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London, England, 1851-05-16 00:00:00

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contrary, he felt that he had been deprived, as well as
his ancestors—(Loud cheers and lsught'.r)—of what he
and his anceFto;s had been entitled to fer two centureS,
and thee the Act of 1829 was an act of justice for w tuch
he had rio right to fi el any extra humility. He was,'
howeesr, much surprised w hear the Lord Advocate say
that if the rot in question had beer, done quietly—with
humility— sub rosa—behind a political screen—on the
sly, no effsnce weulcl be taken, and that the wetter
would have been passed over uequestioned. The Right
Hon. Gentleman bad sp ken of tne Episcopal Church of
Scotland and of Bishop' Skinner exercising authority
only in one district; but if the Right- lion. Gentleman
had put diocese fur district, and Glasgow for both, he
would have been nearer the fact. The Hon. Membsr
then read a petition presented by Mr. liastie from 200
members of the Presbyterian Church in Glasgow, com-
plaining of the encroachments of the prelacy in Scotland
since 1840, and the assumption of the bishops of the
Episcopal Church, asserting that they assumed territo-
rial titles and bore the episcopal mitre on the patie!s of
their private carriages. The Right Hon. Sectetary for
the Home Dpartment, too, had given notice of a (-lease
exempting the Scotch bishops from punishment for
these acts. And yet the Lord Advocate had said
the people of Scotland were nut indignant. The
Pope appointed bishops not as a temporal but as
a spiritual prince ; and if he were lodging at
Mivart's, as he had been at Rome, by the last
accounts, his power of appointment would be
the same as at present. The Noble Lord at the head
of the Government was constantly iaunting the Catholic
Members of that House with the Sardinian act of re-
fusing absolution: but if the Noble Lord was right, why
did he not oppose the Act of Emancipation of 1829?
The Noble Lord, in replying to the Hon. Member for
Athlone, argued that delaying emancipation would have
forced the Catholics to incorporate themselves with
Rome. ,It the Noble Lord meant the word incorporate
in a spiritual sense, he spoke loosely, for the Catholics
of Ireland had beets incorporated with Rome since the
conversion of that country by St. Patrick. If, on the
contrary, the Noble Lord meant it in a temporal sense,
he offered a gratuitous insult to their allegiance. It he
talked of their incorporation with a pocket or duodecimo
edition of a primer, that was an offence against their
common understanding. They had sworn their alle•
giants to the Queen, and they would not allow the
Noble Lord to impeach that allegiance. He admitted
that the Lord Advocate had spoken with great modera-
tion, and had made the best he could of a bad cause, but
he did not say one word about the Bill. He gave the
Learned Lord Advocate great credit for avoiding that
one subject, for it was a very tender point. The Noble
Lord at the head of the Government, in answer to the
Hon. and Learned Member for Athlone (Mr. Keogh),
said that if they (the Irish Raman Catholics) were pi r-
secuted by this Bill, they were equally pure cuted since
1829, because the 24th clause of she Emancipation Act
contained all that was curtained in the present Bill.
Let him (Mr. Reynolds) remind the House of the spirit
of the Bill of 1829, The object of that Bill was to
emancipate 10,000,000 of Roman Catholic subjects.
The object of the Bill before the House was to enslave
those 10,000,000 of loyal subjects. Why was the 24th
clause of the Emancipation Bill inserted? It was to
pacify the bishops in another place—in fact, it was to
give a sop to the whale:—(Laughter.) He asked the
Noble Lord whether he intended to interfere with the
free exercise of the Catholic religion in the United
Kingdom? Did he intend to fetter the Catholic bishops
in the discharge of their clerical functions? The Noble
Lord said he did not. Did he intend to interfere with
the Bequests Act? He said not. Well, then, will the
Noble Lord permit him to propose a clause in this Bill,
declaring that nothing therein contained shall be con-
sidered to prevent the Catholic bishops in the United
Kingdom from discharging their episcopal functions as
they were in the habit of doing? and another clause that
would secure to them those rights that had been guaran-
teed to them under the Bequests Aci? If the Noble Lord
permitted him to do that then there would be no fur-
ther opposition to his Bill. But the Noble Lord
would not do any such thing. Under such dream-
stances, they were determined to fight that Bill by every
means in their power. He held in his hand a most im-
portant document; it was the opinion of an eminent
lawyer, and a Member of that House upon the merits of
the Bill. He alluded to the lion. and Learned Member
for Aylesbury (Mr. Bethell). It was read 'serially in
that House in March last by the Hun. and Learned
Member for Dundalk (Mr. T. M'Cullagh). The opinion
went so far as to say that the first clause of this Bill
involved the second and third, and it was a mistake to
suppose that its stringency was in the slightest degree
impaired or altered by the omission of the latter clauses.
