any code by which all the relations between
the See of Rome and the Orown of this country may be re-
gulated ; but this I say, that if that spirit which you have
seen lately be not checked—that if it be not checked by the
great display of Protestant and national feeling that has
been shown in this country - that if it be not checked by the
simple and mild enactments of Parliament—if further ag-
gressions should take place—if it be attempted, for
instance, to deprive the people of Ireland altogether
of the benefits of mixed education—( Hear, hear)--if
it be attempted to deprive Parliament of its power
in this respect, and if those who serve the Crown are to
be deterred by menaces with reference to their religious
consolations if they attempt to carry out the system of
mixed education which the Roman Catholics themselves
asked for but a few years ago—then, I do not deny that in
such a case other measures may be necessary.—(Hear,
hear.) And so likewise of similar aggressions. I differ alto-
gether from my Right Hon. Friend when he says that this
matter of education is one on which the Roman Catholic
clergy may proceed unchecked to any extremity they may
choose. I don't think that you would be right or that you
would be justified, having declared that you meant national
education in Ireland to proceed, in allowing spiritual wea-
pons to be employed for temporal purposes in such a manner
as to prevent the youth and children of Ireland from ac-
quiring secular knowledge, because the Roman Catholic
bishops chose to call it a part of spiritual instruction.—
(Hear.) I remember speaking with a very excellent and
mild bishop of the Roman Catholic Church who undertook
the superintendence of the Roman Catholics of London
not many years ago. Speaking to him on the subject of
granting aid from the Committee of Council to
Roman Catholic schools, I said, "We shall leave
your religious instruction entirely unfettered ; we
shan't inquire what it is, or how it is given." His an-
swer was, "No doubt you intend to do so; but I don't
believe you know the extent to which we carry that term
religious instruction;' history, for example, the whole of
civil history, we comprehend under the term of religious in-
struction ;' and we should not be satisfied with any part of
the political or civil history of England being taught other-
wise than under the superintendence of the clergy of our own
Church."—(A laugh.) There was nothing arrogant or pre-
tending about that excellent man. This was merely a state-
ment of what the opinions and doctrines of his Church were,
—(Hear, hear ) But I must say, if that doctrine were car-
ried to any extent, that with regard to civil matters, and to
matters of physical science, nothing could be taught to the
youth of Ireland except under the superintendence of the
clergy, that nothing could be more for the benefit of the
Roman Catholics themselves than that the State should step
in and say that it would not permit any such a system
to prevail. In this respect, as in all others, I believe that
if what Mr. Grattan predicted should in time fail, this
Bill would be no such great bar and security against such
evils, and that the whole question is not between Pro-
testants and Roman Catholics, but it is a question in one re-
spect between the Crown and the people of this conntry and
the See of Rome, but in another respect, it is a question as
regards the Roman Catholic laity, and an attempt to impose
upon it the favourite ultramontaine doctrine of Rome.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, I have observed that Gentlemen who
have opposed this Bill upon the ground that no legislation
whatever is required have entirely failed in making this dis-
tinction, tough it must be obvious and striking to every
one who has read any part of the history of Europe or of re-
ligious contests. My Right Hon. Friend referred to Bossuet
and other high authorities ; and many of those high Roman
Catholic authorities of modern times, like our ancestors,
while they were men of strict and undoubted Roman
Catholic faith, were at the same time most spirited, most in-
dependent, most able, and most constant enemies of the
usurpation of the Court of Rome. Yet I conceive that the
Protestants who now speak upon this subject, do not take
the assertions of such men as Bossuet, or Pascal, but they
take all the assertions that came from the See of Rome,
which in former days, and down even to the present
day, have beeriscouted by all the most able and most learned
of the Roman Catholics. They take all these, I say, as the
assertions of Roman Catholic doctrine, of Roman Catholic
faith, and of ecclesiastical discipline. I think when we
come, as I am afraid we must come, to discuss these mat-
ters a good deal further, that this distinction cannot fail to
be made; and however it may have been obliterated for the
time I do feel confident that having passed the Act of 1829
we shall see that the spirit of the laity will revolt against
these pretensions.—(Hear.) Sir, I have been always of
opinion that it was not only for the benefit of the Roman
Catholics, but also for the security of the State, that the
concessions made in 1829 should be enacted by an Act of
Parliament; but I not only thought that, but that they
should be carried out in spirit and in reality. For that
purpose I thought that the Roman Catholic people of Ireland
should have a large franchise allowed them, so that it
