The Sun.
London, England, 1851-05-28 00:00:00

THE SUN,

^ n',11.•4 r^ '6;

kJ how the t v. fence was I“..ken. tle watchett the pr)-
eeedings from the opening., and the conclusion he came
to was there could not exist the shadow of a doubt ai to
the guilt of the prisoner. What then, he would ask, be-
came of the statements which had b,en made, when all
the byestanders concurred in the justice of the finding?
11,-xt referred to the statements of Mr. Selby, and
Mr. South, the proctor, who said they dii nut believe
the man to ho guilty. It so happened, however,
that this Mr. Smith might have acted as the prisoner's
advocate, but the ready money was not forthcominir.
Would any member of the English bar have so acted in
such a case? Mr. Selby, it appeared, afterwards met with
Sir Anthony Oliphant, who said his nerves were so
shaken that he could not go up to the Governor. He
(Mr. Sergeant Murphy) would contend that Lord Tor-
rington, under the circumstances, did no more than his
duty in not temporising with a priest, who was a leader
la the insurrection, though it might be called cruelty
after the event. It was well known that in this country
the Home-office was beset with applications on behalf of
prisoners who loudly asserted their innocence, and who,
notwithstanding, confessed their guilt when they found
themselves surrounded with the terrors of death. As to
the charges which had been made about confiscation,
the whole of the evidence showed that when the inhabi-
tants of the district go to war they go into the jungle.
If their properties be of a perishable nature they are
Sold by the Government, and their proceeds are handed
over to the parties, if it be proved that they were not
concerned in the rebellion. There was no proof of
any single case being brought against the Government,
in which it was not clear that it had acted from the
hest motives.—(Hear, hear.) The Legislative Coun-
cil spoke of the exertions of the Government in the
strongest terms of approbation. The Honourable and
Learned Member then referred to the conduct of a Mr.
Elliott, who was, he said the editor of a paper called
the Colombo Observer. That gentleman was present at
the meeting on the 26th of July, when the King was
crowned, and it appeared he was the great mouthpiece
of the people, and in a letter of his which was published,
he said, if they paid these taxes imposed by the Go-
vernment without resistance he would not regard them
as a race of good men. That letter was published in
the Colombo Observer. It so happened that at the time
of that outbreak the coffee crop was ungathered, and
Mr. Elliott says if the Coolies were driven out of the
country the crop would be lost. One of his statements
was that if his Excellency did not give a favourable ear
to their representations they would not pay any of the
new taxes. The Hon- and Learned Member then re-
ferred to a letter, which ho said was a gem in its way,
and would show how colonial discontent could foster
home practice. The letter was addressed to Mr.
M`Christie, and it commences by saying that if he (Mr.
Wehristie), had not had his fee, Mrs. Elliot had not
had her plate, alluding to a piece of plate which
had been subscribed for to the writer. He then pro-
ceeded to say :—" You must have taken great pains
to make the speakers well up to their parts,
they made so few mistakes. It is quite evi-
dent you have been very successful in cramming
members, because without it they could not have
been so well up as they are in colonial matters.—
(Laughter.) After referring at some length to these
transactions the Hon. and Learned Member went on to
say that, when Lord Torrington found himself so beset
as he was, he acted in the spirit of a gentleman, and
sent in his resignation. Everything was warped that
Was written with reference to Lord Torrington. That
Noble Lord, soon after he undertook the government of
the colony, found himself placed in a position of great
difficulty. He found himself placed in the midst of a
rebellion, and he did everything that the position in
which ho was placed imposed on him to preserve the
colony. That was the position in which Lord Torring-
ton was placed, and he trusted that the vote of the House
this night would tell that Noble Lord that, having acted
to the best of his ability, that having acted under the
advice of his council, and that having restored peace to
the colony, and left it with a flourishing exchequer. he
ought not to be visited with severity for any efforts
Made under his sanction to put the rebellion down, and
he would say, if he should be so visited, the sooner they
gave up ther colonial government the better.—(Hear,
hear.) If he was to be compromised by their vote the
precedent would be a bad one. lie had a rebellion to
deal with, in which sixty thousand men had turned out,
and twenty thousand men were actually under arms,
and he had no other course but to put it down by firm-
ness. Were they, then, to tell him, as governor, to fold
his arms, while they sat in a private chamber, and with
the ear of Dionysius listened to his slanderers whisper
away his character;? He said that it was not fair, but
he did not believe that a British House of Commons
Would extend a different measure to a governor who
acted on ;the best of his judgment to that which it
would extend to any other subject, and act towards him
as the Romans acted towards the noble Roman in bet
time of danger, when they said—" Ne quid detrementi
res publics capiat."