He (Mr. Reynolds) would fight the Hon. and Learned
Member for Aylesbury against the Noble Lord. Let
the matter be settled between them. That opinion fur-
ther stated that the Roman Catholic bishops in Ireland
could not exercise their functions in Ireland if that Bill
were passed into a law. That opinion was not only
given by the lion. Member for Aylesbury, but it was
confirmed by two other eminent lawyers—namely, Mr.
Bramwell and Mr. Surridge. Through the influence of
his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Athlone,
the opinions of three other lawyers were taken on
the subject, and they had not only corroborated all that.
he had read, but had gone further, for they said that if'
the Bill passed. even in its modified shape, there was an
end of the exercise of the Catholic religion in this king-
dom. They were taunted with a want of patience upon
this question. He fur one would not bear this with
either patience or moderation.—(Loud laughter.) What
had brought him and the other Protestant and Catholic
Members who had entered the House as supporters of
the Noble Lord over to the opposition side of the House?
Why, it was this Bill of pains and penalties. What had
induced him and other Members of that House to make
a declaration that they would use every effort in their
power to hurl the present occupants of the Treasury
bench from power? Nothing but the present Bill.—
(Hear.) He had never said that he would vote black
was white, but he said, and repeated, that so long as the
Government became the persecutors of his creed and of
the millions with whom he was joined in religious
belief, that there was no opportunity occurred
which he would not gladly avail himsslf of to wrest
from their hands that sceptre of power which
they had so much abused.—(Loud cheers.) He would
be glad to know whether those men who went to
their clubs, who answered their bell, and ran into the
lobby to vote upon a question which they knew nothing
about, did not vote that black was white? Did not
their officials vote just as they were ordered by their rigid
taskmasters? When he (Mr. Itsynolds) asked some of
them why they voted that way, they said they could not
help it. They were officials in harness, well secured in
a Californian trap.—(Laughter.) When he asked some
of them why they did not speak against such a Bill as
this they replied that they could not, because they la-
boured under a disease peculiar to the Treasury
beaches—namely lucrative taciturnity. (Laughter.)
There was the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Drogheda (Sir W. Somerville), who represented a Ca-
tholic community, who had called on hum three times to
'resign; but he would not resign—he knew much better
than to do that. The Right Honourable Baronet was
thus keeping forcible possession of his seat. Because he
was Secretary for Ireland he was voting to forge the
chains upon his Catholic countrymen. There was another
Irish Member—a Lord of the Treasury forsooth—the Hon.
Member fer Louth (Mr. Bellew). When the Noble Lord
was inspeaching his creed and his clergy on the 12th cf
that month—when he was pitching Sardinia in his face,
who was the most vociferous cheerer of the Noble Lord?—
why the Hon. Member for Louth.—(Hear, hear.) Who
was the man that cried him (Mr. Reynolds) down most
vociferously? The Hon. Member fur Louth. Votes of
censure have been passed upon all such Me-opera for
Ireland, and their representatives were called upon on
all occasions to vote against Ministers. But they had
never taunted the Opposition with voting that black was
white. Were they wit constantly voting against the
Government for the purpose of putting them out of
office? He was censured, but they escaped obloquy.
The distinction between them was that he was guilty of
political petty larceny, while they were guilty of political
highway robbery. The handwriting was on the wall.
They have been weighed in the balance, and have been
found wanting. A day of reckoning was approaching,
and so much the better. Although it might inconve-
nience some of his party, they were quite prepared to
go through it in order to test the feeling of the
country in respect to the persecutors of their religion.—
(Hear, hear.) He had now some information for the
Ministers and those seated upon the other side. This
Parliament would not last for ever—(Laughter)—and
although the Noble Lord might say to a certain number
of his followers —e Go," and they goeth; Come," and
they cometh, he and others would be sent about their
business in a very short space of time,—(Hear, hear.)
