The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-30 00:00:00

WESTMINSTER ELECTIOK

DISUNION OF THE MEMBERS.
yesterday evening a very numerous meeting of the electors
of Westminster was held at Mr. Rtrmbold's, the York Hotel,
Charles-street, Covent-garden, to take into consideration the
secession of Sir Francis Burdett's from the Committee of
Colonel Evans. • •
_ _ .

Mr. SIMPSON was called to the Chair.
The meeting had been convened by Mr. Prout.
Mr. PsouT said he felt it necessary to call the attention of
the electors of Westminster to a communication which he
deemed important, and which he had with Mr. De Vear, one
of the Committee of Sir Francis Burdett. He (Mr. Prout)
understood, as he believed all present understood, at the meet-
ing at the Crown and Anchor, that the two Members, Sir F.
Burdett and Colonel Evans, were to drop their particular
opinion, and unite in one common cause.—(Hear, hear.)
Having understood Sir Francis was acting independently of
Colonel Evans, he put the question to Mr. De Vear whether
they intended to do this, and being answered in the affirmative,
Be had called the present meeting.
The CHAIRMAN thought they ought immediately to form
themselves into a Committee to support their own Member.
Sir Francis Burdett had issued placards of " Burdett for
Westminster," which was a declaration of war against the com-
mon cause.
An Elector—Do you mean to return Colonel Evans in-
dividually ?
Several voices—" Decidedly. Certainly."
Mr. PROUT thought, after the manner in which their best
intentions had been thwarted, they ought now to join any other
candidate. Sir Francis Burdett had thrown the first stone.
The benefit, he considered, was not on his side.
Mr. WEST moved as a resolution—" That this meeting do
form itself into a Committee to secure the election of Colonel
Evans."
Mr. MICHIE seconded the resolution. He had considered
the two candidates were to go hand in hand, but did not regret
the separation. He was told that a Tory would stand for
Westminster. Of the two evils he would prefer a Tory to Sir
Francis Burdett, for he had deceived them in his professions
for the last three years ; he had always voted against the
wishes of his constituents.
Mr CHARLWOOD said they had not even a promise as to Sir
Francis Burdett. He thought that they ought to support
those persons only who would pledge themselves, and g& !x"
p_ression to those principles which had ever been advocated in
Westminster, Although this resolution bound them to sup-
port Colonel EviZns, it did not prevent them bringing forward
any other candidate who advocated similar principles.—( Hear,
hear.) He would be assOCj!tted with a truly independent
Member.—(Cheers.)
TYRELL said the tocsin had been sounded ; they would

exert Themselves, and, without doubt, Colonel Evans would be
at the head of the poll.
Mr. CHARLWOOD moved a resolution—" That the Electors
should not be in the most remote manner biassed in their opi-
nion in the election of any other Member."
Mr. PROUT said—Certainly, it was not intended.
A resolution was also passed for calling a public meeting.
These resolutions were put seriatim, and passed unanimously.

THE SUN, LON DON, TUESDAY, DECEMI3EII, 30, 1834:

CONSERVATIVE MEETING IN THE CITY.

A meeting of the merchants, bankers, traders, shipownersland
others who have signed the Address to the King, dated the 2.3 d in-
stant, was held yesterday at the City or; London Tavern, for the
purpose of considering the measures to be taken to ensure the elec-
tion of fit and proper persons to represent the City of London in
Parliament. _ .

In order to prevent the intrusion of persons adverse to the ob-
jects of the meeting, and whose only object (as on a late occasion)
was to create a disturuance, every person, on presenting himself at
the door of the tavern, was asked whether he had signed the Ad-
dress. If he replied in the affirmative he was at once admitted;
and if in the negative, he was shown into a room where the Address
lay for signatures, and if he declined signing, was informed, that as
the invitation to attend the meeting was only to those who had
signed the Address, of course he could not be admitted. This ar-
rangement had the effect of preventing any interruption of the pro-
ceedings of the day. The room was crowded to excess.
At one o'clock Alderman Lucas, Sir Charles Forbes, William
Ward, Esq., Mr. J. Masterman, Sir Charles Price, Mr. Lyall,
Capel, Mr. Alderman Lucas, Mr. Huth, Mr. Bonamy Do-
brce, Mr. Buckle, Mr. Pulley, Mr. Powles, Mr. Blanshard, Mr.
R. H. Martin, Mr. Dimadale, Mr. L. Gower, Mr. J. Woolley,
Mr. H. Kemble, Mr. I. H. Palmer, Mr. J. Cotton, Mr. Bell,
Mr. Ward, and Mr. Wilson entered, and were received with loud
cheers.

