The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-30 00:00:00

''LONDOIS,
.SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 30, 1856.

DIPLOMACY AND Tkg' ITALTSN

i2ONTiO.ST.

A. LETTER FROM L. C. FARINI 4Q.,M,R;,•W•

, , gLADSTOIsTE.
(Cmitinued front The Sun of yestergay.)

• • I
The French R2.volution of 1830 gave a new turn to the
practice, if not to the theory, of intervention. I ]:now not
whether the Bourbons applied for it, but we all know the
allies did not attempt to restore them to their throne. The
King of the Netherlands would also have been entitled to his
neighbour's aid to sttppressthq Belgian insurrection ; but Bel-
gium proclaimed her independence, and France, with the
knowledge, if not with the consent, of Enroie, Interfered, but
only to drive the Dutch from Antwerp, Likewise by the
Salie Law, Don Carlos was the legitimate Khig of Spain ; but
France and England.made.a leagne. for the purpose of secur-
ing the crown to his niece; 'a'nd.' none of the other Powers
took the field against thein; wherbbY the dogma of legiti-
macy seemed to be abindon'od, iag,intervention was resorted
to against' it iu one Case, ozncrinterverftios took place in the

rest..
But Austria in Italy-acte4:ls incha.nge had taken place
in Europe, and in that 'same 7.year, 183 r, sheinterfered in the
affaiiS of Parma,2l(o4ena,'ilid tiil.3itegajiState, putting down
insurrections by force of I.armi.- Efiglandi anxious above all
thingS O.:prevent an outi.4eilk is Europe, lest France
shollatnn again the career of 17904814, ;allowed Austria to
haio her. °lra wo,t in; Italy. X 41,41. e.;44*iiffe-PAqte, pop.
herrbutt MettestielL-43sa._±n Afarstza},ltiaspo- that Icustria,
would interfere in Italy even at the risk of kindling a Euro-
pean war ; and so sho did, and Louis Philippe did not venture
to take up arms. The maxims of the Holy alliance continued
then to have all their effect in Italy, and it was evident that

Austria was and wished for Over to.be the übsolute ruler of that

country. For a second time she invaded Bologna in 1822, and
then it was that France landed at Ancona. But that landing
was not for any benefit to the subjects of the Pope, s.nd not
for any benefit to France, herself, but rather to her utmost
disgrace, and to the injury of all: '.Because after a shOrt and
deceitful show of liberality, France came to a close under-
standing with the' Court- of Rome, and Austria • was .never
more omnipotent and overbearing in Romagna,,.•nor ever were
murderous factions more outrageous than when, the French
were iu possession of Ancona.: The French epedition.was a
motion dthe"bilious and fainglorious policy or Perier, modi-
fied by Perier himself, and then turned to other purposes by
the pedants who inherited his power. They were vieing in
cunning with the Court. of Beide, which has for centuries
been unmatched for cunning, and they vied with Austria in

the influence they exercised over that court, as if they be
undertaken, not, as they said, to
.secure a free existence to
the people, -and put 'a check upon:Austrian arrogance, but

only to .carry on the intrigues of
,a conclave or of a priestly
cabinet.. The Fren'ch have taken ft into their heads that
Italy_iS in Rome—the _last constituent assembly has very
clearly shown it—and when they have ascended the Capitol,
they fancy they deserve triumphal honours, and flatter them-
. _ _ . . .

selves they have the destinies of the Peninsula in their hands.
tut at the present day the Capitol is only a sentry-box for
the Pope ; it is not from thence that Italian destinies are
wielded. The imperial river is the Po, not the Tibor. To
ascend the Capital, one must scale the strongholds on the Po,
the Adige, and the Miucio. At Rome it may be possible to
baffle Austria. in the election of a new Pope, and to obtain

some cardinal's 'hat, ,but it is not- possible to overcome Aus•

trian preponderance there, or even to restore the clisimarbed
balance.

