The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-29 00:00:00

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)

HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 Trustee.) •
CUMBERLAND.
Supply moderate, trade rather dull, and prices stationary.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 U to #3 5
Niew Meadow Hay 3 5 4 0
Useful Old Ditto 3 5 3 15
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 3 15 4 (1
Clover Hay 3 15 4 4
Oat Straw £1 6to £1 8 I Wheat Straw ... 1 10 1 13

SMITHFIELD.
Supply tolerably good, trade dull, and prices stationary.
Coarse heavy Lowiana Meadow Hay £2 15 to £3 0
New Meadow Hay ........... .......... 3 10 3 15
Useful Old Ditto 3 10 3 15
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay ..... 4 0 4 4
Clover Hay (extra fine)...Es s... Generally
Oat Straw ... £1 6to £1 8 I Wheat Straw 1 8 1 10

Mr. CHAPMAN, we perceive, takes his benefit
this evening at the City Theatre. The performances
announced on the occasion are, each, of the most varied
and attractive character. As Mr•. CHAPMAN was the first
to introduce public theatricals into the heart of the City
of London, where be engaged from time to time the best
performers of all classes, we have little doubt his services
will be acknowledged by a full attendance of cits.
THE UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL.--We
.ire requested to state that the September Number of this
highly popular miscellany will contain among other inte-
resting articles :—The Crisis at Waterloo—Major Gast
er's Answer to Sir Hussey Vivian's Reply, &c...—Modetu
Greece—Exploits at Kanaris—An Eye Witness Sketch of
the late insurrection in Jamaica—The sacking of Badajos;
from the reminiscences of a Subaltern—The Death—
Scenes and Sports in the Deccan—French Privateering in
the West Indies—The Soldier of Fortune—On " Letting
Well Alone"—On Terms Employed by Practical Gun-
ners—On Naval Gunnery—Observations on the .11a.";
verian Knapsack—Correspondence front the yitur(11),;11
Ports and stations—General Correspondence--"'
tairn tso,f eateh.c Army and.
be aware that by the
Our readers may not
d William 11., cap. 39, for
by the late Act of 3d o
isParthlYisofnonramt:eareleh'anllolp).:rpsoaninted 00 the front
or
reducing the duties
entitled to the
exemption unless
if the
house or shop ;n rePpect of which stieli exemption
is claimed.
relidence nod Na
dwelling-houseso tiouasseadndp:rptliii„:

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The London Miguelites are nearly choked
with sobbing over the last accounts from Por-
tugal. Where be now the invincible army of
30,000 " troops to be relied upon" at Santa-
rem ? Where the powerful corps of observation,
to check Saldanha, and keep all access to Oporto
closed ? Where the re-action in favour of Mi-
guel throughout the Algarves and Alemtejo ?
Where, alas ! and in whose possession, the
"impregnable lines of Torres Vedras ?" Where,
finally, those " 011ie chances" which, not more
than three or four days ago, were in favour of
that renowned hero Don Miguel—sure har-
bingers of his triumph, and that of legitimacy,
throughout the Christian world ? Ay, whither
are they fled ? The mighty host of 30,000 have
dwindled (as, be it recollected, we said they
must) to 10,000 crest-fallen, disorganized, ill-
appointed, unpaid, half-starved, totally ineffec-
tive rabble—not at Santarem, but Coimbra,
from which, by the latest intelligence, they were
unable, or afraid to advance. The " powerful
corps of observation" at Oporto, " numerically
equal to all Saldanha's force," has been attacked
and dispersed, or cut to pieces. The entrance
to Oporto by sea and land is free, the Miguelite
blockading and observation worthies having fled
to an undiscoverable distance, and Saldanha
being so much at his ease as to embark a con-
siderable body of troops, and detach them im-
mediately to Lisbon. The " impregnable
lines" of Tones Vedras have been deserted
by that arch runaway the Duke de Cadaval,
as Lisbon was previously, and seized by " the
rebel Villa Flor," without firing a shot. " All
the chances for Miguel" (confound the dice!)
have turned into mischances. Lastly, England
has accredited a Minister to Donna Maria; and
our Admiral is said to have threatened that if
Lisbon be attacked, he will land his marines and
blue jackets to protect the Portuguese capital,
with the British lives and property therein,
against all assailants, from whatever quarter.
Now this is what we call " sense"—" absolute
sense." It is " satisfactory"—it is " refresh-
ing." Nothing remains for the Conservative
Club but to send forth a counter-mission, Lord
Beresford Plenipo, with Eliot and Sir J. Camp-
bell for Secretaries of Legation, since the first
has no fleet, and the second no army, to occupy
him. Let this special and extraordinary em-
bassy proceed at once to Bourmont's head-
quarters—if quarters or a head be any longer in
his possession—and if not, why, they may cross
with Don Carlos, the Spanish frontier, and in a
new " war of the succession," about to open, the
Noble Lord and his attacUs may help to enforce,
with the same signal successas ever, the doctrines
of the Holy Alliance, to act upon the instructions
of the Conservative Congress, and to promote
the interests of whatever cause may prove most ad-
verse to the policy of the Liberal Government of
England, most reprobated by the principles of
the British nation, most revolting to its sym-
pathies, and Most insultina' to the rights and
liberties of mankind. The death of Ferdinand,
by the way, if authenticated, must advance to a
momentous point the great drama of political
action in Europe. It is impossible that the
question between Carlos and his niece should
not agitate the whole Continent, and in the
progress of it engage this country far more
deeply than the Portuguese question has ever
done. The coincidence between the mutual
relations of the parties is nothing more than
curious ; but on the Spanish quarrel will be
staked, throughout, the same national interests
abroad and at home, the same general prin-
ciples which have been involved in that of
Portugal during the last five years, and the
same exasperated passions. The civil war of
Spain, should such an event unhappily arrive,
will be felt, far more than that of the neigh-
bouring kingdom, to be a question affecting
Europe from east to west. What at Lisbon
was in miniature will be at Madrid a full-
length performance. That English minds must
be thoroughly imbued with the nature and
tendencies of such a conflict will soon become
obvious to the world ; nor can there be the
smallest doubt of an entire correspondence between
the British nation and the Government. The right
of the young Princess (Ferdinand's daughter) is
founded upon the ancient law of Spain, and has
now been restored by an authority equivalent to
that through which the salic law of France was
substituted for it, under a former Bourbon Mo-
narch. But the known principles and policy, by
the adoption of which the cause of the Princess
comes recommended to the free people of
England and France, are worth a thousand
abstract titles. The succession of Carlos would
be the establishment of a despotism more stern
—more gloomy—more superstitious—more de-
grading—more incorrigible, than the very worst
that now disfigures northern or eastern Europe.
it would with regard to England, be the re.
commencement of a struggle for the supremacy
over Portugal, in the existence of which, as a
constitutional and improving Power, there would
be no safety for a tyrant on the throne of Spain,
nor in its subjugation, as a province of Don
Carlos, the same security as there is now for
British commerce during peace, or for our ma-
ritime superiority and ascendancy in a period of
warfare. Every motive, therefore, personal (if
we may so speak) political, and moral, conspires
to interest the people and Government of this
country in a successful resistance to the usurpa-
tion projected by Don Carlos. We trust that
the spirit and power of all gallant Frenchmen
will be exerted in the same noble cause of op-
position to a rank and inexorable tyranny, and
that
if, in any individual quarter, however ele-
vated, feelings 5 alloyed
by meanness, sel-
fishness, or vindictiveness,
should appear to
actuate any personage •in a direction re-
pugnant to the c •
ommon heart of France,
relatively to the affairs
of either Spain
or Portugal, they will be promptly crushed,
and all attempts resulting from
defeated. Since this was written
accounts have
them effectually
reached us from Lisbon to the
21st, and from
Oporto to the 23d. They do not add much to •
the intelligence previously received,
but they
confirm it beyond the possibility of
doubt. The
defence of Lisbon proceeds vigorously,
agree with cur correspondent that Don Pedro
should not have dismissed Palmella ; though, if
we thought Palmella had acquired so little ex-
perience by the events of the last six years, as to
incline to conciliatory (that is, weak and tem-
porizing) instead of bold and decisive measures,
we should say that be was totally unfit to ma-
IlaaC affairs at the present ciis , h • -ut we think
better of his judgment, which must have been
of the wretched
enlightened by the recollection
effects which followed the former attempt to put
down rebellion by gentle means. Misplaced
lenity is the worst species of erueltv • encou-
rages,
crimes, and compels at last wholesale
measures of severity for the punishment of de-
linquents whom a few striking and prompt
examples would have awed into obedience.
Had the:regency of Donna Isabella acted with