Mr. Alderman LUCAS proposed that Thomas Baring, Esq., do
take the Chair.
The motion was carried with acclamation.

The CHAIRMAN said the object for which they had met was to
endeavour to effect a change in the representation of the City of
London. If the late administration had endeavoured to effect judi-
cious changes only, and sought only a temperate reform, he for one
should not have cared so much who was at the head of the adminis-
tration ; but after what had taken place, it was the duty of all those
who wished well to their King and their country to unite together,
forgetting all minor differences, to oppose the dangerous innova-
tions on the Constitution that were contemplated. He placed con-
fidence in the present Ministers, because they acknowledged the
prerogatives of the Crown—(Hear)—and was disposed to give them
a fair trial, more particularly after reading the admirable address of
Sir Robert Peel to the electors of Tamworth.—(Hear, hear.) He
had no doubt that the new Ministry would follow up the principles
of that address, and by so doing satisfy the wishes of the people.
Although a new election was about to take place, he begged to ex-
plain, that persons, by signing the address to his Majesty agreed to
at a former meeting, were not understood thereby to commit them-
selves as to their votes in favour of any particular candidate.

Mr. Alderman BROWN then rose Co propose the first resolution.
At a time like the present, when the right of exercise of the King's
n.ogative was questioned—(Hear,hear)—when his Majesty's con-
duct was assailed, and he himself, he would almost say, insulted by
persons from whom better things might have been expected, it was
the duty of every loyal subject to come forward and show that he
did not participate in the sentiments of the persons who so con-
ducted themselves. The people of this country possessed a vast
power. They had the power, through theirßepresentives, of refus-
ing the supplies to the Crown ; but that was a course which must
be deprecated by every well-wisher to the Constitution of his
country, and would entail upon the country calamities which it was
barely possible for the imagination to conceive. He had read an
address to the people in a newspaper yesterday, at which he was
much Shocked. It said, " You (the people) possess and ought to
enjoy the real power of controuling the prerogative of the Sove-
reign, and pronouncing a negative on the choice of his Ministers."
If the'principles thus advocated were carried out, the parties might
as well at once propose to depose the Sovereign.—(Hear, hear. )
Mr. DIMSDA LE seconded the resolution.
The resolution was then put from the Chair, and unanimously
adopted.
Mr. BUCKLE proposed the second resolution. He would detain
them only a few moments, and he was sure of obtaining their
attention, since the resolution he was about to propose embodied a
sentiment which he trusted would always be that of Englishmen,
viz , that of condemning no man unheard.—(Hear. )
Mr. BLUNT seconded the resolution.

The resolution was then carried unanimously.
Mr. GOULD, in proposing the next resolution, was anxious that
his Majesty's present Ministers and the public should know that a
considerable portion of the wealth, independence, and good feeling
of the country, were the advocates of purely Conservative principles,
and not of the Destructive. It would but ill accord with the feel-
ings of that meeting were he to indulge in such representations
as those that had been recently made elsewhere—whether by the
great Lord of the north—( Hear)—by the agitater of Ire-
land, or by the Representative of one of their own districts—
(Hear)—where principles- were advocated which all good men
would deplore ; where every term of abuse was exhausted,
and history ransacked to find an authority for treason—( Hear,
hear)---where not satisfied with abusing the living, they insulted
the memory of the dead. The time had, however, arrived when
the merchants of London would step forward and say that such
language was no longer to be tolerated,, or such principles sup-
ported. He wished politics had not so much to do with commerce ;
but commercial men, however unwilling, were compelled to enter
the political arena when they found that they could not leave their
counting-houses, even for a few days, without the chance of some
important change taking place with reference to the foreign or
colonial policy of the country, by which their interests might be
most materially affected—(Hear)—which might, in fact, involve
them in total ruin --(Hear, hear. )
Mr. EWBANK seconded the resolution.
The resolution was then put from the Chair and agreed to.
Mr. Alderman LUCAS had been entrusted to submit to the
meeting the next resolution.
" That requisitions; numerously and respectably signed, having
been presented to William Ward, Esq., and to Thomas Wilson,
Esq., to allow themselves to be put in nomination to represent the
City of London, in the event of a general election, this meeting
pledges itself to take all the means in its power to secure their re-
turn in conjunction with that of George Lyall, Esq., one of the
present members ; that a Committee be immediately formed for
this purpose ; and that a subscription be entered into for defraying
the expenses thereof."
. .. . .

