The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-19 00:00:00

BANK OF FRANCE.

The following is a return of the situation of the Bank
cf France on Nov. 15:—

Cash in hand ...

ASSETS.

f. 487,806,673 82
112,869,328 0
169,811 55

Ditto in branch banks
Bills past due ••• ••• •••
Bills discounted, but not yet due, of
which 13,006,398 t. Oc. were received
from the Brunch Banks ▪
37,063,271 31
Bills in the branch banks 62,110,036 0
Advances on coins and ingots... ... 293,800 0
Ditto by the branch banks '2,022,200 0
Ditto on French public securities ... 7,757,026 10
Ditto by branch banks... •
2,751,796 0
Ditto to the State on Bons du Tr6sor... 50,000,000 0
Oitto on the loan of 75 millions ... 50,000,000 0
Rentes of the reserve fund 10,000,000 0
Rentes, disposable funds •
42,677,621 28
Investments of the new branch banksin
the public funds ... 12,952,725 74
Hotel and furniture of the Bank 4,000,000 0
Real property of the branch banks ... 3,560,746 0
Interest in National Discount Bank ... 200,000 0
Ditto branch banks 108,000 0
Expenses of administration of the Back 413,793 79
Ditto at the branches 425,157 0
Miscellaneous ... 826,477 26

f. 888,011,263 85
LIABILITIES.

Capital ... ... . . ...
... f. 67,900,000 0
Ditto of the Branch Banks ... ... 23,350,000 0
Reserve fund ... ... ...
...
.. . 21:69801:37
050 14
10,000,000 0
...
Ditto of the branch banks .
Reserve-immobißre ... ...
... 4,000,000 0
Notes to bearer, in circulation .:: 42 9 0 0
..
Ditto of the branch banks ••• ... 123,530,775 0
c Dittoeoutnot
-ocrudrerre
n(
tp (post-bills)
creditor 54 709,736 7,363,23845 42
A
b Treasuryills)
Various accounts current ... ... 117,755,958 99
Ditto in branches ... ... ... 32,496,915 0
Bills payable at sight ... ... ... 11,710,000 0
Ditto at branches ... ... ... 4,587,007 0
Dividends payable 401,890 25
Liquidation of the Algiers Bank ... 6,790 0
Expenses anticipated ..• ... ... 261,535 18
Discounts, interest, and expenses ... 2,534,730 72
Ditto of branch banks ... ... 1,282,000 0
Re-discounts of the last six months ... 96,733 70
Ditto in branch banks ... ... ... 227,245 0
Interest on protested bills ... ... 650,099 28
Miscellaneous ... ... ... ... 422,562 72

£988,01.1,263 S 5
Certified by the Governor of the Bank,
D'AnaoiT.
It appears from the preceding account that the cash
in hand has decreased by 4,000,000 f. Tho commercial
bills discounted have decreased by 1,700,000 F. The Bank
notes in circulation have decreased by 100,000 f. The
balance to the credit of the Treasury has decreased by
3,600,000 f. The sundry credits hare decreased by
1,600,000 f.

Mary Hart
T u Tavern,r
Turpin,
n
THE LATE MURDER AND SUICIDE I.2\'
to inquire
TOTTENHAM-COURT-ROAD.
Yesterday evening a jury was e.mpansnaeltluerddbayefore
oou lriti-treo a d
Windmill-street,
n.
drni Wadley,-str
ianotriiiitlhdeacgierdcum twostanincoens
tohfs,thwehdoesivtahs ofo n
M.P.,ottaetnhtahme-
lV
af-
ternoon murdered by its mother, Sarah Turpin, who
it will be recollected afterwards committed suicide.
Mrs. Ann Macarthy, 5, White Hart-court, Wind-
mill-street, deposed that the deceased's mother had
occupied part of her room since the sth instant. She
described herself as having
_been a chambermaid and
nursemaid out of place. Her conduct towards the
child had al ways been tender and maternal. On Satur-
day morning witness went out to work at eight o'clock,
leaving the deceased and her mother alive in the room.
On her return at five o'clock she was horrified at finding
the child lying on its left side on the hearth quite dead,
with its throat dreadfully cut, and a razor belonging
to her husband lying by its side stained with blood.
When the police-constable arrived he sent for a sur-
geon, who pronounced the child to have been dead
some time. The mother had told her she was un-
married, but further than this she knew nothing of
her private affairs.
Mr. W. G. WTildbore, of 2, Charlotte-street, Fitz-
roy-square, said he was called in at ten minutes past