vigour, Don Miguel would never have been
able to usurp the throne. This Palmelia must
see as well as Don Pedro. Together with our
letter we have received papers, from one of which
we extract a curious specimen of the false
acts which are deemed necessary for the sup-
port of a bad cause. It is from the Chronica
of the 19th, which contains an intercepted letter
from Don Miguel's Minister of Justice to Gen.
Monteiro Torres, recommending him " to keep
up the spirits of the soldiers by every sort of
encouraging report, and for this purpose from
time to time to promulgate favourable news,
although not true, but such news that their
falsity could not be discovered except with diffi-
culty, .or after a long time—as, for instance, to
report that Russia declares that Don Pedro
never shall be King of Portugal, and that if
Pedro should be successful, she (Russia) will
send a squadron with troops to expel him from
Portugal ; that Austria has concluded a treaty
with Spain for the maintenance of Don Miguel
on the throne ; and that both parties have offered
their armies for that purpose ; but that the King
our Sovereign, has answered, that while he
possesses the Portuguese troops, the most faithful
and most valorous in the world, he stands in no
need of foreign troops; together with other
news of the same kind, intimating delicately
that the source from which they proceed can-
not be divulged, though they who communicate
them are fully aware of their origin." Neither
in this despatch nor in the one received from
Paris is there any confirmation of the report
(though a most probable one) of the death of
the King of Spain.—Times.
Mr. Peter yesterday significantly expressed in
the House of Commons his construction of the
" defence" of Lord Warwick, by stating his de-

termination to move, at the earliest period nex

session, for the removal of the Lord Lieutenant
of the county of Warwick. Colonel Evans did
not think that an address to the Crown for so

limited a punishment of the Noble Earl would
meet the ends of public justice. His Lordship
must now plainly discern that a politic and de-
cent resignation would have been most be-
coming, and the least offensive consequence of
his unconstitutional and ignoble proceedings.
His Lordship's champion, the Standard, dis-
penses with its usual courtesy and Journal pro-
priety by some vulgar and unprovoked attacks
upon the the Morning Chronicle. We had
only, in a good-humoured manner, repelled in-
sinuations which the Standard on Tuesday
rudely made against us, when they roundly
attributed our article on the Warwick Election
that day to a Ministerial source—an insinuation

in which we really believe our Contemporary
was not serious. We shall not condescend to
notice further this defect of temper in the Con-
servative Journal ; it is foreign to the subject,
and will not draw us aside from the firm dis-
' cussion of a great Constitutional question,
which involves not local, but national interests,
of the highest moment to the liberties and privi-
leges of Englishmen. The Reform Bills, doubt-
less, cut down the nomination boroughs, but
they did not dig up all the roots. Schedule
B still exists, a foul blot in our Representa-
tive system ; and the infatuated Aristocracy of
this country cannot see their real interest—the
abandonment of those infamous conspiracies
against the political liberties of the people,
which especially disgrace the British Nobility.
No London journal has tendered more wise
advice to the Aristocracy than the Standard,
since the decline and fall of Toryism. That
Journal has indignantly animadverted on the
anti-feudal vices of the English Nobility ; their
neglect and scorn and dangerous contempt of the
people ; their cold-blooded and unchristian in-
difference to the happiness and respect of the
numbers who surround them. If the Earl of
Warwick bad been a Whig Nobleman, the
Standard, by its irrelevant recriminations on
the late Earl Fitzwilliam, the Lord Advocate,
and Mr. Henry Grattan, would have treated
him as they were wont to do the political de-
tection of any Liberal evil-doer. But as the
Earl of Warwick is a " Conservative," he is to
be white-washed and upheld. The Standard,
however, will not succeed in its chivalry. No
public case, for many years, has attracted so much
comment in the London and Weekly Press and
the Provincial Journals. The aggravating cir-
cumstances attending the recent Warwick con-
test—the completeness of the detection—the
honesty and patriotism of the Report of the
Special Committee—the fortunate jurisdiction
of a Reformed Parliament—the opportune value
of the exposure of the Aristocracy, all com-
bine to rivet public attention on the issue of
this extraordinary case. The representation
of the borough of Warwick had been
notoriously the property of the Greville
family. The most authoritative " Parliamentary
Guides"—down to Oldfield's History of Bo-
roughs, and the " Key to the House of b ',
Com-
mons," inclusive—all register that constituency
as the " pocket borough' of the owners of War-
wick Castle. The dreadful and irremediable
evils which afflict, oppress, and impend over the
British empire, all originate in our infernal sys-
tem of political tyranny and corruption. It is
gravely put forward, as a palliation of the conduct
of the Earl of Warwick, that his evil acts were
committed in favour of his brother. Is it not
to provide fur dependant relatives of the Aristo-
cracy—to place them in situations of power,
rank, and emolument, that the Nobility of this
nation have usurped popular rights and perse-
cuted the people ? Has not " borough influ-
ence" commanded Lord Lieutenancies, new
titles, rank in the army and navy, ships and re-
giments, honours and offices in the Government
and at Court, in exchange for Parliamentary
power derived through the usurpation of the
elective rights of the people ? If a cruel revo-
lution, and a complete demolition of our social
system is to be averted, it must be accomplished
by a real amendment of the constitution of the
Commons House of Parliament. The fre-
quency of political crimes is an additional ar-
gument for their effective punishment. Coin-
miseration of the Earl of Warwick, and lamen-
tations over his unhappy conviction, are ex-
tretnelv sentimental and moving ; but it is high
time that the Aristccracy should be brought to
ppektrceetvtiiivoit
ces-
their senses. The intellect, moral influence, and
growing political power of the people will no longer
bei lord-ridden or priest-ridden. No journal, after
twireotheapinpyorteermination of the Catholic Question,
of the " Borr;
powerfully lnl against,edi to
the
teh eD subserviency
eorfv ency
Wel-
lington than the Standard—none more effec-
tively in favour of
Loam:rititaoryreylsteform in
1830-1, till the advent ofi
lution measure" of Reform.
periodA retrospective
review
would s
review of its files at that
present guns fired in defence of Lord Warwick.
Is there, then, no humane consideration f
Electors of Warwick ? Is the bitter and un-
christian
spirit of local party divisions.—the daily
libels against private character—the calumnies
against virtuous and patriotic citizens—the pri-