(This resolution was loudly cheered, particularly those portions
of it which contained the names of the future candidates.)

Mr. CAPEL passed a very strong eulogium on the character of
Messrs. Lyall and Wilson, and hoped that they would be returned
to Parliament in such a triumphant manner as would-do honour to
the citizens of London.—(Hear, hear. )
The CHAIRMAN, in putting the resolution, expressed his entire
approbation of the names mentioned in it, and hoped that they
would see a successful issue to the contest.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was then adopted, amid general acclamation.
The CHAIRMAN having said that private and pressing business
reluctantly compelled him to leave the Chair,
Mr. R. H. MARTIN rose and proposed a vote of thanks for his
able conduct in it.

The motion was received with three cheers, and cries of " Suc-
cess to you, Baring, at Yarmouth."
Mr. BARING having vacated the Chair, was so intimately con-
nected with the city, that he wished to see every measure adopted
that could be advantageous to their interests ; and there was no bet-
ter way to obtain this than by sending representatives to Parlia-
ment unfettered and unpiedged, whose principles would lead them
to support good and useful measures.( Loud cheering.)
Thanks were then voted to Thomas Baring, Esq., for his atten-
dance that day, and he having left the Chair, his place was supplied
by Mr. Alderman Lucas.
Mr. WARD was then loudly called for, and he came forward and
said that before he addressed them with respect to his political prin-
ciples, he had one or two explanations to make about something
that had occurred at the meeting which had taken place last week.
Soon after the address of Sir Robert Peel to his constituents had
been published, it had been resolved to take into consideration an
address to his Majesty, and the more so, since they might recollect
that at a meeting which had taken place at a tavern over the way opi-
nions were expressed of a very different sort from those he and
his friends entertained. He wanted only fair play, and he was
not aware that he was guilty of a want of courtesy towards
those individuals who attended that meeting, if he took the
Chair at another not exactly of a similar character. He was
born and bred an Englishman, and he thought he had a right
to express his opinions, and those opinions not agreeing with
those of the gentlemen alluded to, he thought it was fit to have
another address signed, in order that it might go hand in hand
and be placed side by side with the address of those gentlemen.—
( Hear, hear.) He also wished that their address should be signed,
in order that they might know where to find the persons whose
signatures were attached, and that the public might be convinced
that those persons had a local habitation and a name.—(Hear.)
The consequence of which was, that such an address had been got
up as had been never seen in that city. It had been represented
by an adverse paper that when he (Mr. Ward) got up to speak the
other day he was not supported by more than 200 persons. Well
now the address had been signed by between 5,000 and 6'::,0 per-
sons, and if the other day at the City of brfon Tavern there
were only 200 persons present: e_orin must have been shut out,
and their places occupied by the unbidden and the unweleome.L
(Cheers and laughter.) At the Mansion-house the same paper
attributed to him al;n;,o flint disrespectful language towards their
City Representetiyes, lie denied the accusation ; but had he been
called uPon for an explanation of what he did say he would not have
followed the exempt° lately set in the Tower Hamlets—(Hear)—
and said that his speech was made during a state of after-dinner
excitement, and that he had made a mistake.—(Cheers and
laughter,) lie had a legitimate object in view, and he would
never have recourse to illegitimate objects in order to carry it.
If he had made up his mind to become once more a candidate,
it was more in obedience to their commands than from any wish
of his own.— bead cheering.) One great stimulus came from
the egarters oan enemy. e alluded to the attack made on his
character in the Morning Chronicle of Saturday last—( Three
loud groans for the Morning Chronicle,) He did not want to
interfere with the private character or management of persons
connected with newspapers, and he thought that they ought to act
in the same manner towards him. With reference to the allu-
sion made in the paper before mentioned of his not taking the
Chair at the Mutt, he had upon that point consulted one or