Mr. SEYMER, with perfect sincerity, admired the
spirit of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had
COlne forward as the advocate of an absent friend. For
himself, he could only say that he never saw Lord Tor-
rington until he heard him in another place speak, and
speak very well, in defence of his policy. He had,
therefore, no personal feeling against the Noble Lord;
neither in that vote which he should give should he be
actuated by any party spirit. But they were invited to
discuss the question of Lord Torrington's policy in
Ceylon, and they could not possibly discuss a more im-
portant question; for he believed that there were con-
siderations connected with it which involvedithe pros-
perity, perhaps! the very existence of our colonial em-
pire.—(Hear, hear.) We had now abrogated the prin-
ciple of giving the colonies an advantage in the market
of the mother country; at the same time we demanded
their allegiance, and that they should contribute to the
national exchequer. In return for this we could only
give them good government and a good governor.
He felt the inconvenience of speaking of Lord Tor-
rington in his absence, but colonial governors were sel-
dom Members of that House, neither was the Noble
Lord at the head of the Colonial -office, whom he thought
much worse than Lord Torrington, a Member of that
Rouse, and, if they were to refrain from speaking of
them because they could not be present, the House of
Commons must abrogate its functions with reference to
colonial grievances. He admitted the difficulty of the
position in which Lord Torrington had been placed, but
he asked what reason had her Majesty's Government for
believing that his Lordship would be able successfully to
cope with the difficulties of that position?—(Hear.)
Re had had the advantage of a certain amount of attend-
ance at Court—he had been a railway director, and had
built several cow-sheds.—(A laugh.) He (Mr. Seymer)
had done all these things likewise, but he by no means
thought, therefore, that he was qualified to become Go-
vernoir of Ceylon.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think that
the Ceylon Committee had been treated properly by the
Colonial-office, the witnesses that they required being
obtained only with very great difficulty, while the
witnesses for the defence were readily forthcoming.
With reference to the insurrection, his impression was
that originally it was not considered a matter of
great importance, but that after a certain number of
confiscations and proclamations of martial law it as•
sumod a somewhat more formidable shape than was at
first anticipated. He had seen Lord Torrington's de-
fence!, and be admired the spirit of it. He spoke like an
injured man and like a nobleman and a gentleman. He
thou ght that Lord Torrington was an injured man in
having been placed in so difficult a position, and then in
being recalled for such a trumpery red-tape reason as
that be did not preserve order among his subordinates.
The Committee and the country intended something to-
tally different from that, however; but Earl Grey had
chose n to say that he entirely approved his policy with
regal d to the insurrection, and that he withdrew him
beam Ise he did not keep order among his subordinates.
surelly a rebuke would have been sufficient for suele an
offen ce as that, especially when Earl Grey sent out again
to th e colony a man whom he had himself designated as
a sat aiderous calamniator—Mr. Selby.—(Hear, hear.)
Witt t regard to Colonel Drought, he did not wish to say
anything severe of a military man in his position; and-
the Governor said that he was a humane man. He
would ask, however, what was the responsibility which
attaotted to a man who proclaimed martial law and kept
it in force one day longer than was necessary.—
(Hear, hear.) Colonel Drought might be a humane
man, but it must not be forgotten that Colonel Bray-
brook.e had expressed his abhorrence at he manner
in which the courts-martial had been conducted.