A period of ton years elapsed, in which the governments
of the Peninsula gave nO.Sign of Italian policy—and could
give none.' Metternich said that Italy was only a geographi-
cal phrase ; ,and, so far as its rulers were concerned; _he was
right, for most of them seemed to glory iu the insults atzwhich
theY•shonldhaVe-teen the first to blush. The tradition of au
Italian policy 'was-in the House of Savoy, and was treasured
in the secret heart of Charles Albert, but all Europe bowed
to Vienini; and Metternich 6)llld:have said with greater roa-
,
son that; pOlitically,'ltaly was Austria.
Italy was,• in fact, more decidedly out of the pale of `inter-
national law than the'TurkiSh empire itself.
.11tissia was not
at liberty to do all'it listed in the East ; but in'ltaly:Austria,
had no check TupOn her doings. In 1845 the first glinipse of
a less timid policy was-seen in Turin. It was, indeed, "I) o
great matter. It turned neither upon popular rights, hor
ou
public freedompnor on territorial questions : it Was a. squab
bit:about wine and salt, yet it seemed something enormous,
so callous had become the other Italian princes to the Aus,

were ttk

a
kiss their,oxvriCuai-mrriuili;rrTcericetPiiitTeCti at Atistilas'
idling Then Pius IX, came, of whoso re'gn, and of the
events of 1848-9, I do not mean here to write or re-write

history,
But the part of history which must indeed bo familiar to
the English Government is this—that while England, and,
to some extent, even France, advised the Italian princes to
speedy reforms, Austria bade them resist, gave sanguinary
examples at Milan, threatened invasions, and displayed all
her overbearing might at Ferrara. She gave a still further
extension to the principle of armed intervention, because she
held out threats, and actually resorted to violence even
against legitiinate princes, such as Pius IX., who showed
some inclination towards necessary reforms. It was then, in
1847, that those treaties were drawn up, which identified,
we may almost say for ever, the Duchies of Parma and Mo-
dena with the empire. England declared in those days that
she would see with great pleasure the most liberal reforms to
which the Italian princes might be inclined, but that she
would not allow any territorial change; and at the very time
those treaties were signed, which were as injurious to public
right as any territorial change—and nevertheless the English
Government gave no sign. Franco had estranged, herself
from England on account of those ill-omened Spanish
marriages ; she coquetted with Austria ; she raised
no complaint. It was thus that Europe prepared herself for
the convulsions of 1848, and allowed tkem to be fulfilled,
giving the Italians to understand that in their behalf neither
natural rights, nor written rights, nor solemn treaties, nor
solemn promises, nor the principles obtaining elsewhere, nor
the famous consideration of the European balance—were of
any avail ; that only the force of Austria had any weight for
them and against them, so far as it would go. Our revolution
was the moral consequence, so to say, of the policy of Europe
towards Italy. _

Tho long commetions of the Italian people in 1846-7 were
a stimulus, a motive to that commotion of the French people
which hurled the Orleans dynasty from its throne. The rulers
of France ought to think well of this, because, if it is true,
as it is but too fatally true, that the examples and move-
ments of France have great influence on Italian minds,
neither can it be denied that the examples and disturbances
of Italy are not without some effect on France—proofs
of which fact have been seen not only in 1848, but in