twu friends, and the opinion of those friends might be known
when both their signatures were found attached to the present
requisition. It was not necessary for him to enter into ex-
planations of private affairs, and he would leave it to the
livery and eitilel4 of London to determine whether he was to be
51y4,1,0 out of the political situation he held. Having disposed
of private matters he would now come to public ones. He be-
lieved that under the present Government they would enjoy the
most complete liberty, of person and security of property. He had
on former occasions voted against the Duke of Wellington and Sir
Robert Peel, and he would do so again, if he thought they were in
the wrotig,
T, Wiesole, Esq., next addressed the meeting, and said that
although he had wished to retire into private life, yet having been
requested to again offer himself as a Representative of the city of
London, he could not refuse to obey the call. He was a sincere
friend to the King and Constitution. In the present day measures
were advocated which, if not stemmed at the present, it would per-
haps be too late to attempt at a future election.—(Hear, hear. )
He would support the present Ministry when he thought
them in the right, but no longer. After the recent
ieoirtrtion of Sir Robert Peel, who could doubt the honour of any
Ministry of which he formed a part ? When the Duke of Wel-
lington was formerly at the head of affairs, he was called a military
usurper ; yet no one had ever clown more than he had to preserve
the ptipl and to uphold the rights of the Crown and the credit of
the country, and to make the name of England respected
. through every part of the globe.—(Cheers.) He was not
a party to conventions that had no end, and to paragraphs
that had no meaning—to innumerable pre,to",4a, And ' ami-
cable ' wars--(Roari -1 Ingilte7)„,iii ailer to crush and
deal-9y ell micierit .411 y i to the sending. of" a fleet 5- ••
Seas it} the winter season to cause int;-- . ... cue NoFth.
station oursallor. i•••••-•- ' _ ..... ,iitation and from which
_ ~,,erneu home mortified and disgusted. One of
the great bugbears of the present day was Church Reform. He
was a sincere friend of the Church, but, notwithstanding, was
willing to correct all real abuses. He was anxious to improve and
strengthen the Church, and not to sap its foundation. But not
only was the destruction of the Church aimed at, but there was a
threat to treat Church property as' national property. The people
ought to be cautious how they encouraged such doctrines. Let
the axe be laid to the Church ; there was but a small shade of
difference between that and other property. It was already hinted
that the drones who received their dividends from the Bank ought
•

to be made to contribute towards the exigencies of the State. Tho
landed interest would next be attacked. It behoved the people,
therefore, to look well about them. Men of all classes were in-
terest.cd—all who sought to enjoy the fruits of their labour. They
must unite, they had plenty of ammunition.—(Hear, hear.) Each
must consider the cause as his own, and, taking a lesson from their
enemies, sink all shades of difference.—(Loud cheers. )
Mr. LYALL then presented himself to the meeting, and was loudly
cheered. Though his return to Parliament must in itself be a
matter of the greatest indifference--(" No, no")—it was of the
deepest importance to return to the House of Commons such mem-
bers, and such members only, as would support the institutions of
the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was for all practical Reform.
He was for that sort of Reform which differed from innovation,
which would renovate the institutions of the country without de-
stroying, as others wished to do, the principles upon which those
institutions were founded.—(Hear, hear, and cheering.) It was
to the British constitution that they owed being the first nation in
the world. If they lost the advantages conferred upon them by
that Constitution, there would not only be a loss of property, but
they would endanger their security as a nation.
The CHAIRMAN then recommended that gentlemen should enrol
their names on the Committee, and go heart and hand.to work in
carrying the great objects they had in view.
The following were the sums subscribed on the spur of the mo-
ment :

Thomas Baring, Es(; £lOO Mr. Blanchard £lOO
Sir Charles Forbes lOO Mr. Alderman Lucas 5O
Mr. Wilson lOO Mr. Ew•bank
Mr. Frederick Ruth
Mr. George Palmer
Sir CHARLES FORBES proposed a vote of thanks to the Chair-
man for his able and impartial conduct in the chair.
The vote was, carried with acclamation.

