The Sun.
London, England, 1834-04-26 00:00:00

nOLD BAILEY BILL

The LORD CHANCELLOR informed the house that
it was his intention to withdraw the clause in this bill re-
lative to throwing open the Court of Common Pleas, his
Majesty having been pleased to do so by his Royal
warrant. The noble lord then withdrew the clause, and
the bill was reported.
The house then adjourned to Monday.

had ever been governed by corrupkn and the bayonet. If, I
however, the bayonet were taken Ikway, Ireland would
be lost to this country. Absenteeism was also!
a bane ; even the Irish Secretary was absent from
his duty the greater part of the year. That Ireland
could prosper under such a system was impossible.
Catholic emancipation was refused one year by an immense
majority, and granted the following year by an equally
large majority. Why then should they despair of repeal?
Ireland would continue to call for a repeal of the union.
They were unanimous on it to a man—nay to a woman.
( A laugh.) Yes, the very children were taught to lisp
the word Repeal. In describing the union he knew no
words more appropriate than those of Charles James Fox,
who declared that " the union was atrocious in principle,
and abominable in its operation, and that it was the most
disgraceful measure ever carried or proposed." (Hear,
hear.) Every true Irishman would coincide in that opi-
nion. The union was a job brought about by the 'most
glaring corruption. It was not the wish of those who
supported the repeal of the union to separate the coun-
tries. All they wanted was a federal union upon equal
terms. He denied that there existed a wish for sepa-
ration if a federal union were given upon a founda-
tion of equality for Ireland. But one on that foundation
was the only one which would content or benefit that
country. He denied that there was any danger in grant-
ing a domestic parliament. A domestic legislature would
keep up respect and obedience of the laws, which the
weakness of an absentee government could not. In the
present state of the country it was necessary that an ab-
sentee tax should be laid on. (Hear, hear, hear.) The
substance was drawn from the country and brought to
England, and( when the people who laboured called for
bread they were presented with a bayonet. (Hear, hear. )
He (Mr. Ruthven) suspected that the returns readC by the
right hon. Secretary for the Treasury were very incorrect,
or, at all events, exaggerated. Limerick, for instance,
was declared to be in a highly flourishing state, yet what
was the fact? That Limerick, which before the union
had only one pawnbroker's shop, had now forty. (A laugh. )
Criminal prosecutions too, had increased in Dublin to
an enormous extent, and that entirely from • the country
being in a state of distress and misery. In Dublin there
were sixty woollen manufactories previous to the union,
but there were only ten now. (Hear, hear, hear.) At'
this moment there were 50,000 persons in Dublin in dis-
tress and wretchedness. All these were circumstances
which strongly showed the exaggeration of the right hon.
gentleman's returns. Another proof that property had
not risen to a great extent was, that before the union, the
value of the houses in Dublin was 794,000/., while in 1830
the commissioners made a return, by which it appeared
that the value then was only 704,0001., being a falling off
of 90,000/. (Hear, hear.) The references which had
been made as to the union were as fallacious as could be.
It was to merchants a matter of no consequence, for it cost
them nothing whether they put down exports to the
amount of 10,000/. or 20,0001., or of 6001. or 700/. He
(Mr. Ruthven) had now done with the question of the
union. Were that union dissolved, Englishmen could then
amalgamate with Irishmen as friends, and would no longer
as at present, be looked on as spies whenever they were
found in Ireland.

Mr. JOHN BROWN felt relieved from the responsi-
bility he would, otherwise have felt pressing upon him, in
addressing the house on this subject, by the circumstance
of knowing that, in expressing his own sentiments, he was
also expressing those of the large and respectable consti-
tuency which he had the honour to represent; and know-
ing and recollecting this, he would not be deterred from
the fearless and explicit expression of his (Mr. Brown's)
sentiments by any of the sarcasms of the hon. and learned
member for Dublin. The house and the country were
under obligations to the hon. and learned member for the
city of Cork, for the candour he had shown on this occa-
sion ; for it was chiefly owing to him that the question of
the repeal of the Union was now brought to the bar of
public opinion. Circumstances might soon arise, in the
present state of Ireland, which would make it necessary to
grapple with the question then before the house ; and his
Majesty's Ministers, now that it was brought before the
house ; ought to grapple with it firmly, vigorously, and
fearlessly. He (Mr. Brown) had no hesitation in saying,
that there was no part of the respectable portion of the
community who did not contemplate the possibility of the
measure passing without dismay. He could state, that
according to his own knowledge, the people of Ireland did
did not wish for a repeal of the Union. It was not their
question, but solely the question of the hon. and learned
member for Dublin. Even of those who did petition for a
repeal of the Union, there was a great part who did so, not
because it was with them a question of principle or feeling,
but merely because they had been dragged into it by the
agitators in Ireland. Were it not that he (Mr. Brown)
was afraid of exposing them to the fury and vengeance of
an enraged populace, he could mention the names of hun-
dreds of the peasantry of that country to prove this.
Sir DANIEL K. SANDFORD said, that if, in the
observations he was about to address to the house, he
should trespass on its time, the blame would not rest with
him, but with the hon. and learned gentleman who brought
the question forward. The hon. and learned gentleman,
in presenting a petition in favour of the repeal of the union
from certain of the inhabitants of Paisley, took occasion to
say that a considerable proportion of the people of Scot-
land were friendly to the measure. The statement was
altogether unfounded. With regard to the west of Scot-
land, with which he (Sir D. Sandford) was most intimately
connected, he could state some peculiar circumstances,
which would account for a certain number of persons there
being friendly to the measure of repeal. There were in
the west of Scotland no fewer than 45,000 Irish emigrants,
belonging, with very few exceptions, to the Roman Catho-
lic persuasion ; and in Paisley, the town he had the honour
to represent, there were nearly 11,000 Irish Roman Ca-
tholics. It was almost exclusively by this class of persons
that the petition which the hon. and learned member for
Dublin presented was signed. It was a rather singular
circumstance, that the first question which came before
the house on his first appearance in it was the momentous
question of the repeal of the union—one of the most momen-
tous questions, he would say, which had for years come
under the deliberations of parliament. He (Sir D. Sand-
ford) came there a perfectly independent man ; he did
not belong to either of the parties into which the house was
divided, and therefore his sentiments were the more entitled
to respect. He would, then, give his most decided
opposition to the motion of the hon. and learned gentle-
man ; and he could assure the house that in doing so, he
was acting in accordance with the sentiments of the peo-
ple of Scotland—a fact which he trusted would be shown
by the conduct of the representatives of Scotland when the
house came to a division on the question now before it.
They had been referred by the hon. gentleman to returns
and statistical tables, but he must say that this was a fal-
lacious way of arguing a question relating principally to
the moral condition of the people. (Loud cries of " Hear,
hear," from the Irish members.) Tables of exports and
imports might show the wealth of a country, but would
they show how that wealth was diffused ? (Continued
cries of " Hear" from the opposition.) Their attention had
been called to the evil of absenteeism—to the conduct of
individuals who, deriving their wealth from the country,
absented themselves, instead of living in the neighbour-
hood of their estates, setting a moral example, and looking
to the interests of those around them with a fostering care.
None were more guilty than individuals who forsook such
ties, and abandoned the responsibility that properly attached
to them. But absenteeism did not commence with
the union. It had been for ages the curse of Ireland.
It was worthy of remark, that the union with Scotland had
not given rise to evils such as were attributed to the union
of Ireland, and why ? He supposed it must be because
they were a more contented and more peaceable people,
and were more ready to submit to the authority of the law.
In Scotland there were no agitators—in that country there
were no individuals who wished to make a trade of agita-
tion. ( Hear, hear.) Was there anything in the union
between England and Ireland to make it less palatable to
the people of Ireland than was the union of Scotland with
England to the people of Scotland? There had never yet
been meted out to Scotland so full a measure of justice
as Ireland had received. (Loud cries of " Hear," from
the Irish members.) He referred particularly to the mea-
sure of parliamentary reform. In the measure for Scot-
land,
she was not treated so liberally as Ireland was.
(Cries of " Hear," and laughter, from the opposition.)
The question was one of property and intelligence, and
numbers, and of contributions to the state ; and taking
this view of it, Scotland was entitled to a more liberal
measure ; at all events, she had no reason to be more satis-
fied than Ireland. The benefits of the union were not de-
rived all at once to Scotland ; she also had her period of
distraction, for she also had her Pretender to supreme
authority, who agitated the minds of the people. Ile in-
vited the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. O'Connell) to
go and with his own eyes see the state in which Scotland
now was ; to go with him and see the prosperity which
Scotland, united to England, and enjoying peace, had
attained.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 25.

The SPEAKER took the chair about a quarter after five,
- - - - - -

When a message from the Lords wasbrought up, request-
ing to be furnished with a copy of the report and evi-
dence on which the borough of Hertford was disfranchised;
also requesting a conference with the Commons on Monday
next, respecting the saving of expense in the printing de-
partment._ Ordered._ . . .

Lord OSSULSTON presented a petition from an indi-
vidual, named William Nickson, against the General Re-
gistry Bill.
Mr. GLADSTONE brought up the report of the com-
mittee on public charities.
Mr. G. F. YOUNG presented a petition from the free-
holders of Tynemouth, against the General Registry Bill;
also from the dissenters of the same place, for relief from
their grievances.
Mr. C. O'DWYER presented several petitions from
the counties of Mayo and Monaghan, for the repeal of
the union.

Admiral FLEMING presented a petition from a parish
in the county of Stirling, against church patronage in
Scotland ; also from Dumbarton, against the Dumbarton
Roads Bill ; and from the hand-loom weavers of the same
place, praying for relief.
Colonel DAVIES presented a petition from Worcester
for the better observance of the Sabbath.
Mr. BISH moved for some returns connected with lot-
tery contracts.
Sir J. SCARLETT presented a petition from Norwich
for the better observance of the Sabbath ; also a petition
from the same place against the General Registry Bill.
Mr. GROTE presented a petition from Great Parnell,
against tithes.
Mr. HARDY brought up the report upon the Bribery
Laws Amendment Bill. The hon. member then presented
two petitions for the better observance of the Lord's Day.
Mr. GUEST presented two petitions from Merthyr
Tidvil, against the Small Debts Bill.
Mr. WM. ROCHE presented a petition from the guild
of carpenters of Limerick, praying for a repeal of the union.
Mr. FIT Z SIMON presented two petitions from Swords
and Malahide, and from Garrestown, county of Dublin,
praying for a repeal of the union.
Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET presented a petition
from Monmouth, signed by 1,900 persons, against the se-
verance of church and state. Also a petition from the
traders of Newport, praying for a repeal of the light-house
duties.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented a petition from the
dissenters of Merionethshire, praying to be relieved from
their disabilities.

REPEAL OF THE UNION.

On the order of the day being read for resuming the ad-
journed debate on the repeal of the union,
Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY begged to ask the noble
Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he would
postpone the second reading of the Poor Laws Amendment
Bill until that day fortnight.
Lord ALTHORP said that as it was desirable the bill
should be forwarded during the present session, he could not
assent to the proposition of the honourable member.
Sir HENRY HARDINGE complained that the second
reading of the bill had been moved after the termination
of the discussion on the repeal of the union, at a. late hour
last night. There were several individuals who wished to
take a part in the discussion of the bill brought in by the
noble lord, and he ( Sir H. H.) complained of the unusual
proceeding that had taken place last night.
Some conversation also took place respecting the Foreign
Enlistment Bill, during which some hon. members coin-
complained of its being introduced at so late an hour last
night. Lord G. SOMERSET wished to ask the noble Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer whether, if the Irish debate was
concluded to-night, the poor laws would be . introduced
immediately thereafter.
Lord ALTHORP was understood to reply in the affir-
mative. The order of the day was then read for resum-
ing the adjourned debate on the repeal of the union.
Mr. RUTHVEN said that he was quite aware that
this question was not an acceptable one to the
house ' • and though he would not detain it by his
speech to the extent that other honourable members
had gone, he felt he must do his duty to his constituents
and country. The repeal of the union was making rapid pro-
gress in Ireland, so much so that, even at public dinners
for charitable purposes,it was impossible to repressthe feel-
ings of the Irish people in demanding a repeal of the union.
He did not say that Ireland was the most charming
picture in the world ; no such thing. But Ireland had
natural advantages, and she did not receive justice
from a British House of Commons. Partial laws were bad;
the same administration of justice should; be extended to
all parts of Great Britain. The Coercion Bill had been
passed without affording Ireland the power of resisting it in
impartial discussion, because of the preponderance of English
representatives in an Imperial Parliament. The repeal of
the Union was the only remedy for Ireland. The ques-
tion could not be kept back. Eight millions of people
were calling for it, and it could not be delayed. (Hear. )
The state of Europe was one in which there were a great
many particles of a highly combustible nature. The state of
France was not quiet. Another three days might arise
which might make a change,—another revolution in
France. Ireland had been looked upon as a vulnerable
part of Great Britain. The Irish Parliament was
not one of , that execrated and corrupt bodies
that had been described by the right honourable
Secretary for Ireland. The parliament here before it
was reformed was not free from corruption, neither
were its minist t from that serious imputation.
The differgoe," c • tended, between the Irish
and s:fft:Ttwperat ents was not so great
as xte people -sie A. to imagine, for the
Irish" parliament hidiit •wn habeas corpus, and
the control of its own ..),,:!.equer. There was, no
doubt, great corruption in thai Parliament, and Ireland
&Pt'

