The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-20 00:00:00

paried Mrs. Mead, of Stockwell, who was killed, slightly
injured.
Edwarl Whitnell, 24, 3, John's-p!ace, wound of the
haul, and Otherwise much injured.
Mre. Keeley, nurse of the hospital, injured in the
skeet.
Ail, we are happy to state, are progressing favourably.
An inquest will be opened in the course of to-morrow,
by Mr. Carter, on the bodies of those killed.

TILE APPROACHING PRESIDENTIAL
ELEOTION.

NEW YORK, Oct. 7.—As the day of election ap-
proaches the Republican journals begin to be filled
with rumours of projected fraud from the opposing
party, of which the following, from yesterday's
Tribune, may be taken as fair specimens :
"Preparations for enormous frauds have been made
in view of the approaching election in Pennsylvania.
This we intimated the other day, and now have positive
data upon the subjecle In Philade:phia it appears that
between 10,000 and 15,000 names have been added to
the extra assessment lists, mainly by the Border-ituflian
Democracy. There are 4,000 ip Illillward's district
alone. We are informed that it the attempt. is male to
carry it out on any such wholesale scale as is threatened
collisions at the polls cannot be prevented. The people
of Pennsylvania will not submit with patience to Califor-
nia ballot-stuffing, or be barefacedly cheated out of their
rights."
The friends of Mr. Buchanan do not manifest
much confidence in carrying Pennsylvania in the
gubernatorial election next week, but speak boldly
of their chances in November. The States of Ohio,
Indiana, and Pennsylvania aro to vote next week.
These elections will show how the public current is
running in those States.
Virginia is just now the hotbed of American
politics. The Democratic party there take the
ground of disunion if Fremont is elected. I sent
you: last week some extracts fromv,a speech of the
Governorof the State made in Richmond, in reply
to a remarkable speech from Mr. John M. Botts.
The day after that letter was written another nul-
lification ex-Governor of that State spoke from the
steps of the Merchant Exchange to some thousands
of the democracy of New York, in which he made
use of the following language :
"To resume the thread of my discourse, yen will per-
ceive that under these doctrines which they propose to
adopt a convention should be called in any of the States,
if it happen to suit the advocates of the higher law doc-
trine, and overturn the Existing Government. When
you come to take these things in their connexion, there
could not have been a more fearful precedent. To show
how determined this sectional party were to carry out
principles which would confiscate our property and dis-
turb our domestic peace and tranquillity they had nomi-
nated a candidate on the sectional platform. Fremont's
letter of acceptance shows that he understood that, be-
cause he made a distinct allusion to the subject of this
difference, is which they have endeavoured to get up
civil strife in the bosom of the Slave States themselves,
merely because that species of cause was unequally dis-
tributed, so that we have a right to expect, if this party
should get into power—we would have a right to expect
from their Administration the whole power of this party
would be used to get up strife within the Southern
States, not merely to set the black man against the
white, but to sow reads of dissension among white
men thee-salve,. We know that in the Slave States they
cannot effect any such purpose, for white men under-
stand the vital interests of the white race to preserve the
existing relations of thing. , But this party would .be
willing to use their power, if it should be given them, to
effect such a resut. Sapp3se that they were to elect a
President upon such pri. c pies, and that they were to
administer the Government in that way, where would
the south be placed ? Do you suppose that they would
agr. eto tacrifics their own ecn3titutional rights? Do
you suppose that they Would remain in the Union ?
Well did Mr. Fillmore ask of the citizens of the States
whe her they would suffer the Government to be admi-
nistered in any such a way. It was an appeal made to
the sense of justice of 10,000,000 of people in these
United States. Could the south consent to remain in
the Union in which the constitution was to be treated
as null and void, so far as they were coucerned It is
utterly impossible that the Government should be ad-
ministered upon such principles without leading to the
de.truction of this Union. I want- to ask you, northern
men, whether there can be any consideration in the
election of a sectional President, such as Fremont, to
justify the north in imperilling such institutions as ma-
terially, politically, and siociatty affect the preservation
of the Union ? Before doing that, psrmit me to show
you those doctrines upon which they are agitating the
public mind and seeking to subvert the social system of
the south would be as destructive at the north a,s at the
south. I will show you that these doctrines can lead to
nothing but anarchy everywhere. This higher law pro-
scribes the institution of slavery and nullifies the protec-
tion of the constitution, because it violates that cardinal
political maxim that all men were created equally."

