The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-25 00:00:00

ion-from Mr. Peel which found a place in the me-
mory Vier the debate was over." On the same day
the Times buried him as a Statesman, with the fol-
lowing inscription on his tomb :—" Mr. Peel may
have been, and has been—but, spoilt by flattery, he
will not be again—a temperate and useful subaltern
rfficer. To talk of such a person as a statesman ! or a
chief ! is surely an idle abuse of tvords ; for no man
whom it would be worth while to deceive would listen to
such misrepresentations." After an interval of two
months' reflection the apostate Times maturely affirmed,
that Peel's " talents are not of that first-rate quality
which excites the dread of opponents." or " even the
envy of friends." Such was the estimate of Peel by
the Times, when Mr. Canning first broke the charm
of .Tory Government. From that moment, except on
the question of Catholic Emancipation forced upon
him, Sir Robert Peel has been the blind and inveterate
opponent of liberal principles, and of that system of po-
licy which the Times now asserts can alone give vita-
lity to his Administration. Such are the Men, and such
the Journalists whom he has enlisted into his service.
Only twelve days since Lord Stormont declared, to his
constituents at Norwich, " that he always had a violent
dislike to the word Reform—he had strong feelings
against the name ; " and in the journals of this week Sir
Edward Knatchbull boldly avows himself, in she face
of the Premier, the same - rank bigot as heretofore.
What then, are we to hope from the Men selected
by Sir Robert Peel for his Coadjutors—from the
kadens, the Knatchbulls, the scions of the houses of
Newcastle, Salisbury, Carnarvon, Lonsdale, Beresford,
and Mansfield, cemented together by a few apostates,
and:the refuse of the Liverpool and 'Wellington Ad-
ministrations ? There are five Somersets already :
one.rnore must surely complete, early in the Session,
the Christmas gambols and tumbling tricks" of
these fanatic Tories. It is high time, therefore, for
Sir Robert Peel to abandon his false pretences of
Reform. John Bull cannot he humbugged into the
. belief that such servants as the Peelers would suit his
purposes. Captain Forbes, the liberal Candidate for
Dudley wittily observes, " When he was on board
ship he always looked out for men to do the work who
were experienced and willing ; he would never have
thought, for instance, of selecting tailors, because it
was possible the smell of the tar might be disagreeable
to them ; and then when a gale arose, and it would
be necessary to have all hands at work, they woulo
probably be sea sick. Now such, he thought, they
would find the Tories."--Morning Chronicle.
We are unwilling to say more about our 'Weather-
cock Contemporary to-day ; indeed, the press of other
matter precludes the possibility of our doing more than
me. ely point the public attention to its refined scur-
rility of yesterday. The City Reformers are now " a
ruffian, unlistening, unreasoning mob," whose conduct
was characterized by " clamour, violence, fury, bru-
tality." Because it has suited the blustering policy
of this Renegade to change its course, the sturdy and
honest Reformers of 1834 are now represented by the
Times to be " a party formidable at once from num-
bers, restlessness, ignorance, and combination, who
would not be satisfied with any change but such as
• was equivalent to a subversion of the monarchy," and
that for no other reason than their consistent adherence
to the- principles which " the Weathercock" described
to be enlightened and patriotic in 1831. " The Lead-
ing Journal of Europe may, indeed, do more to
" guide three-fourths of the people of England" to a
feeling of contempt for the public press than any other
journal that ever existed in the country.—Morning
Chronicle.
In its political character and bearings the civic en-
tertainment given to his Majesty's Ministers was ha-
portant enough to justify a more extended commen-
tary than we had time to bestow upon it in our paper
of yesterday. It is true that the Address of Sir Ro-
bert Peel to the electors of Tamworth had forestalled
much of the interest that would otherwise have attached
to it as a political banquet ; but, under the existing
circumstances of the time, it must still be considered
the most important civic festival connected with the
peculiar state cf public affairs, and having reference to
the position of his Majesty's Government, which has
been celebrated at the Mansion-house for a long time
past. The speech of Sir Robert Peel was, of course,
the great object of political interest on this occasion.
Before we mike any particular allusion to its contents,
it is only an act of justice to notice the judicious man-
ner in which the Lord Mayor introduced the toast which
drew forth that speech ; namely, " the health of Sir
Robert Peel and his Majesty's Ministers." As a Con
serrative, he expressed himself consistently with his
principles. He warmly eulogized the Statesmen whom
his Majesty had chosen to direct his councils, but
carefully abstained from casting any refleetions on those
Ministers whom they have succeeded. This was in
good taste. He stated that, standing there as Chief
Magistrate, he should be guilty of a departure from
the line of his duty were he to indulge in criminating
Tel-narks upon persons who had previously been called
upon to fulfil the duties of Ministers of the Crown.