Mr. H. GRATTAN thought the speech of the right
hon. gentleman (Mr. Spring Rice) was easily answered.
Two words would answer it, and those two words were
" the Coercion Bill." (Cheers from the Irish members.)
As his Majesty's Government appeared to rest their case
on the speech of the right hon. gentleman, so he would
have the people of Ireland rest theirs on the Coercion
Bill. (Cheers.) Under the pretence of putting down acts
of plunder and rapine in Ireland the Coercion Bill was in-
troduced, the effect of which was to put an end to free
discussion. Was this an argument in favour of the union?
The right hon. gentleman had talked of finance, of com-
merce, and of income ; but there was one thing he omitted
—he never alluded to liberty. (Cheersfromthe Irish mem-
bers.) He forgot his country. He forgot that the prin-
ciples on which had been founded the greatness of this
country should have also founded the greatness of his own.
When Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Pitt were advocating the
union they promised peace, and they promised also equal
laws. The promises were unperformed. Had they found
peace ? (Hear, hear, hear.) And as to the equal laws,
it was sufficiently clear that this was an advantage they
could not boast. No, the promises of Pitt and Castle-
reagh had not been kept—the promised equality had not
been adhered to. Talk of finance, indeed, and all its con-
sequent prosperity ! Where was the prosperity—where
all the great result of the country's increasing trade ?. Was
not the contrary the fact ? Did this assertion require

proof? 'Did any one doubt tale distress of Ireland? To could justly be called an opulent merchant ;at present the
him who questioned it he would only say— 1 merchants of Wexford were a most respectable body of in-
Si qunris argumentum circumspice. I dividuals. It might be said that an Irish Parliament would
Pitt and Castlereagh promised, as results of the union, in- , occupy itself with local taxation, and with local arrange-
creased trade and the introduction of British capital. ments, and that the consideration of foreign policy would
Where was the one or the other to be found ? Ireland had be left to the Parliament of Great Britain. But could that
been spoken of as if all the obligations of the connexion had be considered an independent legislature which was re-
been conferred on her. Did hon. members forget the stricted from discussing all the great and paramount ques-
valuable assistance sheafforded at the time of the threatened tions of foreign policy ? And how was the independence
invasion during the French War? Did they forget that, 'of the Irish Parliament to be guaranteed? Was the Bri-
.
Just after having paid off her large debt, Ireland raised an ! tish Parliament without a single Irish member in it to be
army of 24,000 men-16,000 of which she kept for the the guarantee of the independence of the Irish Parlia-
protection of her own shores, and granted the other 8,000 ment? To be really independent, the Irish Parliament
to fight the battles of England? (Loud cheering from the 'must be really in a condition to resist the British Parlia-
Irish members.) Did they forget that Ireland raised 1 ment. (No, no.) " No, no ;" well, then, it would not be
30,000 recruits, and granted a sum of 600,000/. to support in a condition to resist it. Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
the wars carried on in Germany ? (Cheers.) Were these Then let him ask what kind of Parliament it would be, the
not to be counted—were all the advantages received by duty of which would be merely to register edicts of a Bri-
Ireland—were all the benefits conferred by England ? tish Parliament, and to confine itself to the discussion of
(Loud cheers from the Irish members.) The Irish par- vil'aee politics? (Hear, hear.) Was it such a Parliament
liament had been taunted with inactivity, or worse. Would as that which was to make Ireland
gentlemen be pleased to remember that this calumniated " Great, glorious, and free" ?
body repealed the perpetual Mutiny Bill, repealed Poyn- Such a Parliament would be a mere mockery. In order
ing's Law, and established a final Judicature? But it had to show some of the arts used to induce the great body of
been said the Irish parliament became corrupt. Who (ex- the people of Ireland to urge the repeal of the union, he
claimed the hon. gentleman) made them corrupt? You would mention a circumstance which had occurred at a
—you made them corrupt, and then you turn round meeting of vintners in Dublin, in 1832, for the purpose of
and taunt them with the evil which you caused. considering some grievances under which they laboured.
(Loud and vehement cheers from the Repeal members.) At that meeting a popular orator pressed upon them the
The people of England would see forty members, be they expediency of assisting in endeavouring to obtain a repeal
right or be they wrong (Hear, and a laugh), standing of the union, and, among other things, he told them that
stedfastly by a measure which they firmly believed was for in 1792, when the Irish Parliament was sitting in College
the service of their country. The right hon. gentleman Green, a bill was proposed for the purpose of putting an
who moved the amendment took care to exclude from his end to the combinations which then existed among the va-
statement, or at least neglected to put forward, theservices rious trades in Dublin ; that a meeting was consequently
which had been rendered to Ireland by a parliament of his summoned of the members of the different trades in Dub-
own countrymen. There was amongst these one para- lin and twenty miles round ; that the meeting consisted of
mount one which should not have been omitted. Did the 50,000 persons ; that those persons proceeded to College
right hon. gentleman never hear—did the house never hear Green, and called out the speaker of the House of Coin-
-that it was an Irish parliament, despite the remonstrances mons, who came forth to them in his wig and gown
of the English—despite the suggestions of grand juries, (A laugh)---that they told him they did not approve of the
first began to strike off the shackles of their catholic fellow- proposed bill, and that the answer of the speaker was,that
countrymen ? (Loud cheers from the repeal members.) if they did not like it, it must be abandoned • that it had
Why was it stated that a single fetter had not been re- passed the House of Commons, but he would take care that
moved?—why was this act of the Irish parliament kept out it should not pass the House of Lords (A loud laugh)—
of sight? It was not just. Let the combat be an honest that the meeting then took off their hats,gave three cheers,
one—let not one party be bound hand and foot to be dealt' and all went home in the greatest good humour possible,
with at pleasure by every pickpocket who passed. Give that that was the way in which matters worked whenthere
the Irish parliament its due—let them acknowledge that in was an Irish Parliament at College Green, and that that
this instance it nobly maintained its dignity, and, resisting was the way in which they would work again if an Irish
power, and bribe, and menace to a great extent, emanci- parliament were to be sittingagain at College Green, and that
pated their catholic fellow-subjects by the measures of in that case all the members of any trade which felt itself
1793. How, he would ask his right hon. friend as a states- aggrieved would have to do, would be to repair to the
man, as a man, could he forget to overlook these acts of an House of Commons, and to call out the speaker, and that
Irish parliament? (Cheers from the Irish members.) On everything would be settled on the spot amicably and satis-
many occasions England had violated the treaties by which factorily. (A laugh.) Such were the fallacious statements
she had guaranteed to Ireland the inviolability of the laws which had been made on the occasion to which
passed in the Irish parliament previous to 1782; and in a he alluded. He would now call the attention of the
particular and gross manner this treaty had been violated house, and he begged they would favour him with
by this English Act of 1783. Much had been said as to their particular attention—to some of the Irish speeches of
the difference of opinion in the two parliaments on the the hon. and learned member for Dublin. He said, em-
question of peace and war ; but this was a subject on phatically, " Irish ;" for there was an essential difference
which they could not come into collision, as the power was between the speehes made by the hon. and learned gentle-
not vested in the legislative body. The question of the man in Ireland, and the speeches which he made in that
Regency had been emphatically dwelt on ; hut the Irish house. He (Mr. Lambert) had met in an Irish paper with
parliament considered the subject only as far as it af- an account of the dedication of a Roman Catholic chapel
fected them in Ireland, denying the power to appoint in the county Kildare, on the 2d November, 1832, at which
to certain places. Would this, which was a mere do- the hon. and learned member for Dublin was present. It
mestic question, in any degree risk the connection be- certainly was to be regretted, in the _first place, that such
tween them ? (Hear.) Indeed, it was no question at an occasion should have been chosen for the promulgation
all as between the two nations,... but, as Sheridan described of any political sentiments. The account stated that, at
it, between two parties. ( Hear, hear, from the repeal the further end of the chapel a platform was erected, on
members.) What was the use of talking of finance ? which, half an hour after the chapel was opened, the " libe-
Ireland had been reduced to her present state by the rator" (A laugh) made his appearance ; and that the mo-
measures of the British parliament. The hon. member ment he was seen by the crowd, amounting to no less than
then went into some statements, to show that the imports 50,000 in number, the air was rent with acclamations and
and exports of Ireland had increased in a much greater enthusiastic expressions of delight.. At that meeting the
ratio for seven years after 1782, than for eleven years after hon. and learned gentleman stated, that if an Irish parlia-
the union, and much greater than they had increased in
ment were sitting in College Green, the people, if they
proportion since. The right hon. gentleman opposite
disapproved of the proceedings in parliament, would have
(Mr. S. Rice) had referred to the linen factories of Ire- nothing to do but to take a short stick in their hands, and
land. Was it possible that from the trade in linen the
walk up to Dublin to admonish them of their error. He
right hon. gentleman could deduce any indication of pros-
(Mr. Lambert) knew that this circumstance had been
perity? hy in 1782 Ireland exported 25,000,000 yards
mentioned last night; but it appeared to him to be of so
of linen; in 1796 she exported 47,000,000 ; but ten years
much importance in connexion with the other declarations
after that union she exported 36,000,000 only. (Hear.) and speeches of the hon. and learned member for Dublin
Thus it appeared that the linen trade went back seriously
that he had thought it right to repeat it. Among other
after the union. Now he would ask had the revenue of
inducements held out by the hon. and learned member at
Ireland been beneficially promoted by the union ? It had the meeting to which he alluded, for carrying the repeal
not. In proportion it had certainly fallen. In 1805 it of the union, the honourable and learned gentleman
amounted to 3,000,0001. ; in 1811, six years after, it in- said, " If the union were repealed to-morrow, only
creased to 3,600,000/., and now it was only 3,400,000/. imagine (and it certainly required great strength of
The right hon. secretary had spoken of a tax upon coals. imagination) two hundred and fifty gentlemen taking
Now what was the fact ? The Irish parliament imposed a houses in Dublin, furnishing them from the shops of the
duty of 101 d. per ton on coals, which duty the English different tradesmen, and spending their incomes in the
parliament doubled, in direct violation of the sixth article city." Two hundred and fifty gentlemen ! Gentlemen !
of union. The King's Attorney-General declared this (The tone in which the hon. member for Wexford uttered
article to be nonsense ; but who was a gainer by the
nonsense ? The duty on coals was 1,650,030/., of the last word threw the house into a convulsion of
laughter.) Why, in the supposition of the repeal being
which Ireland paid 800,000/. The King's Attorney,- carried, the very suspicion that a man was a gentleman
General had, however, the candour and justice to admit would be sufficient, and more than sufficient, to exclude
that it was a violation of the sixth article. The honour- him from the slightest chance of success if he had ever the
able gentleman then referred to various particulars, in courage to become a candidate for a seat in the Irish House
order to prove that the value of property had not in- of Commons. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He confidently
creased in Dublin. He knew one woollen factory which
maintained that the very lowest standard of personal qua-
formerly let for 471. per }ear, and which now only let for
lification or rank which the courtesy of the house which he
8/. He then referred to various extracts from the speeches had the honour to address permitted to any of its members
of the right hon. secretary (Mr. Spring Rice). The would be considered far too refined and far too aristocratic
right hon. gentleman had referred to a speech of a rela- for this projected Irish parliament of 250 gentlemen. He
tive of his, long deceased, in which he certainly stated him- rejoiced at the manner in which the question had been met
self an enemy to separation, and expressed an anxiety to by his Majesty's Ministers, and he congratulated the house
embrace the British connection ; but that observation was upon the proper basis on which it had been placed.
not made in reference to this question. This question was Look at the present state of Ireland. Every county in it
not, as the right hon. gentleman had stated, a new ques- was now agitated. He would begin with Kilkenny—that
tion. It was mooted in Ireland in 1809 ; and, in 1810, unhappy county, the occurrences in which had given occa-
was recommended by the grand jury of the city of Dublin. sion for the Coercion Bill. Transactions had taken place
In answer to an addess of the grand jury of his constitu- in that county which were hardly credible, but which never-
ents, the late Mr. Grattan said he could not object to pre- theless must meet the light. In Waterford the bishop—
sent their petition, and that he would support the repeal tle Catholic bishop—had been assailed with stones and with
of the act of the union, although he was decidedly at- mud, merely because he had presumed to express a diffe-
tached to the connection between the two countries; but rence of opinion on the subject of the repeal of the union.
that, so far from impairing that connection, it could not be (Hear.) The Bishop of Ossory was treated in the same
maintained without a repeal of the union. ( Hear, hear.) way. These things lie deeply lamented, but he was at no
He knew that, up to the last moment of his life, his father loss to find a cause for them. The object invariably pursued
supported repeal, because he feared separation—because by the hon. and learned member for Dublin was not the
the English Parliament had not done justice to Ireland. good of Ireland—an increase of her trade, of her comforts,
( Hear, hear.) He would not support such a government or of her respectability as a nation—but it was hatred of
as had been carried on, a system at once of treachery and England. ( Hear.) In one of his speeches he distinctly
tyranny, a system which had delayed Catholic emancipa- stated that the British people, even under the most favour-
tion for a quarter of a century, and which had forced the able circumstances, were incompetent to do justice to Ire-
tithe question down the throats of the huh people at the land ; they were incompetent both from ignorance and from
point of the bayonet. (Hear, hear.) prejudice. (Cheers from the repeal bench.) The British
Mr. LAMBERT certainly had expected, after all the Parliament had of late years been the grand object of at-
excitement which had been created by the hon. and learned tack of the lion. and learned gentleman--with what justice,
gentleman—after all the expectations which he had held with what fairnesss, with what propriety, he would leave
out to the people of Ireland—after all the solemn pledges others to judge. There was now a point which he approached
that he had given upon the subject, that the hon. and with unfeigned reluctance, but which he felt it to be his
learned member would have brought forward some propo- duty to say a few words upon—that which was called in
sition more distinct and more decisive in its character than Ireland the national tribute (Hear), but which he, and he
a mere resolution that it was expedient to appoint a coin- knew many, many others, looked upon as a national
mittee to inquire into the manner in which the union with nuisance. (Great cheering.) There was no one in that
Ireland had been effected. (Hear, hear, hear.) Why the house more willing to bear testimony to the full extent of
hon. and learned member might almost as well have moved the services which had been rendered to his country by the
a resolution, that it was expedient to appoint a committee hon. and learned member for Dublin, and in that house he
to inquire into the manner in which the original invasion had often borne testimony to those services.' Would to
of Ireland had been effected. (A laugh, and cries of " Oh, God he had always dedicated his great talents to the cause
oh !") Nay, it was clear that the hon. and learned mem- of usefulness. (Cheers.) The first tribute, as it was
ber must have had some idea of the expediency of such an known, had been awarded in consideration of the exertions
investigation, for a great portion of his speech entirely re- which the hon. and learned gentleman had made in the
ferred to that early period of the Irish history. ( Hear, cause of Catholic emancipation • and that reward he
hear, hear.) With respect to the sentiments of the great (Mr. Lambert) freely admitted had been as well earned as
body of the Irish people on the question of the repeal of it had been willingly bestowed. (Hear, hear.) But here,
the union, the real state of the case was this :—The hon. after years of religious toleration, and in some degree of
and learned member for Dublin had called for two millions religious peace, to allow such a thing—to turn churches
of signatures to the petition to be presented to Parliament, into counting-houses--chapels into arenas for political
praying for a repeal of the union. Now how many signa- warfare (Loud cheers), nay, worse than warfare, to make
tures had actually been obtained to those petitions? Not them the scenes of insult and of menace (Cheers), was
a hundredth part of the number which the hon. and beyond endurance. He had seen these results himself,
learned member felt, and indeed expressly declared, he and therefore it was his duty to publish them. On this
ought to have had, in order effectually to support him subject he had received a letter from a Roman Catholic
in the object which he had in view. He (i Lam- gentleman, which stated that the writer could not, in his
bert) hailed this deficiency with great pleasure, as a con- conscience, pay the O'Connell tribute, and therefore was
vincing proof of the sound sense of his' countrymen. compelled to stay at home on " Tribute Sunday" (Great
And the gratification was the greater, as he well knew laughter), as he did not choose his family should be beset,
every means to which it was possible to resort were cheated, and plundered. This indeed was the treatment
used in order to induce the people of Ireland to subscribe which on these occasions they experienced from the
their names to the petition in question. It was, therefore, jackalls of the honourable and learned gentleman. (Hear,
undeniable, and especially when it was recollected, that hear.) Before concluding his remarks, lie must express
with reference to many subjects which had at various times the regret he felt at the speech of the hon. gentleman op-
been brought before that house, and which were compare- posite (Mr. Tennant), which had almost conjured up the
tively of minor importance, petitions had been presented spirit of Dr. Duiguenan, and he must express his hope that
much more numerously signed than the petitions which had the sentiments which it breathed were not in accordance
with those entertained by his Majesty's Ministers. (Loud
been presented for the repeal of the union—that the at-
tempt to get up these latter, however ingeniously contrived, cheering, especially from the Ministerial benches.) The
and however actively pursued, had been a complete and wholesale attacks which had been made on the Catholic
miserable failure. (Hear, hear.) [Mr. O'Connell here body were—he would not say ungenerous, for the word
entered the house, and took his seat amidst the cheers of was wholly inapplicable—but most unmerited and unjust.
(
his friends.] From 1782 to the period of the union, the (Continued cheers.) Protestants and Catholics were hap-
table of the House of Commons of Ireland was constantly pily now embarked in the same vessel, and for God's sake
full of petitions complaining of the distressed state of the let them try to gain the haven of religious peace in quiet-
manufacturers, the alarming condition of the commerce, ness together. (Hear, hear.) He had stated his opinions
and the extreme wretchedness of the people of the coun- honestly and candidly to the house, but in doing so, he well
try. Shoemakers, weavers, carpenters, printers, and knew what he had to expect (Cheers from the ministerial,
others, all complained of the stagnation of their respective echoed by the repealing bench); he well knew the impla-
trades, and of the consequent want of employment to which cable vengeance that would follow his every step—he knew
they were subjected. In tracing the history of that pe- it, and was prepared to meet, but certainly not quietly to
riod, even the hon. and learned member for Dublin, whom submit to it. (Cheers.) To the amendment which had
he was glad to see now in his place, had been able to dis- been proposed, he gave his deliberate, his determined, and
cover only one oasis in the last desert ; and that was when his most cordial support. (Loud cheers. )
one aristocratic family so completely governed Ireland, and Mr. SHELL was ready to admit that the speech just de-
enjoyed such unbounded authority, that whenever a lord livered had been received with an admiration (Loud
lieutenant came over, they told him explicitly, "We will cheers from the Ministerial, answered from the Opposition
manage the country if you will leave it to us, but if you do Benches) which in many respects, it was worthy of, but
list, we will make you repent your interference." This was he thought that its ability was detracted from by the per-
during the " green spot" in the period alluded to. ( Hear.) sonal matter which had been infused into it. (Hear,
He had stated the condition of the agriculture, manufac- hear.) Now, if his memory did not on the present occa-
tures, and commerce of Ireland before the union. He sion fail him, he thought he could, without going far back,
would now state their improved condition since the union. recall the time when the hon. gentleman's feelings of hu-
The farming interest had improved from year to year since
manity triumphed over what he now called his sense of jus-
the union, with reference both to the food, clothing, and tice—when he declared in that house, that if the question
comfort of the labourers, and to the new modes of tillage of tithes was not speedily arranged to the satisfaction of the
which had been introduced. An inhabitant of the county people of Ireland, he should himself become a repealer.—
of Wexford, a man of great ability and a decided liberal, (Cheers.) That, however, was not the place where per-
and who had been long acquainted with the town of Wex- sonal weapons should be used (Hear, hear) and he
ford, told him that, at the time of the union, there were would not wish to take them up, though he could not but
only twelve or fourteen small coasting vessels belonging to remark how greatly the hon. gentleman hadwandered from
Wexford, but now there were upwards of a hundred sail of the cardinal points which were then before the house. In-
vessels belonging to it, almost all of which were employed stead of going into the main question, the hon. gentleman
in the provision trade with Liverpool, Bristol, and other had poured out a great deal of something, or of nothing, as the
ports. In 1800 there was not a man in Wexford who case might be, on the subject of the tribute. Now, he