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
DAILY NEWS.—It is an undoubted and un-
pleasant fact, that the more bigotted section of Roman
Catholics—that which is under the political as well
as religious direction of the priesthood—has taken,
and is taking, a very active part against Kossuth. The
efforts of the sacerdotal party in Ireland to get up a
cry against him have been prodigious. That
their efforts have failed in England and in
Ireland, we need no better proof than the
large and enthusiastic crowds of Irish who
joined their brother Englishmen at Manchester in wel-
come of, and in acclamation for, the great Magyar.
We shall see whether the priestly efforts will meet
with more success in America, whither Kossuth is
about to sail, and where
.he has been preceded by
active enemies, who have circulated a myriad calum-
nies against him, and represented him as the first
champion of that great liberal league, which, it
seems, is menacing the Popedom. It is not Kos-
suth's fault that the Church of Rome, or at least
its Cardinalate government, is bound up with
all that is absolutist -and tyrannical in Italy, and
that the arms of Italian liberals, to be politically
free, are as necessarily directed against the spiritual
as against the temporal supremacy of the Roman
Pontiff. Such fear has this given, and so much has
the political conduct of the Roman Government
disgusted Italians, that even the devout amongst
them are inclined to seek religion at some other
source than the corrupt and fetid well of the
Vatican. And there is every prospect that
the first uprisng in that country will be the epoch
of a religious Reformation as well as of
a political revolution. In such a move, the people of
Italy will find a sufficient number of their clergy to
go with them. For, since the high priesthood of
Roman Catholicism has universally identified itself
with Austria, every interest and every sentiment
that is Italian revolts and conspires against it. No
wonder, then, that Kossuth looks to Italy as the
right wing of the anti-Austrian army, and to
Mazzini as one of the leaders of that great army.
And no wonder that Kossuth himself is de-
nounced by the Austrian and Roman prelatic
party, who have planted their batteries against
the cause of political and religious freedom over the
world, on the soil and under the protecting laws of this
Protestant country. Much as one dislikes the Pope's
spiritual sway, one regrets that the celestial wisdom
which he lays claim to in such matters should not in-
spire his Holiness with some degree of humanity and
wisdom in his temporal government. Unfortunately
and undeniably his rule is the most tyrannical, and the
most foolish, the most oppressive, the most prodigal,
the most degrading to human freedom and the hu-
man mind, that ever was invented; and that the
Government of Naples is equally foolish, equally
treacherous, equally inimical to all that is worthy and
dignified in man, is, above all things, owing to its
vicinity and affinity to Rome, Central and South
Italy groan under a yoke. That the temporal so-
vereignty, therefore, of the Roman priesthood
and Pontiff should be overthrown, must be
the ardent desire [of every man, and, above all,
of the liberal Catholic himself, who desires to
see his religion cleansed of the stain of being a tem-
poral incubus and infliction on the fairest portion of
Europe. There are liberals who desire to see this
revolution effected, as landscapes are depicted in
rose colour, and in order to ensure this they would
have no one lay hand to it who did not first declare
himself a loyal and constitutional monarchist, and
who should not forswear all such terms as republic,
as democracy, as the solidarity—that is, the mutual
sympathy and alliance of every European people.
Unfortunately for those who stickle for this
amicable scheme of kid-gloved rebellion, it was given
full trial in 1848, when the people and popular
effort in the north and centre of Italy were sup-
pressed, and when the great task of defending or
of winning the national independence was committed
to the Piedmontese King and to the Lombard aris-
tocracy. They tried their hand, and we may safely
assert they will never be permitted by either side to
make trial again. The next Italian movement must
be a decidedly and radically popular one ; and, how-
ever its character in this respect may be, or not be,
to be regretted, such at all events it must be. An
insurrection, however, made by the popular masses,
and in the name of a republic, does not always ter-
minate in a republic. And whether this is to be so
or not, there is now no fit rallying word to lead and
animate an army against the mercenaries of Naples
and of the Pope, save a word denying and annihilat-
ing the monarchic rights of Bourbon and of Pontiff.