should be clear that they should have the power of choosing
their own representatives, and not at the dictation of
their Protestant landlords. I thought it necessary, like-
wise, in order to carry out the spirit of that Act, that Ro-
man Catholics should be chosen and named to civil offices
for which they were capable as freely as Protestants ; and I
am persuaded that those things, under the present Adminis-
tration, have been fully carried out.—( Hear, hear.) We
passed last year an Act with respect to the franchise, and
from the time that I came into office, so far as my patronage
has been concerned, I have been always anxious that Roman
Catholics should have a fair share of that to which their
abilities entitled them.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I think that a
great security, but it is upon this conditions that those
Roman Catholics are as free to act according to their own
opinion as Protestants would be in similar circumstances.
—(Hear, hear.) And if you find that Roman Catholics have
been, like Sir Michael O'Loughlin, the Master of the Rolls,
and Sir Thomas Redington, loyal to the Crown and anxious
to do justice equally between all classes of her Majesty's
subjects, there can be no doubt but that rule of law
should prevail ; but if you find, on the contrary, that
these Papal maxims have gained supremacy in Ireland,
and that Roman Catholics in office have been
threatened by the priests if they ,did their duty fairly,
it would oblige those Roman Catholics to leave the service of
the Crown, and to do that which would come to be a practi-
cal denial of that which the Act of 1829 gave them.- (Hear,
hear.) My Right Hon. Friend has a very simple remedy
for that. he says if a Roman Catholic be threatened with a
spiritual sentence, such as the refusal of the sacrament, he
has only to leave the Roman Catholic community. -(A
laugh.) But it is very possible that his conscience may not
allow him to make that change; he may feel that the priest
exercises an oppression upon him, as did that unfortunate
man Count Santa Rosa, at Turin ; but his faith in his reli-
gion might yet be totally unshaken ; and if thst be the case,
I say it is for the benefit of the Roman Catholics themselves
that you should assert the spiritual independence of this
country and should not encourage these assumptions of
power on the part of the Court of Rome.—( Wear, hear.)
My Right Honourable Friend at the conclusion of his
speech referred to men of eminence, some of whom were
departed and some of whom were still alive, who had fought
manfully and successfully in favour of Roman Catholic inde-
pendence. I was an humble follower of those men, and
though not taking part in the debates upon that subject in
this House, I constantly fought that battle in the country,
and gave my votes upon the same side. Sir, I regret not a
single vote that I then gave. I rejoice that I was in any
way instrumental in procuring religious liberty; but if I
experience now that you. have not taken those securities
which Mr. Grattan said you might take; if I feel some
doubt—some suspicion- some apprehension—of the future
proceedings of the Court of Rome, I am not without the au-
thority of many friends of freedom who expressed similar
fears and similar apprehensions. Ido not know that I need
be ashamed of being somewhat more liberal than Milton
and than Locke.—( Hear, hear.) I do not know
that I need be ashamed of having somewhat of the tem-
per which belonged to Hampden and to Pym and to
all those great men who asserted the liberties of the
country in this House against the tyranny of Charles I. I
do not know that I need be ashamed of feeling somewhat
of those doubts and apprehensions which influenced the calm
and sober judgment of Lord Somers. Those men were the
friends of liberty, many of them writers in favour of liberty
of conscience and of toleration far beyond the opinions of
their age; but they felt, however, that the Roman Catholic
faith might be held as well as any other faith, conscientiously
and consistently with the enjoyment of power; still that
there was something in the character of the See of Rome
which made every friend of liberty jealous of its encroach-
ments and fearful of the establishment of its power.—(Hear,
hear.) Sir, whatever I may have felt with regard to the
particular measures that might be adopted, 1 have always
maintained an opposition to the Roman Catholic supremacy.
I remain still of that mind; and when I see that there are
so few of the Roman Catholic body who feel that this
aggression, made without the consent of the Crown and
against the will of the nation, is an aggression upon the
supremacy of the Crown and the independence of the people,
my apprehensions are not diminished, but increased by such
a temper. While I remain a friend to religious liberty, as I
trust I ever have been (as the Roman Catholics, at least,
ought to admit, frequent as have been the rebuffs that I have
met with in the course of popular elections because I have
said I was for the Roman Catholics)—anxious as I have
been, and ever shall be, for religious liberty, I will not con-
found that cause with the cause of Papal encroachment.—
(Cheers.) I believe that the liberties of England and the
liberties of Europe will be best promoted by its resistance.—
(General cheers. )
The debate was then adjourned until this day (Friday).
The Consolidated Fund (8,000,0001.) Bill was read a
second time ; and
The House adjourned at One o'clock.

