The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-29 00:00:00

the natural consequences of such a state of
things—namely, desperation and crime. No
Magistrate was invidiously designated, or held
up to contempt or popular hatred. No appro-
bation was expressed of the conduct of the pea-
santry in violating the law, but their sufferings
were commiserated, and the middle classes were
advised to make common cause with them fora
redress of their grievances, as the most certain
means of preventing the peasantry from destroy-
ing their property and indulging in acts of secret
revenge. In all this we see nothing more than
what a humane and conscientious writer might
have stated with the best intentions, and for the
purpose of tranquillising a country which has for
some years past been afflicted with the crimes
which the sufferings and desperation of the
lower classes are always sure to produce. For
admitting this article into his paper, a paper con-
ducted with independence and talent, Mr.
Cohen has been sentenced to pay a fine of 501.
—to be imprisoned for six months in the county
gaol—to give bail for his good behaviour for
three years, himself in 1001., and two sureties
in 501. each, and to he further imprisoned until
such fine shall have been paid. This is a sen•
tence which it will he admitted on all hands not
too lenient ; but how the Jury came to the con-
clusion that the publication was a libel, is what
we are at a loss to discover. The principal
point of imputed criminality relied on by the
counsel for the prosecutor, was that the publi-
cation was intended to excite the peasantry to
acts of incendiarism. The learned Judge
Parke, in charging the Jury, expressed his
opinion that there was no ground for such an
imputation ; and indeed, taking it altogether,
his Lordship's charge was an exceedingly fair
and impartial one, and, as it appears to us,
rather in favour of an acquittal than the reverse.
The Jury, no doubt, acted in obedience to the
dictates of their conscience, under the existing
law of libel, and in accordance with such powers
of reason as they possessed. But then what rea-
soning powers they must have had. If the state-
ment in question be a libel, there is no man who
endeavours to bring the deplorable condition
of the labouring classes under the notice of those
who can redress their grievances who is not
liable to fine and imprisonment for his benevo-
lent and enlightened exertions. As to the ob-
servations upon the conduct of some of the
magistracy, Mr. Cohen, in addressing the jury,
very properly adduced instances of much stronger
reflections cast upon magistrates in a work cir-
culated by authority of Government, and printed
by Ministers at the public expense. That work
contains extracts of evidence collected by the
Poor Law Commissioners, and in so many words
charges the magistrates with " demoralizing
the labourers by their ill-advised measures."
It further states that " overseers act mischie-
vously, contrary to their conviction, knowing that
the Magistrate will otherwise compel them ;"
that " owing to the little interference of Magi-
strates in towns the labourers there are more
industrious and less vicious than in the rural
districts." Various other observations are made
equally complimentary to the character and con-
duct of the Magistracy of England, and this
book, as we have said, is published at the expense
of the public, and circulated by the authority of
his Majesty's Ministers. If such statements
are not libellous, certainly the allusion to Ma-
gistrates in the Brighton Guardian was per.
fectly innocent. In conclusion, we are glad to
see that a resolution has been passed at a meet-
ing in Brighton to enable Mr. Cohen to pay the
fine, and defray the expenses of the prosecu-
tion. We trust it will be successful.—Morning
Herald.
The Address of Lord Mulgrave to the Legis-
lative Assembly of Jamaica, announcing to them
the Act of the British Parliament for the Abo.

lition of Slavery, appears in another part of our
paper. There is little in this address which
calls for observation. His Lordship, we ob-
serve, however, resorts to the sophism that some
change of a character analogous to that which is
about to be introduced had become necessary,
on account of the position in which the ques-
tion of slavery actually stood. This is a very
cunning Ministerial contrivance to throw off
responsibility for any calamities which the change
may produce, and it indicates anything but con-
fidence in the result of the measure. It must

not be forgotten that if the question had assumed
a character which made it indispensable for the
British Legislature to interfere, it had been
invested with this character chiefly through
the exertions of Ministers themselves. So

much excitement had, it appears, been
occasioned in Jamaica by the expected
discussion of the subject that the Members of the
Council and the House of Assembly were ob
structed in their approach to their place of
meeting by the dense crowd which surrounded

it. The :Jamaica Legislature seems disposed to
acquire for its constituents as speedily as possible
a claim to their share of the twenty millions of
compensation money. On the first day of its
meeting leave was applied for and given to
bring in Bills for the purpose of carrying into
effect the Ministerial scheme of emancipation.
How the scheme may work when it is fairly set
agoing is another matter, but it is unquestionably
good policy on the part of the Jamaica colonists
to get possession of their share of the twenty
millions with the least possible delay. We un-
derstand that the Legislature, on its first sitting,
passed a resolution of unqualified encomium
upon the zeal, assiduity, and talent displayed by
Mr. Burge in maintaining the rights and interests
of the colonists.—Morning Post.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 28.