The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-23 00:00:00

he had the misfortune widely to differ from those gentle-
men who had preceded him, in hie view of the course propel
to he pursued at this time for caned; sting the affections
and reviving the attachment of the people of England to
the National Church, be caok credit to himself for being a,
sincerely devoted to the best interests of that establishment
is any one who then heard him. To the general proposi-
tion that any revision of the Ritual or Articles of the
Church ought, in the first instance, to be submitted to the
Bishops and Clergy, in convocation or otherwise lawfully
,ssembled, to be by them settled, subject, nevertheless, to
'he slnctinn of Psi liament, he twat; far from being disposed
to offer any oppos'tion. nut he altogether dissented from
the propriety and expediency of agitating the land from
lid to end with false alarms, by calling meetings, and en.
tering into protests and declarations against imaginart
I angers, apd for the apprehen,ion of which no reasonable
ground had yet been shown to exist.
Mr. CLOSE said there was abundant evidence to prove
that the very existence of the Church had been stigmatized
V some of the Dissenters as a curse to the country.
R. C. Si-nmoor), Esq., proposed the sixth resolution.
The Rev. S. RAYMOND seconded the resolution.

Captain PaoreEproposed the seventh resolution.

The Hon. and Rev, J. SAUMAREZ seconded the resolu-
tion, in an address of great ability, which we regret our
limits do not permit us to publish.
J. STAWELL, Esq., proposed the eighth resolution,
which was ably seconded by the Rev. ARTHUR HILL.
Dr. COLLY begged to offer a few remarks. He had
come into the room with a feeling decidedly in accordance
with that of Mr. Gray, that the meeting was an ill timed
one.--(Hear.) But he had heard today that which had
convinced him it was far otherwi,e.—(Hear, bear.)
The Rev. G. ARMSTRONG expressed, in a brief but
eloquent address, his hearty concurrence in the resolutions
that had passed.
The Rev. GRIFFITHS LLOYD rose, and after some gene-
ral observations in favour of the resolutions which had
been passed, said, in conclusion, I only say, that although
not officially employed, if persecution shall arise, and I
shall be called upon even to die for my creed, I sh ill pray
to God to enable me calmly to die temporally, in order that
I may live eternally.—(Loud cheers )
The CHAIRMAN said he could not quit the chair, with-
out expressing his cordial approbation of the resolutions
that had passed the meeting.—(Hear.) The storm that
rolled over our ecclesiastic it oak, so far from dashing it to
the earth, would only strike deeper its roots, raising with
a more lofty grandeur its noble trunk—(Loud cheers)—
and elevating and spreading its branches, until their broad
expanse aff,rdeil a shelter to all who rallied round in its
defence.—(lmmense cheering. )
Mr. COOPER having paid some well deserved compli-
ments to the clergy of our town, sat down amidst much
a pplause.
The Chairman having left the chair, Sir Wm. HICKS,
Bart., was called thereto, when the cordial thanks of the
meeting were carried by acclamation to R. B. Cooper, Esq.,
fur his able conduct of the proceedings of the day.

PUBLIC DINNER to R. FRYER, Esq., M.P.

(Abridged from the Wolverhampton Chronicle.)

