The Sun.
London, England, 1834-10-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

This day's Gazette, we Undeistand, will contain the
names of the gentlemen appointed as " Colonization
Commissioners for South Australia ;" they are Mr.
Wolryche Whitmore, M.P., Mr. Grote, M.P., Mr.
Warde Norman, the Bank Director, Mr. Henry Ward,.
M.P., Colonel Torrens, M.P., and Mr. M. D. Hill,
M.P. By a provision of the South Australian Act,
his Majesty is prevented from formally appointing the
Governor of the province, until the colonists shall have
made arrangements with the Commissioners for the
purchase. of lands to the amount of 35,0001., and for
the investment of 20,0001., by way of security for
money advanced on the .Colonial Revenue Bonds, by
the issue of which the expenses of colonial government
are to be defrayed. The colonists, in short, must invest
55,000/. in the undertaking, before the appointment
..
of their Governor can appear in the Gazette. As,
however, the early success of the colony, must very
much depend on the character of the first Governor,.
and as the assembled colonists require a leader now,
almost as much'as they will require one aftar their ar-
rival in Australia, his Majesty's Government have se-
lected the gentleman, who will be appointed Governor
as soon as the act shall allow. The choice is most
creditable to Mr. Spring Rice's administration of the
Colonial Department. We remember that our con—
temporary, the Examiner, in reviewing Colonel Charles
James Napier's account of his proceedings as Gover-
nor of Cephalonia, said, " He has shown himself to be
the fittest man in England to govern a colony, and,
therefore, he is the last man to be chosen for such a
purpose." This Colonel C. J. Napier is to be the
Governor of South Australia. Until now, indeed, if
a colonial officer disagreed with his chief in Downing-
street, and above all, if he were so bold as to defend his
own conduct by an appeal to the public, he was marked
for neglect, if not persecution. But it seems we
have changed all that. Colonel Napier, who,
for years, has been a sort of bete noire to the
Tories yet nestling in Downing-street, who has
published a book full of strong reflections on our
colonial administration, and who is incapable of
expressing a repentance which he does not feel, is,
nevertheless, selected to fill an important office under
Government. This is one of the many good fruits of
reform. Let us hope that, in time, all public servants
will be chosen for their fitness. The Commissioners
of Public Lands in the Colony, acting under the-
aaithority of the Board here, will, it is understood, be
Captain John Kennedy, of the Royal Engineers, of
Whose fitness for that office there is ample proof iu
Colonel Napier's book. He was the Government
en-
gineer
at Cephalonia, under Colonel Napier's adminis-
tration. The King, we hear, has been graciously
pleased to express a wish that the first town of his
Majesty's new province should be called Windsor.
The Commissioners act without salaries : they will
' meet for the present at the rooms lately occupied by
the -South Australian Association (which is super-
seded by the Commission), in John-street, Adelphi.
The machinery for founding the colony is now
complete. The Commission is to be looked upon
as a mere instrument
.for enabling individuals to
found a colony in the best way. Nothing is to be
expected from the wealth of some of the Commis-
sioners ; nothing from their high characters for
intelligence and sagacity, except as it gives assurance
that what they have to do they will do well. But
what have they, to do ? Nothing in the way of sub-
scription, or persuasion, or even suggestion. They
have as much to do with the founding of the colony
as the Board of Trade has to do with the foreign com-
merce of England, but no more. They are mere offi-
cers, bound, indeed, by the Act of Parliament to per-
form certain duties ; but their duties are confined to
such acts as may be necessary for enabling others—
the colonists themselves—to prOceed with the under-
taking. Let this be.well understood. It will be best
explained by putting a speech into the mouths of the
Commissioners. - Let us suppose them to say—" In
pursuance of the South Australian Act, we have framed
rules, orders, and regulations for the future disposal of
public lands in the.. colony, for the immediate sale of
such a quantity of land as will bring 35,000/., and for
the conveyance of labouring emigrants to the colony
by means of the piirchase-money of lands. We
have also prepared Colonial Revenue Bonds to a cer-
tain amount ; and of these we are ready to dispose to
such colonists, or others, as may choose to obtain them.
Here our duties end for the present. A main principle
mfazbeelAsaeutulet which we act, is, that the colony
should be founrV arifl governed, like all our old colonies
in North America, at the expense of individuals. We,
representing tlie'Statc..; can do nothing more than week
the Machinery Which has been framed for the sole pur-
pose of. enabling individuals to found the colony. All
the rest must depend on the colonists themselves,"
An experiment, of which the object is to ascertain
whether a colony established in a country where the
quantity of land is unlimited, may be rendered highly
prosperous, and attractive to all classes, from the very
beginning of its career ; this novelty in colonization-is
so interesting, and pregnant, if the attempt should suc-
ceed, with such important consequences, that we shall
often return to the subject.—Morning Chronicle.
We copy from the Caledonian Mercury of Satur-
day last, a letter addressed to that Journal by Mr.
Macvey Napier, Editor of the Edinburgh Review, oft
the subject of Lord Durham's letter. The Caledo-
nian Mercury calls attention to the letter of Mr.
Napier, in an article in which some severe strictures
are passed on the conduct of Lord Durham, and
which concludes thus :—" As to the charge of mis-
representation, it is too vague and general. Before it
can be met satisfactorily, the accusation must be made
specific ; nay, what is more, it ought to be instantly
verified, and that before his Lordship- comes to Scot-
land, for if the Noble Lord fail in proving this odious
libel, the alleged want of veracity is likely to be thrown
ba'ek by the Scottish public on himself." On the other
hand, our Evening Contemporary, the Courier, con-
tends that Mr. Napier has failed in the principal object
of his letter—namely, to show that the Reviewer
could have known that the 201. qualification was
the proposal of any individual or section of the Cabi-
net, by other means than through a Cabinet Minister,
and adds, "If such things are to be tolerated—if
Members of the Cabinet are to be allowed, in defiance
of their oath, and of the trust reposed in them by his
Majesty and their colleagues, to divulge Cabinet se-
crets, for the mere gratification of their own vindictive
or mortified feelings, there must be an end to all confi-
dence among Ministers, and Lord Melbourne may. be
treated to-morrow in the same way that Lord Durham
has been treated yesterday." We must say that we
regret these attempts to add to the irritation of the
parties. The Caledonian Mercury might have safely
left to Lord Durham to determine the course he should
take in consequence of Mr. Napier's letter : and the
Courier, though its indignation at the divulging of
Cabinet secrets appears to be levelled at one indivi-
dual, must be aware that its arguments equally apply
to another. We regret the use of harsh language, es-
pecially in the present stage of the dissension.—.Morn-
rug Chronicle.

