The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-05 00:00:00

organic law.
Two other Bills, one on immigration and the regula-
tion of labour in the colonies, and the other on the or-
ganization of the judicial system, have been prepared by
the Ministry and the Colonial Commission.
Lastly, our establishments on the western coast of
Africa are in a progressive state; their situation de-
mands, in the interest of that progress Reed, several
measures which have recently been prepared and pro-
posed by a commission.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
We have reson to congratulate ourselves on the state
of our relations, with foreign Powers. From all sides
we receive assurances:of the desire they feel to see our
difficulties peaceably ended. On our side, a loyal
and sincere diplomacy allies itself to all measures which
can contribute to assure tranquillity and peace to
Europe.
The more this peace is prolonged the more tightly are
the bonds between the various nations drawn. Prince
Albert's vast and liberal idea has contributed to ce-
ment their union. The English people have welcomed
our countrymen with a noble cordiality, and this com-
petition between the various industries of the world, in-
stead of fomentingjealousies, has only served to heighten
the natural respect of the nations.
At Rome our situation remains the same, and the,
Holy Father is unceasing in his demonstrations of soli-
citude for the prosperity of France and the comfort of
our soldiers. The work of the organization of the Ro-
man Government proceeds but slowly; nevertheless, a
Council of State has been established. The Municipal
and Provisional Councils are gradually organizing them-
selves, sod they will serve to form a Consults whose duty
it will be to take a share in the administration of finances,
Important legislative reforms follow one after another,
and great pains are taken with the creation of an army
which would promote the retreat of foreign Powers from
the territories of the Church.
At Constantinople our active interference has, since a
twelvemonth, been commanded by the protection of re-
ligious interests. It was necessary to conquer difficul-
ties in the Catholic, and among the other Christian
communions, to terminate the disputes respecting the
investiture of the Armenian bishops, and to promote a
transaction which will terminate those deplorable quar-
rels, which but too often are provoked by the posses-
sion of the holy places. If all be animated with one con-
ciliatory spirit, those sad contests are over for all time to
come.
Our relations with Spain are satisfactory, and give
us cause to hops for a speedy and definitive regulation of
the dispute respecting the frontier of the Pyrenees.
We have eagerly seized the opportunity to furnish
Spain with a proof of the sincerity of our relations, by
joining England in offering the Cabinet of Madrid the
assistance of our naval forces to repulse the late
audacious attack against Cuba. Besides, our Minister
at Washington has been instructed amicably to support
the reclamations of the Court of Madrid, and the justice
of these reclamations has been most loyally recognfzed
by the Federal Government.
Peace is restored between Germany and Denmark.
Schleswig has submitted to the authority of its King;
the Austrian occupation of Holstein has terminated the
insurrection; and the cause of the intervention of
foreign troops having thus ceased to exist, I trust that
their stay will not be prolonged.
The resolution of the Cabinet of Copenhagen to de-
termine the succession and to assure the integrity of the
Danish Monarchy have obtained the approbation of the
great powers of Europe. That which still detains the
official sanction is now merely a question of detail.
The dangers which a year ago threatened the peace
of Germany have been dispelled. The Germanic Con-
federation in its total has returned to the forms and the
rules which prevailed previous to 1848. It attempts to
protect itself against new convulsions by application to
an interior re-organization to which we ought to remain
perfect strangers. We had for a moment reason to fear
that the Frankfort Diet might be called upon to discuss
a proposition which vastly modified the very essence of
the Germanic Confederation, while it tended to expand
its limits, change its destination and European 761 e, and
which would have shaken the equilibrium which has
been consecrated by the general treaties. We thought
it our duty to make our representations. England, too,
protested. Luckily, the wisdom of the German Go-
vernment has removed this chance of a complication.
Switzerland has removed from its territories greater
part of the refugees who abused its hospitality. In
supporting that measure we did a service to Switzer-
land and to its contiguous States.
Novel events which have transpired from the Plata
coast have powerfully modified the situation of the States
which are engaged in the quarrel. These events compel
us to suspend the arrangements which we proposed to
make for a pacification.
The systems of reciprocal extradition of criminals and
of postal conventions extend gradually. Of this various
proofs have been given to the Assembly by several con-
ventions which have been submitted to it. Other con-
ventions will be submitted at a later period.