It is not the largo southern slaveholders who make
use of such rhodomontade, or, to use an Ameri-
canism, have not yet incorporated in the mother
tongue such hyperlenten. Mr. John Minor Botts
' has effectively replied to all such sentiments—re-
plied, too, in the State of Virginia, and among
slaveholders. His speech is worth reading as a
specimen of manly out-speaking in a community
opposed to him in sentiment, and particularlysore
on the questions ho attempts to discuss. It is
the most remarkable document which the " cam-
paign" has yet produced ; and it is particularly re-
markable for the common sense view of things in
the midst of ultraism.
Of the slavery question, which is agitating the
country, he speaks distinctly. No northern re-
publican ever used more explicit language than
the following :
Now, gentlemen, I want to tell you something about
this question of slavery, and what I think about it.
And, first of all, I want to tell you what is my own
position upon it; and for that purpose I had better, as
it has appeared already in print, and that there may be
no tnisrepresentation upon it, read what I have already
said. These gentlemen have seen it, and I itent them
to see it again :—My position on the question of
slavery is this, and so far from wishing to conceal
it, I desire it should be known to all. Muzzles were
made for dogs, and not for men, and no pres and no
party can put a muzzle on my mouth so long as I value
my freedom. I make bold, then, to proclaim that I
our no slavery propagandist. I will resort to all proper
remedies to protect and defend slavery where it exists,
but I will neither assist in nor encourage any attempt to
force it upon a reluctant people anywhere, and still less
will I justify the use of the military power of the cours
try to establish it in any of the territories. If it finds its
way there by legitimate means it is all well ; but never
by force, through any instrumentality of mine. lam
myself a slaveholder, and all the property my children
have in the world is slave property, inherited from their
mother ; and he who undertakes to connect my name or
my opinions with abolitionism is either a knave or a fool,
and sometimes both. And this is the only answer I have
to make to them. I have not connected myself with any
sectional party or sectional question ; and, so help me
God, I never will. That is the only answer I have to
make you upon the position I occupy on the slavery
question. (Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, there never was so
arrant and so impudent a humbug—that was my expres-
leen—l will use it again—there never was so arrant and
so impudent a humbug attempted to be practised upon
the credulity of humanity as this question of slavery.
Why, gentlemen, slavery is in no more danger than the
coat I have on my back is of being taken away—not
halt as much, because they talked about lynching me,
I believe, and yet I am not afraid of anybody taking my
coat off ; nor am I afraid that any man in this State
will dare lay tife weight of his finger upon my coat.
What will you expect the north to do ? They will resist
the extension of slave territory, and they will resist the
admission of Slave 'States. As Mr. Seward truly said,
the day cf compromise has passed away. Aye, and it
has passed away by the judgment and decision of the
Democratic party, who are alone responsible. (Cheers.).
Well, now, how are they going to disturb slavery as it
exists in the States ? Are they going to send an army
down here to do so ? I don't understand by what pro-
cess they mean to do it. I will tell you where the dan-
ger is. In your runaway slaves—an evil which has
been greatly aggravated by the additional facilities of
travel afforded by the railroads, and the greater intelli-
gence which the Slaves acquire by increased intercourse
through the same medium. Your remedy is to prevent
them as best you can, and to punish an abduotor wher-
ever you can find him. There is another danger, and
that is, by keeping the Democratic party in powEr•
(Cheers.) Now, I will show you that if you expect thet
Fillmore or Buchanan will either help you to the exten-
sion of slave territory, or the admission of Slave Sates,
you are mistaken. I say that all men at the north are
opposed in the abstract and upon principle to the exten-
sion of slavery. They will not disturb it where it exs,
but they are not going to help you for the extension
lst
of
helps to slave territory. And why ? Becau'e i'
in-
crease your political power against them. Why do you
occupy
that. It
the
want an increase of slave territory ?f
15W,hvwdboy.); oituiswnanott
13, 19, or 20 Slave States instead o
because you have not got land enough
t itso.
slave labour at your command.
you want it
circumscribed ; it is
is not because your limits areOncoCtu
it. that
I t does not
the Senate of the
power r n
atominittcorenal the poluitical power_ of the
sbeftl'leseto3-,oeuivewaliner
the north do not want y
'Jetted Stater,. For the
yesbut increases the political
increase the nuoilicr of slaves,
I for that reason the north is opposed to it.
power,ousa:tuoe reexatF.cond
Well, now, if you expect on the other hand, that Fre-
wont,
the Black Republican candidate,
is Vire; to dis-
turb the institution of slavery you are mistaken. That
ci!her he or his party will do so I very much doubt. Do
not mistake this for an abolition sentiment. I mean to
say that, power being the object of the party, I doubt
much it they would not behave themselves in power
better than out of it.

We understand that the of:60o of Doan of her Ma-
jesty's Chapels Royal, which is generally conferred on
the Bishops of London, will, by her Majesty's desire,
remain in t'le bands of Bishop Bloomfield. We are in-
formed that, shortly before his retirement from the See
of London, he rendered to her Majesty his resignati( n
of the office of Dean of the Chapels Royal, but that ter
Majesty was graciously pleased to express a wish that
he sh%uld continua to retain it.
THP,' AMEIZICAN 111 AILS.—The British and North Apse-
rlc al Royal Mail steamship Asia, Captain Lott, h fG the
Mersey, at one o'clock en SatUrdtiy afternoon, ler New
York, with the rival mails, 145 pasrengers, and a full