W ith regard to the addresses which had been presented
to the Governor on quitting Ceylon, he did not attach
mu oh weight to them, because many people would say a
kind thing to a person upon his departure, although they
won ld be the very last in the world to ask him back
again. At the same time, the worthlessness of the native
addresses was clearly spoken to by Mr. Mitford, who
stated, in page 201 of the Appendix, that the valueless
nature of such addresses was well known there, and he
pledged himself to obtain 30,000 signatures to any state-
ment that he wished to put forth. He certainly thought
that the fear and alarm which might have prevailed among
the ce ffee-planters and those persons possessing property
in Ceylon ought not to have influenced the conduct of the
Gover nor and other authorities, for he could not forget
that the sanguinary code which once existed in this coun-
try was established for the protection of property, and
was a of abrogated by the wish of those who were posses-
sors; of property. He considered that the mode in which
the Colonial-office and its supporters had endeavoured to
discs/ edit the testimony of adverse witnesses, and to attri-
bute to them bad motives, deserved strong condemnation.
Mr. 'Wodehouse, for instance, gave important evidence
again st the Government, and attempts were at once made
to tits-ow discredit upon his character, and to destroy
the erect of his testimony. Mr. Wodehouse felt bound
to del 'end his character, and to disprove what was said
again st him he alluded to the existence of a private let-
ter, vt hich it'was but justice to say he showed the greatest
unwillingness to produce. Sir Emmerson Tennent also
felt it necessary for his own justification to produce a
private letter from Lord Torrington to the Committee,
though he expressed great reluctance to do so, but the
Under-Secretary for the Colonies said that Sir E. Ten-
nant was bound to set himself right with the Committee.
Yet, in a dispatch signed by the Under-Secretary for the
Colonies, the production of private letters by these
gentlemen in their own defence was designated as a most
objectionable proceeding. The only witness who had
not been attacked seemed to be Sir A. Oliphant, whose
ch %meter, however, stood so high that it could not be
assailed. lie (Mr. Seymer) agreed with the Hon.
Mi ?Aber for Inverness-shire that the punishments which
had been inflicted during the disturbances in Ceylon
were excessive and uncalled for; that the execution of
eighteen persons, and the imprisonment, transpor-
tation, and corporal punishment of 140 others were
at: variance with the merciful administration
of the British penal laws ; and that the con-
duct of Earl Grey in approving in her Majesty's name
of the conduct of Lord Torrington was precipitate and
injudicious; and he would therefore give his cordial sup-
po•r t to the motion. The Noble Secretary for Foreign
At fairs, whom he saw in his place, was very fond of lec-

- • )
treated their teo.-litous suojacts; but'i e (Nir. Ssymei)
would recommend the Noble Lord, when next he felt
disposed to indulge in such lectures, to think of Ceylon
and Cephalonia, ansl he would than probably hold his
tongue, or—as it might be more correct to say—stay his
pen.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl GROSVENOR, who was almost wholly inau-
diblo in the gallery, was understood to say that during
Lord Torrington'_; administration the revenue of Ceylon
had improved, and the prospects of the colony had be-
come much more satisfactory than they had been pre-
viously. That Lord Torrington's measures were gene-
rally approved in the colony was shown, be thought, by
the numerous addresses which had been presented to the
Noble Lord by the European coffee planters, as well as
by the natives. He considered that the policy pursued by
Lord Torrington, and approved by Lord Grey, was ren-
dered necessary by circumstances, and he would there-
fore oppose the motion.