1820, when the plots of Italian secret societies to some extent
jeopardised the throne of the Bourbons. The revolution of
February sent all Europe topsy-turvy ; it upset Vienna ; and
after that town all Italy. After Vienna ; as those ought to
remember who, considering our movements of that year,
fancy that they may be reproduced at every change of leaves.
That after Paris, Berlin and Vienna, Milan and Venice, should
also rise, ought to be no great matter of wonder; but the
wonder should be, on the contrary, that throughout Italy no
movement took place against the existing monarchies, with
the exception of the Austrian monarchy and the two small
duchies : and these latter must needs be involved in the down-
fall of Austria, since in 1847 they chose to unite their desti-
nies to hers. And the movement was only for national inde-
pendence and not for a republic, although the example
of France might have prompted it. The tendencies to a
conspiracy against any of the Italian monarchies only de-
veloped themselves after the Papal encyclical of the 29th of
April, which was fatal to that cause of national independ-
ence which was the only, great, and passionate mover of
the whole Italian insurrection. This great felling was
then turned to good or evil purposes, as it often happens
but by turbid spirits, and by Utopians, and by harum-scarum
brains, and by dealers in French political trumpery ; but all
republican attempts were the results of despair merely. Ono
Victory of Charles Albert would have taken from the repub-
licans—true or false—the very courage of openly professing
their principles, to say nothing of the courage of bringing
their principles to practice. And we, who in those countries
in whichsuch experiments were tried, endeavoured to prevent
them, dreading the consequences for our beloved country—
we, who opposed the republicans, and were overcomeby them
—we can with true impartiality bear witness that many ven-
tured on the desperate experiment only in obedience to the
passion for Italian independence, which they fancied they
could thus aid, and only after that sacred cause had been
given up by all the princes with the exception of the Sardi-
nian King.
Austria again and again overpowered insurrections and con-
quered in war ; then, without any delay, she proceeded to
destroy all free institutions in Italy. The princes, either by
their natural inclination, or from a slavish instinct obeyed,
by destroying freedom. Austria secured her ewn influence,
and her interference in all the states brought back to the rule
of absolutism, and by her military occupation she curbed the
people and strengthened her own supremacy.
The kingdom of Piedmont remained a constitutional state.
How many plots and treacheries it has had to withstand may
be easily imagined, by any ono who thinks how much injury
Austria received from the existence of such a government in
Italy. This state follows a policy which is necessarily—l
might almost say fatally—hostile to Austria. Austria lords it
over the rest of Italy ; but so long as the land of Piedmont is
free Vienna does not, cannot, feel safe in her possession, in
her usurpation. This is what Count Cavour said before Par-
liament, what Count Buol confirmed in one of his notes ; itis
impossible, it is needless to dissemble it. Piedmont has right
on her side, Austria all the forces of the empire, the friend-
ship of all the other Italian governments, the influence of the
Court of Rome, with which she has come to a compromise in
matters of conscience to have it as a companion in life and
death, to remove even the shade of the fear of another Pius
IX, Moreover, Austria seems to have had hitherto, and to

have yet, if not the willing consent, at least the acquiescence

Of all. Europe.

.
Now, as far as Europe is .concarned, the gist of the gees-.
tion is simply tbis--Ntrhethdr it suits her and pleases her that
AuStiia- should be inlEitress all.
over Italy, or rather a

just "Id. equitable' alTaugomefit 'may be devised. if

pleases her,, if it is good for her, that tho whole peninsula
•
shbuldt belong to A,igtria•, let there be no more parleying

about it: Let the Court-of Vienna manage it in its own way,
The thing will be aceoinplished•with bnt little. ado. But if,

on the contrary, it .suits pleases Europe to restore on
this side the disturbed balance; so that the universal equili
brium may not be endangcrecl by it, then let Europe cease

from her negotiations and, remtmetrances with thoSe mere
phantoms of governments -which have their scat in Italy,
Let her.turu to 'Vienna, and' ir negotiations avail not, let her
threaten Vienna with those measares which have been suffi-
cient elsewhere—and probably thq mere menace will suffice•
But I bear it said, and you, sir, have also hoard it said in
Parliament, that it is not so much Austria which jeopardises

the peace of Europe 'as it is Piedniont, who threatens to at-
tack her,•and fails. the . fire always smouldering in'ltaly. I
could not answer to this,
,that, they are truly fanning the fire
who arouse men's passions by treading en all rights, and that
it would be unjust to chartfe with incandiarism those who

give *liming of the deuti of aninceudlary. But I will be

morc frank in my ,answer. If the Eing of Sardinia. had
200,090 men be ought), in my opinion, to declare war against
,Austria. It would be his duty, s it is his right : the first
enti oCa Prince is that' otyilidjaklng ha own right,. and that
totisis.nation.,,fliox:thal-Aiii*-4.pitut.s.which may not pass
current withAllytouracY,,tnt ti:,vl,Sich are writtca down
in public treaties, and in the code of ciiiiised nations. Aus-

tria, sir, as all Europo knows, has sequestered the property

of .Sardinian subjects, without a trial, without a reason. Is
there an Englishman who, if. the property of the humblest and

most obscure of his fellow-citizens were confiscated against all

human and divine law by a foreign government, Would not
cry out vengeance:against such a violation of the right of

nations ? Now, where is there an Englishman who will deny.
the same right to the Piedmontese government ? Let
Mr, 13.• Disraeli, if he is a genuine Englishman,- send his ad-
nfonitions to Vienna. Piedmont has no need of his admoni-

tious ;. it is not governed by madmen, nor will it madly put
forth its Own good right.
-fihc fortifications of Piacenza, also r,:ared in sheer defiance
of all existing treaties, would justly provoke Piedmont to de-..
molish them. by the might of artillery, had Piedmont might
onler side as well as light. . .