There is no middle political class left in Italy ; no
bourgeoisie, like that of Paris or Berlin. There is no
longer a juste-milieu constitutionalist left. All that
Ferdinand and Cardinal Antonelli have not incarce-
rated of that moderate spirit and class have disap-
peared from the land, and what remains can march
under no moderate or political banner. Besides, the
events and dissensions of Europe have thrown strange
doubts on the meaning of words. France is the great
forger of political vocabularies ; and in France the
word moderate means retrograde. Every shade of
political party in France, save the thorough democrats,
the Reds, as they are called, have shown themselves
hostile to the struggles of both Italians and Hunga-
rians for their freedom. How is it possible that
Italian and Hungarian patriots should not be influ-
enced by such a spectacle ? How can they, were
they ever so monarchic and constitutional themselves,
not turn with a greater degree of sympathy to the
reds, who sympathise with liberty abroad, than to
the resactionists, or than even to the Cavaignacs and
Duteous, who have joined in crushing foreign
liberty ? All these things ought to be taken into ac-
count when we come to pass judgment upon Kossuth ;
and when we see him accept, for the redemption of his
country, these alliances which offer, let us not be too
hasty to blame him or condemn them, because the
force of circumstances and the conduct of parties and
of governments drive them into paths which, whether
rightly chosen or not, are the only ones remaining
open.
TWES.—In the controversy provoked by the arrival
of Louis Kossuth in this country we have been accused
of deriving our opinions from the corrupting influence of
foreign Powers, rather than from the imperial exercise
of a disinterested judgment. It is not, as the reader will
easily imagine, from any motives of personal concern
that we advert to so preposterous an imputation. Wo
shall not trouble the English public with any assurance
that the Timer is not in the pay of any continental ca-
binet. We shall not refer to our manifest position in
proof of our absolute independence. We shall not point
to the attitude we assume towards our own Government
in evidence of the relations we may be presumed to
maintain with Governments incomparably less powerful
to retaliate or reward. We shall not even allude to the
glaring absurdity of the charge itself, or explain how
improbable it is that interests which, even materially
speaking, are amongst the largest of the commercial
world, could be put in peril at the instance of Princes
who in the same breath which ascribes to them this
costly purchase are stigmatized as utterly pennyless, and
without credit enough to warrant the venture of a six-
pence on their bankrupt bonds. Wo dispense
with any and all of these obvious re-
marks for the very simple reason that they
would be totally superfluous. There is not a speaker or
writer in the kingdom entitled to attention who
over attached the smallest credit to such insinuations as
those described. It is not on our own behalf, but on
that of English journalism, that we now speak, and we
must express our sincere regret that imputations like
these could have been reckoned amongst the available
weapons of political controversy in the present day.
The contemporary publication which gave utterance and
currency to the charge must not only have been per-
fectly impressed with its particular falsity, but must
have known that transactions like those insinuated had
no place whatever in the dealings of the metropolitan
press. We make no distinction in this respect between
high and low, great or small, Conservative or Liberal.
Our contemporary, whatever may be its own relative
deficiencies in capacity or success, does nevertheless
constitute a member of the professional commonwealth,
nor is there any place in the system so insignificant as
sot to give an insight into the policy and character of
the whole, With this insight it is impossible to believe,
not only that we, but that any metropolitan journal,
could be bribed by a foreign Court into the receipt and
adoption of opinions dictated from abroad. There is
no organ of public opinion in England, with influence
enough to make it worth a purchase, a hich is purchas-
able by any emissary of any Court in Europe. Of
ourselves, or of the particular imputation in
question, we do not condescend to speak. We
speak for the profession at large,and most
ill-judged do we conceive it when a member of this
profession does not scruple to scandalize the
whole calling for the gratification of a momentary spite.
We speak with no presumption when wesay that could
the Times be convicted of accepting a bribe, the entire
press would lose far more by its own implied debasment
than it could gain by the destruction of our ascendancy.