The importance of railways generally has been now
so fully established that any remarks on that head, we
are sure, would be superfluous ; but that they will
create a great change throughout the country is equally
to be conceded ; and that such change must, by dis-
turbing the usual course of trade in some places, and
trespassing on the vested interests of others, cause some
distress, there appears to be as little doubt. Though,
therefore, some provisions may, and should be made by
the Legislature, individuals must trust chiefly to . their
own exertions and prudence to protect them from the
effects of the coming storm. But whatever may be the
disadvantage resulting from their introduction, and the
only objections that we are aware of are such as would
apply to every improvement which has ever yet been
made, the advantages to be derived from the establishment
of railroads are so vast and weighty, that the objections ap-
pear but as feathers when weigheddn the opposite scale.
Many of our readers must recollect the outcry raised by
inkeepers and innowners about vested interests, when,
through the improvements of roads, &c., travellers
began to get over the ground at the rate of seven or
eight miles an hour instead of five—when, instead of
dic unfortunate traveller being doomed to between
twenty and thirty fleecings at as many inns between
London and York, he began to escape with five or
six. But we need not insist on this point, as it must

be apparent to all that every improvement which is
beneficial to the public, must inflict injury on some
few' individuals. Acknowledging, however, the im-
portance of railway communication, it cannot be too
often pressed on the attention of the Legislature how
reat care should be exercised by them, while grant-
ing Bills for their establishment by private companies,
that the public interests be in no way sacrificed to the
personal and selfish views of the speculators, and that
In establishing these lines of roads the smallest possi-
ble inconvenience to individuals, and the least possible
sacrifice of the rights of private property, should be
allowed; and it appears to us to be desirable, particu-
larly when we recollect of what materials, and in what
manner, too, many of our Parliamentary Committees
Are composed, that a general Act, containing some
definite and well-digested provisions with respect to
railways, should be passed as early as possible in
the next session. The almost absolute necessity for

