The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-01 00:00:00

the principal delinquent. It should be shown when,
where, and how the accident happened, which so
deeply excited the magisterial sympathy as to induce
the Alderman to forget the imperative duties of his
position, and pardon the contemptuous disregard of
his summons.

We cannot forget the manner in which Mr.
PHILLIPS, who, although attorney, was also bail for
Mr. SLOANE (Gentlemen of the Law Society, is that
in accordance with the rules and etiquette of your
profession ?) responded to the interrogatory of the
Alderman, as to whether he would give security for
Mrs. SLOANE'S appearance ? If the report of the pro-
ceedings be correct, his reply was truly emphatic.
He said, " Is it reasonable to ask me, Sir: Would
any man, in Ms right senses, go bail for' any woman,'
as to what she would do ? I would not And yet the
same gentleman, who thinks that " any man in his
right senses would not go bail for any woman as to
what she would do," appears to suppose that the public
mind, which has been brought hate a higher state of
indignant excitement than it has been on any occa-
sion since Mrs. BROWNEIGG expiated her hellish
cruelties by an ignominious death on the scaffold, is
to be satisfied with a verbal assurance that " there is
no doubt that Mrs. SLOANE will appear to take her
trial." He may tell that to the Marines, or to
Alderman HUMPHERY, whose name may henceforward
supersede that gallant body when an instance of soft-
headed credulity is to be illustrated ; but it will not do
for the community in general. Although honest JOHN
Bum. is proverbially gullible, it is to a certain extent
only, and cannot always be relied on.
What, then, is to be done to redeem this deep dis-
grace, this flagrant scandal, from the British name ?
The answer is plain. Let the working men through-
out the kingdom follow the noble example afforded by
J. D. (to whose admirable letter, which
will be found in another part of this
day's impression, we earnestly entreat the
attention of our readers) and of his fellow-workmen,
who contributed V. 7s. 2d. towards a suitable reward
to be offered for the apprehension of Mrs. SLOANE.
If there be any offence against the rights of property
the aristocracy will assemble, and subscribe largely,
in order to testify their abhorrence of the crime and
to ensure the punishment of the transgressor.
Let the working men show that they can
on a fitting occasion exhibit equal energy.
Surely the pence of " the many" would realize
as large a fund as the pounds of " the few." It
would be nothing to " the million " to raise one or
even five hundred pounds. We trust, then, that the
suggestion of J. D. may be widely acted on ; and
that the guardians of the West London Union may
learn that English artisans and operatives, aye, and
labourers, have humane and feeling hearts. We shall
gladly lend any assistance in our power to the move-
ment, and receive any sums that may be transmitted
for the purpose.

If really energetic measures be adopted,
if the detective police be employed to follow up the
track, we do not believe that there can be any great
difficulty. Mrs. SLOANE may at this moment be in
London or its vicinity. In fact she runs no danger
so long as she avoids the " Temple." That is the
only place where inquiries have been made after her.
But surely she could be as easily discovered as MAN-
NING or Mrs. MANNING. We know that she was at
Pump-court on a certain day. It was on the 13th
December that Mr. Pnrmars declared that "she was
confined to her bed through an accident, and unable to
leave it without great danger." A few days after-
wards, when ROB went to execute the warrant, he
found the furniture strewn about in great confusion,
as if the bird had just flown. Here, then, is a start-
ing point, and there can be no great difficulty in
ascertaining by what conveyance she left the place,
and in what direction she went. A practised detec-
tive would easily follow up the scent. We do not
believe that she bas gone very far, but even if
she had fled to France, why might she not
be followed thither ? We know that persons
have been brought back in cases of less importance.
But it requires a strong stimulant to set our detec-
tive force into motion, and to induce them to tax
their ingenuity to the uttermost. I❑ France the
police act without private pay in the performance of
their public functions, but here the reward must first
be offered. Be it so. We appeal fearlessly to the
working population of the country to provide
a suitable reward, and we are convinced
that they will nobly respond to our call,
and that there will be at least as much
offered for the arrest of Mrs. SLOANE as there was
fur that of Mrs. MANNING. We confess that we
should gladly hear a voice from the Home-office on
this important case. We also think that the Corpo-
ration of London should do something to repair the
lathes of the worthy Alderman who presided at the
Guildhall on thb 7th and on the 13th of December.
But, if not, we are contented to leave the matter in
the hands of the English people without any fear as
to the result.