On Thursday last the friends of Mr. Fryer, one of the
Members for this Borough, entertained that gentleman at
a public dinner, as a testimony of their approbation of his
late Parliamentary conduct. The dinner was given in the
large room adjoining the Noah's Ark. Over the Presi-
dent's chair was a large blue fl ig, bearing the inscription,
" No Corn Laws," " Triennial Parliaments." Soon after
four o'clock Mr. Fryer entered the room, accompanied by
the President, and some of the Stewards. He was received
with loud cheering. Nearly 300 sat down to dinner, and
the large room proving inadequate, some of the party were
accommodated in other parte of the house, and adjourned
to the principal apartment after dinner. W. W. Cox,
Esq.., officiated as President, and was assisted at the side
tables by Mr. Price, of West Bromwich ; Mr. Thomas
Banks, of Bilstoo ; and Mr. William Walker. The cloth
having been drawn, and the usual toasts having been drunk,
The CHAIRMAN proposed—" The health of our straight-
forward independent Representative, whose sole object is
the welfare of the people—Mr. Fryer."
The toast was drunk with three times three tremendous
cheers, and " one cheer more."
When silence was restored,
Mr. FRYER rose amidst great applause to address them.
He was but a plain tradesmen like themselves, and consi..
dered himself as a representative of the labour of the
country.—(Cheers.) He had not falsified, nor evaded,
which had been too much the case, the performance of
his promises to his constituents. They did not ask him
for direct pledges, but for his opinions, which he gave
them, and which he abided by.—(Applause.) They
would always find him the same honest and independent
Member of Parliament; but his votes alone were of little
use—they must look to the conduct and votes of Ministers,
for without their sanction, nothing which he or any one
else could do would be of any avail. It behoved them to
take a review of their conduct io the last session of Par-
liament, and see if they had acted up to their professions.
—( Cries of "No, they haven't.") They ought to have
made the Reform Bill not a (lead letter, but a living spirit,
and it should be his task that night to show them whether
they had done so or not. In his opinion, the result of
the reformed Parliament should have been an improve-
ment of their trade, commerce, and manufactures, by
which alone could agriculture be made to flourish.—
(Applause.) They wanted a regular and constant demand
for the labour of the people, and its due reward secured
to them, namely, a sufficiency of the necessaries and corn-
forts of life (for they asked not for luxuries), and equal
laws for rich and poor.—(Cheers.) Now let them in-
quire what the Reform Ministry had done to obtain and
secure these blesssings. The Hon. Gentleman having
commented upon the Coercion Bill, and other measures
of the last B..ssion, said, the next affair which the Mi-
nistert toJit in hand was the Factory Bill. The Tories,
however, brought this forward to gain favour with the
poor ; they had been in such discredit that they were
obliged to do something to appease the wrath of the people.
(Laughter.) The Bill, however, was a mere trick—a
contemptible delusion ; for how was it possible that a
manufacturer should continue to give the same wages for
eight hours' work which he had previously given for
fourteen or sixteen hours' ? They, as tradesmen, knew
this was impossible. He told them so in Parliament, and
so did Sir Robert Peel, but he submitted no remedy. He
himself, however, pointed out a very simple and practi-
cable remedy, which was to take the tax off raw materials
and on manufactures, and open the ports, to enable the
people to obtain cheap food in exchange for their commo-
dities.—(Cheers.) All the representatives from the towns
ought to have come forward and demanded this of the
Ministers. They did not, however, do their duty, and
were not the real representatives of the people.—(Hear.)
Ministers took great care to conceal their acts of delin-
quency, some of which be would now enumerate. In the
first place, they voted against the Ballot.—(Hear, hear.)
They also voted against the shortening of the duration of
Parliaments.—(Hear, hear.) They voted against any
alteration in the Reform Act as regards the registration
and the payment of taxes.—(Hear, hear.) Oh, no, it
was intended as a final measure, to keep the Whigs in
place.—(Laughter.) Lord John Russell wanted the
ballot when the Tories were well nigh kicking him out
at the election—(Laughter)—but now it was quite dif-
ferent, and there was no necessity for ballot now. Again,
they voted for the support of sinecures, for impressment in
the navy, and for flogging in the army.—(Great disappro.
bation.) They bad supported all monopolies, and resisted
every useful measure brought before them. They refused
to grant an inquiry before a Committee of the House of
Commons into the distresses of the country, although it
was notorious that the farming interest was in ruin. They
managed, however, subsequently, to pick two Committees
composed principally of gentlemen landowners, the one
to inquire into the state of manufactures and com-
merce, and the other into the state of agriculture.—
(Hear, hear.) The object in this was to prove that the
landed interest was in a ruinous condition, and could not
therefore endure any alteration in the corn laws; and that
the manufacturers were in so prosperous a condition that
no alteration of those laws on their behalf was necessary.
business was to preserve the corn laws. —(Hear.) Since
the close of the
met their
several of the state-tinkers—
(Laughter)—h sd
own penny trumpets sounded
constituents, and with their
the praises of themselves
and their colleagues in the Ministry.—(Hear.) The first
exhibition ot this sort made by Mr. Macaulay at
L, eds. He there told the 7th there must be a reform
in the Church, but be never oanttocebcame to the point and
said wbat sort of reform it seas
Hear, hear.) He
also touched upon the corn laws, Z—(
the question
"Ivieingsaid it was the
was of importance to his audience.
most important measure which could be brought before the
finstnrsactohuld, if
House. He acknowledged that the A
theywould, carry it through the Commons, but
) that if the
the Lords; so it appeared (said Mr. Fryer
Lords did not please to pass any thing we must he per
tertly content; at least the Ministry were not disposed to
interfere, and yet he should be glad to know why the
people insisted on the Reform Bill, and supported the
Reform Ministry.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") An_
other of the reformers, as they call themselves, went
to Manchester ; be too talked of Church Reform, but gave
no particulars. In speaking of the abolition of the corn