Durham of the support of the "people of Ireland " (of
himself, Daniel O'Connell, to wit), and next assures
the said people of Ireland of the support they' are to
receive from Lord Durham

this will, we think, be admitted, when the numerous
notices for new roads of this descriptions are con-
sidered. Some provisions should be made, in
order to protect the metropolis and its suburbs from
being too much cut up by such roads ; and if it should
be provided, as we think it ought to be, that there
should not be more than four or five, or, at the most,
six railways entering London, and that no increase
should be allowed on that number till twenty miles
distant from London, it will be necessary that certain
general rules should be made to regulate the transit of
the carriages of other Companies on the roads not be-
longing to them ; for we should not deem it advisable
that subsequently-established Companies should be
quite left to depend on the tender mercies, or liberal
feelings of those whose line of road they may be com-
elled to join. The foregoing remarks are chiefly called
forth by the meeting of the proprietors and shareowners
in the London and Southampton railway on Friday
last. Whatever may have been our opinion during
the contest which was carried on last Session by this
Company and that of the Western Railway to Bris-
tol—however much more desirable it might then have
appeared to us that the railway should have been made
on the proposed line of road to Reading, instead of
Basingstoke, we can now have no hesitation in saying
that, as the Southampton Company have succeeded in
convincing Parliament (and, we must assume, properly,
particularly after the inveterate opposition which they
experienced) that the road by the way of Basingstoke was
practicable, no other line to Bristol or to any place south
of it, out of the metropolis, should be granted. By thus
compelling the Bristol Company to join at Basingstoke
there will be 46 miles ready made for them, and the
expense of this distance, and the destruction to private
property over nearly the same distance, will be saved ;
and by Basingstoke to Bristol, the line, we understand,
will be as short as by any other line which has been
projected, or, at any rate, not more than four or five
miles longer. The claim of the Bristol Company to
secure to itself a distinct and complete line of road the
whole way appears to us untenable. The accident of
another Company having secured the first 46 miles of
this road, is one to which we think they must submit ;
for we would ask, if Bristol can claim their separate
road the whole way, may not every other large city or
town do the same ? Is it not also a claim quite con-
trary to the practice of the country with respect to
turnpike roads, which stand on precisely the same foot-
ing ? Hitherto trusts have been contented to take
portions of roads. Is not the road from London to
York broken into numerous distinct trusts, and joined
by as many more, totally distinct in their interests, in
the course of its progress ? And such it appears to
us must be the case with respect to railroads. In
making the above observations we would merely add,
that as to the respective merits of either of these Com-
panies we know nothing ; as to their being likely to
pay the proprietors we know as little ; but as we per-
ceive, by advertisements in the papers, that the Bristol
Company intend to apply again, in the next Session,
for a distinct line, we consider it our duty to call the
attention of Members of the Legislature and of the
country in general, to this subject, which is daily be-
coming one of the greatest importance.—Morning
Herald.

