The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-26 00:00:00

THE

PARLIAMENTARY AND FINANCIAL
REFORM.

A meeting was hail! in the Frce-trade Hall, Man-
chester, on Wednesday, for the promotion of Parlia-
mentary and financial reform. It was convened by
the leaders of the Parliamentary and Financial Re-
form Association, and presided over by Mr. George
Wilson.- The attendance was very large. There were
present—Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., Mr. Fox, M.P.,
Mr. George Thompson' M.P., Mr. Williams, M.P.,
and many others. Mr. Hume's name had been an-
nounced as one who would be present, but indisposi-
tion, consequent on the increasing infirmities of age
and the labours of the lata session, prevented his at-
tendance. Mr. Milner Gibson and Mr. Bright, the
borough Members, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Brotherton,
sent notes of apology for their absence.
The chair was taken by Mr. Winsoaa—He said
Lord John Russell had announced his intention, next
session, to introduce into the House of Commons a
measure far the improvement of the representation of
the people. What that measure would be no one at
present could say, but from indications he had previ-
ously seen a great number of people were prepared
to applaud it, whatever it might be, when it came.
Speaking for himself, the only indication which the
Prime Minister had given as to what that measure
would be, must be found in the speech he made an-
nouncing his intention to do away with the qualifica-
tion of Members of Parliament. He, for one, should
be glad to see that measure, whenever it was produced,
full and complete. Whatever the Bill might be, he
did not think it could pass without a rigid inquiry,
into all its merits taking place by the people of Eng-
land. It would not certainly possess .all the attrac-
tion that the Reform Bill did at the time it was
passed ; it could not again enfranchise Manchester, or
Birmingham, or Leeds, and some other large con-
stituencies; it might not be so long in schedule A,
but he hoped it would be equally as long as schedule
B; but, whether or not, Lord John Rusaell, in ad-
vancing that measure, would have to deal with two
questions—the question of the suffrage, and the ques-
tion of the re-distribution of the electoral power, and
in these two questions alone there was a greater
amount of interest, iudividually and personally, than
was ever connected with the Reform Bill of 1832.