Few characters would stand after ours had gone. It can
never be to the interest, any more than to the credit, of
a journal to utter imputations by which journalism would
be disparaged. Different opinions
suchinio will of course find
ttimes,nwttollrgnaantus,raalnlyd arumneng high;advocates discord, at
but there can be no ex-
cuse for bandying charges which, though notoriously
huennfocuensdoemd,e ahrirs7.o,srsieanntniatlnlyivdnitszcrteeditable.
a ion might eieor cenfromturies
area in the middle of
inuendos to which we allude, that
had n
suchwedding -
the 19th century that press
en
ton
derful strides towards perf , madeandwu
e such prodigious power was nevertheless
able to the same means of corruption as ansnligehn;
have been employed by Walpole or Pelham. Never
could an inference be more false. Newspapers are ex-
posed, of course, to error and are liable to bias, for
even
an aggregate of editors is but an aggregate of
humanity. False or defective information, constitutional
leanings, or professional associations may lead to pre-
possession or prejudice and give the mind a warp from
tho true judicial level. We claim nothing more for
editors than for ordinary men, but to insinuate that
the opinions of any influential journals are actually
shaped by the bribes of a foreign purchaser is as pre-
posterous as to attribute to a like agency the decisions
of a Minister of the Crown. There is nothing in which
the social welfare of this country is more intimately
concerned than in the character and position of the press.
Not only are political parties dissolved, and political
traditions obliterated, but even the " liberal professions"
of former days are breaking up around us, and it is im-
possible to conjecture who in ten years time may be
barristers or soldiers, consuls or diplomats, electors or
representatives, statesmen or ministers. There is but
one power on the increase in the country, and that is
the power of public opinion. There is but one pro.
fession which will certainly be stronger in 1860 than
in 1851, and that is the profession of a journalist.
Every year a larger and larger portion of the population
becomes agape for that peculiar knowledge which is
practically power, and every year the distributors of that
knowledge must grow both in influence and esteem.
Already the journals of this country discuss public mea-
sures with a talent which is borrowed (and often but
imperfectly) for more solemn deliberations, aed the du-
ties of a minister are considerably relieved by the lumi-
nous exposition which every question receives before it
is formally submitted to legislative decision. The Go-
vernment of the British empire is influenced in a most
material degree by the metropolitan press. This may
or may not be an advantage; but it is certainly not
meant for a boast, and it is most incontestably a fact.
In proportion, therefore, as our powers and responsibili-
ties increase it is of the greatest importance that our
professional reputation should be maintained. The ad-
ministration of such authority should be above suspicion
no less than reproach, and it would be an act of incon-
ceivable folly to utter in the heats of professional rivalry
such scandals as must do more harm in the general recoil
than they could ever produce in the particular assault.
The press, by universal consent, has done much for the
tranquillity and progress of the nation, and it will in-
fallibly be summoned to do more. Whatever may be
our domestic differences, on most mighty questions we
have been found at ono. There were not two opinions
expressed when a moral earthquake shot from Paris to
Vienna, and when a mob on Kennington-common tried
to ape the destructiveness of a mob at the Tuileries.
There were not two opinions expressed when the good
sense of the country had placed these misguided people
at the mercy of the law. There will never, we trust,
be two opinions when the cause of order, of civilization,
of humanity, or of progaess, is really at stake. It is no
irresponsible power that we exercise. Our influence can
never be operative for harm, since it results only from
the harmony of our appeals with those instinctive senti-
ments of man's breast which always ultimately partake
more of reason than passion. We can only persuade by
candid explanation, and convince by logical proof; and if
our opinions carry weight, it is nut because they
are forcibly stated, but because they are plainly sup-
ported by reason which all, by education cr instinct, are
more or less competent to estimate. Our power is
nothing but the power of truth. As we approach to it
,we are strong; as we recede from it we are weak. No
popular influence can permanently establish a fallacy,
nor can any popular influence be long preserved by any
organ of opiuion in which fallacies are often mistaken
for truths. In this country a newspaper must either be
practically harmless or generally just, its power being
an infallible index of its integrity. The opinions which
please Englishmen for years together must necessarily
be founded on common sense and sound reason, nor could
any organ of dishonest sentiment retain sufficient in-
fluence to give them material currency. Great, there-
fore, as is this power, it is neither irresponsible nor un-
limited, though there is a moral certainty that it must
become greater still. There is no doubt about the stone
which as society advances will become the head of the
corner, and exactly in proportion to the magnitude of
these prospects should be lass solicitude of those before
whom they are displayed.
ADVERTISER.—Our controversy with the Times
has, at lrogth, assumed a tangible shape. The article :n
that journal of yesterday has brought the matters at
issue between us to a bearing. In this view we are
sure our readers will concur. We felt it was no ordinary