Had he chosen to follow the example afforded by a
Whig Ecclesiastical Judge, he should have been less
scrupulous in giving a fling to party feelings and party
virulence, in alluding to Statesmen of an opposite
party. But that cause can be scarcely worth any ra-
tional man's attention which requires to be advocated
and graced by the temper of the Tower Hamlets and
the courtesy of Cddgers' Hall. As to the speech
of Sir Robert Peel, it was able and eloquent, con-
taining much with which our own opinions coincide,
and some sentiments from which we differ. Nothing
could be more appropriate and judicious than the
following introductory observations :—" I cannot
pretend to be overwhelmed by personal feelings
on this occasion. I believe your object to be, in a
crisis of great importance, to convey an assurance to
the King, that in the exercise of a great constitutional
prerogative, according to the forms and the spirit of
the Constitution, there is a great body of the King's
subjects, remarkable for their intelligence, their respec-
tability, and their wealth, having a deep interest in the
welfare of the country, prepared to give their Sovereign
their constitutional support, and to animate and encou-
rage the objects of his Majesty's gracious choice in
the performance of an arduous duty. I neither consi-
der that we are met for the purpose of paying compli-
ments to individuals, nor of celebrating the triumph of
any party. I believe your feelings, if I have not incor-
rectly interpreted them, to be in consonance with those
of a great portion of the- people of this country."
We should not wonder to see the fiery partisans
of the late Ministry represent the moderation
of tone which characterises the above passage as
abjectness—for such was the term applied by angry
commentators to those portions of his address which
spoke with modesty of his own pretensions and
the merits of the new Government. Had he indulged
in a more confident tone, it would have been ascribed
by the same parties to overweening concert and pre-
sumption. We believe no sensible and reflecting
Englishman will think the worse of a Statesman be-
cause' he only asks for " a fair trial" of his measures,
as the best criterion of opinion as to their merits, in-
stead of parading his specifics on the public stage
with all the ostentation and pompous air of infalli-
bility which distinguishes a charlatan. The allusion
to the general state of the public mind is a pas-
sage of unadorned but impressive eloquence :—" It
is impossible to deny that since the great and im-
portant events which have taken place within the last
six weeks--it is impossible to deny that there has been
a calm and tranquillity in the country, which could not
well have been anticipated. I do not mistake the
character of that state of calm and tranquillity. Ido
not construe it into an indifference to public affairs—
into a lazy acquiescence in any Government that the
King may be pleased to form, or in any measures
which that Government may propose. On the con-
trary, I feel convinced that this calm and tranquillity
are perfectly consistent with the utmost vigilance, and,
if necessary, the most determined resolution. The
present condition of the public mind is no more incon-
sistent with those active qualities than the tranquillity
of the ocean is inconsistent with occasional displays of
resistless and overwhelming force." Rightly, in our
opinion, does he express the state of public feeling as
appertaining to that large portion of society who
seek constitutional and preservative reforms--those
reforms which, by clearing our ancient and valuable
institutions of abuses, by well-considered and judi-
cious measures of purification, will strengthen and

.S 7,

consolidate the magnificent and unrivalled system of
civil polity which Vandal ignorance and destructive
arbarism would undermine and destroy. He says—
" I believe that if public feeling could be embodied in
words I should correctly interpret it in language
of the following import :—' We are tired of agitation
—we are tired of that state of political excitement
which in. private life withdraws men from their proper
business, and in public life exercises the energies of
public men upon other matters than their proper du-
ties we hate the pressure from without—we will not
have the domination of clubs—we are content that the
public will should be expressed through authorised
and constitutional organs. At the same time we re-
quire Government to be admiuistered for the sole par-
Jose (2f promoting the true interests of this country.