Mr. ROEBUCK regretted to find himself opposed on
this question to his Hon. Friend the Member for Mon-
trose (Mr. Hume), in whose company he had fought
many battles in that House in support of what he con-
ceived to be the interests of the colonies. He (Mr. Roe•
buck) must confess that there were circumstances con-
nected with the appointment of Lord Torrington as Go-
vernor of Ceylon which might almost induce any impar-
tial person to view this case with some suspicion. It
seemed as if, in that appointment, the principle which
bad influenced Governments in many other appointments
had been acted upon—that the Noble Lord was ap-
pointed not so much because he was the most efficient
person as because some persons regarded his ap-
pointment as one that pleased them best. This circum-
stance might have given his (Mr. Roebuck's) mind a
bias rather:against the appointment of the Government,
but on considering the whole case, he felt it his duty to
express his opinion unreservedly in support of the Noble
Lord's administration. Now, why did he do this? In the
first place, he thought a great mistake had been made
with reference to Ceylon in calling it a colony, for a
colony it was not in any proper sense of the term. A
colony, in his conception of the term, was a country
peopled, or about to be peopled, by emigrants descended
from, or going immediately from, this country, and
carrying with them the habits, the manners, the laws,
and the constitution of this country. But Ceylon was
in a very different position. Ceylon was an outlying
possession of England, obtained by the sword, and re-
tained by force, densely peopled with an old race, or
rather with various races, having fixed habits, a religion
differing very much from our own, and to which they
were strongly attached, and speaking languages entirely
different from ours. To a colony we applied the rules
applicable to England or to our own views of govern-
ment; but he who, in judging of the government of an
outlying possession like Ceylon, should stick to the inci-
dents of constitutional forms, would be forgetting the
substance in a pedantic adherence to forms.—(Hear.)
The Government of such a possession was to be tested
by the result—was security attained at the least possible
expense of suffering to the community ?—(Hear, hear.)
It might be mischievous in the end to apply that rule to
a constitutional Government like that of England. A
beneficent despot would be a cruel infliction to England;
but in a country like Hindostan or Ceylon, all that
could be hoped for at present was an enlightened despot-
ism. It would be seen that he (Mr. Roebuck) was not
blinking the question at all.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
Now, when in 1815 the kingdom of Kandy was con-
ceded to us by treaty, we entered into all the
obligations of the kings of that country with re-
spect to the priesthood as well as the people. The
people, not aware of the force of our dominion,
would consider it like their own Government, which
they could only check and control by the force of insur-
rection. The influence we exercised destroyed the
power of the chiefs and headmen, and also the power of
the priesthood, or very much weakened it; but it was
beneficial to the great body of the people, and they were,
therefore, favourable to the British Government, so that
it would require a concurrence of circumstances to en-
able the priesthood to bring them in masses against us.—
(Hear.)
What happened in 1818, when the priesthood '
had found themselves no longer supported by the Royal
authority and their revenues were decreasing, and the
headmen found their political influence diminished? The
principle contended for by the Hon. Member (Mr. Bail-
lie) was acted upon—that of caution, prudence, mercy—
(Hear, hear)—which might be the utmost imprudence
and cruelty.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. Brownrigg was un-
willing to declare martial law. What followed? A
long war before the insurrection was put down, thou-
sands of lives lost, blood and treasure wasted and
spent.—(Hear, hear.) From that time the smouldering
fires of insurrection were there, but, the general mass of
the people becoming attached to our rule, a favourable
concurrence of circumstances was required to enable
the priesthood to act upon them. How was it
supplied? Mr. S. M`Kenzie thought we ought
not to countenance Buddhism and its priests; Lord
Stanley seemed to take a wiser view, and endea-
voured to make the religious feelings of the people con-
duce to their good government. If England chose to
have provinces of this description she was bound to look
to the religious feelings of the people upon whom she
imposed her dominion.—(Hear, hear.) But the Secre-
tary for the Colonies determined to sever the connexion
between royalty and the priesthood; and at length with
the course pursued in regard to the relic to which so
much value was attached, and certain financial measures,
a great and dangerous conspiracy was got up—(Hear,
hear)—a conspiracy which ought not now to be treated
as a farce, because it was:easily put down by the bold
and efficient measures of the Governor.—(Hear, hear.)