We should have thought after what has occurred
that when Lord Grey's friend and Baronet, Sir John
Key, with a very laudable degree of fortitude deter-
mined upon retaining his Aldermanic gown, to the
glory and honour of the city of London, because
he could not legally be deprived of it, he also
might 'have made up his mind to avoid the commission
of any acts in his Magisterial capacity likely to attract
public notice. The less Sir John Key is heard of
the better for himself and for those great personages in
whose affection and esteem he once rejoiced. That
Mr. Haydon, the painter, felt this when he painted
that splendid thousand pounds' worth of portraits,
of decanters, hock-glasses, and dessert-plates, which
about this period no doubt, graces one of the
darkest cellars of Howick, is most certain ; for al-
though Sir John Key is the hero of that beautiful
work of art, his name was most carefully omitted
in the illustrative catalogue, which did almost as much
credit to Mr. Haydon's pen as the work it professed
to describe does to his pencil. We suspect the omis-
sion of the Right Honourable Baronet's name in this
work was made at the suggestion of his greatest friend.
No matter ; we merely mention the fact in order to
show that even those most interested in his welfare are
anxious that the name of Sir John Key should be as
little and as seldom obtruded upon public notice as
possible. It appears, however, that this person, less
cautious and considerate himself than those are who
pity the unfortunate position in which the virtuous
reformer has placed himself, has chosen to decide
that the infidel Carlile has a right to congregate
crowds round his sedition and blasphemy ware-
house, by hanging out of one of his windows the
effigies of a Bishop in his robes, labelled " spi-
ritual broker," and out of another window the figure
of a layman, labelled " temporal broker," the front
drawing-room windows of his house being left open,
and the room empty, as if the furniture of the apart-
ment had been seized for church rates, which is not the
case. This inflammatory and disgraceful exhibition,
which creates vast crowds, and produces a great public
nuisance, Sir John Key, Baronet has declared from
the judgment-seat of the city to be perfectly justifiable.
He has refused redress to the neighbours, who are in
consequence obliged to keep their shops shut ; while
the passengers, at least those who can pass, are sub-
jected to the inconveniences of a mob, and the search-
c '
surveillance of the pickpockets. If Sir John Key
had kept himself in the more suitable shades of retire-
ment, he would have gone down to posterity as the
friend of Lord Grey. His new attempt at mob-popu-
larity has made his state somewhat " less gracious,"
and he will be celebrated henceforth as the patron of
Mr. Richard Carlile. As Dryden has it :
" Moon, step behind some cloud; some tempest rise,
And blow out all the stars that light the skies,
To shroud his shame." [Morning Post.]
The Irish impostor, finding he could make nothing
of Lord Duncannon, has quitted the premises of the
noble Viscount, and now knocks at Lord Durham's
door. Like all mendicants, he begins to every one
with the same story. A dose of flattery is first admi-
nistered, next comes the petition for alms, but on the
gentleman refusing to give anything "to street beg-
gars, the visit ends with outrageous abuse, and the
fellow scuds away to some other fishing-ground. So
was it with the present Secretary for the Home
Department—so is it with the ex-Lord Privy Seal.
O'Connell commenced with beslavering Lord Dun-
cannon, and finished by calling him names. He moves
off to Lord Durham, who, he is aware, can do
nothing for him ; and if he could, we hope would un-
derstand better his own and the public interest. But
what matters that ? Should the noble Earl disdain to
hear him, he has only to cry loud enough, and there
are plenty who will ; so when his attempt in that quar-
ter miscarries, and every thing else fails, Lord Durham
will do for a peg to hang a curse upon, as well as if he
were Prime Minister. We shall not clog our columns
with the voluminous rubbish of the agitator's address
to Lord Durham. But the first paragraph—the air of
taw - adulation which breathes through it—the
-s of its string of interrogato-
he Premiership with which it
lot overpower the nerves of the
tast afford him some amusement.
tat especial paragraph, and one
Id adventurer first assures Lord

EFFECTS OY THE LATE GALES.