Let him imagine an appeal t
- I„elsiah people. Why
the watchword wilt he—" Down with the Whigs"—
" Down with the violators of the Act of '29"—" Down
with the men who bring in a Bill to repeal the Emanci-
pation Aci"—" Down with those Whip who put a pe-
nalty of 1001. upou Dr. Murray it he consecrates a
priest"—el. Down with the Government who weilletri:fm(puhr
r eD3aojezne with
wb the
by a packed jury and send to a lelgaol e
beloved bush, ps if he be found guilty"
—`
men, who, forgetting their ancient pfe
slip their dcge of war
against the creed of the Irish
people." Now he did not pretendk ied._to
(Laui!hte lass,
lord, lord, nor, indeed, a lord of any
He was certainly a Lord Mayor last year. but he
had parted with his honours. and had descended from
the exalted position of the peerage into the Commons.
—(Renewed laughter.) But the Hon. and Lea Learned
Lord Advocate appeared to have not
read etory
with much advantage. For 200 years that the
.Whigs
were in power the penal laws were all passed; 'tis true
they went to war with King George lll.—for then it
appeared that a sudden ray of enlightenment came upon
them, when they waged war with that intolerant Mo-
narch; they then practiced self-denial, and support el
the principle of Catholic emancipation. If they thought
themselves right they deserved no credit for their con-
duct there; and it they thought themselves wrong they
deserved considerable censure (Laughter)—because
they must have had some other object in view. They
talked of the Catholics owing a debt of gratitude to
them. Why, they were not in power when the great
charter of their religious liberties was granted them.
The Irish Catholic Members kept them in power for
twenty years, and the " Irish brigade" would never
relax their efforts until they turned them out of power.
The Noble Lord said the other night that this measure
of the Pope's was only part arid parcel of a wide-spread
conspiracy to mar the policy of England in t °reign courts.
He (Mr. Reynolds) had a word or two to say to the
Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Pal,
merston) upon thissubject. What were the facts? Cardinal
Wiseman was created so in 1847, and was then publicly
gazetted in Rome. The Noble Lord was aware that it
Was in September, 1850, that the C,rdinal was elevated
to the office which he now holds. He (Mr. Reynolds)
now asserted that on the night of the elevation of Car-
dinal Wiseman, Archbishop of Westminster, the fact
having been duy published in Rome, Mr. Freeborn, the
British
..0905u1, his 9faciid residence

EN*

ItLHE

on. the occasion from the base to the attic, nod
had 'Placed over the grand entrance to his man-
;esetrin the Royal arms of England. He would
-next state another fact, and he challenged contradiction
to the statement. He said that the same Mr. Freeborn,
the British Consul at Rouse, went on that night, clothed
in his official cosone, to Cardinal Wiseinan's levee;
and in the company of foreign Ministers celebrated
the elevation of Cardinal Wiseman to . the office
of Archbishop of Weetseinsrer. seAlav tent., "he
did not understand hole the .House utel have ,nee
gativsd the resolution of the liuneurable Member tor
Stafford (Mr. Urquhart) that. her Majesty's Govsrn-
ment had encouraged the heads of the Roman Oath, lie
church in the conduct they bad pursued. The Noble
Lerd, the First Munster of the Crown, had said that
that was a European conspiracy; but he (Mr. Reynolds)
could undertake td`sey that neither he nor the other
Catholic Members of that House knew anything of such
a conspiracy. On the contrary, they had supported the
Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs on the
motion respecting his policy in the month of June last;
and if they had withheld that support they would have
ensured the removal of the Noble Lord from office. He
told them they would have no peace in heisted. and that
they ought to have no petese there. if that Bill were
passed. It was tne Roman Catholic bishops and priests,
and not Lord Clarendon, who had prevented an in-
surrection in Ireland in the year 1848; and yet her Ma-
jesty's Government proposed that those men should,
at present, be rewarded by a Bill of pains and penal-
ties for the services they had performed. One good
had resulted from that proposal ; and that was
that it had banded the Irish Members together as one
man. Those Members had sworn on the altar of their
country that if that Bill became law they should, in
order to put it into execution, pass over the dead bodies
of the Catholics of Ireland.— (Cries of " Oh, oh," and
laughter.) That excited their laughter; but he would
tell them that when they were compelled to double the
police force and to turn every village into a garrison,
John Bull would begin to murmur when he found that
he would have to put his hands into his pockets up to
the very elbows. He eonfessed that he remembered
with shame and regret the division of the preceding day
on the insulting Bill of the Hon. Member for &Rhein
(Mr. Lacy); and he certainly was astonished to find
that ninety-one Members of that House had voted in
favour of a measure which the Hon. Member for Berk-
shire, Mr. Palmer—(Cries of " Order")—well he with-
drew the word Paltrier—(Laughter)—which the Hon.