It was not fair to bring his success against him, and
make a charge out of that which was really merciful.—
(Hear, hear.) If he had been vacillating and hesitating,
we should have had insurrection spread from one end of
the country to the other.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
Roebuck) did not pretend to represent Lord Torrington
—(A. laugh)—but he would defend what he believed a
true policy with regard to a certain class of our posses-
sions.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Torrington came to the
government in most difficult circumstances. He found
an empty exchequer, and a hotbed of dissension. It was
like a wasp's nest. There was a small " family com-
pact," and a new man would be obnoxious to those who
calculated on making the place a sort of estate for them
and their families.—(Hear, hear.) If he had been an
angel of light there would have been a quarrel;
he was Sir E. Tennent, and they soon got a hold
upon him,—(A laugh.) There was a quarrel, and the
unsuspicious Lord Torrington then appeared. The
" blue books" showed from beginning to end a spirit of
insubordination, discontent, intrigue.—(Hear, hear.)
The Home Government, finding their Governor at-
tacked, did not make up their minds about his conduct;
they vacillated, and they could not expect bold, firm,
politic Governors if they so treated them.—(Hear,
bear.) Lord Torrington was not properly supported.—
(Hear, hear.) A Committee was appointed; and the
proceedings disclosed to the House a strange medley of
bitter hate, of most unfaithful conduct, of prying, pesti-
lent curiosity.—(Hear, hear.) Even a woman's letters,
written in confidence, were dragged out before the pub-
lic eye.—(Hear, hear.) There were certain simple
rules of ordinary morality which were never to be in-
fringed.—(Hear, hear.) The security of private life
and confidential relations ought never to be broken
through.—(Hear, hear.) It had been done, and the
Committee were the instrument of it; they could have
stopped ite—(Hear, hear.) What did this present mo-
tion mean? We must look to the resolutions; we had
not to inquire,whether Lord Torrington was foolish in
trusting to the honour of some one he thought to be a
gentleman; we had to deal with these statements, that
ho was cruel, that he unnecessarily proclaimed martial
law, and continued it; that while it lasted he was cruel
in the application of punishment, and that the trials
were improperly conducted.—(Hear, hear.) Much
was said about " martial law;" what was meant by the
phrase was, that he abrogated all law and instituted
force or despotism in its stead. Was the danger such
as to justify him in doing this? His commission pro-
bably gave him the power; was he justified in exercis-
ing it? He appealed to his Executive Council. Every
person to whom he appealed coincided in his opinion.—
(Hear.) Mr. Wodehouse acknowledged that, though
not present on the 29th of July, he by his conduct sanc-
tioned the proclamation of martial law. General Smelt
also coincided is the necessity of it. Then came the
31st, when every member of the Executive Council was
present, and coincided iu the necessity of proclaiming
martial law.—(Bear.) Lord Torrington, the House
were told, went to the colony wholly unprepared wile
the requisite knowledge for its government. It might
be easy to say so; but here was a position the most diffi-
cult in which any governor, young or old, experienced or
inexperienced, could be placed. His own opinion was
that, under the circumstances and with the advice he had
received, it was better at once to have recourse to the
power of proclaiming martial law. Every one of his
proper advisers by whom he was surrounded, and
who possessed peculiar knowledge of the country,
coincided in saying the same thing.—(Hear, hear.)
There was the first step; success made it appear not
necessary; and the very wisdom of the proceeding was
the cause of its being supposed imprudent.—(Hear.)
Then came the intervening time when the country was
under martial law, and the manner in which it was
emxieghrhcitisgsehdta.okedNoVhiith respect to the statements drawn from
the Mutiny Act, he was told certain forms were neces-
snaorty;nbut he denied it altogether. The Mutiny Act had
whether the COst tribunalll
et t r
could. The
not s
hllaokne.
the Member
aru
swhileadt,hebutinha
argu-
ment.—(gear,) A
j dge.a
he (wMa rs.
constituted Roebuck)
which, inquiredu
nwdaesr,
the circumstances, could
bbe constituted? Reference was
would not now be inut
made to lawyers;' they listened to lawyers they
possessionf
d,o co tet their
Govern-
ment. Lawyers were not statesmen.—(Hear, hear.)