" My Lord,—Do you understand the value and the im-
portance of the position in which you are placed ? Do you
appreciate the station you hold in public estimation ? Are
you aware that all those who desire and are determined' o ob-
tain the abolition of all public abuses, the alleviation of all
public burdens, the redress of all real and substantial griev-
ances, the perfect freedom of conscience from pecuniary as
well as legal fetters, the bringing home to every man's door
cheap and expeditious justice—in fine, the amelioration of
all public institutions ?—all those who desire to see this
great empire become the example as well as the arbiter of
the world—all, in short, who prefer to self-interest or to
party the liberty and prosperity of the British and Irish
people, look to you as the honest, uncompromising, and
fearless statesman, who is the most fit, if not the only per-
son fit, to hold the first place in rank and in power in the
councils of your Sovereign, in order to ensure the strength
and safety of his throne and the happiness of the people.
"As to Ireland, my Lord—l can answer to you for
Ireland. She has but few benefactors, and you are of
them. We remember with heartfelt, gratitude that when
some of the Irish Peers betrayed, and the rest openly as-
sailed us, you stood atone in your opposition to the vilo
Coercion Bill, even at the time when the Cabinet, of which
your father-in-law was at the head, appeared unanimous in
its support. This is not only an earnest, but a proof that
you would, if you were in power, govern Ireland on pre-
cisely the same constitutional principles upon which you
would govern Great Britain.
" My Lord, the popular party in Ireland requires from
you no more. They will not, and they ought not to be
satisfied with less from any man."
These compliments past, he proceeds to business,
and a sad mess he makes of it. How to get himself
out of the scrape of bringing about this approximation
between an English nobleman and the " people of Ire-
land" without making a Repealer of the Noble Lord,
or agreeing that the " people of Ireland" shall give up
repeal altogether, is greatly perplexing to the learned
match-maker : so he flounders through this question
as fast as he can, and mounts the old grievance of
Whig oppression towards Ireland. The chief source
from which he draws his illustrations of this grievance
is the Reform Bill, and its less popular structure in
Ireland than here, a topic which he minces into an
hundred subdivisions. Now if any impartial judge
were to come from a distant quarter of the earth
untainted by party fury, and. able to pierce at
once through that cloud of mystification and false-
hood by which all political facts and characters in
Ireland are distorted out of their natural shape, we
should like to hear the opinion of such a person, as
to which side—viz., that of democracy or the reverse
—the Irish Reform Bill was upon. The abolition of
the forty-shilling freeholds in that country, a freehold
to which the unfortunate peasantry were indebted for
three-fourths of their demoralization and ruin, formed
part of the Bill for Catholic emancipation. It had
nothing to do with the Reform Bill, and yet O'Con-
nell charges the non-restoration of that barbarous evil
as a crime in the framers of the Bill for reforming Par-
liament 1 Is not the interest of the agitation party
strong enough already ? Have not the mob poisoners
a sufficient number of victims ? He complains that
there is in Ireland a smaller proportion of electors as
compared with the whole body of the people than in
this country. The reason is because in Ireland there is,
relatively to England, a much smaller town popula-
tion ; and, moreover, that in England a far greater
portion of the inhabitants are fitted for the exercise of
a political, or any other trust, than in Ireland, as well
by property as by personal qualifications. But the
grand offence of all is, that Scotland, by the Reform
Bill, has obtained an increase of eight Members of
Parliament, and Wales of four ; whereas Ireland has
only had five more than she returned prior to the Re-
form Bill. But what miserable sophistry is this ? At
whose expense did Scotland obtain her eight Members,
