The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-29 00:00:00

fully evaded—through which, as DANIEL O'CONNELL
was accustomed to remark, "a coach and six might
easily be driven"—is worse than useless, and should be
repealed with all convenient speed. The property
qualification is only efficacious in excluding persons
who are too' conscientious to avail themselves of the
easy means of evasion to which we have alluded, or to
others who may have made some mistake in tbeir re-
turns, although in the actual enjoyment of far more
than the requisite property. There will, we believe,
be no resistance to this part of the new Bill,
although we owe some of our most iniquitous enact-
ments—e. g., the corn-laws—to the necessity of a real
property qualification in the olden time, and the con-
nexion thus established by every Member of the Com-
mons House of Parliament with the " landocracy."
It is notorious, too, that the law was introduced for
the purpose of preventing the succession of the House
of Brunswick to the throne of these realms, and
effecting the restoraticn of the STUART dynasty, and
yet it h'ls been °optioned by Parliaments of unques-
tionable loyalty to the reigning Sovereign, and even
when the opposing House has no longer a living re-
presentative.

The principal differences of opinion will probably
arise on " the extension cf the elective franchise"
to those who have hitherto been mere political
cyphers. According to the constitutional theory,
that " tbere can be no taxation without represen-
tation," every male adult who consumes commodities
subject to fiscal laws, and who therefore, by means
of indirect imposts, contributes in any degree to the
national revenue, would be entitled as a matter of
right, either personally or by his representative, to a
voice in the making of the laws to which he is
compelled, under heavy penalties, to yield implicit
obedience, and which may affect his life, his liberty,
or his property. Many ardent reformers assert this
view of the subject, and it cannot be denied that there
is much weight to be attached to the arguments in
favour of " universal suffrage." There are, however,
well-intentioned men who doubt whether the privi-
lege can be safely bestowed to the full extent de-
manded, and whether it would not be productive of
great practical inconvenience in its actual working, if
once conceded. Such persons would, if the matter
were pressed to the utmost, rather keep matters
in their present condition than sanction "uni-
versal suffrage," although they would willingly
assent to the addition of very large numbers to the
electoral lists. It was, therefore, essential that some
compromise should be entered into between the
ultra and the more moderate reformers, lest the
latter, by adding their weight to the opponents of all
reform, or even by remaining neutral, should turn
the scale against the popular party.
The Parliamentary and Financial Reform Asso-
ciation bad to consider this vitally important question,
and well and efficiently they discharged the duty.
Without going the length of giving the franchise to
every adult male—a matter which would necessarily
be attended with considerable confusion as to the
place in which the party should be entitled to exer-
cise the privilege, and also in the steps that would be
essential to prevent the fraudulent multiplication of
votes—they decided on giving a vote to " every occu-
pier of a tenement, or portion of a tenement, in the
district where he resided. Thus, any man with
" a local habitation and a name," who had a
permanent place of shelter to which he
could resort, would receive the franchise.
This condition, so easy of accomplishment, cannot
reasonably be objected to; any man fitted for the
privilege—any man lis ing by his honest industry,
may receive it, and, if he does not do so, he himself
must be to blame ; and he cannot expect that more
deserving men are to struggle to repair the conse-
quences cf his ladles, or to remain under disabilities
because he does not choose to exert himself. The
Reformers, therefore, are willing to accept the
measure suggested by the association ; but they
cannot be satisfied with anything less. If the
" property qualification" is to be abolished for
" the elected," it cannot be long continued for " the
electors." Some test may be required, but.it must be
one of a very moderate description.

Will the new Bill of Lord JOHN RUSSELL meet
the exigency of the case, will it satisfy the
reasonable expectations of the people ? That is
the point as yet involved in obscurity, and
on which the expression of popular feeling
is of such paramount importance. The PREMIER
and his colleagues are at this moment watching the
signs of the times to ascertain the minimum amount
of concession that will be received. They wish to
keep something still in hand, to offer from time to
time when it may be expedient to hold out a bait, or
to offer a real boon to the people. They wish to
bring in the required alterations gradually, to watch
the working of every change, and to, note its effect on
the interests of the Whig party. At present they are
in the enjoyment of place and power, simply because,
they occupy the position between the extremes, and
can generally obtain the support of one side against
any aggression by the other. Any considerable
cession of strength to either Conservative or Radical
would ba fraught with danger to themselves.
Indeed, the experiences of last session may have
taught them that they cannot always depend
on playing off one party against the other, and that
some decided step must be taken to regain their
former popularity. After twenty years the country
will not be satisfied with a " little" measure of Re-
form. Better have nothing than a paltry piece of ,
patching up, a matter of detail rather than of princi-
ple. Let Lord JonN RUSSELL then be mindful of
his ancient reputation. Let him be well aware of that
which is expected at his hands. The people have re-
mained quiescent in consequence of the pledge he has
given. If that pledge be faithfully redeemed, no
Minister ever reached a higher niche in the Temple
of Fame than that which will be accorded to the
worthy scion of the house of Bedford ; but if, on
the other hand, the word of promise be only kept to
the ear and not to the hop?, if the sanguine antici-
pations of the " unenfranchised" be disappointed, we
shudder at the abyss into which the political character
of the once popular Pant= will be hurled by the
disgusted and alienated people of Great Britain.