rate sacrifice of time and money—the utter
demoralization of the lower classes by beastly
intoxication and corrupt bribery, nothing in
comparison to the " persecution" of the Aristo-
crats who are the causes of these dreadful evils,
and the persons who profit by them at the ruinous
cost of the community ? Are the degraded
criminal agents and partisans to be fined and
imprisoned, and their Noble corruptors to escape
with impunity? Our contemporary may exer-
cise his acknowledged abilities much more ho-
nourably and profitably to his countrymen, than
by these abortive and disgusting attempts to
assist great offenders to break through the
cobwebs of the law ! No ! we hope and trust,
and feel confident that the Earl of Warwick
will be made a signal example to his caste
by the Reformed Parliament. And sure we
are that the Administration could not better
uphold and warn our blind Aristocracy, or res-
cue the Earl of Warwick, than by dismissing his
Lordship from his Lord Lieutenancy. What
moral influence can such a Nobleman possess as
the Recorder of a borough thus abused, or as
the Lord Lieutenant and Conservator of the
Peace of the reform county of Warwick ? How
could his Lordship act with more sagacity or
honour than by a resignation of his municipal
office under the Crown ? How could he com-
port himself more generously to his Sovereign,
who may be painfully called upon to remove him?
The Standard ignorantly affirms that the whole
corpus delicti alleged against the Noble Earl is
the payment of 3,0001. to the credit of Sir
Charles Greville ! The evidence, as already
published, utterly falsifies this bold assertion.
Lord Warwick, by his steward, agents, and ten-
ants—by his " notices to quit"—by the ficti-
tious rating—the parts of the checques appro-
priated to bribes and debauchery, is legally
responsible for all the foul acts reported. Not
personally—not directly ; but indirectly, as the
individual for• whose interest they were done,
and the capitalist whose money was lent out to
use. The only atonement his Lordship can
make is his submission to public opinion. We
guess that the House of Peers will not be very
forward to save him or to preserve his borough.
We shall certainly not desert him, whoever may
bear his Standard ; and Mr. Peter has wisely
consulted the merits of the case by postponing
his motions till the publication of the authoritive
evidence of the Committee.—Morning C'hron.
The power of public opinion is so strong at
the present day, that even the Autocrat of the
North, obdurate as he is to the cries of huma-
nity, the demands of justice, and the stings of
conscience, feels it necessary to appeal to its
august tribunal. In his hour of gloomy triumph,
with myriads of bayonets at his back—with
Poland bleeding at his feet, and Turkey hugging
the chains of vassalage with which his treache-
rous friendship has bound her, he yet feels un-
easy unless he can induce public opinion to
legitimize, by its fiwourable decree, the crimes
of his ambition. It is in vain that his flatterers
offer him the incense of an idolatry similar to
that which was rendered to the deified tyrants
of degenerate Rome. He feels constrained to
acknowledge the existence of a power, even on
this earth, superior to thrones—a power which
military violence cannot conquer, and which
conquerors ought to propitiate. He appeals to
this power, at whose authority guilty grandeur
trembles, and whose sentence history records for
the instruction of mankind. Great must be his
confidence in his own talents for crafty persua-
sion if he hopes to be absolved from infamy
with Poland as his accuser and public opinion
as his judge. He commences his defence by a
bold and insolent falsification of the Treaty of
Vienna of 1815. He represents that treaty as
a compact solely dictated by the will and plea-
sure of the three Powers who were parties to
the original partition of Poland, to secure to
themselves more effectually the exclusive advan-
tages of their acts of spoliation and ermine.
He denies that the five other Powers who
signed the treaty were in any sense parties to its
contract or interested in its fulfilment. It is this
master-fallacy upon which the whole superstruc-
ture of his defensive reasoning is founded. Remov -
this foundation, the whole elaborate mass of the
argument built upon it falls to the ground. Be-
fore he resorted to this defence the Autocrat
should have extinguished the light of history,
which, the moment it is applied to this question,
flashes refutation on his fallacy. But first let
us quote his own words. The Autocrat lays
down the three following propositions, Mad
constitute the whole groundwork of his de•