Mr. Alderman Lucas briefly acknowledged the honour, after
which the meeting quietly separated.

SIR. R. PEEL'S MANIFESTO.

(From the Berwick Advertiser.)
What think ye of Sir Robert's address ? (say the Con-
servatives.) Is it not manly ? Is it not honest ? Is it not
satisfactory? We think the address a very clever address ;
and as to its being manly, why certainly, there is a sort of
a shadow of manliness on the face of it—but it is hardly
skin deep—it is not the manliness of an open heart and a
conscience void of offence. Then as to its honesty, why its
honesty and manliness are much upon a par. There is a
certain kind of honesty about it—an honesty so far as it
goes—but it is a cunning honesty, it is a specious honesty,
it is a Peelish honesty. And as to its being satisfactory--
No. It will dissatisfy the real Tories, and it will not satisfy
a single Reformer in the country.
(From the West Briton.)
The Tory Cabinet is at length completed, and a perfect
composition of the kind it is. There are Sir Edward Knatch-
bull, and Lord Hereford, and Lord Roden, and Colonel Per-
ceval—all the very essence of Orangeism and of Anti-reform
principles of every description. Nobody can have a moment's
doubt on this subject : the Administration is back-bone Tory
and Anti-reform, and no Jesuitical pretensions of acting the
part of Reformers can, for a moment, deceive the country.
Sir Robert Peel's address to the electors of Tamworth is a
clever state paper, and shows that writing, like speech, is fre-
quently used as if given to man to disguise his thoughts. But,
in the present instance, the effort has not been successful—the
public understand the thing perfectly.
( From the Carlisle Journal.)
In our fourth page will be found a long address to the
electors of Tamworth from Sir Robert Peel ; which, though
addressed only to the nominal electors of his pocket borough,
is meant as an appeal to the country at large. In short it is
the Cabinet Manifesto—the word of promise to the ear, which
is intended to delude men into the performance of acts ever
after to be repented. It is precisely the kind of document
which was to be expected from Sir Robert Peel : cold, spe-
cious, and Jesuitical. There runs through it an affectation of
candour, which, if Sir Robert had not been well known, might
possibly have deceived the unwary. But the character of the
man required not this further proof to convince the world of
his hollowness and insincerity.
(From the Cheltenham Free Press.)
We have had a specimen and an earliest of the measures
of Church Reform to be expected from Sir Robert Surface
we mean Peel—in his declaration of approval of the plan of
relief proposed by Lord Althorp in respect to Church rates.
This " relief " was as our readers of course know, one so
admirably adapted to the purpose, that it nailed the said im-
post far tighter than before to the Dissenters ;—whilst, by
sinking the name of Church rates, and merging it into that
of land tax, it had the semblance of relief. Church Reform
must be a paramount consideration to the new Ministry ;—we
do not mean, of course, the set of hacks and heroes this week
in office ; but the stanch band of truly reforming Ministers
whom every sensible man perceives are on the point of coming
into power. _ . .

(From the Inverness Courier.)
We need scarcely direct the attention of inur readers to Sir
Robert Peel's address to his constituents. It will find suffi-
cient readers. Sir Robert is cautious and temperate, touch-
ing generally on the leading question's of the day, but avoiding
all direct and specific information. unless it be his declared op-
position to the admission of Dissenters to the Universities.
No man knows better thn Sir Robert Peel how to write or
speak " about it and ?bout it." It was said sarcastically of a
former Lord Advocate that what he wanted in common sense
he eked out with law, and when the Baronet of Tamworth is
desirous of conciliating, or of concealing his views and projects,
he does not, like the Duke of Wellington, preserve silence,
but wraps up his meaning in a cloud of specious generalities,
which fairly envelope and hide it. The names of Sir Robert's
colleagues afford the best commentary on his speech, but that
commentary is unfavourable to the Ministry. We feel assured
that such a Ministry as that which the Hon. Baronet has been
compelled to accept has, in the present feeling of the country,
not the slightest chance of success.