triumph to be assailed and abused by the Continental
journals, notoriously—almost, indeed, admitted by them-
selves—to bo in the pay of Austria; but we regard as a
greater triumph still, the article which we have extracted
irom the Times in its impression of yesterday. Never
did journal appear in a more humiliating attitude than
that in which the Times now stands before the English
public and the world. Who could have supposed that a
print, which had hitherto, with so high a hand, lorded it
over, nut only all its contemporaries, but the public also
—a journal which swaggered and " thundered" as it
it had occupied a position which even popular
opinion could not reach—who could have supposed
it possible, that such a journal should prostrate
itself in the lowest dust, as the Times did yesterday,
eating not only humble but the very humblest pie,
and appealing, like a convicted criminal on whom
sentence was about to be passed, to the pity of that
public whose feelings and opinions it had outraged
tor a series of years? What a change! What a descent!
What a lowering of touo on the part of a journal which
had hitherto habitually played the bully—which never
spoke in other terms than those of a pompous blusterer
and braggart. How are the mighty fallen! Behold
the Times on its knees—the very personification of a
self convicted delinquent, imploring pity and pardon.
To have brought down that journal from its high emi-
nence, and to make it as silent and subdued as a well-
caned mastiff, is something on which to look back with
satisfaction, and especially when wo have the proud
consciousness of knowing that " alone wo did it." No
one can read the Times' article of yesterday without
perceiving that our contemporary has the Morning Ad-
vertiser in his eye, in every sentence, from beginning to
end. The object of the article is to convince the public
that the Times has not been bribed to adopt the course it
has pursued with regard to Kossuth by any Continental
Cabinet. The mode in which that journal seeks to pro-
duce this conviction is certainly one which is strange
enough. It is by entering on an elaborate dissertation
to show that it would be very unwise, as
well as very undignified and dishonest, for any
journal to sell itself to a foreign Court. No
man was ever arraigned at the bar of a cri-
minal court, who was not ready, in his defence, with a
laboured attempt to convince the jury, that it would have
been very impolitic, as well as morally and legally
wrong, in him to have committed the crime of which he
was accused. But it is only when suspicion has fastened
upon him that he resorts to this mode of defence. Had
be known he would be detected, ho would not have
placed himself in a position to be punished by the law.
He speculated on escaping detection. It was in the be-
lief that his criminality would not be discovered, that be
was led to enter on his guilty course. Does the Times
moan to toll us, that if it had foreseen the consequences
of its conduct in reference to Kossuth, it would have
daily heaped all kinds of calumny on his devoted head?
If it had foreseen that its reputation would be irrepara-
bly damaged, and its circulation very seriously dimi-
nished, does any one suppose that it would have been so
liberal, every morning, of its atrocious slanders on a fo-
reigner who had just landed on our shores, throwing
himself on the generosity of a people whose glory it is
and ever has been, that they have never failed to syrn.
pathise with the victims of adversity—to afford art
asylum to the outcast—and to offer the hospitalities of
their hearts and their homes, to the suffering sons and
daughters of misfortune ? But amidst all the humility
which pervades the article of the Times, there is still
perceptible a dash of that effrontery, and that mendacious
disregard of the truth, which have been fur years the
great characteristics of that journal. "We speak," says
the Times," for the profession at large, and most ill-
judged do we conceive it when a member of the profes-
sion does not scruple to scandalise the whole calling
for the gratification of a momentary spite."
ease
.
gross aldhedemliboerniraig tle misrepresentationAdwertiscr,sofar forfo ms ca
the
factsiaTdhaiolsifsiitsnhgge the profession, by showing that the Times is under the
influence of the despotic Courts of the Continent, had no
other object in view, in the course it has adopted, than
to vindicate the character of the profession to which the
Morning Advertiser belongs. The conduct of the Times
had grievously compromised the character of that
profession, at home anti abroad. Right or wrorg,
there was not, and is not, one solitary individual
addicted to habits of reflection, iwho did not,
and does not feel, that the Times has for years been
the abject slave, the servile minion of Austria. On
what other principle can any ono account for
hasits
conduct? Who has not observed that that journal
prompt,
been invariably on the side of Austria—thed
the ever zealous, the ever thick-and-thiintha
Court of Vienna ? W all evervo cits
t en
ao
af t
et the
rn
in assailing Lord
ilet,ssdeoffesronittersyo,ppcoosme othfeoiririewtahirsedoarlun'oimdeds'aecuwdairne,hoerr
Majesty's
dominions dominions who would believe it—thatleled ferocity, it was n
Palmerston, as it did twoot
actingyears augnod,erwiAthussturciahnuinnpspairraul:
holding
t
t
and the bru-
tion?
helswiotrpldrewpaurledretnoetdveenyt,tuordedneinayl—ingth,
ado.es it ima-
gineth very model of moral
tuapl Itlloagygnearu ,0
it cold-bloodedhneohl
e women,
worth, it was not obeying commands which came from
Vienna? And now, that it had for weeks before the ar-
rival of Kossuth on our shores, and has daily since his ad-
vent among us, loaded the character of that illustrious man
with the foulest and meat, malignant calumnies—calum.