THE SUN,

Ilit.',ATltt.; ROYAL, ADELrill.
Cinder the direction of Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING,

LONDON,

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
First Appearance of Madlle. CAROLINE DUPREZ.
The Nobility, Subscribers, and the Public are respectfully informed
that this Theatre will OPEN on SATURDAY, March 22, when will
be performed Donizetti's Opera, entitled
LUCIA DI LA3IMERMOOR.
Lucia, ........ . • ..—Madlle. Caroline Duprez
(her first appearance in this country).
Enrico...... • • .• ........ —Signor Lorenzo.
Bidebent • •
(his first appearance in this country).
Arturo.... • •
(his tilt appearance in this gauntry).
Normando ..... • • • • • Signor Dat FiorL
Edgardo ••••.• • • • • .•• • • Signor Calzolari.
To be followed by a new and
DES AMOURetS. original Ball, A la Watteau. entitled
L'ILE
Composed by M. Paul Taglloni, the Music by M. Nadaud, the
Scenery by Mr. C. Marshall, in which Madlle. linalla Fermis will
appear.

Fleurette (Bergere), Mdlle. Amalia Ferraris.
Colin (son Fiancé), M. Charles.
Gregoire (Pere de Colin), M. di Mattia.
Blaise (Arnoureux de Fleurette), M. Ehrick.
Le Governeur de rile des Amours, M. Gosselin.
Mdlle. de Follauges (Grand Dame), lime. Petit Stephan.
ire Chef des Amours, Mdlle. Tedeschi,
2me Chef des Amours, Mdlle. Aussandon.
Un Maitre de Ceremonies, M. Venafra.
Astrologues (Conseiller do Geaverneur), M. Gouriet.
First Tableau, La Loi Impossible. " Les Fiances," dause pasto-
rale. "Le Jeu de la Hese," pas de deux, par Mdlle. Amalia Fer-
raris and M. Charles. Le Governeur Amoureux. Sa Deception.
Vengeance. La Proclamation.
Second Tableaa, La Paysanne ala Conn " Jadis et AuJourd'hui,"
Lutte de la Dance ltoccoc) et Moderne, scene executee par
Amalla Ferraris, Mme. Petit Stephan, et M. Gosselin.
Third Tableau, Lee Amours Vengeurs. Dance du Chef des Amours,
Mdlle. Tedeschi. " Les Bergerea captivees par lea Animus,"
Balla-
Wile, par Mdlle. Amalia Ferraris, Mdlle. Tedeschi, et lea Dames du
Corps de Ballet. "Les Bergers Delaisses," final, par Mdlle.
Amalia Ferraris, Mdllo. Tedeschi, M. Charles, et Corps de Ballet.
Fourth Tableau, La Chasse aux Amours. `• Le Pas du Trebuchet,"
executee par Mdlle. Tedeschi, Mdlle. Aussandon, and M.
Ehriek. La Course aux Amours. Comma en se lease
prendre dans see filets. La Proclamation Abolie. Le Pardon.
Divertissement. Grand Pas de Deux, par Mdlle. Amalia Ferraris
and M. Charles, accompagnis par Mdlles. Soto, Emma, Lavinia,
Soldansky, Vanhollen, et Beale. Final General et Apotheese des
Amours.
Applications far Boxes, Stalls, and Tickets to be made at the Box-
office of the Theatre. Doors opened at Seven, the Opera to com-
ment* at Half-past Seven o'clock.

THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. James Andes son.
THIS EVENING
Will be presented by her Majesty's Barmen
A petite Comedy, entitled A MORNING CALL, In which Mr. J.
Anderson and Mrs. Nisbett will appear.
After which, a new grand Operatic Spectacle, entitled AZAEL,
THE PRODIGAL. Reuben, Mr. Vandenhoff ; Azael, Mr. J. Ander-
son ; Amenophis, Mr. Emery ; Bucharis. Mr. Cooper ; Bathos, Mr.
Rafter; Jephtele, Miss F. Vining; Nene, Mrs. Walter Lacy ; Lta,
Victorine Legrain (Premier Sujet du Opera de Paris), who
as been expressly engaged for the occasion, and will make her
appearance every evening.
SYNOPSIS OF SCENERY, INCIDENTS, &o.
ACT I.
INTERIOR of REUBEN'S TENT,
Opening at the Back to the Distant Desert—Sunset.
The Travellers—the Evening Repast—the Gift—Departure of Azael
with the Caravan for Memphis.
Camels of the Desert.
ACT 11.
The GREAT SQUARE of MEMPILIS.
Arrival of Azael.
Sacred Procession of Apis. The Offerings.
Lia, and Troop of Almees.
Grand Pas de Fascination by Madlle. Victorine Legrain.
:he ensemble by Madame Louise, Meddles. Pa/ser, Julio, and
Coryphees.
The Gamester—False Diee—Azael's Prodigality—the Love Token
VIEW near MEMPHIS.
Reuben in search of his Son—the False Friend.
Interior of the TEMPLE of ISIS.
Orgie.
Grand Pas de Poignards by the Coryphees.
Azad recovers the Stolen Scarf—the Secret Spring—Azael surprised
in the Sacred Temple—the " Human Victim."
The Doom of the Prodigal.
Act 111.
TENT of NEMROUD, the Camel Driver.
Arrival of Travellers—Degradation of the Prodigal-- the Slave—the
False Friend—the Gift Restored—Despair of the Prodigal.
The Dream.
The VALE of AZAEL'S BIRTH.
The Harvest Festival—Azael mourned as Dead—Return of the
Prodigal.
Appearance of the Spirit of the Desert.
To conclude with THE LOTTERY TICKET.

TiIEATRE ROYAL, 11.4.1(MA1tK E 1 .
Mr. B. Webster, Lobe Lessee and Manager, Old Brompban.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed the Tragedy of MACBETH. Duncan, Mr.
Rogers ; Macbeth, Mr. J. W. Wallack ; Banque, Mr. Howe ; Mac-
duff, Mr. J. Wallack ; Lady Macbeth, Miss L. Addison; Hecate,
Alias P. Horton.
To be followed by a now ana original comic drama, called GOOD
FOR NOTHING. Toni Dibbles, Mr. Buckstone ; Harry Collier,
Mr. Howe ; Young Mr. Simpson, Mr. Clark ; Nan, Mrs. Fitzwilliam.

IWill be performed GIRALDA.
After which a new Farce called THE SCHOOL FOR TIGERS ;
or, The Shilling Hop. Captain Kltetlyer, Mr. Boyce ; Major Stiff,
Mr. 'freeborn ; Mr. Panels, Mr. Wright ; Alexander Panels, Miss
Chaplin ; Mr. Firkins, Mr. C. J. Smith ; Tom Crop, Miss Woolgar.
To be followed by JACK IN THE GREEN.
To conclude with TIIE MARRIED BACHELOR.