Member for Berkshire hao declared would impose duties
which no English gentle man would undertake to dis-
charge. When he recollected that fact he could not
help feeling ashamed of the cempany ho had of late
been keeping.—(Much laughter). He foiled, too, that
among the 91 Members who had voted for the Bill
were some Free-traders—members of that party for
whom Ireland had sacrificed 3,000.0001. a year by sup-
portiug the free-trade measures adopted in this country
in recent years. He believed the greater portion of
these 91 M..mbers would have voted for a repeal of the
Rstean Catholic Emancipation Act. In conclusion, he
would tell her Majeto's Government that if they were
to pass that Bill, they would enter on a struggle in
which they would necessarily be worsted. A general
election could nut be far distant, and at that election
Ireland would send to that House at least 80 Members
strenuously opposed to any Ministry who should coun-
tenance such a measure as that; they would send to
that House men like himselt—(Laughter)—not like him
physically, but like him pledged to take every oppor-
tunity of hurling from power any Government that
might attempt to cripple the civil and religious liberties
of the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. NVIIITESIDE said, that standing as he did in the
presence of men ot superior ability and talent, he should
not, if this ware a question having relation to the finan-
cial affairs of this great country, have presumed to ad-
dress the House upon it. But as the question was one
of that nature in reference to which his constituents were
influenced by the greatest anxiety—one on which the
Protestants of Ireland felt the deepest interest, and one
which had stirred up the Protestant feeling of this coun-
try—he trusted he might be allowed to allude to it with-
out being supposed unnecessarily to intrude upon the at-
tention of the House.—(Hear.) The history of Ireland
was a paintul subject to reflect upon then. Would that
he could apply to it the words ot Pope—
" Let darkness hide it—let oblivion bury—"
adding from his own heart, might a bright and happy
future compensate for the gloom and memory of the
psst.—(Hear, hear.) It they were obliged to refer to
history, let them look back to the past, with the view of
obtaining profit as regarded the future.—(Hear,
hear.) Who was Cardinal Wiseman ? He was one
of the Privy Councillors of the Pope. One
by whom the Pope was elected and who might be
Pope himself. He said he was, and no doubt he felt
himself justified in saying so, that he was a loyal subject
of the Queen. Yet what said the Pope in his rescript.
He alluded to the happy days of England when
Jeffrey was on the bench and James on the throne. He
said that this country was to be divided into districts,
and that they were to be ruled by bishops of his ap-
pointment. His cardinal (carried out the edict of his
master, and that was the condition in which England
stands at the present moment.—(Hears hear.) On Ire-
laud the Pope had also, unasked, conferred his blessing,
for he had sent Archbishop Paul Cullen as his legate to
that country.—(No, no.) Yes, Dr. Cullen appeared as
archbishop and iegete of the Pope in a Protestant city
of a Protestant province in Ireland, and pro-
ceeded to execute at once the office to which he had
been appointed.—(Cries of " No," and cheers.) It had
been held by commutation on our statute that the
Pope had two modes of interfering with the internal
affairs of this country. One was by promoting foreign
invasion, and the second by fomenting domestic broils.
It was a curious fact in connexion with this point that
when physical force failed, then priestly influence was
brought into action.—(Cheers.) It was said that the
Queen's Colleges were dangerous to the faith and morals
of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Now how did this
case stand? Why in former days the Irish Parliament
was called upon by the Roman Catholics to throw
open the colleges in that country to enable the
Catholics to compete in mental acquirements with their
Proteitsnt countrymen. That acquirement prevailed,
and the University of Ireland was thrown open to Irish
men of all creeds, and the honours of the University
were accessible to all men.—(Cries of " No, no.") Yes,
save those connected with fellowships and scholarships,
and in this college, founded by a Protestant Queen, and
for Protestant students, Catholics were educated, and
obtained those honours which their acquirements merited.