tense
" l. That the basis on which the present legal ttate of
the country which forms the ancient Duchy of Warsaw
now rests, was originally the sole work of the three powers
who were directly interested in making this new order of
things suitable to the wants, the safety, and the welfare of
their own dominions.
" 2. That the three Courts, far from limiting, by forms
previously laid down, the right which they had to deter-
mine at their pleasure the political existence of their Polish
subjects, thought it, on the contrary, necessary expressly
to declare that it was their intention to regulate the man-
ner of this existence as each of them should judge to be
useful and advisable. And, lastly,
"3. That the powers who signed the act of the Con-
gress at Vienna, far from intending to control Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, in the exercise of their right respect-
ing the future existence of their Polish subjects, merely
adopted the treaties concluded between the three Courts on
the 3d of May, 1815, and that without any reservation
or declaration by which they might have acquired a right
to interfere in the application which the three Courts
should make of this their right to the institutions which,
according to the words of the treaty, they might think
it useful and advisable to introduce into their Polish pro-
vinces."

We admit at once that the Powers that signed
the act of the Congress of Vienna of the 9th
of June, 1815, adopted the treaties concluded
between the three Courts of Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, on the 3d of May in the same
year; but let us see under what circumstances
those treaties were made. When a dispute
arises as to the meaning or intention of a treaty,
the question can be best settled by ascertaining
what were the circumstances under which it was
made, and what were the sentiments expressed
by the contracting parties at the time of making
it. It will be recollected that the avowed object
of the Congress of Vienna was, to effect what
was called a "" settlement of Europe," with a
view to re-adjusting the deranged balance of
power, and ensuring the future tranquility of
the great family of European States. Whether
this design was carried into operation in a spirit
of wisdom or folly, of justice or injustice, is
not now the question ; we look to the pro-
fessed intention of the political compacts en-
tered into at that time by all the Powers, and
we find that professed intention was not the
aggrandisement or peculiar advantage of any
particular State, but the general benefit and
security of all the contracting nations. Ap-
plying this principle to the treaty respecting
Poland, that treaty cannot be regarded i❑ any
other light than a compact to which all the eight
Powers were parties, not for the exclusive
advantage of three of them, but for the joint
interests of all. We will even admit that no
sense of generous policy dictated the erection-of