called on that hon. gentleman to place in one scale all the
gold which his hon. and learned friend had received, and
in the other the liberty which he then enjoyed, and mainly
owed to his exertions—he called on him, he said, to do this,
and see which would preponderate. (Cheers.) Did he
not himself confess the magnitude and the glorious results
of his exertions? Yes, he did—he owned they were in-
calculable. (Hear.) Would any man deny them, or say
that the triumph of Catholic Emancipation was not mainly
owing to him ? His honourable friend the member
for Wexford (and proud he was to call him friend), might
have sustained wrong—he believed he had sustained
wrong ; but he would ask him, if he were in
prison, and one came to liberate him, and that one
afterwards gave him a buffet, would he not, instead of re-
turning the blow, arrest his hand, and see that his fetters
were removed? (Cheers.) His hon. and learned friend
Mr. O'Connell had given up a profession, the emoluments
of which were immense. LAn hon. member here said,
5,0001.] He had heard that whisper, though it was not
intended he should; and in answer to it he would say that
he was mistaken in theaguess, if guess it was ' • and that. for
forty years his hon. friend had divided his whole exertions
between the toil of his profession on the one hand, and
the resuscitation of the liberties of his country on the
other. (Hear, hear.) But he would pass on to the main
question. It was a singular fact, that though there had
been much speaking, there had not been a single word said
on the subject of the amendment. The question was,
should they pass a resolution which sought to pledge the
House of Commons that the policy exercised towards Ire-
land had been judicious and just? Let them look to the
first part of the amendment. It commenced, " We, your
Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords and
Commons, in Parliament assembled, feel it our duty
humbly to approach your Majesty's throne, to record in
the most solemn manner our fixed determination to main-
tain unimpaired and undisturbed the legislative union be-
tween Great Britain and Ireland, which we consider to, be
essential to the strength and stability of the empire, to
the continuance of the connection between the two coun-
tries, and to the peace, and se :urity, and happiness of
all classes of your Majesty's subjects." Why was this
ii.troduced? Did it not convey a statement that the
Imperial Parliament pledged itself that the uniform
tenor of the policy exercised towards Ireland was that
of wisdom and justice ? (Hear, hear.) What cause
was there otherwise for adopting this clause ? He would
take leave to present the matter in this view : Let them
suppose that in the year 1827, .when Mr. Canning was
Prime Minister, that the noble Paymaster of the Forces
had brought forward his motion on parliamentary reform.
Mr. Canning at that time declared—and many of the pre-
sent Ministry were his colleagues—that he would resist
parliamentary reform not only to the death, but to his
death. What, then, if he had moved an address to the
throne similar to that now moved by the right hon. Secre-
tary to the Treasury? (Hear, hear, hear.) Now he (Mr.
Shell) would undertake to how, that all the arguments
then used against reform were equally applicable now to
the question of the repeal of the union, and he called on
the house, therefore, to reject the present address, on the
same principles that they would reject it if intended against
reform. Now if, with respect to the Reform Bill, it had
since been carried exactly as it was, notwithstanding that
address should then have been proposed, why now should
they present a similar address to the throne ? What were
the arguments against the Reform Bill? It was said that
it would level the power of the Crown in the dust, as was
said of the present question. That course would have de-
nounced reform, which had since been carried ; and he,
on similar grounds, submitted that the present address
should be rejected. With regard to the.question of whether
the policy pursued towards Ireland was vicious or not, he
(Mr. Sheil) was one of those who thought they ought not
to go far back into history to inquire into it. The only thing
they had to look to was, if the state of Ireland was the same
before the union as it was at present. [The hon. member
was at this time interrupted by some noise at the bar, upon
which he turned round and said that there had been power-
ful arguments brought forward by one Secretary of the
Treasury, in opposition to the views he entertained on this
question, which he should have much difficulty to refute,
and he hoped another Secretary of the Treasury would not
prevent him, (Mr. Sheil) from endeavouring to do so.
(Hear, hear.) He thought it was unnecessary to go back
further than the year 1782. At that time England had
had its foot on the neck of Ireland, as much as at present;
and at that time the advocates of independence were treated
with as much harshness and disl ke as the advocates for the
repeal of the union were at the present time. At that
time the book of Molyneux was burnt, by order of the
English parliament, in Palace-yard. He would now endea-
vour to show that the situation of Ireland was not now
analogous to what it was in 1782. The right hon. Secre-
tary for the Treasury had cited Grattan, for the purpose of
showing that he condemned the conduct of the Irish par-
liament from 1782 downwards. Ile (Mr. Sheil) might
with equal justice cite him, to show that he had praised it,
in his most eloquent style. He would, however, not cite
him ; but there was another great authority whom he
would cite, because he had been cited by the right hon.
Secretary of the Treasury with such ample praises; he
meant Edmund Burke, and of him they had the most ex-
plicit praise and the most unqualified panegyric of the
Irish parliament. The hon. member for Wexford had
stated that the mob overawed the Irish parliament ; but
had the hon. member forgotten that a Cromwell had
lived, who called that mace a bauble ? or had he for-
gotten Lord George Gordon, who came down to the
British House of Commons, accompanied by his rabble,
and endeaVoured to overawe it ? ( Hear, hear.) He might as
well have said that there ought to be no British House of
Commons. He came next to the observation, that an in-
dependent Irish Parliament would lead to rebellion and se-
paration. Did they forget the alarming rebellion that took
place previous to the union ? There was a strong party in
Ireland in favour of total separation—was there any party
in the Irish Parliament in favour of rebellion ? The charge
had never been brought against a single member of the
Irish Parliament. No assembly had ever been charac-
terised by a more warm and enthusiastic loyalty than the
Irish Parliament was at that period. (Hear, hear.) Was
that nothing ? When they were in the midst of the
famous rebellion, and when the eyes of France were di-
rected to Ireland, with a view to cripple the resources of
England, the members of the Irish Parliament—aye, uni-
versally—showed themselves to be amongst the most loyal
subjects of the realm, and the determined upholders of the
connection with England. (Hear.) But they had never
forgotten the manner in which the union was brought
about ; and the people of Ireland could not look back to the
venality and turpitude of the manner in which their legis-
lature was surrendered, without shame and indignation.
He would not, however, go into details upon the point,
but pass at once to the immediate effects which it pro-
duced. The question divided itself into two parts, and he
would not go into them at any length. The first was re-
specting the commercial question; the other, the financial.
It had been denied by the Secretary for the Treasury, that
Ireland was ever in a more prosperous condition than they
were at that moment. Burke, at the commencement of
the war, wrote a pamphlet, entitled, " Thoughts on a Re-
gicide Power," in which he contended that peace was ob-
jectionable, because England had never been in a state of
greater prosperity than since the commencement of the
war. What would the right hon. gentleman say to that
now that England enjoyed such prosperity in a time of
peace? Yet that argument was just as sound as that
advanced by the right honourable gentleman. Ca-
nada, too, was prosperous without any union • and if
the prosperity of Canada could not be referred to any
such cause, why should the prosperity of Ireland be
referred to the union? It was contended, too, that the
prosperity of Ireland depended much on the use of steam
and on free trade, and that free trade would cease if a re-
peal of the union should take place. (Hear, hear.) But
did not Ireland consume seven millions of the manufactures
of England ; and was it likely that no compact would be
entered into between the legislatures of the two countries
as to their commercial relations? (Hear, hear.) They
were then endeavOuring to establish a free trade between
this country and France ; and was it likely that they would
refuse to do so with Ireland, if repeal took place ? Ireland
was now a great consumer of English manufactures, and
she found a market for her produce in England. It would
be for the advantage of both countries that the consumption
should continue. He denied that the repeal of the union
would be an abolition of free trade. Would the right lion.
Vice-President of the Board of Trade say that there was ?
He was sure that the right hon. gentleman was too good a
political economist to uphold such an opinion for a single
moment. He had heard gentlemen, arguing in favour of
the corn laws, say, that to keep those laws the union must
be maintained, and in point of fact, that as long as they
maintained the union, they should keep the corn laws.
But he (Mr. Sheil) would ask, what would the English
members say to such an arrangement ? (Hear, hear. )
Let them put the corn laws on one side; and the repeal of
the union on the other, and what would be the wishes of
-the manufacturers? He was sure they would at once vote
in favour of the exclusive market in Ireland. (Hear. )
With respect to the financial question, he felt it unnecessary
to trouble the house with many observations, as he found
that the opinion he entertained had been upheld by Sir
John Newport, who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer
in Ireland, and by Lord Plunket. Both these great autho-
rities had stated that Ireland had been injured, in
a financial point of view, by the union. It had been
argued that two-sevenths of the revenue of the country
should be contributed by Ireland. At the period of the
union Sir John Newport had said that the arrangement
was most unfair. The fact was, that Ireland was unable
to pay so much, which was immediately demonstrated. A
deficiency occurred every year, which was necessary to be
made up by loan. The money for this purpose was raised
in England, instead of, as it ought to have been, in Ire-
land. In many years the amount necessary to be thus
raised was between four and five millions a year. At the
time of the union it was agreed that the surplus revenue
of Ireland should be expended in Ireland, but by the inju-
rious bargain which had been made, it was clear that no
surplus revenue could be fairly looked for. Mr. Slit ii
next proceeded to take a rapid view of the state of Ireland
since the passing of the union, and said, if Ireland 1 ad
been listened tom 1824 there would then have been no agi-
tation. The repeal cry would not have been heard. He
(Mr. Shell) knew that lie might be told that many of the
great landed proprietors were absentees previous to the
union. He did not deny that the descendants of many of