(From the Warwick Advertiser.)
TIIE NEW MINISTRY.-With respect to the policy they will
pursue, notwithstanding the shyness of their declarations, we
have not the slightest doubt. If they are men of principle,
they will of course set public opinion at defiance, by staying
the course of that Reform which every individual of them,
(subalterns and all, to the number of 46) has hitherto ob-
stinately opposed ; if they attempt any liberal Reform mea-
sure in favour of the people, they will stand before the coun-
try branded with the mark of apostacy. In either case the
loud voice of patriotic indignation will reject their pretensions
to public confidence. Men who are conscious they have no
right to expect public confidence—who, occupying the high
stations of Cabinet councillors, feel themselves compelled to
stoop from their dignified rank in the state, and beseechingly
entreat the people to give them " a fair trial"—absolutely
confess their incapacity to hold the reins of Government, and
are industriously paving the way to their own inevitable down-
fall.

(From the Edinburgh Chronicle.)
The Address is just what was to be looked for from the
wily baronet—vague, spacious, and most unsatisfactory. After
some prefatory observations, Sir Robert observes, that " he
never has been, either before or after the Reform Bill, the
defender of abuses, or the enemy of judicious reforms." Very
possibly he may believe that in making this assertion he does
himself no more than justice ; but that which makes Sir Ro-
bert and his colleagues incompetent Ministers for this country
is, that what the country conceive to be " abuses," they—it
may be honestly—uphold as something so perfect, as to defy
the ingenuity of man to suggest any amelioration ; and what
the former term " judicious reforms," they denounce as revo-
lutionary. But admitting Sir Robert Peel to be a very para-
gon of " judicious reformers," what are we to think of his
ultra-Tory, High Church associates--the Knatchbulls, Goul-
burns, Aberdeens, et hoc genus °nine? Are they also to be
dubbed the hearty opponents of corruption, and the enlight-
ened supporters of ." judicious reforms ?" We are ready to
believe anything which in reason seems at all probable, but we
can go no farther. No man, however willing, can persua.de
himself that black is white.

(From the Durham Chronicle.)
The murder is out 1 Sir Robert Peel has put forth a mani-
festo of the principles on which the Government is to be con-
ducted (or rather attempted), in the shape of an address to
the nominal electors of his pocket borough of Tamworth. On
its merits as a specimen of literary composition, so much
lauded by some of the Tory prints, the only observation we
shall make is, that these seem to have been put forward for
the mere purpose of concealing its substantive defects, as a
declaration of ministerial policy on the various subjects which
await legislative settlement. Whether it be written in a man-
ner worthy of Oxford, or only of the Horse Guards, is a mat-
ter of little consequence, and may be safely left to the critical
determination of the Marquis of Londonderry, or that equally
sagacious personage, the Goose GibNe of the political world
—Lord Stormont. In other rPTpects, it is precisely such a
production as was to be erpected from its Jesuitical author.
Sir Robert sets out 'with professions of great candour ; but,
throughout Ili?, address, like a political rope-dancer, he endea-
vours to trim the balance between the Reformers and Conser-
vatives : in other words, he admirably illustrates the proverb
of holding with the hare and running with the hounds.