been anHe did not think a
ru
Indianh
ave
additional protection. There were, however, circum-
stances connected with these trials which could not be
passed over, and which again touched •
his brethren. But
he was sure such circumstances could not have occurred
in England; and, if the lawyers of Ceylon
of, he would say he judged of them by
their were spoken
In the case of the priest, what was done by
the conduct.
men who sat in judgment? They said to th
military
ac-
cused, " You may ask what questions you like,an
get
what witnesses you can, and be defended by wiist
counsel you please," and the accused man turned round,
as he might in an English court of justice, fixed his eye
on one whom he looked on as his most natural defends_
whom he had been accustomed to see defending others.
What was the &use er he received from that civilian,
that legal oracle, that wonderful defender of men's lives
and liberties? It was this—(The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman at the same time suggesting. by a significant
gesture the idea of "an itching palm ')—" Your money,
first, and then I will defend you. His gallant country-
men who sat in judgment, though soy outhful as they were
repsesented to be, bad that high sentiment which would
lead them to act in a very different spirit from that of
the proctor.—(Bear, hear.) Under the circumstances
the tribunal was a most efficient and safe tribunal; for,

LONDON,

-sia, to the pr-, ''inz;s af the criminal court, r.o one
pretended to spy that tuoso convicted by the criminal
} court were not properly convicted; they convicted as
many as the soldiers did; they convicted those who were
taken before martial law was declared, and those against
whom there was not more evidence than there was
against those whom the military tribunals condemned.
But it was Laid tbat the judge recominendeal them to
mercy, and that he bore a high character. Without im-
pugning that character, it might confidently be asserted
that a judge, however strong his opinion as to the deci
sion and punialicaent, would do wisely to keep it to him-
self, and confide it only to his chief, not communicating
it to the public, and, as it were, courting popularity by
so doing.—(Hear, hear.) That was a great and serious
error in judgment, and it behoved the Chief Justice not
to have acted against the rules of his prof,assion, by
giving vent to the opinion he entertained. But it was
said that eighteen persons had been executed.:-.The par-
ties inculpated had every possible interest, however, not
to inflict cruelties ; and ordinary common fairness to-
wards the Governor and his advisers ought to favour
the presumption that he was right, because the mind
revolted at the infliction of cruelties—the mind of an
educated man especially. Oh, but, it was said,
there were more than cruelties. There was contempt
of the people, contempt of their prejudices. A priest
was shot in his robes. The robe of a priest was a yellow
calico vest; and if you took the priest out of the priestly
garment you put him in nature's garment. But he (Mr.
Roebuck) went further. If a priest were convicted of
treason, he would have him executed as a priest. "It
was thought a daring expression of Oliver Cromwell,"
said Horne Tooke, writing to Junius, " that if be found
himself placed opposite the king in battle he would die-
charge his piece into his bosom as soon as into any other
man's;" and Horne Tooke added, " Had I lived in those
days I would not have waited for chance to give me an
opportunity of doing my duty; I would have sought him
through the ranks, and, without the least personal en-
mity, have discharged my piece into his bosom rather
than into any other man's." If it was requisite to try a
priest in a country like Ceylon, it was requisite to exe-
cute him as a priest, to make the people know that a
priest could no more break the law than a poor man.
And so with respect to chiefs. The onus lay on Hon.