HAYNAU appears to have imparted some of his vin-
dictive ferocity to the Austrian Government. It will
have been observed from the official correspondence
recently published in our columns, in common with
those of the majority of our contemporaries, that a
threat is held out to all English travellers by the
Prince SCHWARTIENBERG. Finding that her MA-
JESTY'S Ministers declined to gratify the miserable
vengeance of the notorious Hangman of Hungary,
who was justly insulted in the- streets of London,
the Austrian statesman seems to have become
infuriated to an extent such as to have warped
his justice and darkened his judgment. lie pre-
tends, throughout the whole correspondence, that the
question implied the non-satisfaction of an indignity
offered to the crown of the KAISER. Whereas it is
obvious enough, we should imagine, that the whole
movement was nothing more nor less than an irre-
pressible ebullition of fury and loathing directed
against the head of a man infamous for his systematic
cruelties and notorious for acts of unparalleled inhuma-
nity. Not that we should have felt ourselves dis-
poeed to Pdvocate any retribution or compensation,
supposing the demonstration had been directly made
against the power which sanctioned this monstrous
violator of all the laws of civilization, and by allow-
ing him to pass undegraded and unpunished,
assumed to itself some of the responsibility of
his proceedings. The Austrian Government appears
to us in an aspect too grim and sinister to predispose
us in any manner to argue for its right to a respect
to which we cannot at all perceive that it is entitled.
Briefly, then, it must be remembered that the insult
was offered to the desolator of Hungary, and not to
the Austrian Government—to a soldier, and not to
an Emperor—to an individual, and not to an Admi-
nistration.

A scornful sentiment of derision is the only feeling
excited in our breast by the insinuation thrown out
by the Chargé d'Affaires at London, and by
the Prime Minister at Vienne, to the effect
that the disturbance which took place at
Bankside, when the brewery of Messrs. BAR-
CLAY and PERKiris was visited by General
HAYNAU, was the result of a deep laid conspiracy.
The charge is a contemptible indication of spite in-
spired by a sense of impotent indignation. No
marvel can it be that the suspicion should haunt the
imagination of an Austrian statesman, or of an Aus-
trian diplomatist, when it is reflected that the very
atmosphere they breathe is that of intrigue. Our
only amazement is that the accusation should, in the
first instance, have been suggested
journal—an organ, one might have imagined, to be
better informed as to the temperament of the
Anglo-Saxon comaiunity. History and expe-
rience, the Past and the Present, should alike have
assured them that the people of these islands are
averse, from their very temperament, to practices of a
covert and underhand character. Nevertheless, the
truth is that however, much they'may he familiar with
the hardihood of the English disposition,. the apologists
of Austrian severity found it convenient for a time to
trump up a wretched fiction about a plot among the
democrats of the metropoli.
Nnsdhearv,
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sihnoßulacoiikbesidr ee
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by
thethe EMPEROR, seeing that it was originated b
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the
allies in the United Kingdom. An
tion capable of finding parties credulous ennovue%
for its acceptance amongst ourselves,
was
surely capable of deluding a foreigner into a belief of
its veracity, more especially si hen it is considered
that that foreigner was predisposed to credit the as-
sertion, Such has, conzequgn;ly, been the success tic-

corded to the ridiculous and malicious calumny pro-
mulgated by certain of our contemporaries, a calumny
which has crept into the official correspondence be-
tween Prince SCHWARTZENBERG and her Britannic
MAJESTY'S Foreign Secretary.