and Wales her four—ay, and Ireland her five ? Why,
at the expense of England. O'Connell is for ever
assuming and insisting on the natural and indefeasible
distinctness of Ireland from Great Britain. He argues
for ever as if common laws and an incorporating union
were nothing—that the " united kingdom" was all a
fiction—the united church a fiction. He never fails
to speak of Great Britain as one integral
whole, or of England as one integral whole, and
of Ireland as another, having separate rights and
contrasted interests ; but he chooses to blind himself,
or hopes to blind his readers, to the ridicule which
this standing anti-British theory throws upon his
argument against the Irish Reform Bill. If Ireland
(as a whole) has gained only five members by that bill,
how many has Great Britain (as a whole) obtained
by it ? None. Not one. Great Britain has lost the
five members whom. Ireland has gained. Once more,
if the acquisition of five new members be an " insult,"
as O'Connell declares it is, to Ireland, how deep and
mortifying must be the degradation which England
suffers ; for instead of deriving an increase of her re-
presentatives from the Reform Bill, England has
actually lost 17 of her former complement I the House
of Commons, as a body, being just as numerous as
before ; and England being the only loser. It is easy
to declaim and make a noise, and move the bad
passions of men, by misrepresentations, however im-
pudent and senseless ; but it is the worst of the human
species who employ such means for purposes ex-
clusively selfish.—Times.
In another part of this day's paper will be found a
letter from the editor of the Edinburgh Review, Mr.
Macvey Napier, in reply to that of Lord Durham,
which we published a few days ago, in answer to an
article which appeared in that publication. The answer
of the Editor is in every respect worthy of him. He
does not, of course, reveal the name of the writer
the article complained of by Lord Durham, and for the
special reasons that not being addressed upon the sub-
ject, he was not called upon to do so, and because if
special confidence was placed in him, it was his bounden
duty, as a man of honour, not to divulge it. Lord Dur-
ham may now, if he think fit, challenge the editor of the
Edinburgh Review, and prove at the mouth of the pistol
whether the statements in that publication be or be not
correct ; but assuredly he has no right to complain that
he has not received an answer from the quarter from
which it ought to have come. Lord Durham has, in
fact, gone somewhat too far, as well as too short of
what became him upon the occasion, and we regret the
circumstance, because we admire his principles, and
have admired his consistency ; but magis amica veri-
tas,—it is not denied that he proposed, as Chairman
of the Sub-Committee, the 201. franchise instead of
the 101., which was ultimately carried, and that, too,
after many years, as one might reasonably imagine, of
serious and careful consideration of what an efficient
Reform Act ought to be. We find no fault with his
Lordship on this subject, for it required a very care-
ful inquiry to discover to what extent the 201. fran-
chise would liberalize the constituency of the coun-
try ; but we must say, with the Editor of the Edin-
burgh Review, that it is too bad of his Lord-
ship to complain of other people having been guilty
of divulging Cabinet secrets, while he only was
the first divulger of them i If the Editor of the Edin-
burgh Review prove anything, he proves unquestion-
ably that Lord Durham gave nearly all the information
in point of fact, of which he has so loudly complained,
and that the breach of confidence of which he com-
plains is quite as chargeable to him as to the par y
(Lord Brougham) whom he accuses of having broketi
Cabinet bulk. Mr. Napier's letter will, however, call
for further explanation on the part of Lord Durham,
and we wait patiently for it. In the meantime we have
every reason to believe that more than one base in-
triguer has been at work to destroy the confidence and
co-operation which we have every reason to believe
would, but for the intrigue, half Tory, half Whig, have
existed between Lord Durham and Lord Brougham.--
Morning Advertiser.