Te require that there shall be a full and patient con-
.,ideration of everything that can be fairly suspected
as partaking of the character of abuse ; and if, after
,uch patient consideration, the abuse be prT;„;.- Ne
-
require that it shall be corrected—f.;„, froin hatred of
he abuse, and seeondl-
- from love and respect for
hose ancient ii-2:„.itutions, which abuse has the ten-
-lency t(.l disfigure and impair.' " There is no
::,iistitutional reformer that the above sentiments,
as far as the general principle of reformatory
Government go, will not fail to satisfy. We
have here an admission from a Tory Minister,
which concedes the great proposition that it was the
'aboured object of the enlightened John Locke, in his
admirably-reasoned " Essay on Government," to
trove—namely, that all Government is for the benefit
ge the governed. Let the present Administration only
'01!ow this out in practice, and we care not by what
party name they are called, they will deserve tht gra-
itude, of the nation, and earn the imperishable praise
of impartial history. There is a portion of the speech
levoted to the discussion of the maxim " measures,
not men," in which we consider the opinions of Sir
Robert Peel fallacious, or not clearly explained. He
says that, in every department of private and public
life, it is upon the confidence that we feel in certain
individuals that we proceed. So it is, no doubt, after
they have, by such a course of conduct as enables us
to form an estimate of ability and character, entitled
themselves to our confidence. Thus the confidence
originally placed in individuals, at least by sensible
people, is the result of an experience of their good
qualities, evidenced by their actions—in other words,
lie confidence that " measures" create is in
time, and imperceptibly transferred to the " men."
'lut it sometimes happens that, both in public and
private life, men change from what they have been,
and commit actions the very opposite of those which
aught to inspire or preserve confidence. When such
ehr7naes take place, a blind and unreasoning confidence
'nay still trust in them ; a reflecting judgment will
!ease to confide : the former will be for " men, not
'neasures"—the latter will be for " measures, not men."
The confidence which his soldiers placed in Wel-
lington was the natural consequence of the great
abilities which he displayed in a series of campaigns
in which his " military measures" carried them to
victory. So, in political life, the man who, like the
great Lord Chatham, would, by his measures, raise
a nation from embarrassment, defeat, and despondency,
to strength, grandeur, and glory, would carry with his
name afterwards a claim to public confidence, which
inight gain him credit for pursuing wise and beneficial
measures on another occasion, before those measures
were actually developed. But we confess that, with re-
a,ard to Sir Robert Peel, as we have never before seen
him in the station of Premier, we can do no more than wish
'inn to have a " fair trial," not being able to give him
our qualified confidence in that great and responsible
tation, until we know something of his measures. Our
opinion upon the most important measure, perhaps, with
ahieh his name has been yet associated is not so fa-
vourable to his statesmanship as to induce our unbound-
ed confidence—we allude to the Currency Bill—in our
mind a disastrous—a fatal measure—a measure which,
we believe, he was led into by the Whig economists,
who would now excommunicate him from power for ever.
We do not wish to dwell upon that measure at the pre-
sent moment. If we had had the highest confidence in
his financial talents before he adopted the wild fallacy
;f the Currency Bill, that confidence would have been
abated. Under the pressure of the enormous taxation
of the country, that Bill cramped and fettered its in-
dustry, and we believe that the outcry for speculative
changes of late years is chiefly owing to the mischievous
effects of that Bill on the whole industrial interests of
the nation, commercial, nanufacturing, and agricultu-
ral. Sir Robert Peel is now a more matured and expe-
rienced Statesman than he was at that time. He has
had greater opportunities within a few years of ascer-
taining the real state of the country, and of studying
the spirit and temper of the age, we mean in the en-
lightened sense, than during his previous years in
office. We trust that both he and the Duke of Wel-
lington have not been unreflecting observers of pass-
ing events—that they have gathered some civil wisdom
from political adversity, and are willing to apply it to
public affairs; they are both men of great business-
like talents, and if their principles be sound and their
measures judicious, they are sure to act with the firm-
ness, decision, and energy which are characteristic of
Statesmen. They arc men that will work—not merely
talk, and after making magnificent promises, let the
vessel of the State drive before the wind without any
steady hold on the helm, or vigilant eye to the com-
pass to guide her course. We, therefore, are desirous
that they should have a " fair trial." As far as we
have any influence upon public opinion they shall
have it, but we must wait for the measures as the
grounds of reflecting and rational confidence.—Mori'
ing Herald.