T the Duchy of Warsaw into an independent king-
dom, where, though greatly contracted within its
proper limits, the spirit as well as the name of
Poland might still live, surrounded by the insti-
tutions of national freedom, and the glory of
ancient recollections. The case of Poland is
not the less strong in point of argument because
an interested policy on the part of England and
some other Powers insisted upon its severance
from Russia, and obliged that Power to recog-
nise the independence of the new Polish king-
dom. The Autocrat does not go back farther
than the 3d of May, 1815, when the treaties
were signed between the three Courts of Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, which were afterwards
adopted by all the constituent Powers of the
Congress. We shall refer to documents and acts
which are of a somewhat earlier date, and which
prove that the treaties of the three Powers of
the 3d of May were the consequence of the
demands of other Powers to give the Polish
people such a national existence as would con-
stitute a perpetual check to the ambition of
Russia towards the west of Europe. At the
time of the Congress Russia had military pos-
session of the Duchy of Warsaw, and undoubt-
edly desired to incorporate it with her provinces,
as she has lately done. If it had not been for
the interference of other Powers, more especially
England, the ambitious object of Russia would
have been effected, and the treaty of the 3d of
May, which recognised Poland a s an inde-
pendent kingdom, united to Russia by its
Constitution, would never have been heard
of; an absolute ukase would have issued
from St. Petersburg, and fixed at once its desti-
nies as a Russian province. It was Lord Cas-
tlereagh who first opposed the wish of the
Emperor Alexander to incorporate the Duchy
of Warsaw with Russia, and stated that it was
the desire of England to see an independent
power established in Poland under a dynasty of
its own, as a point of separation between the
three great despotic powers. To the proposi-
tion of Lord Castlereagh the Emperor of
Austria gave, or affected to give, his full as-
sent, and even went so far as to declare that,
rather than consent to the incorporation of the
Duchy of Warsaw with Russia, he would give
up his share of the partitioned State, with a view
to the restoration, as an independent State, of
the whole of the ancient kingdom of Poland.
The representative of France was as explicit as
the English Minister in demanding the recogni-
tion of the Duchy of Warsaw under an hide-
pendent sovereign. The Emperor of Russia
struggled hard for the incorporation, and re-
sorted to all the artifices of diplomacy for that
purpose. The result was a compromise, by
which the Duchy of Warsaw was to be erected
into an independent kingdom, with the Emperor
of Russia for its Sovereign, having its own
separate administration—its own army, laws,
and institutions. It is much to be lamented
that Lord Castlereagh was weak enough to re-
cede from his original design of having the
new kingdom of Poland placed under a dynasty
of its own. It was not difficult to foresee that the
Russian Government, in the consistent pursuit of
its insatiable ambition, would eventually adopt
that course with regard to Poland which it has
adopted—would violate every engagement with
the intention of provoking a high spirited people
into resistance, that it might overwhelm and

crush them with its enormous military power.
The Russian Government has done so, and
England, to her lasting shame, has been a pas-
sive spectator of the criminal destruction of her
own political work. It was as early as the 12th
of January, 1815, that Lord Castlereagh pre-
sented a note to the Congress on this subject.
In that note he declared that he retained his
former opinions, but, yielding in some degree to
circumstances, while he assented to the proposal
for allowing the Emperor of Russia to be Sove-
reign of the new kingdom, he would insi,st that
Poles should have national institutions ; that
they should not be treated as Russians, but as
Poles ; and added, that " on these conditions
only his Royal Highness the Prince Regent
would no longer have to fear that any danger to
the liberty of Europe would result from the
union of Poland to the Russian empire. This
declaration was assented to by all the Plenipoten-
tiaries, not excepting Count Razumouski, who
then represented the Autocrat of all the Russias.
Such were the note and declaration of the 12th
of January ; yet the Emperor Nicholas
has the unblushing hardihood to assert that
the treaties of the three despotic Courts on
the 3d of May following were " the sole work
of those three Powers, who were directly in-
terested in making this new order of things
suitable to the wants, the safety, and the wel-
fare of their own dominions ;" in fact, that it
was a sort of family compact of the three
Powers, as exclusively at their own dictation,
and fur their own advantage, as the original
act of partition—having nothing whatever to
do with a general plan for the settlement of
Europe and the protection of its general li-
berties. But the proof of the treaty of Vienna
being the work of all the constituent Powers
of Congress does not rest on those facts alone.
We have the evidence of the Emperor Alex-
ander himself to the same purport. On the
30th of April, 1815, of course, before any of
the treaties were signed, the first two, as we
have stated, being upon the 3d of May, and
the last one upon the 9th of June, the Em-
peror Alexander addressed a letter to Count
Ostrowski, the President of the Polish Senate,
in which occur the following passages :—" It
is with peculiar satisfaction that I announce to
you that the destiny of your country is fixed;
with the concurrence of all the Powers assem-
bled at the Congress of Vienna. The kingdom
of Poland shall be united to the empire of Russia
by the title of its own Constitution; on which I am
desirous of founding the happiness of the coun-
try." It was also stipulated by the treaty which
created the independent kingdom of Poland,
that the Poles, " who were subject to the other
contracting Powers (those of what are called the
Polish provinces, subject to Russia, Austria,
and Prussia) should have a popular representa-
tion and national institutions." Now in what
way did Russia observe these stipulations ? As
to the Poles of the provinces under her do-
minion she did not observe them at all. On the
contrary, she abolished such national institu-
tions as they already had, and even suppressed
their language. As to the new kingdom of
Poland, she certainly gave it a constitution, in
pursuance of her compact with the other
Powers, under a certain degree of freedom and
national independence might be enjoyed ; but
before long she took steps to render that con-
stitution nugatory in effect. She violated those
principles which it was most necessary to hold
sacred and inviolable. She raised taxes on the
Poles without being voted ; reduced the Na-
tional Diet to a shadow, by prohibiting the
publicity of its debates, and withdrawing from
it all but the least important subjects for discus-
sion. But it was with regard to individual liberty
and personal security that the greatest atrocitisu