those
granted,English
re eers, absentees. t ewhom e
allowed forfeited
theestatesp
Duke
k e hadof beenp n: s
vonshire, the Marquis of Hertford, the Marquis of user-,
downe, the Earl of i'gremont, and other great landownera_
were absentees. It was admitted that the evil was grte.;
evil had not increased to an immense extent since ylO7. ,s
the condition of Irelandth peeetlia
putlrnieeiovnihoo?uns.(tiosieetcharree,tuhaneryiaorio.if); but would any one tell him that
evil _
(Mr. Shell.) and his friends around him had.
~,
not Justine.
that the right honourable gentleman was TT
r hear)
in the case he had attempted to make out. ("ea-,
to
Were they not justified in calling for a committee e
quire into the subject ? There was a dispute on th e:0
Annly,lrso,eanasseilmiysto,esnt listening os
ptehroe
us s
grantof t h e
inquiry.case and it( Hweaasx,u
lueaalr
os such rlticousnmu:spt
Secretarysuppose
lie
ht
for the Colonies, who had been Secretary for Ireland, that
granted a committee to inquire into the complaint:
had been made as to the government of Canada. y:44
hear.) The legislative assembly of Lower Can
.41,
entered a resolution on their journals implying a conwo
nation of the right hon. secretary (Mr. StanleY)• duty,
right hon. gentleman replied that he had done hisaLtio
but he courted full inquiry, and said, " Let the C,l:avois
prove their case if they could." In the case 0T sheii)
they had unhesitatingly granted inquiry. He (Mr'
and to
would ask, was there no case for inquiry with regentie,
Ir,land? Were the statements of the right 110° "harges
o(fHneiarini.
man (Mr. S. Rice) undisputed? Were there u° tiv?
ministerial e r
wmisconductas glaa tha
theith case regardof
Canadato tl iat
He lead
arga
alluded to, as it furnished him with more than one
ment on the present question. The right hon. 8v eels
for the Colonies (Mr. Stanley) in the course of his sgte
in granting the committee to inquire into the s held
Canada, alluded to the number of Canadians tha_
office in that colony, as compared with the number of t"the
who held office who were not Canadians. W,_ll,ooo,be
right. hon. Secretary for the Treasury was speo'nl.lglit
(Mr. Sheil) could not help calling to mind that the
0,17,
hon. gentleman was the only Irishman in that hoeseyero-
- office who was directly connected with the Po")
ment. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and " N°',looo
At any rate, observed the hon. and learned gen` f the
(Mr. Sheil), not one of the Irish members out ° ;a1
off°
105 in that house who held a government There
situation. Look at the independence of Belgium. au to
was one ground of complaint which he wished to ree'refe-
the recollection of the house. It was the undue Point.
renee given to Dutchmen in all the government aPP.,OI
ments. That, indeed, was one of the reasons oleo.
for the seiaration of Belgium from Holland in the sore
ration of independence in November, 1830. Theree
105 Irish members, but not one of them had had the
degree of ministerial favour conferred on him. Th01°1;01
and learned gentleman next alluded to certain
Earl Grey and the Duke of Wellington, and said
had been conceded, why not repeal? You did not
grant the measure of reform, you need not fear,:
repeal. {Here the hon. and learned gentlemauen wt
some interruption from the ministerial benches, said,
cocuinbet,
looking in the direction whence it proceeded, heurs yet.
phatically, .. Come, I have not spoken six ho
i;ers
(Loud laughter.) It has been said that 300
an Irish parliament would be in danger of being °I
in their deliberations by factious considerations•
continued the hon. and learned gentleman, that luus
as bad. (Cheers from the repealers. ) The advocat:a
repeal in that house were accused of having origin at,
cry for repeal by means of agitation. The charge w",
together unwarranted. Why he (Mr. Sheil) was °-
deputation who waited on Lord Grey respecting the,
bill of 1831, and he then told his lordship that if tit of
sure were persevered in, the demand for a repeal °
union would become universal ; and yet, they
and others of his friends had thus done what they `,-tt,
induce ministers to remove the causes which led e
demand for repeal, they were charged with being tit
meters of that desire for repeal by a course of
t_
(Cheers.) There were now forty-eight advoca,eost,
peal in that house, and he could tell hon. ro(;_u,,lt hit'
if government persevered in the course they o'_':ouid
followed with regard to Ireland, the nurnber..v,al
bc doubled. Hon. members expressed
sarsly follow in the event of the repeal of t „ern,
s:ons that a separation of the two countritehhseNivi
accomplished. He (Mr. Sheil) would asgw,',,",, the
they not afraid of separation from a collision 1(
pie, in the event of the motion of his hon.nen°,',s)
friend being rejected? If government did intend
severe in the present system—if they were to cw
isdorns
to every admonition—if they were not to learn
own „ail
(Chthe failure of others only, but by their 0
eers), then he (Mr. Sheil) was afraid
_lntuu_e_
quences that might ensue. He trusted the his
pardon the hypothesis which he entertained
°ts or to
jest. He did not wish to hold out therea!
tempt to intimidate the house, but h did
motion
raise his warning voice. If the present
form
jectcd, the mass of the people of Ireland would
which no
selves into a state of organization
_s to
could resist, and then that house would
ha
and a local
pent that they had refused tohgrca.ntfofloowed
the hon.
g-islature. (The cheering which
h ii.nued for some time.)
1 earned gentleman's spee';', e union
en resented Ininsclf,
Sir ROBERT PE."' •
on !" The right hon. baronet,
would subside, said that lie would
whether the cries
withdraw or go on, according as the sense of the he
The cry then becominl
expressed on the subject.
he commenced by sa:
'avflteranw(-tai';in(g;') to"'
general
loud r
aclr cries of ohfi
tom W iptrbodcrea:dv wihra
his own opinion was that they should make_s_ome
he
in bringing this debate to a termination. Tan ,
of the question had now lasted four nights, the
of the house, if he (Sir H. Peel) understood it
was, that it should now be brought to a conch.
tie debate were to last ten firms ,he time it had_
ten times the argument were to be brought to hear.tv
which already had been—if ten times the ingen_u:s 'ea
t be displayed, the conviction which would 107 ~
country would still be, that the house ought nottito
to the dismemberment of the empire. (L°llt
These are truths which the feelirgi of the heaS ea'
abstract conviction go to assent. When Dr% „ .
asked to refute the arguments which had ;lie'e non'
of by some philosophers of his day to prove 'co his
tence of matter, he stain Fed on the grouatl such '
at the idea of any one supposing that 31r.
ments required to be answered. And whe%
ning was asked to refute the arguments sch°:(l,
advanced against the union, he indignantly sai t he
the union—restore the Heptarchy." Not tha
not have argued the question, but because the ic'eat
pressed on his mind that if the union was repeaie
land must be reduced to a fourth-rate poWer,_ace to
' nations of Europe, and Ireland to a mere pro L,
other country. Look at the map of Europe•
relative position to Spain and other countricslot
say if you can resist the conclusion that the grea!
would be to be apprehended from the disunitu•4'ig
this country. • He begged pardon for not lla‘T;
alluded to the very eloquent and very entertainuoat
of the hon. and learned gentleman who had jot he
He would pass by three-fourths of his speech ; f
pass by his (Mr. Shell's) defence of the speech 0 .
and learned friend, and his attack on the right h°_iltbele:,,,
tary for the Colonies, and would address himself tufbeholi
timate arguments which he had made use of. ,„ te
and learned gentleman had spoken in commentlat:Jrtlelot
of the sacrifices which he (Sir Robert Peel) hake
carry the measure of catholic emancipation. “„teettie
think he was entitled to praise for his conduct oil at ej,
sion, as, in sacrificing his abstract opinions to ceueitieeo
Catholics of Ireland, he was only doing what he e° t
in the circumstances of the case, to be his duty. eta) ,of
only given certain advice to the Crown with resr
measure, and undertaken to abide by the resP°°,je
that advice. (Loud cheers.) But if he had °rep
in icb
flees on that occasion, he had now little satisfaet%e`ales.
reflection that he had done so, when he saw thejoal'ertno
was made of the power which the measure 01,eersdoo05
tion conferred on certain individuals. (Loud either Peorei
hon. and learned gentleman had spoken a ().,. be Sued
changing their opinions on this subject, but n',seS_„,,,,,°tia%
that he had changed his own ? In 1825, whe[re'rtiloW4
htheeforceivailcodmismabitiltieteiesof
utnhdeerHwoulisienhof
tChoomani°C,33oa
Tic
the
lfa
obl
.1,0 Rie
nd
gy u
, the
nts v follownerk
incase
uin g
eJ
:the
Catt've s.
general
uc htel
emancipation were settled byo;
j•-- 5 o
sria
power existing in any indiviintal to get public .fj.elalw,,;ll3,',,httet
:
titer, and to cream a combined operation in °{
convinced that it would not be in the power or •,00:Jso.
Parliament,qt s
matter however great his influence might be:,, col?
of richo,oo
how perverse his ambition may be, to draw lairs
of men together in Ireland ; nothing but the 5,e,,1";,i0r,: the
injury produces these great and systematic g 3". uei 'itaniar
the medium of which so much passion and so nLet loco.° st.
tory matter is conveyed through the country. . ,any forilY
question of the union as an example ; thereare ~tisf3l3ot
pose that if the Catholic question were to be !;ed.
_A
ranged, the merits of the union would be disci',
settlel.ooo il•
convinced that if the Catholic question woeti,lilt o'll
body of the population, so far from being disss p:e 00. f me.
perfec ly co:itented with the union, or be '?retiree., ° the
Whenever any Inenton is made in a Homan Caurpor4ol.,,dg:
of the evils of that measure, it is made fur the 1,,,,,0te //Deo
torical excitement, and not with any serioo pit‘otb,
pa ae
rt of the speaker, to disturb that which, in qe'
ment, is perfectly indissoluble. In answer t 0.%, fel
to add this, that neither upin tithes, nor ,tirei,otdyijuslsoll
other political subject, could the people ot maca
fully and pern.anently excited prese!! tent
themsAves aggrieved by the law, and
public sentiment, as from n sense of 0,11;
they are marshalled and combined togetl'learned -0f a
(Immense cheering.) The hon. au' itonhecies
endeavours to frighten the house by hi."). Irelanc, stalo
neral rising and organizing of the peoriv.h. he llec''athed,
event of the measure being rejected, triu r'ocided, of l';;,
that he thought it would be impossible,. Pe
asseiiih'Yaiitl
emancipation was granted, that any ,urpose -0,01e,0
sons could be got together for any other I was it $
mewl. blv,
presses his conviction that when anY lie "sem . ith
the repeal of the union in any Catho
and "ri, I
to dist", wid
serious view upon the part of the speak
llbt
would as ,viers
et,
for the pnrposes of rhetorical excitemente,r,
which should be indissoluble. Why, Ilne be s° at's' ch„ijir'
and learned gentleman, should he tti
the repeal of the union, when lie
What events had occurred, what cir •
Roman Catholic, that that union ouskhotntiostbateleion:his;ttav

°Pin ref
tt
n
lU
'a:g‘ni.agf:g-(etl:eaor.ll;thasentniallo:t:tfal;ibEelltdi'luttl a;.°l.tttagh rec.lc.3
11
•
11
l
he
icy Coutitii,.
led t°
J-
ug the I.ltr,'„,
)f agitate
tes of r
Cates t
het's,
ad
hither t,
would sot,
apprehei:
ould neee,
union
than, sce:,
ith the
pig
ten and lear'pr,
„end to Fri'-;,f
ontione n'„t
fao"
own
°rise-
f the c
user` °
3n° this se',
or to at„
.s,
id woo
on were lf,
form thel,'et
, no
o
eason to .„
a local le,il
.0 hon• a'
time.) ..It,
5.1 f, urn',
Go on,
ing to seer
Nould eithe.
osdieema
eydht
hi
in:lieu:ego
gs!.
ii"istol,C,
1 y
LI it rigi. If
'ad donei is I
bear I.ll'°tv
.enuitY the
o t,
pres.
_n 501
to
ee
n ma
exit''
e none
ith b"
Such can
31r-, De:i
bac' h
(1, gePoo I
at beic:tiO
e con`Ens;
ealca' the
among o;
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L°°l' at
and,r
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axing
_7 °how
his
01-se.c.`A,