It is our duty in recalling the attention of our readers
o the interesting proceedings at the Mansion House
on Tuesday to correct, in the first place, whatever is
erroneous, and to complete whatever is defective in the
report of those proceedings, which we had yesterday
the satisfaction of presenting to the publie. Happily
this part of our duty is exceedingly light. We give
in another column what is understood to be an autho-
rised version of the Premier's admirable speech, chiefly
because we feel that the public have a right to de-
mand of us—not merely a faithful and accurate
report of what fell from this eminent Statesman,
upon so important an occasion—but the most per-
fect report that can possibly be obtained, and
because also (why should we conceal it ?) we are
really gratified by the opportunity of showing
how few and minute are the particulars in which
any difference can be traced between this authorized
version, and our own original and more hurried
report. We have infinite pleasure also in sponta-
neously correcting an accidentol error in our report of
another part of the proceedings. The first toast given
by the Lord Mayor was the right one, the good old
English toast of " Church and King," which, unfor-
tunately, and as our readers will readily believe quite
unintentionally, was mutilated in our report into con-
formity with more modern usage. To recur, however, to
the speech of Sir R. Peel. It must be acknowledged,
on all hands, whether we regard the circumstances in
which it was delivered, the effect which it is calculated
to produce, or the character and position of the speaker,
that this address deserves all the pains that journalist
can take, and all the attention that readers can bestow.
It is, like the letter to the electors of Tarnworth, a frank,
manly, direct, and unambiguous exposition of the prin-
ciples by which the Administration of Sir R. Peel will
be guided ; but it differs from that production, as good
taste and right feeling required that a speech at
table should differ from a written address ; it
sheds upon those
principles the light of a more splen-
did eloquence, and warms them with the glow of a more
fervent expression. The speech has also this further
advantage over the letter, that Sir Robert Peel on
Tuesday was surrounded by the whole body of his col-
leagues, assenting to every word which he spoke, con-
firming every expression, corroborating every assurance,
affording to the people of England their separate and
united guarantee that every profession was uttered in
good faith, that every promise would be scrupulously
and religiously observed. Sir Robert Peel undertakes
for himself and his colleagues to conduct the Govern-
ment of Great Britain in the manner and upon the
principles which are best calculated to command the
confidence, conciliate the favour, and merit the sup-
port of the nation ; and instead of pledging his Ad-
ministration to " relieve particular burdens, or hastily
to adopt particular remedies, thereby debarring the

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1834.

Government from affording that fair consideration
which is due to the claims of all interests, and
putting out of their power a deliberate application
of the most efficacious remedies," he describes what he
asul his colleagues believe to be the temper, opinions,
and principles of the nation whose support they are to
merit, whose favour they wish to conciliate, and whose
confidence they hope to command. Is there any Mis-
take in the estimate of the national principles and feel-
ings to which the Prime Minister of the King refers,
in order that the meaning of his pledge—his only but
his large and comprehensive pledge—to govern in sym-
pathy and union with the nation may be more clearly
and fully understood ? If there be no mistake here,
and we feel assured that there is none, the. Adminis-
tration of Sir Robert Peel, acting ag it will act in strict
accordance with its professions, cannot fail to be a suc-
cessful and popular
_ al'asitministration. But let us hear
a.. it. Peel ;--" I believe that if the public feeling-of
this country found expression in words, it. would speak
in these or similar terms—' We are tired of agita-
tion—we are tired of that state of continued excite-
recut, the effect of which in private life is to withdraw
men from their proper business, and in public life is to
consume the energies of public men on other than their
proper duties. We hate the pressure from without.
We are content that the public will should be ex-
pressed through authorised and constitutional organs.
At the same time we require Government to be admi-
nistered for the aole purpoSe of promoting the true
interests of this country. We require that there shall
be a full and patient consideration of everything that
can be Nil), suspected as partaking of the character
of abuse, and if, after such patient consideration, the
' abuse be proved, we require that it shall be corrected,
first, from hatred of the abuse, and, secondly, from
love and respect for those ancient institutions which
abuse has the tendency to disfigure and impair.' This
passage in the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet
would alone be sufficient to convince us that he
thoroughly understands the national mind of England,
and that he and his colleagues are unanimously and
firmly resolved that their Government shall maintain
the strictest conformity with it.—Morning Post.