. .
-Ent The greatest danger, which seems to cause great un-
easiness to some peopl&, arises fmm apprehended p"Opular

and pro-
i3Uthreaks, .whieli.l'_iechnont is supposed to foster
and
With respeet to this subject, it were desirable that
;wiiters--:as for instance Mr. Disraeli—wheat they are not
'writing novels, should no rave too s!rongly about a sub-

terranean Italy, full of secret societies, and with dark caves
nil' of carbonaii drinking blood out of human skulls,,

and whetting and projecting their fearful knives. Very
fine 'stuff to embroider novels with, but no history ! I
will not attempt to deny the existence of any secret societies

in Italy, and I- witinot say that no conspiracy is brewing ;
but I affirm that the number of these societies wanes daily,
and that their. plots now a days are mere childish play, and
no public danger. The governments'conspire, indeed, to their
own injury, and hasten their own ruin. For some time they
strike terror amongst their oppressed subjects, and despotism
seems assured ; then their agents indulge their. wprst. pas.-
sions and raise their voice, and knowing that evil, deeds beget
rancour, they fancy that rancour and revenge rankle in th®
hearts of all the oppressed ; and because they feel great fear
they endeavour to terrorise. But when it becomes evident
that the only prop to a bad and iniquitous Vozernment is
public cowardice ; when murmurs are heard and moo show
some inclination to stir; then those who know their own de •
fects and are aware of many enemies fancy the whole state to

be a mine, with thousands of men ready to set firo to it
those heroes of fear are at once dismayed, and the Government
which .4:listed them loses at once its dependents, its flatterers,
its defenUers. Such is the end of those governments whose

deeds are a-denial of god and justice ! The Societies by which
they are threatened are not secret, but public.; they are the
result Of a
,compact between public conscience and public
opinion. Their Weapons are the tribune, the press,•publicity.

Theii standard-bearer is truth, wbiehbefore !piercing stone
walls and planting its flag on fortified, towers, has planted
it iu my conscience, in yours, in that of every 'honest mail.'
When we talk of 'revolutions, moreover, we, ought to clis-

tinguish an insurrection which may lod to the punishment
! a. bad government item that newer of `fury which has over-
tbrown everyitiiiiltlit has act consumed Itself.
After the movGmentri of iSll(an3 'th:'4'Vocialist convulsions
attempted or threatened, there are many who can imagine no
change iu a State unless accompanied by seine fearful

catastrophe, Hence it happens that if the news
spread that the people of Naples or of Bologna show
uneasiness of being torn to pieces by the tortures in

flitted by the Bourbons or by the Austrians, many am-
already in a fever lest the agrarian law should next be pro-
claimed. Now I may be ignorant of the condition of other
nations, but well do I know that Italy is the last country in

which Socialist movements may be apprehended. To fear a
repablican_revolution in Italy, now that all Europe is mortar-

chiral and Frande imperial, strikes me as a monomania as
absurd as that of hoping for it. Mr. Bowyer rides on as high
a hobby as Mazzini, and I think Mr. Disraeli has a foot in
the same stirrup. Others there are, again, so cautious that
not only do they fear all popular movements, but also all
concessions and reforms that the princes might come to, be-
cause that awful remembrance of 1848 haunts them, and they
fear 1858 may bring as evil days as those witnessed 10 years
before. Yet they ought to consider that if changes took place
before auy outbreak of popular violence, which are apt to turn
the heads of the victorious people, to the great injury
of the victors themselves, the states would suffer no
disturbance, and secret societies would in vain attempt to
agitate men's minds with revolutionary schemes. No
principle seems to me more unshaken. Reform is the best
preventive of revolution. The very examples of 1848 gave us
a luminous proof of it. Those states which in good time and
with goOd faith adopted the necessary reforms, and which,
after the storm had blown over, maintained them, remained
unscathed; unhurt was and is especially Piedmont, safe not
only against all probabilities, but also against all possibilities