Place since 1825, which could hare led to his changing his
mind? What objection in principle or in justice could he
have to a concurrence in the proposed resolution to address
his Majesty to the effect proposed by the right hon. mem-
ber for Carribridn•e ? The hon. and learned gentleman
bad said that in the articles of union it was expressly
stipulated that if there should be any surplus revenue
collected, it should be expended for the benefit and im-
Erevetnent of that country, and that there had been a
iirkeach of this stipulation. He (Sir Robert Peel) should
e t° know whether any such surplus revenue existed?
we would admit there was in the articles of the union a
"..'lPtilation, under certain circumstances, of the kind re-
lerred to by the hon. and learned gentleman ; but then he
(11',:fged to inform him that the circumstances referred to
the not. occur, it having been no longer necessary to keep
, elute
land matters of Ireland separate from those of En.g-
the"- The debts of the two countries, like the countries
leartn_seh•es, were now merged together. The hon. and
the"ed gentleman had asked who would venture to deny
e evils of absenteeism ? No one, he (Sir Robert Peel)
fen ugnt, would deny that absenteeism was an evil ; but
supposed, would imagine for a moment that the
se as to be cured by repeal. What was the cause of a_b-
nteeisM but that cursed agitation which made life
atid
Property insecure in Ireland, and compelled those
.„:° Possessed the means of quitting it to seek for
Ilia" and safety in other parts of the empire ?
,`lnlense cheering.) The honourable and learned
'entleman had also said, that while the barns and granaries
the rich in Ireland were full, the poor were starving.
• hat had nothing at all to do with the question of repeal ;
T,ia_re se from the want of proper laws, or the imperfect ad-
housesaf those that existed,ust as while the ware-
of the manufacturers in England were full of the
niost valuable goods, some of the lower classes, from the
Zt: of a proper administration sito poor laws, might be
the ering from want. It was thhappened there were
extremes of riches and poverty. The hon. and learned
Zgentleman had told the house that he (Mr. Sheil) was not
ti.ed by those phantoms which the imagination of hon.
union ens had raised up as the consequence of a repeal of the
gen-04°C He ( Sir R. Peel) would tell the hon. and learned
eman that he was, andthat the Protestants of Ireland
”'er
Prorid so must all men of common penetration who had
)-aea'r,Perty at stake. It was said that there had been 600
it„s °, misrule in Ireland, in consequence of the English
t,,enee maintained thre by dint of corruption. If the
grle "'ere so, he would contend that it went to prove the
si eater necessity for the maintenance of the union and. a
In legislature. It was impossible that there could exist
eiser,ela,nd a separate legislature claiming the right to exer-
th, 41"ePendent functions without the very evils occurring
e„- Proof of which the hon. and learned gentleman and his
IsOrters thought conclusive of his. case. An independent
%ttire was, in fact, a fallacious idea; Ireland never pos-
Zed it, and never could possess it, consistently with
ef In,aintenance of the British sovereignty. The people
~.„reland had it not even in 1782, that favourite period
Ilei,,_Ln the hon. and learned gentleman. In what did an in-
thmrident legislature consist? (Hear, hear. ) Why, in
e control of the public purse and of the executive go-
weasrutin, ent. From 1782 to the period of the union, this
ne state of the law ; no measure could be passed by
be parliament without the intervention of the great seal of
4,ngland, and the great seal of England could be fixed only
by the advice of the Lord Chancellor. He had the power
tati..negative every bill ; not only to refuse finances, but also
ttge slightest improvement that could be made. Why, what
rtai_ockery of an independent legislature was this, that
the ict not pass an act without the authority of a servant of
)17 not
? Suppose the Lord Chancellor had refused
fr 7 consent to the bill, believing it to be injurious to the
rests of this country,, would the Irish parliament have
I)Zarehed him ? And if he had acted bona fide as to his
Ih, of the injurious tendency of the measure, how could '
peattadrilament have impeached him? (Cheers.) He re-
'lent ben, that not only Ireland never had an indepen-
patregislature, but he believed she never could have one.
e.. se they repealed the union, and restored the Irish
sesse;nent with functions similar to those that were
.pcn-
trati,,` by the Irish parliament in 1782, was the admims-
of En for Ireland to be separate from the administration
be ,"gland, as was the case with Hanover? or was it to
Pointe'rPonent part of the administration of England, ap-
titter by the advice given to the King by his Prime M-
oat ; If the Irish members were to be appointed with-
to tiecierence to the English ministers, who would be found
( Elea; the responsibility consequent on such a course ?
Wet, Who would consent to hold office in England,
hen e King had servants in one part of the empire over
controiconduct the minister here could not exercise any
were t ? (Hear, hear. ) If the government of Ireland
olved ;,0 form part of the government of England, which
tasat," existence to the confidence of the English parlia-
"(el-6,4' what manner could the Irish house of legislature
eated 8-e any control over its ministers? What a compli-
kollejslern of government would not this be? As regarded
Wowit, what control could such a legislature possess?
reirah, eo.t such an institution be, then, the., greatest. con-
elist:le libel on representative government . Would. it not
triet,t ,eXhibiting the mere shadow of representative govern-
Poer " Corruptio optimi pessima. ' If it had the
set? of taxation, what were the limits which they would
Enplis,SoPpose the Irish parliament departed from the
ding of avliament, what remedy would there be ? The
•/,o‘ad be egland had the right to determine whether there
tanct as towrlor t he determined that as well for Ire-
! r°P°3"l, the Wand; but if affairs were changed as was
w°41,1 be '‘
War ing would have to consider whether Ireh-
e._ It was ,0,51?,0,1ed as well as England tothsinurothrte
war
take
"! which sii:sible that Ireland might
I- It into her scars not deeply interest—, and she
E might
1,11 she wou, , bead that if the matter were left to ng-
"on,contribute the whole expense. Would the
was d learned gentleman tell him (Sir R. Peel) how a
(Che Was to be carried on under such circumstances?
kerifers• The remedy adopted by the American govern-
was to determine for each state beforehand the pro-
bcgovern-
`t of the expenses of the war that each state should
e,r• Jefferson, in his Correspondence, said, that before
less,a alteration, some states contributed more and some
and some nothing. (A laugh.) This was very un-
1, ous, therefore another course was pursued, and they
This left to legislate as regarded their village politics.
P...4li7has, in fact, consolidating the union. Would the
(if war parliament, then, foreseeing the possible case
,Aletertnirte
beforehand what portion Ireland should
foresee,su 4.110,e` %%allot think‘ this possible, unless they could
400 mo, ar to cost 40,00°001-'
PPose the v, would be the future state of that country.
illdeed if c" or 4,000 should Ireland pay
t• the En ,000/., or any ? (Cheers.). And,
what w g ish Parliament simply decided the ques-
ts ment ? B arlia "Id become of the independence of the Irish
But if the English Parliament were compe-
, at to decide
this matter, was it not also competent to
Nide others°‘lvert_ , ? (Cheers ) The right hon. baronet next
th, "tercial to the differences. which might arise as to the
that coentry s
.)st
em to be pursued in reland.
.Suppose
ad
b:),f
..nu• 21)ted
It a commercial system differing from
of amounted to a aemonstration that a
ail the union was impracticable. Ireland might
ahe rent system of commercial policy ; in which
hatedhay eenrse would not trust to British cruisers, but
the e cruisers of her own. The result would be,
•aPpo e
~rted b Misers of both England and Ireland must be
eiafr EtroYia fleet. These fleets would necessarily meet
that4atere4`lse Channel, for the protection of the commer-
iqg they WO of both parties, and it could hardly be supposed
re4r;
r:'illishl.lln not come in a way to provoke hostile feel-
ia djfeed the Increasing, would probably lead to a vi ar. s
culty rt‘gency, the hon. and learned gentleman felt
\i-Cattie t,, In 1785, the Parliaments of England and Ire-
\ith''' said ePposite resolutions on the regency question.
En he the
hon. and learned gentleman on this subject ?
as 13tlish faorVd get rid of the difficulty by allowing the
~ngli+,!ament to settle that matter. Important
trieCsh p'",en, lie felt sufficient confidence in the
4tit arnament for this business. Past expe-
litt:Wo 07: unfortunate in this. (Hear.) There were
4 Wert 4.:asflens on which the Regency had to be settled
rravid ed in 'i
e`letl.e e Countries, and on these two occasions they
of An act passed in the reign of Henry N
4„l4,l'!gland ex Press terms, that whoever was de facto King
Eugl n$ thiashould.be de jure King of Ireland. Notwith-
ir Proviso, when illiam 111. was King of
'lat„,,that the Land chose James `II. It would, perhaps, be
beitt-il.-ero were peculiar circumstances in this case,
be Cr, a Roman Catholic ; but so there might be
hoany ease that might occur hereafter. C Hear. )
in baronet then went into a long historical
11.4' thedefence of Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh,
krafrtge that they had fomented the rebellion in
'l
(14er
elan Debi
i:
w ;e, P purose of enr gichin te English treasury
,of Ireland. The hon.h and learned mem-
lzatit he h had, on the faith of a certain document,
t,a(l evidence that government was fully cog-
Prket. !le treasonable proceedings of some parti-
N, lees vivals, vet allowed them to continue their
rile th}'!), 41tMerisIurbe-d, alleging as a. reason for so doing,
1:14,,0u. atid afraid of disturbing the public peace.
line eyed learned member for Dublin might have
t_ that it • very difficult indeed
now f, was sometimes
ea..h— a et against persons disturbing the public
" th were)The Government, when prompt in
t, att th, abused for being too rigorous,
n,as th . Parties
might have found some clever advisers
eittt :ow ;Ir solicitor and their counsel (Cheers), to tell
theY might ith present security to their
Parttis4e as ,le Proc.eedingbinthe hope of
inbeing-able aitto.
Part.
ly to overwhelm those.authority
if d.
wer(Cheers) What security had they,a.
I`"oera;:'ellii) e established in Ireland, that the hon. and
;1 ?r,.,,,f0r Dublin would submit himself. .to its
i) rough
th tee4kk-beering. ) Had they not, within the
} 'fore, thee, stre4u array of physical strength marched
atid nen. a' of the Metropolis? and, only three days
rep toittasked them
learned member came down to the
hi;orted nteere, 11? to make Ireland independent.
.Had
I‘. serti speeet.." Ins services as counsel to the union?
Oltin all tl"'
of his represented him to have tendered
IN. al ow h• 'en' secret adviser, on condition that they
'lary a" le 141 to act gratuitously. (A laugh. ) The
i) eY) arued e h a s, member for Colchester (Mr. D. W.
al on. volunt lt•c a e_ merb_ eered to become their solicitor. If
(Jung., :21' for Dublin could take this course
ha't which he had comparatively little in-
eilheratt, byseatettur....itY_ could he offer to them that he'
"3
of
Irish et. Ph •
ysical force control the
nsh legislature ? (Hear.) The right

hon. baronet then read an extract from the speech of the
King to the Englis'i mar nele, in 179 i, describing the
disturbed state of Ir ! nl, rci t r s';ing alditional powers.
He referred also to !.si):,c.:ll,!' Ca.-rao, who opposyl the
bill brought in in pte..: ;ante of the reco..lmendi!ion of the
Crown, and charged Mini.ae:s with desiring to excite un-
necessary alarm by spreading reports of an invasion. The
right hon. gentleman Caen ridiculed the idea that the re-
bellion was fomented by Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereapii,
and, in refutation of such a supposition, pointed out the'
preparations which were made to oppose a foreign enemy,
and the reluctance that existed to send an unnecessary
large force to Ireland. Mr. Ponsonby moved for returns
of the whole of the troops in that country at that period,
and, being closely pressed to do so by parliament, sent, on
the 22d of February, 1797, 10,000 men. Sir Laurence
Parsons, a hot opposition member, moved that 50,000 men
be sent to Ireland. This motion, however, was opposed by
that government of whom it had been said, that they
wanted an excuse for raising an immense army. He did
not know whether the restoration of the ancient monarchy
was or was not the object of the honourable members who
supported the motion for the committee, but if it was,
he hoped that the theory and practice of legitimate
succession would prevail. (Hear, hear, and laughter. )
He disclaimed any intention of presuming to interfere
in the arrangement of the Irish crown, but from the judg-
ment he was able to form from his reading of Irish his-
tory, there was no person, in the event of the ancient
monarchy being restored, who would be better entitled to
the dignity than his hon. friend, Mr. Fergus O'Connor.
(Loud laughter.) He ( Sir R. Peel) owed a deep debt
to Irish hospitality, and he was proud to acknowledge the
courtesy and kindness which he met in Ireland ; and in re-
turn he would hope for that country, if it should return
to its ancient system of government, that one of the an-
cient race, in the person of the hon. member for Cork,
should assert his rightful supremacy. (Renewed laughter. )
He (Sir R. Peel) was more confident of the hon. and
learned gentleman's title, as he remembered to have read
in an ancient history, that, immediately preceding the in-
vasion of Ireland by the English, one DermotM‘Mur-
rogh (Laughter) loved, and so far condescended from his
station as to steal away the wife of O'Rourke, king of
Bre n aided and assisted therein by Roderick, or, as
others had it, Roger O'Connor, then the general mo-
narch of Ireland. There were. two other kings in Ire-
land at the same time. Now, if it occurred at that pe-
riod that the other kings, scandalized by the conduct
of King Murrogh (Laughter), sought to repeal the union
of the monarchies, and that Murrogh refused to accede to
the request, in what shape, under a select committee, should
it be moved for, " To inquire into and report the means
by which M'Murrogh held on to the empire, on the effects
of that holding upon Leinster, and upon the labourers in
husbandry, and operatives in manufactures in Ulster, and
the probable consequences of continuing the union ?" ( Loud
laughter.) But to quit this mood, and turn seriously to
the subject; he must confess that, in his view of it, he
doubted whether absolute separation would not be better
than the miscalled link of gold which had been proposed,
but which in reality was the clay and iron, which hadbeen
found so destructive of other monarchies. He must again
refer to the ancient monarchies of Ireland, for it had just
occurred to him that lie had been too liberal in handing
over the succession to Mr. O'Connor, as there were cer-
tain preliminaries to be performed which were absolutely
necessary before the power and title could be assumed. It
appeared by an extract from an old author, but of high and
recognized authority, that the ceremony of the installation
was thus performed :—First, a white cow was to be
sacrificed, and then the monarch postulate was to strip
stark naked and bathe in a vat, after which he was to
eat of the flesh and drink of the broth of sacrifice. The
custom of the ceremony with the title he would take leave
to hand over to the hon. member for Cork, premising that
the office required some culinary skill, as it was indis-
pensable that the Monarch should make his own soup.
(Loud laughter.) But to return to the question, and he
trusted that in the consideration of it men's feelings would
rather administer to their reason than to their passions,
and that they would look calmly to the interval which the
question involved. The union had now lasted thirty-three
years, but a period which comprised within itself the
events of centui 13s should not be calculated by the measure
of ordinary time. ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The house
had been told of many complaints of English injustice,
and a great deal had been said of two-fifteenths and other
proportions of taxation. Were these petty objections to
be set against the history and the advantages of the period?
Was it nothing, on the other side of the account, that from
1803 to 1814, a period when a most desolating war dis-
tracted Europe—at a period when every country was
cursed with invasion, and the whole Peninsula was overrun
by the unbounded ambition of Bonaparte—was it nothing
in the balance that at such a period England was un-
touched and Ireland safe from attack ? (Loud cheers. )
Then, indeed, all national jealousies were sunk, a wider
horizon was opened, a freer scope was given to the
energies of Ireland, and she saw her Grattan, to use his
own words, " like an oak of the forest transplanted," not
attracting the envy, but winning the respect and admiration
of Englishmen. (Loud cheers.) There was no national
jealousy when the British Legislature was presided over by
Castlereagh and Canning. The British army, too, in
its glorious career of conquest, proceeded onward with-
out distinction, and was commanded by the Duke
of Wellington (Loud cheers), an Irishman, as con-
summate in the Cabinet as he was glorious in the
field. It was he who, with his back to the sea, stood at
the rock of Lisbon, from whence he surveyed Europe, de-
sponding, and did not cease in his efforts until he lifted her
into freedom. When peace was established by his victo-
rious arm, he still was the benefactor of his country, and
worked well in the field of Iriih politics, by removing the
disabilities which affected a portion of his countrymen and
perfecting equalization amongst them. (Continued cheer-
ing.) Was this, then, the time for bringing forward such
a measure, after the union had been submitted to such an
ordeal, and had passed through it unscathed? Was this
the time to seek a dismemberment of the empire which
had effected so much ? Would it not be in part consenting
to dismemberment to go into the proposed committee ?
Was this the time, when Catholic disabilities were removed
—when the measure of reform threw new elements into
the constitution—when the borough interest was abolished ?
These measures would make the constitution of Parliament
widely different ; and at such a time, under such circum-
stances, was it wise—was it well—to propose such a mea-
sure ? The question for the house to consider was, whe-
ther they could so regulate the course of antagonist powers
as to render unnecessary the centripetal force which dwelt
in the midst of an united legislature. In his opinion, to
work such a miracle would require a power like that Al-
mighty one which separated light from darkness, which
gave laws to the planetary system, and bade the myriads
of worlds revolve in that ocean of space, too vast for human
imagination to contemplate. (Loud cheers. )
Mr. D. CALLAGHAN rose amid loud cries of
" Question," which continued for some time, and at length
prevailed.
The house adjourned at three o'clock, until Monday
next.