nies which, but for the generosity of Englte/me:, and
. he glorious reception Kossuth has met with, might well
are broken his heart—now that the Titres has acted
this dastardly and atrocious part towards the Hungarian
exile, does it for one moment imagine that any one
would believe it were it to fall down on its knees, and
protest that its slanders were not the result of Austrian
inspiration and ascendancy in Printing-house-square.
but simply the fruits of a conviction of what was right?
But we are not left to deal in vague generalities respect-
ing the connexion between the Court of Vienna and the
Times. We can point to facts which, in a court of law,
would be held as conclusive proof of that connexion. If
the limes be not the creature of Anstrie,—its organ and
advocate in this country, how does it happen, that only
ten or twelve days ago, it published several State papers,
in the vain hope of destroying the character of Kossuth,
which could not have been procured from any other
quarter save the Court of Vienna? Let the
Times grapple with and get over that " stubborn
fact," if it can. But were the Times the immaculate
journal it processes to be,—were it only influenced by
pure and disinterested motives, how comes it to pass,
that, in addition to its unceasing and savage attacks on
Kossuth, it studiously suppressed some of the greatest
demonstrations which were held in his favour? In its
impression yesterday, it hypocritically complains, that
no tickets were forwarded to it to report the proceedings
at the Hanover-square Rooms on Thursday, and repre•
sents this as a reason why no report of those proceed-
ings appeared in its columns. This surpasses, were that
possible, the previous audacity of that journal. Why
then did it not report the great Kossuth demonstration
made by the borough of Westminster? Why did it
ignore,
by also passing over in silence, the still greater,
nay, magnificent demonstration made by the men of
Marylebone? Why did it abstain from reporting the
great demonstration in Lambeth, and them less imposing
e Birmingham
demonstration in Finsbury? Why, we further eels,
did the Times dispose of, in six lines, the magnificent
reception which was accorded to Kossuth when he en-
teredwhich entire columns of any
on Monday week, a reception to
not hive done adequate 'and it went so far
posing demonstrations in ta.v9vfio'
Justice? There is but one an•
awes to all this: the 7- • '
as to suppress all notice of these im-
posing is the veriest slave of Austria,
eLtihreopfuleil:cojsosuutrhnt,olsi,ncooubeld.
right to charge us, which it
having preferred against it the accusation of being
obe-
dience to commands from
with the money of Austria. We
(1 The Times has no
drt:i.lay implication, with
shifng itsle
pseronflteigncaee,yt:romwhifiehrstwtionlaasdt, in ourit to point to a
retained for the
through which its services had henegiago das the means
On the contrary, so far from specifyi
Court of Austria, we distinctly stated, ther.e were
other ways than by the mere expenditure of the
ing medium, of purchasing the support of the
ecir7ehlat-
What those other melons are by which an undue influence"nes. may be exercised over our contemporary, it is not neces-
sary sary that we should specify. Were we called on to do so, might allude to one mode of influencing the Ti in:;
which, in its results, is just as corrupt as if money were
actually paid down. There are intimacies to be
rt
. lat ample
construction.
exposuresbr ibed
formed and kept up with foreign ambassadors, end
at foreign courts, in return for which the most servile
services may be expected, and, indeed, conventionally
exacted. But the Times represents us as being in-
fluenced in the course we have adopted, by " the grati-
fication of a momentary spite." We believe the uni-
form tone and tenor of the Morning Advertiser, will
furnish a sufficient reply to this unwarrantable insinua-
tion. Whatever may be the feelings of rivalry which
influence us, that rivalry is at least honourable and
generous. It is not the gratification of a momentary
spite, but respect for the great interests of truth, justice,