of a revolution. And as the present state of Europe is so dif-
ferent from that of 1848, that from the very country whence
then came the examples and incitements to disorder, now
would come counsels and examples of moderation, one can

stand security,that any just and liberal political change a
tempted in Italy would give rise to no disturbance, and arouse
no evil or dangerous passions.
I must also answer those who whisper that Pied-
mont, well aware of the strength of Austria, may not
perhaps venture into a mad war, but will fain grasp,
as she tried in 1848, the opportunity of an insurrec-
tion in the neighbouring States, to renew the chances
of a conflict which then for her had an unfavourable
issue: In the same manner, sir, that I think that Piedmont
will never be dragged by plotters who would wish to make
their secret societies a lever to move the world, so I feel
firmly convinced that she will never allow any faction to
jeopardy her own destinies, her blood and honour, which the
Crown and Parliament alone have a right to stake. This,.
indeed, I think, is the first and foremost duty of the Pied-
montese Government. It must take upon itself very delibe-
rately the advocacy of the national right, it must exercise it
in any occurrence, but not in obedience to any faction. The
choice of the means, of the resolutions to be adopted, lies
with it alone, and wholly with it—with the Crown and Par-
liament. To fall back from pusillanimity would lead to loss
and disgrace ; to move on with foolhardiness would be a
proof of weakness and a crime ; but I must avow that
events may arise in which daring alone would be pru -
donee, and hesitation would be rashness. Piedmont, all
Europe will avow it, has given proofs of wisdom,-
and will, I hope, show the samo moderation
for the future; but all wisdom and moderation does not de-
pend on hanging back. In very great contingencies he is
often the most prudent who is the most daring and the most
ready. It is for Europe, if she is really in dread of Italian
insurrection and Piedmontese audacity, to ward off such
dangers by putting an end, while it is yet time, tobad govern-
ment and to Austrian encroachment and arrogance. I think
great reliance may be
put on the long endurance of the Sardi-
nian Government, but that no one should fancy that the
Crown of Savoy may ever be stained by cowardice, nor that
Victor Emmanuel will shed the blood of his own people to
spare that of his foes. If Enrope still wavers, there is a fate
which will drag us all on—that fate which drags on Austria,
Italy, and the House of Savoy.
But without speculating on those great events which allow
no time or leisure for deliberation, we must, however, reflect
that events of less moment may come to pass in which Pied-
Mont may be moved by its duty and by a sense of its
own dignity to act with determination. Austria, if we can
derive instruction from the past, and believe in the Congress
of Paris, insists upon the full power to interfere by might of
arms in any Italian state in which, as she says, she may be
called upon by legitimate princes—that is, by her near rela-
tives, or by her subservient lieutenants. Now, as she has
no right to interfere, and as it is evident she does so not so
much to prop up those thrones as to strengthen the misgo-
vernment and her own usurpation, it is also clear that Pied-
mont, both as an Italian State, as large as the Austrikn State
in Italy, and as a European Power, has at least the same
right of intervention. And I say that as a matter of prin-
ciple she ought to interfere ; and that in her resolutions she
can only be guided by her own interest and by the sense of
her own dignity. Therefore, if Europe fears that peace may
bo endangered by Piedmontese intervention in other Italian
States, it behoves Europe to put an end to the Austrian oc-
cupation, and provide against all chances of its recurrence.
From all I have said, it clearly results how necessary it is
that the Western Powers should soon come to some resolution
on the subject of Italian politics. The alternative, in my
opinion, is plainly this—either they must prevail upon
Vienna to overcome the resistance 0 all the bad governments

of Italy, to put an end to all foreign occupation, and restore
the peace, the tranquillity, and the balance of Italy, or put an
end to all negotiation, and declare that, whatever may hap-
pen, they will never allow any intervention in Lho Italian
states. No one interferes since thirty years in Spain, and yet
Spain has undergone, and is now undergoing, great political
changes. Let no one interfere in Italy, and God will provide.
Either the Peninsula will have to become entirely Austrian,
and will be. governild .by the Emperor, or in the Emperor's
name by Imporipl prefects, and by priests, who will then be-
come Imperial ; or, if there is any virtue and constancy in
the Italians they will free 'their 'country. In the meanwhile