The foreign exchanges, in consequence of the
flourishing state of our commerce, are beginning to
turn in favour of this country, and this, among other
causes, will materially assist in those monetary opera-
tions contemplated by this government in the course of
the present year, and above all, in that regarding the
reduction of the 4 per cents. Silver is still, however,
shipped to the Continent in large amounts, one capi-
talist having sent to Calais, in the latter end of last
week, silver bullion to the value of more than 400,000/.
This transaction, however, in the existing state of the
exchanges, must be looked upon as one purely of a
commercial nature.

Captain Glascock, whose " Naval Sketch-
Book" has given so much amusement to the public,
has just published two volumes under the same title as
" a New Series." They contain some interesting
papers ; among the rest one on impressment, to which
we may afterwards call the attention of our readers.
The book abounds with animated sketches of naval
opinions and character, described in that characteristic
style, which only a thorough-bred seaman can handle.
—Times, April 24.
COURT OF CIIANCERY.—The number of
appeals and causes decided by Lord Eldon, between
November 22, 1823, and the sittings before Easter
Term, 1827, was 75. By Lord Lyndhurst, from that
time to November 22, 1830, it was 119 ; by Lord
Brougham, from that date to the pre' ent time (the
return is dated April 15, 1834), it we 237. Appeals
set down in the year from November 22, 1823, was 3 ;
in 1824 it was 41 ; next year 40 ; next 56 ; next year
it was 35 ; in 1828, 51 ; in 1829 it was 42 ; next year
52 ; next year 62 ; in 1832, 50 ; in 1833, 52 ; and to
the present time 21. Appeals for judgment, first day
of Michaelmas Term, 1826, 44; same day, 1830, 10;
same day, 1833, 1. When Lord Eldon went out of
office in 1827, 97 appeals stood for hearing, the first
of them dated so far back as June 3, 1823. When
Lord Lyndhurst went out in 1830, there stood 103;
and the first day of Easter Term this year there were
only 43, the first of which was set down June 7, 1833 ;
the number set down before November 6, 1833, was
12. On the first day of last Easter Term one appeal
stood for judgment, and no causes. What an answer
does this abridgment of a Parliamentary Paper, deli-
vered on Friday, make to the calumniators of the Lord
Chancellor.

BRIGHTON.—The body of a male child,
newly born, was found buried, a short distance under
the soil, on Sunday, on the Downs, near Brighton,
just within the verge of the adjoining parish of Oving-
dean. It bore marks of bruises on its skull, and had
evidently met its death by unfair means, and in all pro-
bability at the hands of an unnatural parent. Exertions
are making to discover, if possible, the perpetrator of
this atrocity. The body is supposed not to have been
buried more than two days when thus discovered.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SU.A.

SIR,—As a member of the established church of Scot-
land, nothing gives me more serious- concern than the
headstrong race which its parties appear to be engaged in,
for the purposes of alienating from their cause every man
who has a mind of his own—every man who dares to have
a proper regard,for his Christian brethren, even although
they should happen to cherish a wish to go to heaven in
their own little path of dissent; and, further, every one who
dares to follow the standard of reform, and not to truckle
to the parish priest, not only in matters spiritual, but tem-
poral also, from payment of teipds down ;to the ringing of
the church bell ! That such a feeling predominates
amongst the clergy of our church, with comparatively few
exceptions, is also self-evident—as witness any disputed
election in Scotland, from Tweed to Inverness. For the
truth of such assertion, I refer to the hon. member for this
district of burghs ; for well does he know the stamina of the
holy league betwixt Toryism in civil and religious matters!
Such is their bigotry or blindness ! !
Even in the remotest corner of the land, our clergy
could not do less than add their little " cup of venom" to
the general turmoil ; and in order " that honour may be
awarded to them to whom it is justly due," allow me, Sir,
to lay before the public, through your widely circulating
pages, a simple unadorned statement of a few facts ; for be
it known, that the sun of reform has not yet arisen upon
Cie Tress of the North—in fact, it is 50 shrouded in Cim- '
merian darkness.

During former incumbrances, the people of this town
and parish used to assemble for public worship on the Sab-
bath, at eleven o'clock, a.m., and at two, p.m., as I be-
lieve is yet the case in every other town north of the bor-
der ; and at these hours, the town, as well as the parish
bell (attached to the kirk), was rung to assemble the diffe-
rent congregations, be they of the establishment, secession,
or independent persuasion. About 20 years ago, we lost
our parochial clergyman, and Isis successor, finding either
that two English and one Gaelic sermon on the Lord's Day
were harder work than his constitution could stand, or
that his parishoners were not so kirk greedy, did away with
the two English discourses, substituting one, at twelve
o'clock, noon, in lieu of them, the bells being rung at that
hour only. Soon after, however, the then secession cler-
gyman having complained that as he continued to give his
hearers two sermons, as formerly, he was disturbed in the
most serious part of the morning service by the tolling of
the-townbell; it was discontinued for a certain period, and
again resumed, whether upon the death of this highly re-
spectable old gentleman, or from some other cause, I know
not. Matters went on as usual, the bell annoying the
Seceders, till about the year 1823 or 1824, when the parish
minister at length determined to conform to the usual prac-
tice in the neighbouring boroughs, and to favour his con-
gregation with two sermons every Lord's Day, upon
which occasion the ringing of the town bell was for the
second time during his incumbency altered to half-past
eleven, a.m., thus accommodating all the three congrega-
tions, who once more assembled to worship God at the
same hour. This plan was not, however, long persisted
in—only for one season, I believe—thereafter the one ser-
mon system was resumed, to the annoyance at least of the
Seceders (if not of the kirk-going folks), who were again
exposed to the old annoyance of the town bell, and the rat-
tling of the equipages of the nobility, as they passed to the
parish kirk, and thus affairs continued until November
last, when, upon a free election of magistrates and council
having taken place, for the first time, they expressed a
wish to reform this amongst other abuses, and a petition
having been presented to them by the elders of the Sece-
ders' congregation, complaining of the grievance, they re-
solved that in future the town bell, being the property of
no particular sect, but of the public, should be rung at such
hours on the Sabbath as might be found most convenient
for all the different congregations. The council soon found
that the Secession and Independent elders and hearers
were friendly to their proposed alteration, but that
with the parish clergyman the case was different,
rumours being soon spread abroad that the radical
council was going to lay the established church at
the feet of the secession, to please the Provost—
that such a grievance could never, would never, be sub-
mitted to. Meanwhile the council, anxious to deal out
even handed justice to all, and wishful to unite all sects in
Christian unity, at the same time being most averse to en-
croach upon any vested right, however unreasonable, how-
ever ungraciously claimed, consulted their Edinburgh
agents, through the Provost, who, of date 12th February,
stated to them as follows:—" That there were three sepa-
rate places of worship in Nairn, the kirk, secession, and in-
dependents. That a few years ago, all parties saw the incon-
venience of one congregation meeting for public worship at
a different hour on Sunday from the other, to one of whom,
in particular, the ringing of the town bells during the most
solemn part of the service, to convene the kirk congrega-
tion, was most annoying. The consequence was, that for
a brief period the town bell was not tolled—but was soon
resumed, and had ever since been continued. That the
secession congregation had lately petitioned the magistrates
on the subject, wishing them to interfere, so that, for the
future, it might be arranged, as in every other town, all
the congregations in Nairn might assemble on Sunday at
the same hour, and the town bells be made useful to the
whole community. That in consequence of this applica-
tion, the magistrates referred the matter to the council,
who again referred it to the private determination of the
respective sessions. That, however, the kirk session was
apparently reluctant to yield its supposed supremacy ; and
the parson also, lest he should be obliged to give two dis-
courses on Sundays. They, therefore, obdurately opposed
innovation, forgetting public inconvenience, in a desire for
personal ease—threatening prosecution, if the hours of the
bells ringing were altered—asserting, that because the parish
kirks contributed to building the gaol, they, therefore, were
as well entitled to regulate the ringing of the bells as the
magistrates or council. They further stated that the dis-
senters were ready either to meet at eleven o'clock, a.m.,
as in all other boroughs, at half-past eleven, or at a quarter
before twelve, in order, as far as possible, to accomodate
themselves to the present hour of commencing service in
the parish church, which would only put the parson fif-
teen minutes out of his way, concluding with the following
queries :-1. Have not the magistrates and council full au-
thority, as builders of the gaol, to make what regulations
they please in respect to it, keeping in view the ringing of the
bell ? 2. If the magistrates have not such power, who
has, as, surely, a public institution under civil manage-
ment exclusively, cannot be controlled by ecclesiastical I
interferences ? 3. Hall the usage, and authority of magis-
trates and council are to be broken through to satisfy the
caprice of a single individual, particularly hostile to this
council, have not those who are annoyed by the ringing of
the town-bell, while they are in the performance of solemn
religious service, a right to endite against the nuisance ?
In course of a short period, an opinion by an eminent
counsel was received in reply to the above queries, nearly
as follows :—" The magistrates are entitled to make such
regulations as they deem expedient, in regard to the ring-
ing of the bell in the town-house ; that bell is peculiarly
their property, and they are entitled to regulate the use of
it, as well as of any other part of the burgh establishment,
under one only restriction, i. e., they must refrain from
ringing at any period, when doing so would be productive
of nuisance. The town and parish church having already
a bell of its own, neither the heritors nor minister can
have even a pretext for interfering with the magistrates in
the matter. The right of the magistrates depends neither
on statute nor usage ; it belongs to them at common law.
The above opinion was enclosed in a note from the
burgh agents in Edinburgh, who add, " In the above
opinion we fully concur ; and were any particular remark
called for, we would add, that the unreasonableness of the
parish minister ought to be checked by the magistrates
exercising their undoubted and exclusive control over the
bell within the burgh."
Thus fortified by legal advice, the Council, at next
meeting, ordered their bell to be rung at half-past eleven
o'clock a. m. ; and next day the parish minister called together
a meeting of his kirk session, who came to a resolution to
make the following communication to the Town Council ;
previous to narrating which, however, it may be proper to
state that of the session, twelve in number, no fewer than
six were members of the late Tory Council of Nairn, poli-
tical opponents of the present one, and who were removed
at the last election. After narrating that the meeting of ses-
sion was constituted by prayer, it goes on to state,
" Whereas, it is conceived by the Town Council that the
ringing of the town bell should be discontinued at the hour
of beginning public worship, on the Sabbath, in the parish
church, and rung only at such hours as it is well known
the Dissenters meet, it was unanimously agreed to by the
Session, that, in their opinion, such proceeding on the
part of the Town Council was unjustifiable in itself, and
contrary to the established usages of the country; that
the established church has ever been considered as part of
the British Constitution, and eminently calculated to pro-
mote good order, morality, and respect to the laws, and,
as such, deserving the protection and support of the civil
magistrate ; that it is the invariable practice in all the
burghs in Scotland to ring the town bell, as a warning to
the inhabitants of the appointed hours of worship in the
established church, and from time immemorial such has
been the practice in the burghs; that the Session are the
best judges, and have the right to determine what hour
is most suitable for the parishioners to assemble, and they
consider the hour in practice (12 at noon) as the most
suitable, in a parish where many people have a long way
to travel to church. Therefore the session must view any
attempt to interfere with their rights, by any other power,
as _unconstitutional, officious, and indicative of high disre-
spect by such power. That the session further cannot but con-
sider the conduct of the Town Council of Nairn as a violation
of that duty and protection, which they, as civil rulers, are
bound to give to the established church, as one of the legal
institutions of the land, do solemnly protest against such
conduct, and call on the Council to review their proceed-
ings, to rescind and retract their resolution passed by them
on Tuesday last, and to order the town bell to be rung as
heretofore. The session further direct their clerk to
transmit an extract of their minutes to the town clerk for
immediate communication to the Council, and to request
their answer thereupon ; and in the event of such retrac-
tion being refused, to crave that the session be furnished
with copies of the memorial referred to, and opinion of
council, on the subject of said resolution. "—Closed with
prayer.
At the next meeting of Council this production was laid