( From the Kendal Mercury .)
The Wellington Administration is at length nearly com-
pleted ; and there is nothing ambiguous about its formation.
It is Tory in every part and feature; head, tail, hoof, and
claws, are all thoroughly dyed and saturated with Toryism.
The grave-digger in Hamlet argues that we are equally guilty
of self-destruction whether we go to the water to drown our-
selves or allow the water to come to us ; and on the same
ground we say to the people of England, that if tin, allow
this devouring monster of the Duke's making In stand erect
in their presence—if they " give it a fair ',slap—they will be
as justly chargeable with the overlb:tow of their liberties as
though the blow were struck_ 'Dy
k their own hand. A " fair
trial," forsooth !—wit
the Tories as with the I
' beings of dark-
ness,
•
" foul is fir and fair is foul" —they must have no further
Trial in
..ins kingdom. It is long since they were tried, and
Jound guilty—and condemned to banishment from office by
the united voice of the people • and if Sir Robert Poel de-
sires again to be tried, it should be for returning from " be-
yond seas" without pardon from his country, and daring to
check the commerce, disturb the peace, and shake the king-
dom to its centre, by a hopeless effort to rule a people on
principles which they repudiate and hate. A more specious
and hollow document than his manifesto of the views of the
Government was never issued.

( From the Devonport Telegraph.)
Sir Robert Peel's address to his constituents is unobjec-
tionable as far as it goes, for, like every composition which
deals entirely in generalities, you may make what you will of
it, as you may be disposed or indisposed to place confidence in
its authors. We never doubted that the new Ministry would
profess reforming principles. The great difficulty is, how to
reconcile their sudden conversion with the confidence we are
required to repose in them for the future. Even now, no
other reason is given for this enormous inconsistency, but that
the Reform Bill having become the law of the land they feel
bound to adopt and carry forth its principles ; but the Bill was
passed two years ago, and their conversion is to be dated from
the time they took office, just six weeks. Let us be just—we
do not apply these remarks so much to Sir Robert Peel as to
the more ultra elements with which lie is associated. The
Premier himself did show some leaning towards Reform mea-
sures before he was tempted with the lure of office—and it
cannot be denied that the people have always had hopes
of him. Ho has committed some sad mistakes in his political life,
but his mind always went beyond the party with whom he as-
sociated, and gave token of better things—Who, but he, in
fact, could keep the present discordant machinery together for
a single day Doubtless, by the refusal of Lord Stanley
and his party to join his Ministry, he had no alternative be-
tween giving up all idea •f forming an Administration
or accepting such men as he could get, and he has thus be-
come saddled with the representatives of the prejudices and
illiberality of the old and worst school of politics. Should
the people be willing to try Sir Robert Peel himself, can it
be expected that they will repose any confidence in Sir Edward
Knatchbull, Lord Lincoln, the son of the Duke of Newcastle,
Lord Stormont, who declared at the great Tory meeting at
Norwich, " that he always had a violent dislike to the word
Reform—he had a strong feeling against the name," Lord
Ellenborough, Lord Roden, and other out-and-out anti-Re-
formers, his associates? We sec little hope that they ever
will, or can, have that confidence. It is the :encral impresion
that another change, If not a COIll'l.e.:to overthrow, must very
shortly take 13la ce T
= • 1
but can be hp I_, country will have moderato then—.
•
~.iught to place their confidence in none but
cere Reformers.
(From the Newcastle Chronicle.)

If any doubt had existed of the reason why the late Ministry
was so contemptuously dismissed, or of the purposes for which
that formed under the auspices of " the Duke" was appointed,
it would be effectually dispelled by the ministerial manifesto,
which has since our last been issued, in the shape of an address
from Sir It. Peel to his constituents at Tamworth. From
this document it is evident, that, disguise it as they may, and
whatever may be the professions in favour of reform, that the
object has been to stop the great and beneficial reforms in pro-
gress, and to reduce all further reforms to as small an amount
as may be, For what, after all the specious, artful, and

( From the Swansea Cambrian.)
To the question—" What will the Tories do t,%". .._.The Mi-
nisterial manifesto has been put forth, and o,:e electors of the
borough of Tamworth have been made the •means of conveying
some little information to the people, P.'s to the principles and
the circumstances under which their representative has been
suddenly raised to the dignity of tb•e Premiership. Sir Robert
has chosen his alternative, and having attempted to form a
mixed Cabinet, and failed the': ein, he now comes boldly forward
with his manifesto, and with as strong a band of Ultra-Tory
colleagues as it was possible to have brought together; his re-
peated essays to enl;:st Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, &c.,
being unavailing., he, in his last extremity, falls back upon his
old acquaintaw,:e, and plunges into the vile depths of Ultra-
Toryism, to bring up its shattered remains, and exhibit them
once more to the public gaze. Fearless of general disgust,
or having worked himself up in a fit of ambition, into a belief
of a delusion, he has the hardihood to present the country such
a list of Ministers as would disgrace the worst Cabinet of the
worst times. Nothing but the grossest infatuation and stupi-
dity, or the most deplorable misconception of the nature of
that duty which Sir Robert owes his Sovereign, could have
induced him thus to sustain the delusion, for how can it
ever be believed, by any rational being, that this Ultra-
Cabinet will stand, after it is submitted to the test of a ge-
ral election.