generosity, and humanity, which has influenced us in
me course we have pursued. We saw a deliberate at-
tempt—the most diabolical that was ever hatched out of
a place which shall be nameless—to assassinate the
character, dearer for to him than life, of a man who was
the child of misfortune. We saw the infamous object
pursued day after day, by means no less infamous than
the object itself. The sight awakened in our bosoms emo-
tions of burning indignation. We sought to shield the
character of Kossuth from the shafts of a joursal which
was prostituting all its powers to destroy him. We
turned on the assailant himself. We not only crushed the
slanders as they appeared every succeeding morning,
but we denounced the heartless slanderer. The success
with which we have laboured to tear the mask from off
the face of the Times, and to hold that journal up, in all
its hideousness, to the scorn and abhorrence of the world,
is best attested by the pitiable position in which it now
admits itself to be placed. We must enter our decided
individual protest against that portion of the Times ar-
ticle in which it says—" Wo speak with no presumption
when we say that, could the Times he convicted of ac-
cepting a bribe, the entire press would lose far more by
its own implied debasement than it could gain by the
destruction of our ascendancy." The Times has no
right to presume anything of the sort. And it does
" speak with presumption" when it assumes that the
other members of the metropolitan press would be
afftcted by its delinquencies. Because the services of
the Times conld be nought by Austria—assuming such
to be the case—it would be a monstrously illogical con-
clusion that every other metropolitan journal
had its price also. We repudiate, in terms
the most explicit, and with feelings of the
deepest indignation, this impertinent attempt of the
Times to reduce other journals to the same moral
level as itself. It is strange enough that when the Times
exhibits such extreme sensitiveness relative to what the
Morning Advertiser has Asia of it, and manifests, more-
over, so consuming an anxiety—it its own word may be
taken—to uphold the character of the metropolitan press,
it should itself, so wantonly, when it suits its purpose,
do its best to destroy the character of its contemporaries.
It was only the day after Kossuth's visit to the City
that the Times, in the plenitude of its zeal to do its
Austrian master's work, broadly charged Ihe Sun and
the Globe with having vamps(' up, for Continental cir-
culation, an exaggerated account, before the events oc-
curred, of the proceedings at Guildhall on that memorable
occasion. A mere grave accusation against the respec-
tability, the truthfulness, and the integrity of the news-
paper press, it would not be possible to make. And yet
the Times, utter deliberately preferring so damaging a
charge against our t No evening contemporaries, can now
whine and blubber like a soundly-whipped schoolboy,
when the integrity of its own doings is ques jelled.
Immediately on the back of this comes a ponderous
dissertation on the necessary connexion which ex-
ists between rectitude of conduct on the part of the
press, and moral influence over the public mind. The
Times has discovered that no journal can be powerful for
good or for evil which does not practically recognise
the claims of truthfulness, honesty, and justice. Why,
this is notoriously our " thunder." The Times has stolen
it from us. It has not only played the felon with our
ideas, but it has almost adopted our very phraseology.
Fur weeks past we have been expressing ourselves to
this effect. The Times, however, may, after all, in this
instance, be partially excused. In adopting this len-
guirge it ;speaks feelingly, because it speaks experimen-
tally. It knows from painful experience that a journal
loses all its power—aye, and a large portion of its circu-
lation to boot—when it sets at defiance the obligations
of truthfulness, justice, humanity, and generosity. Here
the 'I imes speaks what it knows and testifies what it
feels. Its testimony, theretore, is for once unimpeschable.