—(Hear, hear.) There it was that Mr. Sheil laid the
foundation for those attainments which had secured for
him the admiration of his countrymen and of that House,
and where many of the gentlemen by whom he was sur-
rounded had obtained those educational advantages
which they now enjoyed. Yet in this university they
had a school of divinity, which was not objected to by
the bishops and clergy of the Roman Catholic. Church in
Ireland. But thee came . the Queen's Colleges, which
were now objected to by the Roman Catholic Church, on
the ground that they were dangerous to faith and morals.
When first Sir Rob, rt Peel proposed these colleges, he
instituted a Commission to take evidence on the sub-
ject. The first person examined on the subject was the
Protestant Archbishop of Armagh, and the second was
the Right Rev. Dr. Crolly, who, according to a com-
munication made to him by a friend of his at the head
of the commission, expressed himself so well satisfied
with the intended Queen's Colleges, which were now
declared to be opposed to faith and morals, that he pro-
posed, out of his small means, to advance 1,0001. to es-
tablish a professorship. That was the state in which
the question of the Queen's Colleges stood at the time
of the death of the late Dr. Crolly. Up to that time
what was the mode in which Roman Catholic bishops
were elected is Ireland? The late Dr. Doyle, in his
evidence before a Committee of that House on the sub-
ject, said that while the right of the rope was recog-
uised in Ire land as regarded the elections of bishops of
the Irish Roman Catholic Church, yet that, in fact that
right was never exercised—his course being to select one
of the three clergymen submitted to him by the Irish
parish priests for the office of bishop. This was the
evidence of the late Dr. Doyle. Now, what had been
done upon the occasicn of the death of the late Dr.
Crolly? Why, three names were forwarded to the
Pope, namely, Dr. Dixon, Dr. O'llaulon, and Dr.
Gueriog, and the Pope by the course which he had
adopted had annihilated for ever the independence of
the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland. He set the
three names submitted to him aside, and selected for the
vacant office Dr. P. Cullen, of whom he was dis-
posed personally to speak in terms of respect,
as he was indebted to him, when at Rome.
fur great attention and courtesy.—(Hear, hear.)
Dr. Cullen, in consequence of the Pope's appointment,
came to Ireland as Archbishop of Armagh and Legate
of the Court of Rome.—(No, no.) Well, who was the
author and promoter of the Synod of Thurles? Why,
Archbishop Cullen. Let them look to the form and
matter of that synod. The law was violated by its
being held, yet under the influence of a superior power
to that, by which the synod was convened, this inter-
ference with the law was overlooked. In the first place,
as regarded the form of the synod, there was a pro-
cession of priests and friars end persons of different or-
ders, and yet. although all this was done iu violation of
the law, the police attended the procession, headed by
Mr. Gore Jones, the magistrate, and it was. in conse-
quence believed that the synod was held under the au-
thority and sanction of the Gcvernment.—(Uear.) At
the procession which took place the cross and the crczier
were borne by priests and bishops, and men of various
orders, just as be had seen it at Rome. At this proces•
sion the people knelt, and the troops, paid by the State,
manifested their sympathyii at solemnities that were pass-
ing before thesis ( ear.) The Hon. Gentleman
read an Extract from*—
He the Times in corroboration of this
statement.
Ireland to say why calledh on tne Attorney-General for
a violation of thelaw° -permitted proceedings that were
steps to punish theoffendersand also whether he had taken
hear.) If they referred in this case?—(Hear,
to
would find that it was equallyttie matter of the synod, they
; for it not only denounced deserving of condemns-
but all schools where the same the Queen's Colleges,
out—namely, where the religiouporr
theciples were carried
Church wee impugned. Next there is
the
eoman Catholic
syno-
dical duty, where the rich are held up to Lasehof
the poor in the following words—" that the rich chagrin
of
be
sent away at the last day for their severity on the poor,
and the labourer shall be saved," and to that opinion the
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland assented.—(No, -no.) He
would soy, for it was said by that synod that the
rich were the exterminators of the people; but, on the
contrary, he could show that such was not the case, for
Armagh bad far superior institutions to any other part
of the county, and those institutions were principally
supported by the wealthy of that county. He
contended that if legal evidence could be produced
as strong as
conviction, it would be found
illegal that Doctor Cadet' should put himself up as the
delegate of the Pope. But he should say that if
that gentleman could exercise authority in another coun-
try, he ()could hot 611- d
1419111 d aoi hue the power of ex-