A preposterous exception has been made to the
declaration of the English Minister, that the pre-
sence in court of the chief party concerned in the
assault—namely, the object of it—was absolutely
necessary, in order to render the law capable of being
brought to bear upon the transaction. It has been
objected that if such were the case PELTIER could
never have been exonerated by an acquital from the
charge of having libelled NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
The argument is actually puerile from its utter in-
applicability. The one was a trial for libel, the
other would have been, on the contrary, one for as-
sault. In an action for libel—an action, recollect,
civil in its character—all that is necessary is to pro-
duce in court (not the party libelled, but) the libel
itself, proving in addition to this the fact of its publi-
cation. Consequently, the assertion of Sir GEORGE
GREY, or rather of the Under-Secretary for the
Home Department, has no reference whatever to
a case like that of PELTIER—the First Consul
being in no way required to appear in person for the
purpose of preferring his charge against his traducer.
Whereas, upon an occasion like that of the drubbing
of General HAYNAU by the draymen of Bankside,
the law could not possibly take a single step
towards the examination of the occurrence
until such time as the person assaulted
should himself demand the benefit of reparation.
This HAYNAU refused to do. AND why ? Not from
any magnanimous forgiveness of his assailants, be sure
of that—any feelings of that kind being entirely
alien to his nature. Besides which the vindic-
tiveness of the man's nature in regard to
the labourers of Bankside is sufficiently avowed by
his official champions in their communications to the
British Government, namely, in the letters trans-
mitted at intervals by Baron KOLLER and Prince
SCHWARTZENBERG. No. Be sure of this—it was
from no magnanimous forgiveness that HAYNAU
refused to identify the parties by whom he bad
been assailed, or in any manner to appear in
an English court of law at once as an accuser and a
suppliant. Then, why this apparent weakness ? It
was because he appreciated the consequences that
would ensue from such a proceeding. He saw at
once the line of argument that might be
adopted by the counsel employed for the de-
fence of his assailants. He saw that his aide-de-camps
would be brought into the witness-box in the course
of the investigation, and that their evidence would be
subjected to a severe and rigorous examination. He felt,
in addition to this, that all the incidents of his past life
would be dragged to light—all the abominations of his
most execrable rule over the struggling and conquered
Hungarians. He reflected, moreover, that his many
political crimes would be recapitulated in one tremen-
dous and overwhelming catalogue, and a feeling of
horror excited by the very circumstance of their enu-
meration. He shrank before the very thought of
what might then have been said by the advocate
of the prisoners in the peroration of his defence—
when, turning to the jury-box and to the bench, he
might have appealed to the reason of his hearers
and demanded if a monster of inhumanity like this
could be believed upon his oath in any court in Chris-
tendom ? And he quailed before the prospect of
such an inquiry, preferring to forego the chance
of gratifying his vengeance rather than run the risk
of any such damning and frightful exposure. Hence
the refusal of HAYNAU to appear against his assailants,
and the consequent correspondence on the part of
Lord PALMERSTON and Prince SCHWARTZENBURG.
The result of that correspondence is precisely what
might have been anticipated from its commence-
ment : the English Minister has refused to violate the
laws of his country for the purpose of gratifying the
spleen of the Austrian desolator, and the Cabinet of
Vienna has answered that refusal by a threat at once
of the most spiteful and impotent description.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received Paris journals and letters of
yesterday.
The adjourned adjudication of the 1,543,547 f. of
Rentes, Five per Cents., and 493.217 f. Rentes, Three
per Cents., proceeding from the Savings Bank and
Lyons Railway, took place at twelve o'clock, at the
hotel of the Minister of Finance. There were five
sealed tenders handed in, which were opened by the
Minister in presence of the bankers and capitalists
assembled in the hall.