Yesterday produced a large accession of signatures
to the address proposed at the City of London Tavern
last Tuesday, and which, with the names annexed, will
be very speedily published. It is a fact worthy of no-
tice, that many of the most respectable Dissenters have
signed the paper in question. The circumstance is at
present the more striking, from the inveterate violence
of the political chiefs and agitators of that numerous
body, and their incessant efforts to excite the hostility
of their brethren against the Church of England. But
there are moments at which party, and even sectarian
—the strongest of all patty zeal—must give way to
apprehensions for men's lives and fortunes, and for the
well-being of their families. The Dissenters who
hive signed their names to the address have in some
instances alleged as their motive for doing so, that
been .Reformers, they durst not encourage the Radi-
cal-Destructive faction, congregated by such suspi-
cious methods, and for objects so avowedly sinister,
as they showed themselves to have been on the occa-
sion of the meeting. They durst not, by withholding
their signatures from a loyal address, afford even ne-
gative countenance to men who, in their eagerness for
undefined and headlong change, unmasked the spirit
of revolution. All the account§ which we have seen
demonstrate that there was a plan formed, and dili-
gently and systematically executed, to put down the
meeting of merchants and bankers by the clamour
of a disciplined mob. Placards were borne about
the streets, and invitations and incitements held
out by bills stuck up upon the walls, or dis-
tributed in every direction. This, which involved
the hire of many hands, must have cost some pounds
to somebody, and it is no far straining of conjecture,
that the few individuals who personally took the
Most prominent part in disturbing and confounding
the business of the day were those also upon whom
fell the weight and trouble of the preparations
for the tumult. In our opinion Mr. Grote went far
enough in putting the question relative to the nature
of the meeting in the committee-room, and ought to
have been satisfied with the answer which he there re-
ceived. If the hon. gentleman had reflected for a
moment, he must have convinced himself that such a
question,' receiving such an answer, in the presence of
a hostile multitude who occupied the public Too m,
could have led to nothing short of disturoance. We
have elsewhere inserted an able and well-written letter,
which is the more entisied to notice from us because
it reasons upon the conduct we have held for some
time past, and impugns our expressed confidence in
the necessity, and therefore in the reality, of those re-
forms which the country has to look for from the present
Ministers. Now we must begin by asserting our own
strict impartiality as between the late Ministers (con-
sidering the Melbourne Administration to be a conti-
nuation of Lord Grey's) and those who have succeeded
them. There passed not a week while the Whigs were in
power, during which they were not severely handled by
this journal, which process was unflinchingly repeated
by us as often as we found them shirkinee flagging,
faltering, or blundering in the course of Reform, or in
the measures which became a liberal and. enlightened
Government; and that, we must beg leave to repeat,
was not a rare occurrence. Yet for not a few of those
Lords and Gentlemen we had, and still entertain, as
individuals, sincere regard and esteem, which did not,
however, prevent us from doing our duty by the
country, and in a manner so little pleasing to the
Ministers, that a letter from Lord Althorp to the late
Chancellor is now matter of notoriety, proposing to
that learned and discreet personage the alternative of
peace or open war with the Times. But will any man
who has the least regard to truth affirm, that with the
single exception of Lord Brougham,who has never rested
from forcing himself on public attention, we have in any
instance, since their full from office, uttered one disre-
spectful or unkind syllable of his Majesty's late
advisers, either as men or Statesmen ? Known facts
we have been compelled to state, but they belong to
history, and the reference to them is no matter of-com-
plaint or just resentment. But have we not, from the
first hour, described the abrupt dismissal of the late
Cabinet as in many respects a misfortune to the coun-
try ? and in regarding it as for the present irretrieveable,
have we not discharged the duty of honest men and
lovers of public tranquillity, by pointing out to our
fellow-subjects the many grounds for acquiescence
and confidence which remain to them under the ex-
isting state of things, and the reasons which satisfy
our own minds, that from any Administration, however
ili-disposed (though we are far from attributing bad
dispositions to the chiefs of the new Ministry), the
people, fortified by their newly-acquired rights, have
literally nothing to be alarmed at ? It is true, and we
should be wanting in common 'candour to deny the asser-
tion of our correspondent "NV.," that there are several
names in the present Cabinet, which, in common with the
great majority of our countrymen, we would rather
have seen any where else—that is to say, if we were
not sure that such persons have been admitted into the.