DECLARATION OF THE CHAMBER OF

COMMERCE OF BORDEAUX•

E A RTHQUAKE.—Angostura, June 10th.—The
town of San Marino has just been visited by an awful cala-
mity. On the 30th of May last a volcano broke out among
the mountains of the Caraccas, its irruption being preceded by
an earthquake which has destroyed one half of the town, and
so damaged the other, as to render it uninhabitable. No fewer
than forty-five shocks were felt, but the first one or two being
comparatively slight, the towns-people were thus warned of
what was preparing, and had time to make their escape to the
forests which cover the heights around the town, before the
more violent and destructive concussions took place. Owing
to the warning thus providentially received by the inhabit-
ants, the loss of life has not been so great as it would
otherwise have been. The miseries and privations endured
in the neighbouring forests by the houseless fugitives from the
town are said to have been dreadful.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTORER 28, 1834

Very disastrous aavices were received, at Lloyd's
yesterday, respecting the damage sustained by the
shipping, in consequence of the recent boisterous
weather, and we regret to say that a fearful record of
loss of life and property was received at that establish-
ment. The Ann Gales, Clapham, from London to
St. Petersburg, was wrecked near the Texel; the crew
and passengers saved. The Tasmania, Mannell, from
St. Petersburg to London, was stranded near Calend-
soog, and the master drowned ; the cargo was saved.
The Success, of Shields, bound to London, was
abandoned near the North Foreland, being in a sink-
ing state. The Dahlia, Taylor, from Rio Janiero to
Hamburg, was on sl:c :c near Egmond, on the 21st
inst.; crew saved. The Marco Bozzaris, Adrian, from
Batavia, was on shore on the Trendual, on the 21st
inst., but expected to be got off.
The Standard, Leiste, bound to Stockholm, was on
shore at the Texel ; crew saved. The James, Lind-
say, bound to St. Petersburg, was wrecked at Born.
holm. Tie Union, Gallaway, from Newcastle, bound
to Harlingen, put into Ramsgate with cargo shifted ;
loss of bulwarks, &c. The Goodwill, Langland, from
Sunderland to Dordrecht, vitas stranded at Gandvoorst,
eh' the 18th inst. ; crew sawed. The Rolla, B wan,
from Baltimore to Amsterdam, was stranded at Wyk-
on-Zee, on the 18th ; crew saved. The Anna Catha-
rine, Koster, from St. Übes to Stockholm, was lost at
the Helder on the 20th, stz.nd only one of the crew
saved. The Mary Ann, Ward, from Gainsborough to
London was run down on Saturday evening in Seareach,
by the Eliza Jane, bound to the Cape of Good Hope.
The Charlotte, Kinedson, from Wyburg, bound to
Cette, has put into Harwich, -very leaky, much strained,
with loss of windlass, &c., and must discharge. The
Hope, Isabel, from Cork, hags arrived at Fowey, with
loss of foremast, &c., and must discharge part of her
cargo. The Adelaide, Wilson, for Newport, has put
into Flushing, leaky, bound to Lynn. The Carel
Wilhelm, Mackenwood, from Griefswold, has put
into Helvoet, leaky, bound to Lisbon. The Betsey,
Hunter, from Lynn to Leith, was totally wrecked near
Alfoord, on the 25th inst., and only one of the crew
saved. The Henrietta, Hoonstiff, from Caen to
Tonsberg, was stranded at Bergen (North Holland),
on the 17th instant. The Molly, Lassen, from Caen
to Arundahl, was stranded. at Vlieland, 17th inst. ;
crew saved. The Dolkfosten, Salvedon, from Havre
to Grimstadt, was stranded at Terschelling, 19th inst.;
crew saved. The Thomas, Lindeguard, from Medem-
black, was carried into Harlingen, with loss of masts,
bound to England. The Solon, Hillary, from Laguna,
put into Cuxhaven, in a damaged state, after being on
shore, bound to St. Petersburg. The Industry, Mil-
som, from Caen to Tonsberg, was lost at Petten on
the 18th inst. ; crew saved. The Einighiden, Bish-
olm, from Amsterdam to St. Übes, was stranded the
18th inst., at Petten, and it was feared would be to-
tally lost; the crew drowned. The Susanna, Ipsen,
from Bordeaux to Altona, was stranded at Scheven-
ingen, on the 18th instant. The Fortuna, Ze-
phen, from Bordeaux_ to St. Petersburg, was lost
at Wyk-on-Zee, on the 19th instant ; crew
saved. The Guardian, Flatten, from Sunderland to
Rotterdam, was stranded near Catwyk, on the 18th
inst. The Surinamesche Vriend, Lange, from Suri-
nam to Amsterdam, was totally lost near Catwyk, on
the 18th inst. The Shamrock, Crossman, from Hull
to Berwick, was on shore on Grimsby Flats, on the
25th instant, with loss of anchors and cables. The
Providence of Ipswich, the Bess of Colchester, and
the Hawk of Sunderland, were on shore on the Spurn
on the 25th inst., with loss of anchors and cables.
The Four Woodmen, Potts, from Newcastle to Dor-
drecht, was totally lost on the Banjar, on the 18th ;
crew saved. The XL. Lowther, from Sunderland to
Schiedam, was wrecked near West Cassel. The Marie
Sophie, from Cette to Copenhagen ; the Maltas, Fors-
ter, from Sunderland to Shoreham ; the Gustav, Ans-
trom, from St. Übes to Stockholm ; and the Albertus,
Schultz, for St. Übes, were totally wrecked near
Calais. The Resolution, Hayhow, from Shields to
Wells, was driven on shore near Waterford, on
Friday. The Goningen, Welwart, Luiges, from Liver-
pool to Harlingen, was on shore near Petten, on the
21st inst. ; and the Humility, Adamson, from Lon-
don, has put into Ramsgate with the cargo damaged,
and part thrown overboard, bound to Selby.
Extract of a letter, dated Harwich, Oct. 26 :
" Late last evening the Scotia, steamer, Captain
Bouch, arrived from Rotterdam, for Hull, short of
coals, having been obliged to resort to the vessel's
yards, bulkheads, and part of the cargo (bark) for
fuel. This morning the William the Fourth, Knocker,
left for Hull. Wind N.N.E., fresh breeze. The
Ann and Jane, with the Scotia, remain."
The Netherlands' Steam Company's packet the
Batavier, which left Rotterdam for London on Tues-
day, was compelled, by the severity of the gales, after
having approached, as it was reported, within 10 miles
of the North Foreland, to put back to Helvoetsluytz,
and got in on Thursday. Some accident having oc-
curred to some part of the machinery of the Batavier,
she was under the necessity of returning to Rotterdam,
but unfortunately took the ground in the river, and
had not succeeded in getting off at the date of the last
advices.
A letter received yesterday morning at the office of
the General Steam Navigation Company for their
agent at Calais, states that a Swedish schooner and
an English collier were on shore on the French coast.
Both vessels were totally lost, but the crews were saved,
with the exception of three Swedes, who were unfor
tunately drowned.
0

