The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-07 00:00:00

that he who seeks to improve effectually the condi •
tion of Ireland must devote much the greater portion
of his diligence to an inquiry into the causes, whe-
ther direct or remote, of the crimes and calamities
with which she has been long afflicted. The pre-
sent report, it may be acknowledged, does not en-
tirely overlook the necessity of considering how best
to check the disposition towards crime ; but the enu-
meration of its causes is confined to three, viz., Ist,
" the di,placing the tenantry of over-peopled estates,"
without compensation or means of subsistence; 2d,
"the prevalence of vagrancy and mendicity," which
with all deference, might be very reasonably consi-
dered a consequence of the preceding evil, rather
than in itself a substantive source of crime; and 3d,
" the immoderate use of spirituous liquors"—an
effect of the most vicious and odious legislation,
which has not scrupled to sacrifice for a productive
tax the health and morals of millions of people, the
secure enjoyment of life and goods, and the peace
and well-being of society. Now, it is quite mani-
fest, that towards the formation of anything Like a
sound opinion upon the general causes which have
made Ireland a scene of universal and perennial
anarchy, something more ought to be taken into ece
count than the mere ejection of the tenants on over
stocked estates. The fact is, that the terms on
which tenants are retained, no less than the
melancholy condition of those who are
ejected, constitutes an important element in the
disorderly state of Ireland. The competition for
land hae raised rents to such a pitch, at which
it is impossible for the cultivator to derive
from his occupancy more than a bare subsistence;
hence the small attachment of tenant to landlord, and
the coldness of the relations between them; hence,
Fkewise, the immense distance in worldly rank be-
tween the occupier of the soil and the other classes
of society,. which enjoy too large a portion of the
fruits of the husbandman's labour. The want of a
middle order of Irishmen bearing any proportion in
numbers to that below, or in power to that above it,
creates a contrast in society which destroys all sym-
pathy, and reduces the high and low of that island
to the condition of two hostile camps within the
same territory. The report of the Committee seems
to us to have been fettered by the old conventional
fear of dealing with realities, or stirring up a
subject from the bottom. The Committee throughout
have put effects for causes, and while a war of prin-
ciples rages all around them, they recommend a patch
here and a plaster there, as if the whole edifice of
Irish Government were not crumbling under their
feet. We do not mean to deny that the report
contains a few lather plausible suggestions. With
regard to the displacement of old tenants, the Com-
mittee first take for granted that the landlord will,
in all such cases, be willing to give to the superflu-
ous tenant a sum of money,"—on which condi-
'ion they recommend t bat a sum hearing a certain
proportion to the landlord's grant shall be furnished
from some public fund, to assist the tenant to emi-
grate, or to promote his interest in some other way.
Upon this head we have simply to remark, that
from all we have heard it is by no means common,
but the reverse, for Irish landlords to " give sums
of money" to the tenantry whom they oust from
their farms. On the contrary, it has been described
to us as a very rare occurrence, the unhappy tenant
with his family being, in most cases, sent about
their bu,iness without a shilling of indemnifica-
tion from _the landlord, but with all their botese-
hold furniture and moveables about them—to wit,
a kettle to boil " the praties," and the rags
upon their backs. It follows, therefore, that
the above benevolent proposition of the Committee
will amount to a mere dead letter, since the condi-
tion of affording any succour from the Sta'e is, that
the landlord should first have contributed something
from his own funds. Tee policy and justice of
making such a provision from the Treasury is well
sustained, so far as impartiality may be concerned,
by the fact that Parliament has in many instances
produced through its interference a change in the
condition of the peasantry unfevourable to their inde-
pendence and comfort, as compared with former times.
Vagrancy and mendicity are to be met by some
enactments, not very clearly defined; and the abuse
of spirituous liquors to be diminished by reducing the
.number of licensed spirit-shops, especially in remote
districts, and subjecting all of them during public
disturbance to the control of the Magistrates..
But an important anti prominent feature in this
report consists of its provisions for the suppre-ssing or punishment of disturbance. These means
are chiefly limited to the enlargement of the exist-
ing apparatus for bringing ctiminals under the
prompt and certain visitation of the law,—such as
an increase in the number of clerks, offices, &c., a
greater frequency in the meeting of quarter sessions,
and an authority for nocturnal visits to the houses of
suspected persons in troublesome times, with a view
to the infliction of some moderate punishment upon
those who cannot fairly account for their absence from
home at unseasonable hours. Some interesting ex-
tracts are given from the evidence, and some strking
lessons on the duty of obedience to the laws, in the ad-
tire•ses of the Popish clergy to their flocks; but we
look in vain for any particle of advice as to gaining
over the general good-will of the people, and thus
superseding the necessity of a coercing or penal
process. Albeit, without some effective plan for
eradicating discontent from the hearts of the people,
no solid or permanent step can be gained towards
insuring the peace of Ireland.—Times.
We publish, in another part of our paper, the
usual Quarterly Account of the state of the Reve-
nue. Such of them as are in the habit of perusing
the lucubrations of the Conservative press, and of
surrendering their too easy faith to its prognostics
of alarm, must feel their minds instantly relieved by
the inspection of the official tables. They had
heard in one paper of a deficiency on the quarter of
500,000/., or of 300,000/. at the very least. How
agreeably must they, therefore, be disappointed on
futdine that the deficiency on the quarter is exactly
29,473/., while the increase on the who!e year
amounts to 546,169/.1! The increase has been
chiefly under the head of Customs, and the decrease
under that of Excise. The improvement in the for-
mer branch of revenue amounts on the quarter to
358,553/., and the defalcation in the latter to
299,086/. We have not room at present to enter
into any detail of the cause of this difference, but
shall take another opportunity of stating some parti-
culars. In the mean time, the public will see that
the state of the revenue furnishes no cause for appre-
hension or alarm on the productiveness of our taxa-
tion or the stability of our resources.—Times.

It is with regret we hear of the sinecure afire of
Constable of the Round Tower of Windsor being
filled up by the appointment of Earl Munster to
that situation. Is this another proof of the re-
trenchment which the public were led to expect in
the supeifluous expenditure of the S ate—a re-
trenchment to which Ministers stand solemnly
pledged in the face of the people of England ? The
salary of this p;ece of antique and useless pageantry
is stated to be 1,0001. a-year. It was reported that
the delay in filling it up arose from an objection on
the part of Lord Minster to accept the office, not
because there was nothing to do, but because that
nothing was underpaid. lc was said that he would
not condescend to accept it without being rewarded
for that condescension by an additional 5001. per
annum. Whether his demand has been acquiesced
in, or any promise given to that effect, we are nor
told ; neither is it of much consequence in the point
of view in which we look at the question. Our
main objection is to the principle of filling up a
sinecure office at al, and thus perpetuating, un-
der the modern system of Reform, one of
the most grievous abuses of ancient misrule. It
matters not, in our view of the case, whether the
salary be 1,000/. or only 500/. a year; the policy of
retaining such an office is equally bad, and the
principle equally vicious. The act itself is a viola-
tion of faith on the part of Ministers, who inscribed
" retrenchment" on their banners; and it is an in-
sult to the distresses of the country. We call
hardly blame Lord Munster, or any other Cour,
favourite, for taking as much as he can get out of