(Applause.) Alluding to our present septennial
Parliaments, he said that the oldest form of Parlia-
ment in this country was annual; for in the reign of
Edward I. there were eight Parliaments in eight
years. In conclusion, he remarked that our present
House of Commons was nothing better than a junior
House of Lords.
Sir J. WALMSLEY was next called upon, and he
spoke at great length to the following effect :—I am
happy to find that this is not exclusively a Manchester
meeting. We are favoured by the presence of nume-
rous representatives of many of the great towns in the
county, who, I doubt not, will carry from this hall
the pure flame of reform, and spread it in their vari-
ous localities. The end sought to be achieved by this
meeting—which, we trust, will be a model one, and
the precursor of similar meetings throughout the
country—the object, I say, of this great gathering, is
a high and a patriotic one. It is—to restore the just
political rights of our disfranchised fellow. subjects.
I speak advisedly when I say disfranchised, for no one
has correctly read the history of this country who
does not know that the constitutional rights of the
people have, from age to age, been gradually circum-
scribed and curtailed until the most intelligent and
valuable portion of the population are destitute of the
rights once freely exercised by men inferior to them-
selves. We are here to claim the rights of the con-
stitution—the rights of freemen—the abolition of
a degrading political serfdom. We are here to aid in
the removal of the badge of political proscription, and
to restore to those who, equal in the eye of the com-
mon law of the land, demand rights which their
ancestors enjoyed. The monopoly of the elective
franchise in a community like ours, by one-
seventh part of the adult male population, is
on the face of it a monstrous injustice and a
glaring usurpation. That it has been tolerated so
long, leading as it has done to the imposition of such
unequal burdens, is a proof of the patience and for-
bearance of the sufferers. Let that patience and for-
bearance be rewarded by the same Act that shall an-
nihilate the injustice, and make the House of Com-
mons in reality an assembly of the Commons of
England. We are told by the greatest amongst the
expounders of our constitution that the House of
Commons should be the embodiment and expression
of the very mind and will of the people. Yet it is a
notorious fact, proved by the arithmetic of the ques-
tion, that a majority of that House represent but one-
seventh of this limited electoral body, and but one-
fourteenth of the annual rateable realised property of
the kingdom. Yet this is the so-called Home of
Commons. Does this state of things agree with
Blackstone, who says, that upon the true theory and
genuine principles of English liberty, every member
of the community, however poor, should have a vote
in electing those delegates to whose charge is com-
mitted the disposal of his property, his liberty, and
his life. We are not hero to quarrel with the theory
of our Government, but to demand that it be practi-
cally carried out. Our watchword should be the
Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution.
Oar Sovereign has her share, and we would not
diminish it. The second estate in the realm
have theirs, and we do not assail it. But
the people have been denied theirs, and it is their
right that we are met to demand, and with your
united aid to enforce. I speak to one of yourselves, as
one to whom is denied that which I possess, but pos-
sess by no exclusive constitutional prerogative—by no
superior merit—by no urgent necessity, but by the
mere accident of house, rent, money, or landed estate.
I speak, I say, as one of yourselves—as one not con-
tent selfishly to enjoy a right, which bad men have
made exclusive, but which is the constitutional in-
heritance of the humblest men called to bear the bur-
dens, maintain the peace, obey the laws, and fight the
battles of his country. As one of yourselves, and
resolved, if you will accept me as such, to be a fellow-
labourer with you, I summon you to the great work
of cleansing, reforming, and renewing your own
House of Parliament. You have the power to do
this ; you must have the will. You must rouge your
slumbering energies ; you must wisely apply those
energies; you must make the necessary sacrifices, and
exhibit the union which is essential to victory. You
are all aware of the nature and extent of that scheme
of representation which the national association advo-
cates; that it embraces residential suffrage, vote by
ballot, triennial Parliaments, the more equal apportion-
ment of members to population, and the abolition of the
property qualification. This plan of reform has the
sanction of most of the Radical Members of the House
of Commons. It is based upon the old saxon law of
freemen paying scot and lot; it is in unison with the
habits of the people ; it would increase the number of
electors from one to four millions; it is safe, practi•
cal, and constitutional; and it is the least measure of
reform which the people should sanction. If this
scheme be reasonable and necessary, there are unmis-
takeable indications of its practicability and accom-
plishment. Amongst the grounds for hope and con-
fidence, I may point to the spirit of union which has
recently shown itself amongst reformers; to the mu-
tual desire amongst men of varying political opinions
to hold their special views, subordinate to the realisa-
tion of a sound practical measure of reform ; and to
the conviction amongst those who now possess the
franchise, that the admission of the great body of the
producing classes to the rights of the constitution is
essential to the peace, happiness, and prosperity of
the country. Much, however, remains to be accom-
plished ; we have to contend with conservative Libe-
ralism on the one hand, and untractable ultraism on
the other. Our prospects, however, daily improve.
There is much to stimulate much to animate our
hopes. The First Minister of the Crown has him-
self declared his intention to introduce a new mea-
sure of reform, and we know he cannot afford a little
war. He has left us to infer that his measure will
be based more upon the demands and support of
the people than upon any preconceived plan of his
own. He has signified his willingness to abolish
the property qualification—a concession of no small
importance, as it would remove those invidious dis-
tinctions which arise out of a pecuniary test, and leave
people free to choose those whom they deem the
most eligible to represent them. His silence on the
question of the ballot, coupled with the historical fact
that he proposed it to the Cabinet of 1831, justifies the
belief that he will not oppose the realization of that
portion of the people's scheme of reform. Nor is it
unimportant that the three principal law officers of
the Crown have recorded their opinions in favour of

its justice and necessity. Another Cabinet Minister
has intimated his willingness to extend the elective
franchise to the male inhabitants of a taxed house, and
to tax every house. Such are the revelations which
the Whig Administration have so far made on the
great question of the day, and we know enough of
their supporters to feel assured they would only be
to happy to regain a little of their lost popularity by
avowing themselves in favour of further specific po-
litical progress. But the Whigs, be it remembered,
are not the only party in the state, though by suffer-
ance and accident they have the conduct of public
affairs. The Radical Members of the House of Com-
mons, more and more supported by the confidence of
the people, are daily increasing as an important section
of the Legislature, and if they cannot supplant,can, when
united, urge forward and compel the tenants of the
Treasury bench to go on, or to go out. But, sepa-
rate and distinct from all that is called Liberal, there
is a powerful party who, it is understood, when the
time shall come to make overtures, will not be outbid
in their offers for popular support. Of this Ministers
may be certain, that the true friends of the people,
in and out of
the House of Commons, will think far
less about the name of the party by whom a measure
of real reform may be tendered, than of the value and
importance of the measure itself. Still, I believe
Reformers would prefer to see their cause in the House
of Commons headed by the Noble Lord who has so
Oka Iw4 the vau a liana the fQXIPKIA hope, in
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