" lie best can paint them who has felt them most."
The Times now throws itself, culprit-like on the
mercy of the public. This is the way in which all
convicted criminals act. Those who have the least
mercy for others are tilways the first to cry piteously
for mercy to themselves. Had the Times any mercy
ou Kossuth? Mercy! We beg to recall the word.
Kossuth needed not the mercy of that journal. But had
it any pity for him, in the midst of his great and mani-
fold misfortunes? Had it any bowels of compassion for
an exile, whose accumulated personal griefs and sorrows
for his country were enough to have pressed down to
the earth a man of the strongest mind? None what-
ever. It had not even justice. It slandered and perse-
cuted Lim with a systematic perseverance, and a ferocity
of purpose, which have no parallel in the history of the
press. If the calumnies of the Times had been credited,
it its base slanders had been believed, every British
bosom would have been steeled, and every door shut,
against that glorious being. One of the most magnificent
specimens of Nature's moral workmanship would conse-
quently have been left to wander up and down our
streets unnoticed and unknown—au outcast from huma-
nity as well as an exile from his country—unless, in-
deed, the weight of his sorrows, aggravated by the neglect
of the English people, had consign, d him to a premature
grave. We have done our best to parry the vital thrusts
which the Times has made day atter day at Kossuth's
character. We have sought to throw our shield
assamore.ssin
Wine
ne
have Printing g
h/tit
°tuoske.isuciduleareinto
around him to protect him from the dagger of his moral
Waeflahmaeve
public
e
feeling in favour of the Hungarian patriot, and to fan
the flame when it had been kindled. On no part of a
public career, somewhat protracted, do we look back
with greater satisfaction than on the course we have
taken with regard to Kossuth and the Times. We be-
lieve we have done our work so effectually, that we shall
not be called on to do it anew; but should such
controversy
haanllecneod;
" sity arise, the public may be assured that
shrink from again undertaking the
wok. One word
more, and we have done.
We
have
scrupulously ab-
stained from all private allusions, in
,
ns ()ut.
earnestly entreated to
with the Times, though often and d
at
our disposal for
avail ourselves of materials place
of slander and hould a system
that purpose. But s
per-
secution, which is much more to be dreaded than the
assassin's dagger, be
longer persisted in, against one
of the greatest and
yhociotof men, an exile from his own
country, and coming among us to seek a temporary
and a home in our hearts,—we
asylum in our houses,
shall not feel that any moral necessity is imposed upon
us of practising the same abstinence on future occasions

THE MERCANTILE MARINE ACT.—The Commis-
sioners of Customs having had before them the returns trans-
mitted in pursuance of general order, showing the nature
and amount of service rendered during the period of six
months by the collectors of the Customs revenue, who have
acted as shipping masters under the Mercantile Marine Act,
13 and 14 Victoria, chap. 93, the Commissioners have caused
the collectors and controllers at the several ports to be made
acquainted that they will postpone their final decision upon
this question for the present, and have directed them to
transmit at the expiration of the present year a similar
statement of the duties performed during the preceiing six
months, when the Board will be enabled to form a correct
opinion as to the extent, &c., of the service likely to devolve
upon the several collectors in the capacity of shipping mas-
ters under the Act.

Mr. Correwall Lewis, M.P., Financial Secrets 7
to the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury, has,
after a lengthene absence, returned to town and resumed
his official duties. His (place has, in the meantime, been
filled by Sir Charles Trevelyan, Assistant-Secretary to the
Lords of the Treasury.
The Hull Packet notices the committal of a
woman for bigamy. Both marriages were eslebrated with;
a fortnight.