The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-22 00:00:00

THE FRENCH REVENUE.

The following Table shows the product of the Indirect Taxes
for the first Half-year of 1834, compared with the corre-
sponding Half-year of 1833 :

Product of the First Difference in
Half Year.
INDIRECT TAXES.
Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs.
Of 1333. Of 1834. Increase. Decrease.
99,134,000 95,639,000 . . ....... 3,505,01-'0
Custom,:Navigat ion, &c., Du-
ties 51,914,000 49,798,000 ......... 2,116,000
Consumption Duty on Salt
ReggaisseteDr,utSietasmp, and Mort
collected on the Coat 23,881,000 23,407,000 .. . ..... 474,000
Wine, Liquor, A c., Duties 31,840,000 3,1,818,1)00 2,97.9,000
Consumption Duty on Salt
collected in the Interior 3,080,000 3,32°,00) 240,1.03
Divers Indirect Taxes (Public
Vehicles, Navigation, &C 11,585,03,x. 12,:?84,000 i 799,000 •
Product of the Sale of To
bacco and Snuff 33,535,000 35,892,000 2,347,000
Product of the Sale of Gun-
pwder
Postage and Duty of five per
cent. remittances
Postage (Rural Service)
Products of Mails and Packets 8;2,000 842,000
......... c9OOO
Lottery 3,315,000 9,608,000 ......... 2,707,,000
278,913,000 '277,135,000 7,053,00 8.83).000

7,033,00) 8,83'

Teas.?. in 183

.. 1,778,090

The state of the public revenue for the first six months
of the year is anything but satisfactory. It is not only so
on account of the decrease, trifling of itself, of 1,778,000 f.,
in the receipts of the last half year, as compared with the
corresponding half year of 1833, but it is particularly co,
because it exhibits a stop in the prosperous march of the
national resources, which, since 1832, seemed to have taken
an ascending direction, which it was to be hoped would not
so soon have been checked ; and also because it presents
so afflicting a contrast with tl results lately published by
the English Chancellor of the Exchequer, showing an in-
crease of revenue of more than 400,0001. sterling. The
decrease of three millions and a half in the stamp and re-
gistry duties is the more remarkable after the augmenta-
tion of duties laid or certain articles of the tariff by the
last law of finance, and which naturally led to the hope of
still more abundant receipts. This result was so confi-
dently reckoned upon, that this particular item of the bud-
get of 1834 was estimated 4,300,000 f. more than the
budget of 1833. But instead of an augmentation there,
there will be a decrease in this branch, which points out
more accurately than any other the more or less activity in
the circulation of the public wealth, and the situation of
moveable and immoveable capital of the country. The
same may be said of the decrease of two millions and up-
wards in the revenue of the Customs, compared with the
returns of the first half year of 1833. The estimation for
the last year was one hundred and seven millions of francs
—an estimation not borne out by the result, and yet the
estimation of the same branch in the budget of 1834 was.
raised to 109 millions, so that there is some cause to fear"
that upon this chapter alone there will be a deficit of nine
millions, according to the estimation made in the budget,
The liquor duties offer results somewhat more favourable,
but as the estimation was set down by the commission of
the budget at from 67 to 69 millions, it is not likely, judg-
ing from the last six months, that the receipts will exceed
that estimation. The progressive decrease in "the salt du-
ties, which appear likely to fall off considerably from the
amount of the estimation, is a victorious argument in favour
of the numerous petitions for the reduction of this odious
tax since 1830. The tobacco duties offer a favourable re-
sult, but which is balanced by the enormous diminution in
the produce of the latter for the first half year of 1834. If
this decrease should be entirely owing to an increasing
spirit of provident economy amongst the working classes, as
the flourishinc, state of the Savings Bank would seem to
indicate, we should rejoice at the gradual extinction of a
source of revenue which is to cease entirely in 1836."
Journal
du Commerce.