')fore therm 1,-lien it was moved and resolved that it should
)(3 laid on the table, as being informal, untrue, and irre-
evant ; informal, as not being addressed in form of a peti-
tion, in place of which it appeared rather as a mandate to
the Town Council of Nairn, who disclaim owing any alle-
giance to the Kirk Session of Nairn. Untrue-Ist. Be-
cause the session asserts that the town bell was to be dis-
:!ontinued at the time of beginning public worship on the
Sabbath, and rung only at such hours as it is well known
the dissenters meet ; whereas it must be well known to the
session that none of the dissenting congregations have ever
net at a quarter before 12 a.m., and the present change in
the time of meeting was proposed to accommodate the parish
minister, as must also be well known to one and all of the
Kirk Session. 2d. Because they assert that from time
immemorial it was the custom to ring the town bells of
Nairn, as a warning of the appointed hour of w irship in the
established church. Now this is untrue, be tause it was
given up for one session, on account of the annoyance it
occasioned to the Secession congregation, and was first in- ;
troduced by the present incumbent. 3d. Because, without
interfering with the rights of the Session, as to whether
12 noon be or be not the most suitable hour for the pa-
rishioners to assemble, such f act was ne cr found out until
the present parish priest's induction, his predecessor
having always given two sermons on the Sabbath, and
commenced divine service at 11, or at latest, at half-past
11, a.m. Thus it would appear that the labour of the
parish minister, in place of keeping pace with the wants of
his people, have decreased in an inverse ratio to their
wants, and also to the amount of stipend received. Irre-
levant, as entering on a detail of what the Session are
pleased to consider as the British Constitution and the
rights of the established church, neither of which subjects
were before the Council. Finally, it may be remarked,
that, although according to the Session the measure was
carried entirely fon the accommodation qf, if not by, the
Dissenters in the Council, yet the simple fact is, that every
member present, except two, voted for the alteration in the
,hour of ringing the bell, and when I add that of the Coun-
cil, consisting of 17, only six are Dissenters, the true esti-
mate of what confidence can be justly placed in the
assertions of the Kirk Session, is most apparent ! !
As a friend to free discussion, and to the liberty of con-
science on all occasions, I have no doubt but you will find
a corner in an early number of your public spirited, jour-
nal for this long statement of facts, and by so doing oblige
a numerous body of readers. I remain, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,
Muir, Culloden, April 5, 1834. VERAX.

THE LADIES' UNION-PETITION TO

THE KING.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Ste,--I am a Nery old and constant reader of your
paper, and one of the earliest members of the ladies'
union, a society formed before any other that I ever
heard of, and, though unfettered by secret oaths or
other compact, bound to maintain, and if possible,
improve, the manners and morals of the nation of
which we form a part. We have accordingly met at
this crisis, which seems to demand the attention of all
well wishers to order and decorum ; and have chosen
ten delegates, not too old to do their duty firmly, yet
sufficiently venerable to insure respect. These ladies
are instructed to wait upon Lord Melbourne in form,
and to intrust him with a petition now lying at my
house for signature. I send you a true copy, in order
that when you may have occasion to notice the recep-
tion of our delegates at the Home Office, you may not
be at a loss as to the real nature of our petition to our
gracious Sovereign, whom God preserve.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant and well-wisher,
HERRARA.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, the humble peti-
tion of the members of the Ladies' Union of Great
Britain and Ireland,
Humbly showeth;
That your petitioners deem it a most sacred duty they
owe to themselves and to posterity, and also to your Ma-
jesty, thus to declare to your Majesty the intense interest
and anxiety with Which they have contemplated the pro-
ceedings of various bodies of your Majesty's subjects with
regard to the sentence lately pronounced on the six agri-
cultural labourers at Dorchester ; and participating in the
feelings of compassion which have no doubt actuated the
better part of the petitioners who have preceded us, we beg
humbly to submit to your Alajesty's gracious consideration,
that these poor men, and others of a similar class, in various
trades, have been trained on by the specious promises of
good, held out by various persons (having private ends of
their own to answer) to the very verge of crime ; and
that, although they have incurred sufficient guilt to justify
fully the sentence pronounced upon them, yet that, being
but the tools of more educated, more cunning, and more
unprincipled persons, the punishment. might, to the great
satisfaction of very numerous bodies of your Majesty's sub-
' jects, be mitigated in the manner which we, the Ladies'
Union, now humbly propose to lay before your Majesty.
We cannot, and do not presume to suppose in any in-
stance that .the inferior members of any society, union, cor-
poration, or club, can be of equal value with the heads of
such society, union, corporation, or club, any more than that
the units in our numeration table are equal to the tens.
Still, there are relative values which may be computed, and
perhaps if we value the six poor Dorchester men, at four
of those chiefs, whose counsels, direct or indirect, they
have . followed to their cost, your Majesty may be
graciously pleased to confirm our valuation, and to
remit the punishment of the six ignorant men alto-
gether, on the condition that four of their principal
chiefs—military, ecclesiastical, legal, and senatorial,
be transported to the strictest colonial place of pu-
nishment in their stead. We, the members of the
Ladies' Union, are persuaded that the restoration of the
poor working men to their families, great as will be the bless-
ing, will not procure half the comfort to the country, nor
half the security for the love of your Majesty's affectionate
subjects towards your Royal person, as the removal of the
four aforesaid mischievous and malignant chiefs from your
shores.

When they shall no longer, by the perversion of the great
powers with which the Almighty bath • endowed some of
them, and by the impudence which assumes importance in
the others, urge on the working classes to revolt against the
laws of nature and their country, when their malignant in-
stigations shall no longer help to persuade the people that
their best friends are their oppressors ; A-hen their situa-
tions in the world as members of Parliament, lawyers, and
priests, shall no longer be abused to countenance crime ;
nay, by example, to teach it; then the unions in Great
Britain will be made to cherish trade, and not to undermine
it ; and the Whitefeet and the Orangemen of Ireland will no
longer be secretly instructed how to outrage the laws with
the best chance of security, nor receive the price of blood
from a collector of rent from the people.
Further, as we are not ignorant that your Majesty's de-
sire in punishing a criminal is to reform him, we trust
that seven years passed in reflection upon past acts, will
materially alter, and consequently improve, the views and
principles of the said military, ecclesiastical, legal, and
senatorial counsellors, so that they may return harmless,
if not useful, members to the bosom of that country which
they have endeavoured first to corrupt, and then to destroy.
In lending a gracious ear to this petition, your Majesty
will confer an incalculable blessing on the country, now
and for ever.

And your Majesty's petitioners, as in duty bound,
shall ever pray for all temp Oral and eternal blessings
upon your Majesty, your family, and dominions.

There will be a meeting in support of the
distressed sailors' Asylum on Thursday the 15th of
May, at 11 o'clock, at the Crown and Anchor
Tavern, Sir Edward Codrington in the chair.
It is understood that Mr. Justice James
Parke, and Mr. Justice Alderson, will be immediately
removed to the Exchequer, while Mr. Baron Vaughan
will go to the Common Pleas, and Mr. Baron
Williams to the Court of King's Bench. . .

----- -
We understand that the Mayor carries with
him to London, for presentation, a valuable gold box,
containing the freedom of the borough of Liverpool,
which was voted to the Duke of Wellington in the year
1830, but which his Grace was prevented from receiv-
ing in consequence of the melancholy accident which
took. place on the opening of the railway in that year.
The box and the freedom are of course intended as
retaining fees for the noble Duke's expected opposi-
tion to the bill for disfranchising his " brother free-
men."—Liverpool Albion.
S ALT.— The New York Gazette states
the quantity of salt manufactured at the Onondaga
salt springs, as shown by the annual report to the
Legislature for 1833, to be 1,848,841 bushels.
Foreign salt seldom paid more than its freight; but if
the Americans go on thus manufacturing, it will not
be worth more than ballast to homeward-bound ships.
A SOLDIER'S LlFE.—Under this title a nar-
rative of the Life of an English officer of rank is about
to be published. The volumes will be filled by details
of events in which the gallant writer was personally
concerned; and in; these will be embodied accounts of
military service in the West Indies, and of life in
general in those islands ; of Irish insurrections ; of the
expedition to Walcheren ; of the war in Portugal and
Spain (including original anecdotes of Sir Rowland
Hill, Sir Thomas Picton, Marshal Beresford, Sir W.
Ponsonby, and the Duke of Wellington), and copious
particulars relative to the battle of Waterloo, and the
subsequent entry of our troops into Paris.
CONJUGAL DISCIPLINE IN THE EAST.—
My friend's method of keeping a woman in order was
a striking one. He had occasion, one day, he related, to
correct his wife, and lie took up a bridle for the pur-
pose. Unfortunately the iron bit, which was at the
end of it, swaug round and struck her on the side, and
then he knew that she was really hurt, for she lay down
upon the ground and moaned. He was very sorry,

'very sorry indeed, for he never would have struck her
to hurt her in such a manner ; but he preserved his
dignity, and walked away, and moreover he kept aloof
from her for two days, when she came and assured him
of her humble contrition, and promised not to offend
again. " However," added the .t_.-hah, " I determined
never to strike a woman again except with my hand—
never except with my hand ; and I am not sure that it
is not good not to strike a Ivoman at all ; for I I ave
seen your countrymen's beebees in India, and they are
not beaten ; but then again, your women have under-
standing, and do not make fools of themselves.—Lieut.
Conolly's Travels.

The gay assemblage of distinguished indi-
viduals who have for some time past graced the Duke
of Rutland's beautiful domain at Belvoir have dis-
persed. His Grace has been entertaining them in a
princely style. There is one part of the noble edifice
which is called Staunton Tower, and when any of the
Royal Family visit the Duke, the Rev. Dr. Staunton,
who lives at Staunton Hall, 10 miles off, brings a
golden key of that tower, which is a part of his pos-
session, and dines with ie royal guests. This key is
always kept at Staunton Hall.
AN IRON INTlO.—The adventures of Edward
Wortley Montague (son of Lady Mary Wortley) have
made much noise in this kingdom. His parts are not
proportionate, but his expense is incredible. His
father scarce allows him any thing ; yet he plays,
dresses, diamonds himself, even to distinct shoe-buckles
for a frock, and has more snuff-boxes than would suf-
fice a Chinese idol with a hundred noses. But the
most curious part of his dress, which he has brought
from Paris, is an iron wig ; you literally would not
know it from hair. I believe it is on this account that
the Royal Society have just chosen him of their body.
—Walpole's Correspondence with Sir Horace Mann.

During the severity of the winter season in
Canada, milk may be carried to market in sacks. And
in some parts the French population on the banks of
the St. Lawrance break the ice, and catch astonishing
quantities of small fish, called Tommy Cods, which
freeze the moment they are taken out of the water, and
in this state are occasionally given as food to cattle. It
may appear strange, that, after being in this frozen
state for some time, on being put into cold water and
thawed, they again exhibit life.

TILE LIFE OF A SOLDIER.—This work
is the Autobiography of a British Field Officer. It
is a narrative of twenty-seven years' service in various
parts of the world, and details most of the late fa-
mous battles in Spain, Portugal, and the Low Coun-
tries, particularly the decisive conflict of Waterloo,
in all of which the author was present. It abounds
also in anecdotes of the distinguished leaders of the
British army, and amusing particulars connected with
a soldier's life at home, in camp, and in garrison.
The 76 deaths which have occurred in the
year, in the Lunatic Asylum at Hanwell, have been,
with the exception of those who have died from an
advanced age, principally caused by the disease of the
brain, of the lungs, and the complaints brought on
by those deadly potions of ardent spirits in which the
lower classes seem more than ever to indulge. In a
very great number of the recent cases, amongst both
men and women, the insanity is caused entirely by
spirit-drinking. This may, in some measure, be attri-
buted to the younc, not being taught to consider the
practice disgraceful,° and to their being tempted, by the
gorgeous splendour of the present gin mansions, to
begin a habit which they never would have commenced
had they been obliged, fearful of being observed, to
steal into the obscurity of the former dram-shop.—
Front the Report of the Middlesex Lunatic Asylum at
Hanwell.

FORTIICONIING NOVELTIES.—The follow-
ing New Works will be published by Mr. Bentley,
New Burlington-street, on the 29th inst. :
I

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY

SALT, Esq., F. R. S.

His Britannic Majesty's late Consul- General in Egypt.
By JOHN JAMES HALLS, Esq.

2 vols. Bvo., with two Portraits.

ROOKWOOD. A ROMANCE. 3 vols.
I See how Ruin, with a palsied hand,
Begins to shake this ancient house to dust.
lIITHE LIFE OF. A SOLDIER.

A Narrative of 27 years' service in various parts of the
World.
By A FIELD OFFICER.