Gentlemen opposite to prove that what was done
was not necessary, did not effect its purpose, and
was cruel. Under the circumstances, the execution
of the eighteen persons was a most merciful
proceeding. Did the Noble Lord continue martial
law too long? What was done under martial law
was for security, which could not be got till the " King"
was seized; and so soon as he was captured martial law
ceased. It was said martial law did not cease till the
interposition of the Chief Justice. It was done in the
proper way, with precaution, so as to raise no imputa-
tions of courting popularity. He gave advice which the
head of the law might well give to the head of the Exe-
cutive. There seemed to have been a place in London
where accusations were received—a sort of ear of Dio-
nysius, or like the lion's mouth at Venice. The Com-
mittee seemed to think they had a roving or fishing
commission; and the result had been three blue books,
which, he thought, would satisfy the public that, if all
that were required to prove Lord Torrington guilty,
Lord Torrington must be innocent—an inference similar
to that which was drawn on an occosion when Sir John
Scott made a six hours' speech. In reference to the pre-
sent charge, he could not help recollecting the dialogue
in the celebrated romance of Voltaire, when, in answer
to a question from the hero, his companion told him
that " the English every now and then killed an admiral
pour encourager les mitres." If they were thus to accuse
and condemn those whom they sent to occupy the diffi-
cult position of colonial governors, their dominions would
some day slip from their fingers, and they would have to
lament that they did not maintain the position and vin-
dicate the character of a well-intentioned minister,
against whom malice alone had furnished this formi-
dable accusation.—(Hear.)
Mr. HUME thought it the House were to decide on
the evidence before it, that it would arrive at a very
different conclusion from the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man. If they were to consider Ceylon not as a colony,
but as a possession, to be maintained and governed with-
out any constitutional rights whatever, there might be
something in the arguments of the Hon. and Learned
Member who had just spoken; but he contended that,
though they conquered Ceylon, they had stipulated for
the continuance of certain rights to the inhabitants,
which rights he was prepared to show had been grossly
violated by Lord Torrington. The first question for
the Rouse to consider was, what was the situation of
Ceylon when Lord Torrington was appointed Governor?
His belief from the first had been that the appointment
was not a judicious one. The evidence taken before the
Committee clearly showed the actual state of matters is
Ceylon before Lord Torrington went there; but, as com-
plaints had been made of the great length of the inquiry
before the Committee, he telt bound to say that it was en-
tirely the fault of the Government; for, though he had sat
on many Committees, he never served on one where the
Government took such mesns to prevent the elucidation
of the truth.—(Hear, hear.) When the people of Ceylon,
oppressed by the measures of Lord Torrington, first
petitioned that House, and when the accounts of the
executions and other enormities came over, be (Mr.
Hume) asked whether there was any cause for the in-
surrection that had taken place; but he was answered,
by the Under Secretary for the • Colonies, that it was a
matter of no importance, and that the trifiling.affair, as
he called it, was over. The Government, however, on
learning that serious complaints were coming over, got
statements to meet them, and evidence was cooked for
that purpose. Lord Torrington appeared to take great
offence at the evidence of Mr. Wodehouse; but he must
do that witness the justice to say that he only answered
the questions put to him, and never showed the slightest
disposition to reveal the secrets of the Noble Lord. The
admissions made by Sir E. Tennent completely proved
that evidence was concocted, for he stated, in answer to
questions put to him, that ho had been in communication
with all the officers in order to obtain from them an ex-
pression of their opinions, that circulars were sent out for
this purpose, and that he communicated with them as to
what the tone of their answers ought to be. His words
were, that "he did suggest that such and such points
should not be omitted from their answers." They
were told that Lord Torrington was entitled to confi-
dence for his financial policy after he went out—that he
found the finances in disorder, and that he introduced a
system of economy and retrenchment. He maintained,
however, that it was the acts of the Noble Lord himself
which raised the disturbances in Ceylon. Lord Torring-
ton himself said the object for which 3000 people assem-
bled at Kandy was avowedly to complain of the licensing
of their guns, dogs, and other taxes; and it was erro-
neous to say that at this time the discontent was fo-
mented by the priests, for hitherto the priests had been
perfectly harmless. It was the application of these taxes
and the taxation itself which had roused the people.
The object of the meeting at Kandy, on the 6th of July,
where the people were unarmed, was clearly, according
to the statement of the Government officers, to protest
and petition against those taxes. He was sorry to find
the Honourable and Learned Member for Sheffield,
who had fought by his side in former days, when
they contended against the oppression of the colonies
by their governors, now unexpectedly taking the part
of an out-and-out Tory. He would now proceed
to show the nature of the disturbances.—(oh !)