were committed. The Nuncio Niemnewski was
banished from Warsaw for freedom of speech in the
Diet. The Council of Kalitz, for electing that
Nuncio, and his brother, who opposed a law for
doing away with the responsibility of Government
agents, was arbitrarily suppressed by a Royal
Ordinance in the reign of Alexander. Contrary
to the charter, a body of 10,000 Russian troops
was permanently quartered in Poland, the greater
part at Warsaw, where they well supported the
reign of terror established by the Grand Duke
Constantine, who carried the system of espionage
to the utmost length, by the aid of a large body
of police, whose chief occupation was to hatch
political conspiracies and denounce citizens as
traitors, many of whom were tried by comms-
sions appointed by the Grand Duke himself.
This Vice-regal monster, who seemed born to
revive the recollection of Nero, usurped the
legislative and judicial authority, and /even
transported to the prisons of St. Petersburg
persons acquitted by the National Court of
Poland—under his reign of terror respectable
individuals were seen wheeling wheelbarrows
about the streets, with fetters on their legs,
for alleged political offences. In fact, every
principle of the Constitution was violated by
' which Poland was united to Russia, and, as
the Russian Government broke that bond of
union, it has no right to take advantage of its
own tvrong, and confiscate the national freedom
of Poland, for the crime of a resistance which
its own enormous oppression provoked and
justified.—Morning Herald.
One of the principal reports on 'Change yes-
terday was founded upon M. Dedel's visit, an-
nounced in the Court Circular, to the Foreign-
office on Tuesday.' The inference drawn from
this visit to Downing-street by the Dutch Ple-
nipotentiary was that the King of the Nether-
lands had sent instructions to his representatives
in London to give way upon every disputed '
point in the question between Holland and Bel-
gium, and that the treaties were virtually ratified.
The report was an ingenious experiment on the
part of the speculators for a rise in English
Consols and North of Europe Securities; but,
unfortunately, there is not a word of truth in it.
The earliest intelligence that can be received
from the Hague in answer to the last communi-
cation from London will be on Sunday next.—
rning Post.

APPEALS.

110 USE OF LORDS, Auubw. 27.
NICHOLS V. VAUGHAN.

The LORI) CHANCELLOR said this case now came,
he thought he might confidently state, for the last
time for the decision of that House. In October,
1831, their Lordships reversed an order of his Ho-
nour the Master of the Rolls in this case, pro-
nounced in Afire!), 1828, directing three issues to
be tried, upon the ground that all the evidence which
was material was before the Court below, and
needed not the interference of a court of law, as to
the question whether the bond which had been the
subject of so much litigation was an indemnity, or a
counter security, or a gift. The Master of the
Rolls thought that as to the amount of 10,000/.,
the bond was granted as a personal security, and the
remaining 2,0001. only (the bond being for 12,0001.)
was intended as a voluntary gift. In July, 1832,
the house reversed part of this judgment, and con-
firmed the Master's report. Both parties petitioned
upon this—the present respondents, in order that
they might institute a suit to impeach the bond,
and for an injunction to restrain the appellant from
proceeding with an action relating to the money in
the bond; and the other party, viz. the appellants,
for leave to have a computation and the interests
of the bond, made upon certain estates in
Scotland which had been named to satisfy the de-
mand. On both petitions being heard and argued,
the order now appealed from was made, giving to
both parties leave to proceed in the manner pointed
out. That the Court had the power to make such
an order no one could doubt; but he was of opi-
nion that, supposing their Lordships had heard the
case, after giving the judgment which they had pre-
viously done, they would not, nor ought they to
have made such an order. Upon the whole, he
saw no reason why a new suit should be instituted.
Judgtnent altered and reversed.
THE EARL OF PANMURE V. MAULE.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was evident to
that the judgment of the Court below could
not stand.—Judgment reversed.