The conclusion of commercial treaties with Great
Britain, Tuscany. Belgium, Prussia, Denmark, and
Sweden, proves the solicitude of the Government for
the development of our mercantile and maritime re-
lations.
The Assembly had expressed a wish that the literary
contention with Sardinia and Portugal should be adopted
by the other States at their earliest convenience.
Great Britain and Hanover have already signed special
conventions, which reproduce the principal items of the
to some good end.
The
Sardinia and Portugal convention. On various other
Spain, negotiations are still
lead
which a large number of French
merchants
shipowners have to bring against the
points,
pending, a
reclamations nd
and
and especially
likely t o
ila
Government of the United States, in consequence of
various arbitrary seieeres by the Californian Custom-
house, are not yet either liquidated or paid; but the
American Congress and the Cabinet of Washington have
formerly recognised their justice, and we shall soon
obtain a legitimate satisfaction.
RESUME.
Y
beard a faithful exposition of the situa-
tion ofn have
country. As to the past, it offers satisfactory
results; nevertheless. a state of general uneasiness tends
oth e
to increase daily. Every labour grows slack, poverty
augments, interests are alarmed, and anti-social expecta-
tions swell high in proportion as the enfeebled powers
of the State approach their term.
In such a state of things the first care of the Govern-
ment must be to seek out the means of avoiding the
dangers which threaten and ensuring the best chances of
safety. Already in my last message my words on this
subject, I remember it with pride, were favourably re-
ceived by the Assembly. I said to you—
' The uncertainty of the future gives rise to many appre-
hensions, while it awakens many hopes. Let us all be pre-
pared to sacrifice these hopes to our country, and let us
give heed to its interests alone. If, during this to >mien,
you vote for the revision of the Constitution, our Consti-
tuent Assembly will remodel our fundamental laws, and
fix the destiny of the Executive Power. If you do
not vote it, the people in 1852 will solemnly mani-
fest the expression of its will anew. Whatever
may be tee solution of the future, let us un-
derstand each other, in order that it may never be pas-
sion, surprise, or 'violence which shall decide the fate of
a great nation.'
To-day the questions are the same, and my duty is
not altered. It is inflexibly to maintain order, it is to
banish all causes of agitation in order that the resolu-
tions which are to decide our fate may be conceived
amidst calm and adopted without contest.
These resolutions can emanate only from a decisive
act of the national sovereignty, since they are all based
on the popular election. Well, now I have asked of my-
self whether, in the presence of the division of passions,
of the:confusion of doctrines, of the division of parties,
when all combine to attack morals, the justice, the
authority of the nation, we ought to stand by and leave
shaken and incomplete the only principle which in the
midst of the general chaos Providence upholds for us to
gather round it.
Since universal suffrage again raised the social fabric,
by substituting a right for a revolutionary fact, is it
wise in ns to continue narrowing its basis? And, lastly,
I have asked myself, if, when new powers shall preside
over the destinies of the country, we should not from the
first compromise their stability if we left a pretext for
questioning their origin, or for misrepresenting their
legitimacy ?
No doubt was possible, and, without wishing for a
single instant to swerve from the policy of order which
I have always followed out, I have been obliged in many
respects to separate from a Cabinet which had to the
full my confidence and respect, in order to choose an-
other which, equally composed of honourable men, and
of such whose Conservative sentiments are publicly
known, but who consented to admit the necessity of re-
establishing universal suffrage on the broadest possible
basis.
You will therefore have presented to you the draught
of a law
which restores the principle in all its fullness, in
retaining from the law of the 31st of May everything
which winnows universal suffrage from impure elements,
and which makes its application now moral and regular.
The project has consequently no features which can
possibly govern this Assembly; for if I think it expe-
dient to ask to-day for the withdrawal of the law of the
31st of May, Ido not mean to deny the approbation
which I paid at that time to the Cabinet, which claimed
from the chief of the majority whose work this law was
the honour of presenting it.
If we remember the circumstances under which this
law was presented, we shall not, I believe, refuse to
avow that it was a political act rather than an electoral
law, that it was really and fully a measure of public
benefit. Whenever the majority shall propose to me
energetic measures for the safety of the country, it may
rely on my loyal and interested suppoi t But the hes,.
of uicasuresl,l- to puld.c wPlCure have but eia
The law of the 31st of May has, in its application,
even gone beyond the object intended to be attained. No
one foresaw the Pppression of 3,000,000 of electors,