Surely Honourable Gentlemen who had listened pa-
tiently to the purely imaginary case made out by the
Hon. and Learned Members for Cork and Sheffield ought
not to endeavour to prevent him from showing what really
took place.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Buller in a letter dated
the 27th of July, only two days before the proclama-
tion of martial law, said that Mr. Waring had written to
say the people had assembled in great numbers at Dam-
bool; but that he (Mr. Buller) fancied from the reports
he had heard that their real number was about 70. On
the evening of the same day Mr. Buller wrote again as
follows:

" July 27, 1348.
"My dear Bernard,—ln writing yesterday evening I
forgot to mention that I did so at Locko Bandit's express
desire, as otherwise I should net have thought it worth
while troubling you with it, for my own impression is,
that it is nothing more than:a few villagers, with a small
crowd of about 60 fools, who might have collected, and,
as far as I can learn, they take very good care not to
commit any offence which would bring them under the
law. I understand they are going on a pilgrimage to
Anaradgapoora. I have not heard from Locko Banda
yet, but expect a line to-night. If I do I will add in a P.S.
" P.S. I enclose Locko Banda's report. It is such as
I expected; the thousands are reduced to hundreds, and
before to-morrow they will be reduced, I dare say, to
decimals—perhaps to the 70 I fancied the real number.
" Very truly yours,

"Note,—Subsequent informationbe correct, and that at this tm only about B7ou
per
sao.
na
has proved this to
mpw
peace,
oe
Dr.
ear
oewca collected
wrote
Sir,t
Banda,
at atthe
—Several
following D
haeei nr a
o°
rffioel.cpl
e"
yt,hiJsulmyo2rsn,inlgB4sBe.nt
to Kandy, both to me as well as the Government agent,
stating that a great number of people are assembled
officer
t,t,esci.hwoaaennr
were
eitehde with2sth
ot lace
July:—
"Kandy, publicy:
with swords and firearms: at Matelle, between Dambool
and Nalande, for the purpose of creating alarm. That
after some consultation with the Government agent
and the district judge just now, we have come to the
resolution of keeping quite quiet about it, until they
(the mob assembled) should commit some disturbance,
so us to enable the authorities to bring them to jus-
tice. As I have already observed in my former corre-
spondence, it is now my humble opinion that one-half of
these reports are unfounded; however, it would be ad-
visable that we be always on the look•out, as I have
reason to believe that some prisoners, who were either
Cingalesehe
and desperate
Public gaols, are, by
jaociquuing e dw
iotrh asbosmc oenldoewd f r
countryom
Kandyans, now disturbing the villagers.—l remain, &c.,
"W. D. Bernard, Esq., Colombo." "D. L. BANDA.
This was the outbreak which the Hen. and Learned
Gentleman spoke of as threatening the overthrow of the
British rule in Ceylon !—(Hear, hear.) It appeared that
the mob spoken of by Mr. Buller proceeded to Matelle,
which was protected only by a few police officers, who
fled, and the mob then destroyed the fort. The mob, in-
creased in numbers, was then proceeding towards Kandy
to demand a redress of their grievances, when they were
met by Captain Lillie and his soldiers. A magistrate,
with the commanding officer, went up to the crowd,
spoke to them, and immediately took 60 of their ring-
-leaders prisoners. The affair, unfortunately, did not
end there. The troop fired on the mob, and killed
nearly 200 of them. This happened on the morning of
the 29th of July. From the morning of the 29th, when
these disturbances were pnt down, and the people were
scattered by Captain Lillie, all resistance ceased.
The trifling nature of the rebellion altogether was amply
proved by the evidence which had been given before the
Committee by Anstrutber, Sir A. Oliphant, Mr.
Colpepper, and other (extracts from which he read), and
he asked the House how far they were warranted, in
these circumstances, in approving of the violent mea-
sures which were adopted in putting it down?; Lie corn-.