DECLARATION OF THE COMMERCIAL BODY
OF BORDEAUX, DATED OCT. 20, 1834.
The following is a summary of this important do-
cument :
" The undersigned merchants composing the free
Committee of the Commerce of Bordeaux, think it
their duty to lay before their fellow-citizens the fol-
lowing declaration, which is a summary of their prin-
ciples, their projects, and their hopes :
" A project of law upon customs, based upon the
most absolute doctrines of the protective system, was
presented to the legislative Chambers last session.
This law, which affected to lay down the principle
even of restrictive abuses, as the eternal foundation of
the system of economy, proclaimed thereby, would have
obtained, in the elective Chamber, a majority which
was already designated by the choice of the members
of the committee, and its report. Nevertheless, this
law fell to the ground before its own absolutism—it
died before coming to maturity, having been stricken by
a kind of instinctive and national disapprobation, which
had been awakened by the commercial remonstrances
of which the petitioners of the Gironde had given
the signal. Not only so, but the powerful men who
had suggested the principal provisions of this project of
law, although still in posseesion of all their means of
action, and Government influence, had not the courage
to make use of it to dictate the terms of a second pro-
ject drawn up in the same spirit as that of the first.
Thus the Minister of Commerce remained in a state of
hesitation, without any avowed system ; and he mani-
fested the intention of consulting the country, in order
that he might afterwards decide, from the facts he
might ascertain by this investigation, as to what sys-
tem it would be advisable henceforth to adopt as to
commercial legislation.
" This inquiry is in itself nothing but an eminently
barren proceeding, if the immediate effect thereof alone
be taken into consideration. But,as a symptom of dis-
organization and of debility in the restrictive system,
which hitherto had triumphed constantly and immea-
surably, it may afford some hope to the friends of social
progress and commercial freedom.
" We think it right to point public attention to this
double character of the investigation now set on foot by
M. Duchatel, before the superior Council of Commerce.
" This inquiry is, of itself, vain and barren. Its
only effect will be to accumulate exceptional and hos-
tile facts presented with a view to conflicting interests,
and which, as they arise from a system of privilege,
will claim a continuation of that privilege, as an inte-
gral part of those interests that have been created
thereby. Such an inquest will not throw light upon
facts—it will render them obscure.

" The interests that have proceeded from commer-
cial liberty are expiring ; the restrictive system stifles

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