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 21.
Mr. TOOKE and other Members of the House of Commons
brought up the Chimney Sweeper's Regulation Bill, agreed
to without any amendments.
GAME LAWS.
The Marquis of BRE AD ALB ANE presented petitions from
the owners and occupiers of land in Perth and Clackmannan,
complaining of their crops being destroyed by the large quasi-
les. tities of game that were preserved, and praying Parliament
.oeo to give them liberty to shoot or destroy them. Also several
,00,0 petitions from Fife and Perth, and other places in Scotland, in
favour of triennial Parliaments, and praying their Lordships to
.000 extend generally to Scotland the principles of the Reform
Act, as the representative system in that country was not in
accordance with the free voice of the people.
ESTABLISHED CHURCH.
Lord SKELMER SDALE presented petitions from North-
wich for the support of the Established Church.
The Bishop of EXETER presented similar petitions from
different parts of his diocese.
Similar petitions were also presented by Lord Kenyon and
;300 the Bishops of Gloucester and Derry.
900 The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would take that
opportunity of calling the attention of the House to the state
of the question with respect to the Established Church,
in order, if possible, to ascertain what course his Majesty's ad-
visers intended to pursue with respect to the Eitablished Church.
During the time the Noble Earl opposite was at the head of
the Administration, he had stated that it was his determi-
nation to uphold the Established Church, but mea-
sures were introduced by that Noble Earl, which
frittered down the support of the Church. Since the
Noble Earl retired, nothing had been done, and he
therefore felt himself called upon to ask Ministers
what their determinations were, and whether the Members of
the Government were united upon that subject?—
( Hear.) He thought it was but due to the House, that
Ministers should make a strict declaration of what
their intentions were, especially as there was a wide differ-
ence between two Cabinet Ministers. He would ask the
Noble Marquis opposite (Lansdowne,) whether he
had been mistaken by an Honourable Member of the other
House, or whether what he had stated was his impression ?
Upon no question did they get up to stat€ their opinions
but they were invariably rebutted, either by their colleagues or
their measures. The Noble Marquis then read an extract
from a speech delivered by Lord Melbourne upon the Irish
Church ; when he was called to order by
Viscount MELBOURNE, who rose to order. The Noble
Earl was, he believed, reading from the newspapers that which
purported to be a. report of a speech of his, and for the purpose
of contrasting it with a speech delivered by an Hon. Gentleman
in the other House, and that also got from the same
source.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that was a source that
was utterly inconsistent with the rules of the House
—at all events it was certain to throw great impediments in
the way of public business—neither was it proper that any
Noble Lord should be called upon to explain anything that
had fallen from a Member of the other House which might
appear inconsistent with his own speech.
The Earl of WICKLOW said he wished to say a few
words upon the point of order—he entirely differed with
the Noble Viscount upon that question.—( Hear, hear.)
It might be against the rules of the House, but by being
constantly practised, it had become quite usual to refer
to reports of speeches from the newspapers. That
was the first occasion upon which the Noble Viscount had been
called upon to address himself to the orders of the House in
his new capacity—(Hear,)—and he trusted that that was an
earnest that they would be better protected in future.--( Hear. )
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY thought it was a very
good specimen of what the House was to expect from the im-
partiality of the Noble Viscount.—( Hear.) If he would look
a little to the right, he would see a Noble Earl (Grey) who,
upon a very late occasion, had taken out of his pocket and used
the newspaper report of what fell from an Hon. Baronet in the
other House.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Do you intend to make
a motion ?
The Marquis of LONDOND E RR Y—Yes. The Noble
Marquis then read an extract from the speech of Mr. Ellice
upon the Irish Church question, and contended that was the
statement of a colleague of the Noble Viscouut, and he called
upon their Lordships to contrast it with the one they had
heard from the Noble Viscount ; and he would further ask
the Government whether it was in reality their intention
to appropriate the surplus funds of the Church to secular pur-
poses; he, as an Irishman, had a right to be made aware of
their intentions upon the subject—(The Noble Marquis then
gat down amidst loud cries of " Move, move.") -
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that when the No-
ble Earl (Vane) had gone into a lengthened statement, which
was altogether founded upon newspaper reports, of what took
place in the other House, he took the liberty of asking
him whether he intended to conclude with a motion.—( Con-
fusion.) He was speaking to the orders of the House, and he
called upon the Noble Earl to state whether he had not most
distinctly answered in the affirmative ?
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY interrupting—l was
speaking upon a petition, which I had a perfect right to do.
The objection of the Noble Marquis is most trifling, for he
knows how easy it would be for me to move an adjournment of
the House—it is a course unworthy of him and of the station
he occupies.--( Order, order.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—The Noble Earl may
say what he. pleases, but he most certainly gave the answer.
The Noble Marquis was again interrupted by
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—I beg to say the
Noble Marquis must have misunderstood me.—( Loud cries of
no, no.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—If the Noble Earl said
he misunderstood him, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would
not say that he had not. He had certainly asked the Noble
Earl whether he intended to make a motion, and he had the
recollection of the House that the answer made to that ques-
tion was " Yes."—( Hear, hear.)
Lord KENYON hoped the Noble Marquis would excuse
him, but he must say that he did not think the Noble Earl had
made such an answer.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said it was not his in-
tention to state that the Noble Earl had intended to deceive
him. It was undoubtedly competent for the Noble Earl to
make a speech on the motion that the petition do lie on the table,
but the Noble Earl had chosen to indulge himself in giving
vent to his feelings, and making observations on a newspaper
report—an incorrect newspaper report, for he had heard enough
of that which the Noble Earl had read to be assured that it
was an incorrect report of what he on a former occasion
had stated in that House, for the purpose of contrasting
it with another newspaper report. And this was done,
not merely in illustration of an argument then in debate,
but for the purpose of arbitrarily...calling upon a Member
of their Lordships House, no question connected with the
subject being before the House, not only to say what he
had spoken, but what be now thought, and not only
what he now thought, but what at some future time he
intended to do---( Hear, hear)---a course more inconsistent
with the ordinary convenience and habits of their Lordships
could not be proceeded with. Although the Noble Earl
might indulge his own taste by such a course, yet he (the
Marquis of Lansdowne) should not be induced to copy the
Noble Earl by entering into any statement upon that subject.
—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl, if he had thought fit,
to show upon newspaper reports what his opinion was upon the
subject to which he alluded, might have referred to a
subsequent debate, and a subsequent discussion, in
which he had distinctly stated the view upon which
he supported the very commission to which the
Noble Earl had alluded. Having once stated his opinion as
to that commission, and the grounds upon which it was
issued, in that House, and stated that he reserved to himself
the liberty of considering what those measures should be in
consequence of that commission, which, after a full enquiry,
might be propounded to their Lordships, he should not be
induced either at this time or any other, by any statement
which the Noble Earl might think fit to make, to enter upon a
discussion which he knew would be premature and inconve-
nient-,(Loud cheers)—and for the inconvenience of which
he presumed he had the authority of the Noble Earl
himself, because although the Noble Earl had stated
that he wished some such discussion had been originated in
that House, he (the Noble Earl) had himself had ample oppor-
tunity to originate that discussion, and he now stated, that if the
Noble Earl entertained the views regarding the commission
which he had intimated that night he did entertain, he had
not discharged his duty in making that Commission the sub-
ject of discussion.—( Cheers.) He should be prepared to
meet him when the discussion came regularly before the House,
but until the Noble Earl was prepared to discharge that duty
from which he shrunk he should not be induced to enter into
any premature statement or discussion.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that the Noble
Marquis had accused him of shrinking from his duty.
Lord MULGR AVE rose to order.—Whatever doubt there
might have been whether the Noble Marquis was out of order
before, there could be none now.---( Cries of " Order.")
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he rose to ex-
plain—( Great confusion and cries of " Order.") He did not
originate a motion upon this subject because he hoped some
other Noble Lord, more competent to the task, would have
done so—( Repeated cries of " Order," amidst which several
Peers rose to address the House, but gave way to)
Lord ELDON, who said he considered himself in bounden
duty to state that, in his opinion, the Noble Marquis (Lon-
donderry) was out of order.—( Hear, hear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he wished to address
one word to the Noble Marquis and their Lordships. He did not
in the least degree dispute the right of the Noble Marquis, in
any discussion, however important, to originate a motion if he
chose, but he appealed to their Lordships, on behalf of an im-
portant subject. He (the Lord Chancellor) had undertaken
to perform a serious task, and to bring forward a most difficult,
complicated, and extensive measure. The discussion of that
important and extensive measure required the greatest calm-
ness, and the absence of all party animosity.--( Hear, hear.)
If he found their Lordships disposed to go on whetting
themselves with this sort of animosity, it would be his duty to