Two were from Baron DE ROTHSCIIILD offering 94f.
50c. for the Five per Cents., and 56f. 50c. for the
Three per Cents.
Two from the Receivers-General Office 94f. 66c.
for the Five per Cents., and 56f. 60c. for the Three per
Cents. ; and one from the National Discount Office,
offering 93f. 25c. for the Five per Cents.
The Receivers-General being the highest bidders,
the Rents wessi adjudicated to them by the Minister
of Finance, and the meeting separated.
The affair of M. Yost still continues to excite the
most intense sensation. So indignant were the PRESI-
DENT of the Republic and M. BAROCHE at the sup-
port afforded to M. Yon by M. DUPIN, that they had
determined to dismiss him from the office he has long
held in the Court of Cessation, and to propose to the
Assembly a vote of censure on the Bureau ; the other
Ministers, however represented to them, that it would
be impossible to induce the Assembly to come to such
a vote; and at length, the PRESIDENT of the Repub-
lic and his Ministers determined to " eat their leek."
They will not apply to the Assembly to reverse the
decision of the Bureau, nor will they take any further
steps in the matter, so that the triumph of M. Yost
over MM. BAEOCHE and CARLIER is complete, and
N. DUPIN has the satisfaction of knowing that his
protection is more potent than that of the PRESIDENT
of the Republic.
The debate in the Bureau lasted for four hours,
and was of a very acrimonious character; personali-
ties of a very gross nature were said to have been ex-
changed between M. DARU and M. DUPIN. The
latter contended that M. Yost would not have been
justified had he not revealed to the Bureau the in-
formation derived from ALears, and reminded his col-
leagues that M. YON had denounced to the Assembly
the intended invasion of the 15th May, 1848, when
the Bureau refused to accede to the demand of M.
CAUSSIDIERB for his dismissal ; and had also fore•
warned them against the insurrection of June, when
General REBELLAT, the then Prefect of Police at•
tempted to ridicule his warnings, although the event
had proved that M. Yost was right, and concluded by
declaring that as the Ilureau had supported M. YON
against CAUSSIDIERE and REBELLAT, so it ought to
support him against BAROCIIE and CARLIER.
The resolution adopted by the Bureau, in virtue of
which M. YON is maintained, is peremptory, formal,
and without any motive assigned for the decision. It
was written by M. DUPIN, and transmitted to M.
BA aocue immediately after the adjournment of the
Bureau.
The minority of the Bureau had determined to
resign, but at a meeting of the Parliamentary Club of
the Rue des Pyramides, held on Monday night, at
which they were present, the meeting expressed a
wish that the threatened resignation should not take
place, as it was convinced that in the present state of
affairs it was the duty of the Moderate party to avoid
all subjects of discussion which could agitate the
country. xY
The journals of the Elysee are outrageous in their
attacks on the Assembly, which the Pouvoir signifi-
cantly compares to " the Rump Parliament of which
CROMWELL so contemptuously put the keys in his
pocket." "Do not forget," concludes the Pouvoir,
" that you are in full revolution." Is this to be con-
sidered as a threat or as a warning ? The Pays is
even still more furious in its denunciations; and the
Constitutionnel declares " nothing can be more se-
rious than the decision at which the Bureau has ar-
rived." The Legitimatist and Republican journals, on
the other hand, laud the Bureau for their perspicacity
and decision.

The
eAssisgerm,iibiciiaet
iNonatoitonsauleehs
aayvso—to cannot be doubtful.
On Saturday the Assembly desired to assert the invio-
lability of its Members. Yesterday the Bureau desired
to show its determination to resist every attack made
on its prerogatives. Without any doubt, such dez.isions
ought to be regretted, hut what ought to be still mere
regretted, is the necessity which led to them. We de-
clare it with regret, there is in all that susceptibilities die
origin of vs hieh goes far back. The message had
calmed them down, and, unfortunately, the executive
power has not done enough to render ail its Sets in cc,n-
tormity with its promises. Still more, it has allowed the
direction of these matters to bo marked with aggressive
forms which it was difficult not to remark. Right or
wrong, the responsibility of the attack, made on Satur-
day on the inviolability of the representatives, is assigned
to one of the members of the Government; it is even said
that the intention was to sound the pacific dispositions
of the Assembly. Why be astonished, then, at the
vigour displayed in these two circumstances by the na-
tional reprt sentation? We accuse no one, we hope that
the pretensions of one of the powers are singularly ex-
aggerated; but it is useless to shut one's eyes on the
aPPearaneLs, true or false, produced by the facts which
we have had to speak of for the last two days."
We read in the Siecle—
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