'laws, he also said it was the most important question
which could come before the House. Why then, be (:%lr.
Fryer) asked, had not the Reform Aliniary brought it
on ? Because, said Mr. Thomson, the country was di.
vided in opinion about it.—(Laughter-) A very pretty
reason, to be sure. Why, the country always would be
divided upon it, for was it to he supposed that the land-
owners would ever agree to give up those laws, except
forced by the union of the peop'e ?—(No.) Were the
Nlinisters then, who bad so acted, deserving of their
approbation, or had they the least hope of obtaining any
-king good from them ?—(Load cries of " N,t, no.")
But as I have blamed them, and found fault with their
measures, I certainly am bound to point out to you that
which I think they ought to do.—(Hear, hear.) What
was the use of Government ? To preserve freedom of
opinion and of industry. To take care that every man who
worked should have liberty to take his goods to the best
market he could find, and liberty likewise to purchase
what commo lities he wanted in return, at the best market
dso.—(Applause. ) Tax the luxuries, if you please, but
let the necessaries be free.--(Cheers.) The Lords and
Squirts in Parliament, however, had acted the very reverse
of all this, and had robbed the working men of one half of
their daily bread.--(Hear, hear.) It was impossible to
benefit the people, and by the people he did not mean those
who resided in palaces and mansions, but those who
worked in their shops, anti upon their farms; it was im
possible, he repeated, permanently to ameliorate their cnn-
dition by any reforms in the church, or the law, or in Cor-
porations, or in opening the China or any other trade, un
less you break up the great monopoly in food, by a total
destruction of the corn laws.—(Loud applause.) Your
land is limited in extent, and of course your food, but
population rapidly increases. We have now about six
millions more inhabitants in Great Britain than we had
32 years ago, and he verily believed there was not more
produce raised from the land than at that period. It was
ue there was one thing came to the ai I of the Govern-
ment, the people were becoming a potatoe-fed population,
•,ecause they could not afford to buy corn.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, if the population kept increasing whilst the produce
from the land was stationary, and the produce of other
countries was not suffered to be imported, the people must
be getting from bad to worse. The price of wheat, in
France and many other parts of Europe, was 45 per cent.
less than in England, or, in other words, twelve bushels
might be had there for the same price as eight in England.
(Shame, shame.) Whilst this was the case, how was it
possible for them to compete with foreign manufacturers ;
it could only be done by starving the workmen to death.
—(Hear, hear.) In the present state of things, trade
was constantly fluctuating, whereas if the ports were
open there would be a constant and regular outlet for our
manufactures. The masters were now compelled to re-
duce the wages of the workmen, and this produced
combinations among the latter, and some (lay or other, if
the system was not speedily altered, a revolution would be
the consequence.—( Hear.) This country ought ever to
be closely united to America, and so it would were it not
for the infamous corn laws, which induced tbem to impose
their tariff upon our manufactured goods. They bad
fertile land of almost boundless extent, but were in want
of capital and labour ; we, on the contrary, had a limited
territory, but abundance of capital and labour, and why
should we not mutually exchange and promote each
other's welfare?—(Loud cheers.) Nothing but the land-
owners of England prevented this. They had, however,
dug a pit for others, but he verily believed they would
fall into it themselves.—(Laughter and applause.) They
had compelled the poor to remain in the villages
instead of going to get employment in the towns,
and they were now literally eating them up.—
(Cheers.) This country ought to be the most pros-
perous on earth; in iron, cotton, and wool, no other
country could compete with it, but we hail always a glut
of these commodities in our own markets, and a foreign
one was in a great measure shut against us. The middle
classes had not done their duty, but be could tell them they
would suffer for it ; there would he no profit left on
trade, and it was now scarcely commensurate with the
risks and expenses which attended it, on account of the
corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) And what is it after all that
we ask of these landowners ? Simply that the trade in
corn may be free. Even then they would have the highest
price in the world for the produce of their soil, or it would
not pay foreigners to bring corn here ; and, on the other
hand, they would have the privilege of buying their
manufactures at the cheapest market in the world, or it
would not pay to export them.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") He should in the ensuing Session oppose the
corn laws, upon the broad ground of injustice which
they inflicted on the people—(Cheers)—and in pursuing
this course he thought he should not stand alone. Some
of the greatest men who had ever been in Parliament were
of his opinion in this respect. He might mention the
names of Pitt and Liverpool, who, although Tories, had
some opinions which were beneficial to the people, but as
fur the bastard Whigs—(Loud laughter)—they had always
deceived them—(Cheers)—and he would read to them a
protest against these infamous laws, which was signed and
entered on the minutes of the Lords, in 1819, by Lord
Granville and eight other Noblemen.