let the Italians neither betake themselves to desperate mea-
sures nor sink into indifference, or despondency. The sup-
porters of bad government cry out that we arouse the people
to rebellion. i must frankly tell you, sir, what counsel I give
to the tortured people wheneVer I happen to write or speak.
I beg them not to allow themselves to be outwitted or seduced
by those few madmen Who twice 'a
-year cry out that the hour
has struck, and who actually Sound the knell of, some new
agony. I adthonish them notto strengthen bad governments
and-Austrian tyranny with mad attempts and by the profession
of perverse principles, whiCh'thiTify honest people ; but I ad-
vise them at the•same time (and I•say it here publicly, lest it
should be said that we follow the example of secret societies)
—I advise them to improve all opportunities, and to exert
all their powers to lay before Europe their own misery, the
vileness of their government, the oppiession of AUstria. I
advise theni to exercise with perseverance the virtue of civil
courage, to resist by all legal means, to issue public and open
compl4ißts, remonstrances, and protests; to demand the

F,..rtitoration of -tita-.liitalatod laws and constitu.tions; . Thus..
, will Europe perceive, that the Italian, movement ;is
not the result of secret societies endeavouring to fish in
troubled waters, but that it is the elite- of the towns and of
their people who ask for justice ; and that those aro worthy
of freedom who will say the truth in defiance of all the in-
struments of torture tyranny can dispose of. .Already civilised
Europe has seen instances of the in sublime: examples of moral
cohrage, and I am proud of being a native of those Pgbr
Countries, which,' with the AuStrians on their necks, dare to
ask publicly that the Austrian occupation should coma to an
end. -And I. hope that that example may -be Imitated by
other Italian pebple where exhibition. of -Moral conritge is
fraught with less danger.. Thus, if-the Suffering
.people nifty
meet with4tojustice before the tribunals,of7cliplomacy, they.
will obtain it before that.of PubliC Opinion, Which; to Use the
words of Napoloori 111., always pronounces the. la:st sentence
sentence against which theyelis alo appeal: . , !;

Before this tribunal I beseech you, sir, toyleati the cause of
Italy .in ..Englayd. Italy has neverictitsed to elierish. the
warniest gratitude ito;yeu, for the affBctionlyßi bg:ur- her, and
for the earnestness with' which you undertook, times-so
nui;ell,worSe, than the:present, to 1 ty open a part of her suffer-
ings., Believe me, sir, witl6rofound respect, your cleyOtea
'servant;

. " - LOUIS CITARLES :FARINI.
Saluggia, August 2;1856...

From the London Gazette of Last Night.

BLrCKINGHAM PALACE, AUG 27.

This day had audience of her Majesty :
The Chevalier Don Antonio Gonzalez, Envoy Extraor-
dinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary from her Catholic
Majesfy,'-to deliver his letter of recall ;
Senor Don Juan de Francisco Martin, Envoy Extraer-
:dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from 'the Republic
of Guatemala, to deliver his credentials; and ,
The Count Chreptowitch, Envoy Extraordinary and
Miniater Plenipotentiary from his Majesty the Emperor of
all the R,u§sias., to deliver his credentials;
To which audiences they were respectively introduced
by'the Earl of Clarendon, K.G., her Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and conducted by
ISfaj6r-deneral the Honourable Sir Edward Cust, K.C.H.,
her MajeFity!ki Master of the Ceremonies .
DEPARTMENT, PALL-MALL, AUG. 29.
3d Regiment of Dragoon GtiardsL7Georga Romney
Rawlinson, Gent., to be Cornet,. by purchase,: vice Bleu-
kinsop, promoted.
6th Dragoon Guards—The second Christian name of
Cornet. Glossop, is St. Clair, and not St. Cair, as stated in
the Gazatti-Of the ' ' • -