Government as executive officers only, and will have
no shadow of control or influence over the measures
of their chiefs. Is it imaginable - that the Duke of
Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Lyndhurst, or
Lord Aberdeen would suffer Messrs. Herrics and
Goulburn, or Sir E. Knatchbull, or Lord Ellen-
borough to obstruct or bias the determination of their
policy ? But we have been taunted with an assumed
discrepancy between our declared opinion that "mea-
sures, not men," ought to be the rallying point of a
free people, and Sir Robert Peel's expression that he
would not be contented to live under a Government com-
posed of members in whom he could not trust. Why, the
difference is in sound, not meaning. Sir R. Peel's dis-
trust of men is of men from whom- he cannot expect
good measures. Our indifference of the men, provided
we are secure of measures, still supposes'that the Mi-
nisters must be such as will grant, whether from ne-
cessity or inclination, the measures to which we do at-
tach importance. Now, we are conscientiously of
opinion, that given the capacity of the Reform Bill to
enforce a system of popular legislation Upon every
English Government—a point for which we have
always contended, and which we never. shall 'be
inclined to yield, but on sad, and what appears
to us impossible, experience—the existing Ministry, as
a whole, is more expert and efficient in the business of
the State—is more capable of applying a aeoogniZed
principle, by practical and smoothly working details,

than their predecessors ever showed themselves. It
has also the valuable quality of moral courage founded
on sagacity and experience, and will not suffer itself to
be kicked out of office one day, and coaxed back to it
the nelt, at the will and pleasure of the " mountain"
party of the House of Commons. The outcry raised
against our maliim of " measures, not men," therefore,
ha§ ha seiise Etat hiettiiiiig in it, Unless it supposes us
to signify the very reverse of what our words import--
namely, an absence of all choice as between men who
will voluntarily or otherwise grant good measures, and
men who will or can refuse them. As for the stric-
tures of our correspondent upon the anticipated policy
of the Duke of Wellington towards foreign States, we
are firmly persuaded that the noble Duke is the fittest
statesman in the empire, under the present condition of
Europe, to fill that important office. Let our corres-
pondent recollect that Poland was not lost under his
Government, but under the Administration of Lord
Palmerston and the Whigs ; that it is under the Grey
Cabinet and its sleepy diplomatists that Russia has
been suffered to mature her schemes against the Otto-
mans, and that, whatever may be the Duke's feelings
with regard to Spain and Portugal, he is bound down
to both by solemn treaties, which Sir Robert Peel has
pledged himself and his colleagues to maintain invio-
late.— Times.

In our paper of yesterday we made some allusion to
the conduct of the vestrymen at the meeting on Mon-
day evening last. Without considering how far their
assembling to select a representative for the borough of
Mary-le-bone may be a departure from the objects and
intentions of their office, it is clear that in prohibiting
the electors, who were present at the meeting, from
giving their votes its a decision in which they were
equally interested, the vestrymen assumed an autho-
rity unwarranted by reason, and inconsistent with the
principles of liberality they were assembled to vindicate
and support ; and that such were the sentiments of a
large portion of the meeting is evident, since, of the
number present, not above eighty-five would so far
join in the proceedings as to vote in the selection of a
candidate. SOMe strange inconsistency seeing to have
pervaded the proceedings of the meeting, since of the
candidates who were voted for, one must have bee::
without a proposer, there not being a single vote in his
favour I while from another no answer had been received
to the application of the vestrymen, to know his inten-
tions of becoming a candidate on the conditions they
had proposed. -It is with considerable regret we contem-
plate the injuries which may result to the cause of Reform
MarylebOne from so injudicious a course of proceeding ;
for while the attention of reformers is directed to vestry
meetings balancing the merits of candidates, the true
means of success are abandoned to their adversaries,who
are straining every nerve in canvassing the electors. We
still hope, however, the time may be retrieved by the
union and activity of the Reformers, and we have little
doubt of their success, should they combine their ef-
forts in favour of Sir John Scott Lillie, supported as
he is by the powerful influence of the Licensed Vic-
tuallers, and the many friends he has acquired by his
exertions as resident Magistrate for many years in the
county. We would advise the attendance at the pub-
lic meeting to which the Vestrymen are to make their
report of as many of our readers as are anxious, by
their votes, to secure for Marylebone the success of
the liberal cause, by the choice of a candidate who can
combine in his favour the entire strength of the reform in-
terest. In our paper of yesterday we observed that " the
Chairman, Mr. Hume, does not appear, according to
report, to have conducted himself politically in the
way the public had a right to expect from him. The
decision of the Committee is such that if Sir John
Scott Lillie is not put upon the list, the result will be
that one, if not two, Tories will be returned for that
borough." The above sentence bears a meaning which
was never intended. IVe never spoke, or meant to speak,
disrespectfully of Mr. Hume's conduct as Chairman, in
which capacity he has on all occasions evinced a calm

ness of temper, and an impartiality in hearing all par-
ties, which cannot be too much applauded ; and if the
article had appeared as it was meant to appear, the
Honourable Member would have had no occasion to.
complain of it. But let that pass as one of the errors
incidental to an accumulation of business, against
which it is impossible to fight always with success.
Suffice it to say that Mr. Hume will propose Sir John
Scott Lillie, in the event of his determination to stand
for the Borough of Marylebone, as a fit and proper
representative, and with that admission we are satisfied.
There is no other candidate on the liberal side who has
the slightest chance against him.—Morning, Advertiser.