. J .
•••=•••••••••••=wiiiimil•••••••••••••
laboured statements of the wily Baronet, do his promises`-sad'; \\l
the prospect of reform held out by him, amount to, but, lice;c4.2-,
rally and virtually—nothing. Nothing new is suggested-1W 4,4,1
fresh abuse is marked out for correction—and of those which-ri,,
./
have already been the subjects of discussion, it is the iriferi--
tion either to quash them altogether, or to grant as little as
possible, or in such degree as has already been declared unsa-
tisfactory. To municipal reform, under their auspices, it re-
quires no great penetration to perceive we may bid adieu.
They will not, it is true, stop the enquiries of the Commis-
sioners. No, they are to be suffered to proceed, and then,
when the report is made, they will—what ?—take it into con-
sideration ! What sort of consideration it will receive from
those who have so repeatedly denounced the Commission and
denied its legality, who have never ceased to decry this species
of reform as actual spoliation, and who have pronounced the
" establishment of a new municipal constitution on the 101.
franchise to be impracticable," may be easily imagined. For
any good the nation will ever derive from it, the report might
as well be put in the fire as submitted to such consideration.
The Dissenters, they expect, will rest contented with the
marriage and church-rate bills of last session, and with being
excluded from the Universities ! And in regard to Church
reform we are told that " no alienation of Church property in
any part of the United Kingdom from strictly ecclesiastical
purposes" will be submitted to ; So that the sinecure Church
of Ireland is still to be maintained in all its oppressive dispro-
portion. Such are the reforms which Sir Robert Peel offers
to the people of England, and for the sake of which he trusts
they will give him and his intolerant colleagues a fair trial
The mighty boon he offers them has been received by the
people with derision and contempt, and every where there
prevails a spirit of uncompromising determined opposition to
" the Duke" and his government.
(From the Aberdeen Herald.)
At length the bubble has burst--the new Administration
has published the long-desired declaration of its intended
policy. This manifesto, like all Sir Robert's speeches, is
specious and plausible ; and, except on one or two points, it
possesses all the " glorious uncertainty" of a King's speech.
Nevertheless, it is quite as candid as we expected, and the
tout ensemble is so much in the style .of what the Right Hon.
Baronet has said in Parliament on the subject of Reform, that
his manifesto cannot fairly be considered as an attempt to
pass himself off for a Reformer. Sir Robert Peel and his
colleagues present themselves to the nation in their natural
character of Conservatives and Anti-Reformers, and if any
man is now deceived, it can only be his own fault. The tone
of the address is desponding; it is that of a marl 'who feels
the difficulties of his situation, and who despairs of success.
( From the Glasgow Scots Times.)
Sir Robert Peel has at length succeeded in forming a High
Church-and- State Tory Government. All professions of
Reform•from the Right Hon. Baronet are now unavailing and
utterly worthless. The country must be roused. And if con-
fusion and revolution may yet be avoided, this can only be
done by the electors all over the kingdom, forgetting all
minor differences, and uniting heart and hand in sending such
tried Reformers to Parliament, as will assuredly put an end to
the domination of Sir Robert Peel, Sir Edward Knatchbull,
and Lord Stormont, within a week after the meeting of Par-
liament. The formation of the Administration is most insult-
ing to the country. We talk of Russia and Poland, but we
doubt if the inhabitants of the most despotic country on earth
were ever treated more contumeliously than the people of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, by having a
Government composed of such men thrust on them.