7th Light Dragoons—Charles .Lee Wore, Gent., to be
Cornet, bi purchase, vice Standish, promoted.
I,2thlight Dragoons—Lieutenant Charles Joseph Har-
ford, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Darant, tvho retires.
-I.4th Light Dragoons--4Lioutenant. Willirun Eeglish to
ho- Captain, -without purchase, vice Brett,
,appointed to
the 6th Dragoon Guardt.
16th Light Dragoons—Lieutenant . F,grdinand Capel
Banbury Williams has'br,rn pertnittp.l to r(.tire from the
Service thersalerefilis Commission. ' ?
t,oyal Regitilent. et Artillery —The Undermentioned
Gentlemen to be. tiutenants, with temporary rank, viz. :
—Francis Hume Dodgson, Edward Delaval Tarletou,
Henry Ponntney Darwall, Edward Roden Cottinghatn,
George Russell Salmon, Joseph Thomas Darlington,
Nathaniel William Oliver _Townsend, John Claudius
Anchiuleck, George Sheppard Harvey, Samuel Cotter
Kyle, William Stopford Maunsell, and Herbert Leonard
Mitchell.

Corps of Royal Engineers—Brevet-Colonel Richard
John Stotherd to be Colonel, vice Cole, retired on full pay;
Captain Marcus-Dill to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Stot-
herd ; Second Captain Ben Hay Martindale to be Captain,
vice Dill, promoted ; Lieutenant William Coles Phillpotts
to be Second Captain, vice Martindale.
18th Regiment of Foot—Ensign Arthur Kay has been
permitted to resign his commission.
20th Foot—Brevet-Major William Pollexfen Radcliffe
to be Major, without purchase, vice Brevet-Lieut.-Colonel
G. Steevens, whose Brevet Rank has been converted into
Substantive Rank under the Royal warrant of 6th Octo-
ber, 1854 ; Lieut. George Dowglasse to be Captain, with-
out purchase, vice Radcliffe.
29th Foot—Lieutenant Henry Philips Onslow has been
permitted to retire from the service by the sale of his com-
mission. _ _

41st Foot—Lieutenant John Shering Keddle, from the
83d Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Onslow, who exchanges ;
Lieutenant Isaac King to be Adjutant, vice Fraser, who
resigns the Adjutancy only.
42d Foot—Ensign Victor M`Farlane has been superseded,
being absent without leave.
60th Foot—The first Christian name of Ensign King, ap-
pointed, without purchase, July 8, is James, and not John,
as previously stated.
77th Foot—Lieutenant Arthur Charles Croker has beon
permitted to resign his commission.
83d Foot—Lieutenant Guildford Mackay Onslow, from
the 41st Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Keddle, who ex-
changes.
85th Foot—Lieutenant Wm. Thus. Baker to be Captain,
without purchase, vice Brevet-Major Jas. Gubbins, whose
Brevet Rank has been converted into Substantive Rank,
under the Royal Warrant of 6th Oct., 1851; Ensign Jas.
Murray Grant to ba Lieutenant, without purchase, vice
Baker.
88th Foot—Ensign Douglas Nicholson has been per-
mitted to resign his Commission.
99th Foot—Ensign G. Robert Stewart Black to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice F. Wilson, who retires;
Edward Beever Batchelor, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur-
chase, vice Black.
Ceylon Rifle Regiment—Brevet-Major Thomas Lillie to
be Major, without purchase, vice Brevet-Lieut.-Colonel
Reyne, who retires upon full pay; Lieut. David Stewart
to be Captain, without purchase, vice Lillie ; Ensign
Thomas George 0. D. Hervey to be Lieutenant, without
purchase, vice Stewart.
LAND TRANSPORT CORPS.—Cornet Warner Spalding
has been permitted to resign his commission.
BRITISH ITALIAN LEGION.
The names of the undermentioned officers having been
omitted in former Gazettes, their Commissions will bear
date as follows, viz. :-
2d Regiment—Giacomo Isnardi to be Dispenser.
3d Regiment—Dominico Valenti tube captain, Francesco
Ravazzini to be Captain, Marquis Giovachino Pallavicini
to be Lieutenant, Luigi Porzi to be Ensign, Paoli Ameri
to be Ensign.
4th Regiment—Felice Moccia to be Lieutenant, Federigo
Vitali to be Dispenser.