THE POOR LAWS.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from a pa-
rish in Yorkshire, against the proposed alteration in the Poor
Laws.

The order of the day having been moved,
Lord BROUGHAM said, in rising to address their Lord-
ships on the present occasion, he was abundantly sensible of
the difficulty of the task he had; undertaken. He approached
this subject of vast importance, fully impressed that its diffi-
ciilty in principle, and its complexity in detail, were at the very
least on a level with its importance. Their Lordships were
aware he had not, on the present occasion, the satisfaction of
knowing that the subject of this Bill had attracted equal fa-
vour among the people of this country at large with other
measures of reform which it had been his duty of late to pro-
pound to their Lordships ; that the people were, generally,
speaking, more indifferent to the measure than their own na-
tural interests, and intimate connection with its evils, might
make it desirable that they should be; that they did not buoy
up with their loud approval those who brought it for-
ward; and that though they had manfully and rationally
resisted all attempts that had been made to pervert
their feelings, and lead them to join in the clamour ad-
verse to the principles of the measure, yet that they were more
or less indifferent to the prospect it held out of mitigation and
improvement.—( Hear, hear.) It must be admitted, however,
that, generally speaking, the people were not opposed to the
measure.' It must be admitted that the reflecting part of the
community were decidedly with it, and that the portion who
were decidedly hostile to it were comparatively a very small
portion of the community indeed.—(Hear, hear.) But their
Lordships would probably believe him when he declared, that
if the proportion opposed to the measure were much more con-
siderable, and if they were as decidedly against it as were some
individuals of great ability, of much knowledge, and of well-
gained influence over the public opinion in political matters,
though more especially in the ephemeral topics which arose
from day to day—individuals of whom he would say, that no
doubt they acted from the best of motives, though, unfortu-
nately, their feelings, having been wrongly excited, had taken
a false direction ; and if the efforts of those persons had been
as successful as it was manifest—as it was notorious, most
creditably to the good sense of the people of England, they had
failed, in the object of raising an outcry against the measure ;
still he should have stood up in his place this day, and pro-
pounded the measure, and argued in its behalf the self-same
arguments which he should now address to their Lordships, on
which he should claim the deliberate judgment of this
House. He would be diverted by no false feeling ; he would
be interrupted by no clamours from without ; he would address
to their Lordships the same arguments that he would address
on this subject to the people out of doors, with this only diffe-
rence, that the topics he would urge in this House, if ad-
dressed
elsewhere, would be offered to a less calm, a lesslic
ra-
tional, and a less deliberate assembly. The subject, he it
said, was one of deep importance to the interests of the com-
munity, and their duty was correllative to the importance of
those interests. It was, indeed, of a sacred nature, rendering