Agents for Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfute,
Edinburgh ; for Ireland, Mr. John Cumming, Dublin.
I`.* Orders should be forwarded immediately to
prevent disappointment.

A virago, a sort of Lady Barry more, named
Suzanne Herbez, but styling herself the Princess
Acmet Abdulahan, Countess of Wolten, has within
the last fortnight twice figured before the Court of
Assize at Paris, charged with robbing hotels. On
the last occasion she appeared in court with a huge
mask upon her face. She advanced with a military
air having upon her shoulder a thick bar of iron,
which she had contrived to bring from the prison un-
known to the gaoler. The first witness called was a
lady named Mathias, who deposed that she perfectly
recollected the prisoner Suzanne having come to her
hotel on the 23d of February, 1833, and that she took
away with her the linen and' silver cover with which
she had been supplied. The President (to the pri-
soner)—Have you any counsel? Prisoner (with ve-
hemence)—No, Sir, I have no counsel, but this is
my defender. On saying this she brandished the bar
of iron several times over her head with great dexte-
rity. ( Much laughter.) The officers with some dif-
ficulty took away this formidable weapon, when she
suddenly seized upon the sword of a municipal guard
who was placed near her. He, however, wrested it
from her. She then persisted in striking the bar with
her reticule which was filled with keys, and it required
the strength of two or three persons to make her re-
linquish her'hold. The Court was compelled to sus-
pend the proceedings for several minutes. The infu-
riated woman at length sat down, and addressing her-
self to the President, said, " You may do as you like,
but I shall find a way to punish my guilty judges if
they again condemn me." The prisoner, having been
found guilty, was sentenced to two years' imprison-
ment for the robbery. She had before been sentenced
to five years' imprisonment for another offence.
INTERESTING SALE.—The effects left by
the late Mrs. Burns, at the sale at Dumfries on Thurs-
day and Friday last, realised a handsome sum of money,
apart from the plate, books, and pictures, and retained
relics of particular value, such as the desk upon which
the poet wrote, and the shelved press that contained
his small but well selected library. During the first
day's sale the attendance was large, and included per-
sons of the highest consideration. The auctioneer
commenced with small articles, and when he came to
a broken copper coffee-pot there were so many bidders
for even a dilapidated relic, that the price paid ex-
ceeded twenty-fold the intrinsic value. A tea-kettle
of the same metal succeeded, and reached the high
point of 2/. sterling. Of the linens, a table cloth,
marked 1792, was knocked down at 51. 75., which speak-
ing commercially, may be worth half-a-crown or ss.
Many other articles commanded handsome prices, and
the older and plainer the furniture the better it sold. Still
not a few things went below their value, particularly
such as were handsome and of modern construction.
On Friday, the attendance was much thinner, from the
impression that few, if any, relics remained on hand ;
but this was a mistake, and as the day advanced the
spirit of competition became very keen. The rusty
iron top of a shower bath, which Mrs. Dunlop (of
Dunlop) sent to the poet when afflicted with rheuma-
tism, was bought by a Carlisle gentleman for twenty-
eight shillings; and what is more extraordinary, a low
wooden kitchen chair, on which the late Mrs. Burns
sat when nursing her children, was run up to 31. 7s.
The crystal and china were much coveted, and brought,
in most cases, splendid prices. Even an old fender
reached a figure which would go far to buy half a
dozen new ones, and everything towards the close at-
tracted notice, down to grey-beards, bottles, and
a half-worn pair of bellows. The poet's eight-
day clock, made by a Mauchline artist of the
name of Brown, and which stood originally in
the house at Mossgiel, and accompanied him in his
removals to Ellsland and Dumfries, attracted great
attention, from the circumstance that it had frequently
been wound up by his own hand, and, for more than
half a century, had chimed or struck " the wee short
hour ayont the twal," and every other in the twenty-
four. In a few seconds it was bid up to fifteen
pounds or guineas, and was finally disposed of for 35/.
The purchaser had a hard battle to fight ; but his
spirit was good, and his purse obviously not a light
one, and the story ran that he had instructed Mr.
Richardson to secure a preference at any sum under
601. The said clock is a most interesting relic, and
however highly tempted, we trust the present spirited
possessor will long be enabled to retain such a precious
heir-loom directly or indirectly in the family.—
D laq/ries Courier.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr. O'Connell having misspent a large purti nof breath
4:1 the propcsitim that the Beitish Parliament had never
exercised a supreme dominion over Ireland, whch country
was, as is allowed on all hands, governed by a Parliament
of her own, alleges next that the union with this country
possessed no character of a valid contract, by reason of the
unprincipled means through which it was accomplished.
Now, here the ingenuity of the repeal advocate C'eserts him.
Ile labours keg, if not successfully, to prove the exalted
mei of the Irish parliament after 1782. He dwells upon
certain commercial advances which the kingdom had made
under that honourable and patriotic Parliament. He at-
temptS not to insinuate that Ireland had ever been ruled
over by a better Parliament, or one constituted on purer
principles. In fact, he eulogizes and regrets tl,at departed
body, and talks of the period during which it reigned as one
glorious memory for Ireland. Well, then, what was the final
aet, of that excellent and virtuous legisla'ure? Why its
own sale for a large sum of money to the British minister.
Ay, it made itself over, body and soul, for. says Mr. O'Con-
nell, 1,000,000/. of money, which was:aid out in the pur-
chase of borough interests—that is, in an indemnification
of borough proprietors for the loss of seats of which they
used to make an annual profit by the votes of thegentlemen
who were put in to represent them. It is useless to ask
us, who have always held the memory of that, and, indeed,
of every Irish Parliament, in execration—it is useless, we
say, to ask us, whether Ireland was legitimately governed
by such a body, or could be legitimately put up to auction
at its ilea:ure. We lament that Ireland never had a good
legislature; but that has nothing to do with the matter: Mr:
O'Connell, it appears, was satisfied with it, and pronotificesi,
it to have been far more virtuous than the Parliament of
Great Britain. Such as it was, moreover, it had the
supreme power in its hands ; and as political power, abso-
lute and unlimited, must be lodged somewhere in every
community, and Blackstone says that the authority of Par-
Lament knows no limit ; as, besides, other portions of this
empire had already incorporated
.themselves with England
—Wales in the first place,'and Scotland afterwards ; and
as the boroughmongers of Ireland, let them have been
morally as corrupt as you please, gave up, by the most
formal of legislative acts, the right to the future repre-
sentation of their own boroughs, vesting by a vote (which
must have been valid because it was passed while the Irish
parliament, so much panegyrized by Mr. O'Connell, still
existed) the future right of election for Irish meth=.
bees of the Imperial Parliament in certain other
constituencies, we can, for our parts, on Mr. O'Cotez
nell's principles, conceive no possible flaw or defect iri
the instrument of transfer thereby executed ; nor, what-
ever may be our own deep sense of the habitual and incor-
rigitle baseness of that College-green Parliament, can any-
thing but the most enormous inconsistency be imputed to
the reamed puffer of its perfections, when lie impeaches as
now untenable, the most solemn, and most important of
all its proceedings ? To break up the consolidation of once=
separated countries, except. under circumstances of &Are*.
necessity, would be endless evil. Belgium and Holland
would not have flown asunder had the terms of the con:
tract of 1815, expressed and implied, been respected by the
latter country. The general voice of Europe, including
that of England, would never have been raised against the
continued annexation of Poland itself (cruel as had been
the origin of that disastrous revolution), had not the
sworn faith of Russia been so grossly and shamefully
violated. But can any man cast the shadow of imputes
Lion upon England for having broken the unich en=
tenements into which she entered with the Irish 011ie:
ment ? have they not one and all been more than fulfilled /
If, in spite of a vast increase of commerce, and of the
means of subsistence manifested by an extended consump-
tion,—if in spite of all this, of a free trade in corn granted
to Ireland in 1806, and her being actually changed from a
country importing grain, to one from which millions of
quarters are now annually shipped without duty to the
British markets,—if in spite of the Channel trade of Ire'
land being put on the same footing in all British ports as
the coasting trade of England herself,—if, in spite of the
assimilated currency, by which an intolerable nuisance
was got rid of ; or in spite of the acts for encouraging
fisheries, for working mines, for supporting public works,
for improving harbours at a profuse expense, for amending
the grand jury laws, for the discouragement of joint
tenantcy, for amending the sub-letting act, for preventing
vexatious distresses on the poor, for abolishing vestry cess,
with others which we cannot enumerate,—if, we say, in spite
of all this kindly and beneficent legislation, the country'
remains one wherein English capitalists dare not settle, anil
which Irishmen of property are compelled to quit, what is
the cause of such a seeming contrariety ? It is agitation
—it is disturbance—it is bloody ferocitv—it is demoraliza-
tion of the great mass of the community, which, whatever
may be their peculiar position in some respects as com-
pared with the same class throughout Great Britain, it is
impossible not to see hai been dreadfully and sedulously
aggravated from motives which will not bear the light.
A discussion so various and so vast as this, which has been
opened upon the repeal question, it is utterly impracticable
for a daily journal to follow with any regularity. A point
here and there, more prominent than its neighbours, is
all that we can venture to touch. The Irish repealers
must be strange economists when they make' a national
grievance out of the fact; that such immense quantities
of butcher's meat and other produce are " taken oat
of Ireland" for English consumption. Would they'
like it better if Ireland had no exports, and therefore'
nothing wherewith to pay for what she cannot produce
o i advantageous terms within her own boundaries ; or
would they consider it a boon, if England should shut her
ports, and place Ireland on the same level as the rest of
Europe in respect of native Irish productions ? Thie
would make, we suspect, a magnificent grievance. Yet
is it one which the repeal wiseacres must learn to endure,
if Ireland be led at their instigation to enrol herself
among those "foreign countries" to which England shows
no preference or favour, but leaves to shift for themselves.
The extensive law reforms which have within these two
or three years taken place in Ireland we omitted to enu-
merate among the benefits derived to her from the
superintendence of the British parliament, and no one
of which—nor reform of any kind, political or financial
(no, neither emancipation nor retrenchment), would
she have obtained to this hour from the blessed College-
green Parliament, the meanest and most profligate body that
ever oppressed or disgraced a subject people. Without
dipping further into the volume of Mr. Spring Rice's
masterly and memorable speech, replete with knowledge,
and with materials for accurate reasoning, we shall on this
occasion just refer to one or two topics powerfully treated
by Mr. Littleton, and with a brevity which doubled their
impression. Before we had read a syllable of the report of
what fell from the Irish Secretary, we recounted in our
article of yesterday some of the happy consequences which
every man who knew much Of the state of Ireland, and had
carefully watched the manoeuvres of the Agitator, must
be prepared to anticipate from repeal. Mr. Littleton
calls the sentiment in favour of it one of artificial
concoction, and of recent growth, and the right
hon. gentleman's statement is unanswerable. From 1800
to 1832 not a syllable was ever heard upon the subject, but
when the Catholics, as such, had nothing more to complain
of, and there appeared some risk of the restoration of na-
tional tranquillity ; when the law of the land and those
by whom it was administered would be apt to draw towards
then the deference and attention of the people, it became
indispensable to procure a fresh grievance, -lest the dema-
gogue power might fall into disuse, and the taste of the
multitude for intoxicating stimulants be weakened. " Re-
peal" was found out, and had the double but somewhat cu-
rious effect of persuading the people that they were utterly
impoverished, and that the path to riches was to tax them-
selves for the profit of him who duped them. Among those
fruits of the College-green Parliament to which we
had ourselves adverted, and of which' an interesting
catalogue is given in Mr. Littleton's speech, foremost
stands a scheme of confiscation. Mr. O'Connell promised the
miserable creatures, who hung upon his lips as if manna and
honey flowed from them, that not only should all landlords
not resident in Ireland pay to his treasury 75 per cent., but
even those who had the virtue (we may add after this, the
gross folly) to be resident should have property nowhere
but in Ireland : that is, they should forfeit their Irish
estates, for by no other means could such a prohibition be
realized. " A pretty nostrum this," says Mr. Littleton,
" for bringing capital into Ireland !" Never, indeed, as Mr.
O'Connell, not in irony, but solemnly, though uncon-
sciously blundering on the truth, boasted—never could
' Irishmen " hope to have such a law enacted but by
an Irish Parliament !" Now, the tragical part of all
such absurdity is, that the besotted multitude believe
it,—ay, as devoutly as any miracle of the dark ages.
The fact, however, equally tragical, should a repeal be
effected (which we should suspect it will not), must
be the necessity under which Mr. O'Connell would feel
himself for fulfilling all such odious threats, and perpe-
trating (or off goes his head) the whole catalogue of
terrible than
crimes that he promises. No sooner had h,,,.beu,oyieguarlradirsriibfneaedgvothhisner
pt
r.
ooerugieriprdeeosa
offes
rs
' et
010
aiftasonc,
outbidl
nal
ae si
iso ry
abmnil tfryac andpoi competitors
ep,ee
anarchyaat icnthdo rmso swifttoti rior other
f
that of Jacobinism in its most revolting stages. Nor was
the independent condition of the College-green Parlia-
ment, when it should be convened and in full activity,
painted by Mr. Littleton in less striking colours. If the
College-green senators don't do their duty —which, iii
other words, means the learned gentleman's bidding-
-what is the remedy ? Sent back to their constituents?
No such thing : the constituents save the government the
trouble of a dissolution, and the members that of a re-elec-
tion—they repair in a body " some fine morning to College-
green, with certain short sticks " in their hands, and
with a flourish of the shillelah over the Speaker's wig,
they tell the house to " take care and do its duty !" So
much for the way of doing business under the O'Connell
dynasty. But the subject is inexhaustible : on Monday
we shall resume it.—limes.

ESCAPE OF A PRISONER. On Wed-
nesday evening last, one of the Frenchmen imprisoned
in Boston gaol for smuggling, contrived to make his
escape by cutting his trousers, &e., into strips, and
by that means lowering himself from the wall whilst
the gaoler.was locking up the other prisoners for the
nijht.—Boston Herald.