" Dissentient—Because we are adverse in principles to all
new restraints on commerce. We think it certain that public
prosperity is best promoted by leaving uncontrolled the free cur.
rent of national industry. Because we think that the great
practical rule of leaving all commerce unfettered, applies more
peculiarly, and on still stronger grounds of justice, as well as
policy, to the corn trade than to any other. Irresistible indeed
must be that necessity which could, in our judgment, authorise
the Legislature to tamper with the sustenance of the people,
and to impede the free purchase of that article on which depends
the existence of so large a portion of the community. We can.
not persuade ourselves that this law will ever contribute to
plenty, cheapness, or steadiness of price. So long as it ope.
rates at all, its effects must be the opposite of these : monopoly
is the parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of uncertainty. To
confine the consumer of corn to the produce of his own country
is to refuse to ourselves the benefit of that provision which Pro.
vidence itself has made, for equalising for man the variation of
climate and seasons. To compel the consumer to purchase
corn dearer at home than it might be imported from abroad, is
the immediate practical effect of this law, by giving a bounty to
the grower of corn, by a tax levied on the consumers. Before
we had agreed to the adoption of this law, we should have seen
how far it would interfere with our agriculture and manufac-
tures—with our internal and external commerce, and, above
all, with the condition and reward of the industrious and la-
bouring classes of our community."

_—(Applause.) Thus, then, he did not stand alone in his
opinions on this great question. He would not at this time
however, offer any further observations upon it, satisfied
that they would duly estimate the arguments already ad-
vanced, and that they would be able to suggest others
themselves. He would say a word or two on Trades'
Unions. They arose out of the Political Unions, and
these latter were established for the purpose of fthtaining
reform. This had been accomplished, and the Trades'
Unions were now looking for the fruits of reform. The
plan they were pursuing, however, would not be successful.
It is quite impossible for them to compel their masters
to give them more than they receive, but he would give
them one word of advice. Let them persuade their mas-
ters to join them in a grand effort to get rid of the mo-
nopoly in food, and let every man of them wear upon his
breast a medal, inscrcibed "No Corn Law," until they
were got rid of.—(Applause.) Tbere were many other
reforms necessary; a reduction of taxes, and economy in
the public expenditure, but he would not recommend
any reduction which should endanger the national
honour, or compel us to break faith with the na-
tional creditor, nor would there be any necessity for
this if the corn laws were abolished. He had made up
his mind what course to pursue in the next session. If
the Ministers did not themselves bring in a Bill to abolish
the corn laws, or support a Bill should it be brought in by
some one else, he would oppose their continuance in office
to the utmost of his power.—(Loud cheering, which
lasted some time.) At the same time lie would not be•
have factiously, but would support any really gond mea-
sure which they chose to introduce.—(Hear, hear.) It
might be asked, as it had been already asked, if you turn
these men out, who will you get in—the Tories ?—(A
laugh.) His reply was, any one whom the King chooses,
for whoever comes into office, if these men go out on the
grounds which be supposed, they must be radical re-
formers.—(Cheers.) Suppose the Duke came in, they
knew he was the greatest captain of the age, and there
was one good quality about him as a Statesman which all
the others lacked, and that was—decision. There would
be no mistake with him, and depend upon it there must
be a master of the oligarchy, and a master of the people if
requisite, to prevent riot, and tumult, and bloodshed. But
then, mark, he must be decided to do justice to the people.
—(Hear, hear.) If any motions were made in the next
session for reform in the Church, the repeal of the house
and window tax, the abolition of sinecures, or any other
good thing, he (Mr. Fryer) would certainly vote for
them; though, without a repeal of the corn laws, he re-
peated they would not do much.—(Loud cheers.) They
had heard what he had said, and he now asked them if
he was a destructive ?—(Laughter, and cries of" No,
no.") The Whigs said lie was, but it was his anxious
wish to preserve peace and order, by doing justice to the
people. The sword might command silence—the proud
oppressor might trample his slaves into the dust, but this
would not last long, and would be sure to recoil upon the
head, of those who dared so to act. He was convinced
the time was not far distant, when truth and justice would
resume their sway in this once happy island. He would
now conclude by drinking their healths, and by wishing