MILLER V. MILLER.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said this case had been
argued with great ability at their Lordships' bar.
The Case was originally before the Lord Ordinary,
and ultimately before three of the Judges of the
Court below. The' Lord Ordinary, in his judgment
of December, 1829, had given a very satisfactory
reason for that judgment. The Noble and Learned
Lord said, after all the attention which he had be-
stowed upon the case, lie was of opinion, upon the
grounds so distinctly stated by the Lord Ordinary,
that the conclusion to which the Court below had
come was a right one.—Judgment affirmed.
MILLER V. MOODY.—Judgment affirmed.
MAcDouGAL v. CAmPnELL.—Judgment affirmed.

The Peace Preservation Police of the County
Clue are now in course of reduction.—Limerick Cron.

A party of the religious sect called Ranters
have established themselves in Parsonage-lane, whose
" devotions" ere carried on with such a degree of wild and
noisy enthusiasm as to distuab the peace of the neighbour-
hood. Some of their hymns are set to profane tune,
such as " Auld fang syne," "Buy a broom," " Cherry
ripe," and the Tike.—Bath Herald

A mouse, that had lived all his days in a
chest, says the fable, chanced one day to creep up to the
edge, and, peeping out, exeliimed with wonder, " I did
not think the world was so large." The first step to
knowledge is, to know that we are ignorant. It is a
great point to know our place : for want of this, a man in
private life, instead of attending to the affairs or his
" chest," is ever peeping out, and then he becomes a phi-
losopher ! Ile must then know every thing, and pre-
sumptuous), pry into deep and secret councils of God :
not considering that man is finite, he has no faculties to
comprehend and judge of the great scheme of things. We
can form no other knowledge of spiritual things, except
what God has taught us in his word, and where he stops
we must stop.— Cecil.

Yesterday, as John King, about 42 years of
age, and James King, aged 18, his son, St. Clement's-
lane, Temple-bar, bricklayers, were pointing the outside
of the house No. 13, Brompton-place, Brompton, one of

. .
the spars which were driven into the bricks for the pur-
pose of supporting the scaffolding, suddenly gave way, and
both father and son were in an instant precipitated into
the area of the adjoining house. They were conveyed
without loss of time to St. George's Hospital. A few
minutes after they reached ;the hospital the son expired.
The father still exists, but he is considered in a highly
dangerous state.

MR. IRVING'S CIIAPEL.—The mummeries
at this place arc still proceeding, although they do not
excite so much public curiosity as formerly. On the
morning of Sunday week, at the termination of what was
really an energetic and eloquent exhortation, by Mr.
Irving, a young woman suddenly yelled out, not in an
unknown tongue, hut in the most dolorous tones imagin.
able—" Oh ! oh ! oh ! Tremble ! tremble ! tremble !
Turn ye ! turn ye ! turn ye ! The Lord is at the door !
the Lord is at the door! the Lord is at the door! He
'will come in ! he will come in! he will come in!" and
'a quantity of other gibberish in the same style ; all which,
Mr. Irving solemnly proclaimed to be an emanation from
the Holy Spirit !! ! During this absurd exhibition, a
'lady in the gallery, who had never before witnessed such
a scene, could not refrain from smiling ; upon which
a singularly ill-favoured member of the congregation, with
knewin hisgrim visage of the utmost fury, asked
that she was " in the presence of God ?" heran expression
she
esiori
gg Yes, Sir," said she, " and in that of the devil too, if I
may judge by your countenanee,"—Literary Gazette.

GOA.

W
The following magnificent order of themontif
his Excellency D3ll Julian, Governor of :H Vford
has been published in that colony, and wil,ltOlte'
some entertainment in the present dearth 01
ment
" Order of the Day. 4 01;
" Government-hou.e, Damaun, EithJanull4.-
"By two ships, which quitted London 00
4th and orb of September, and have recently
at Madras, we receive the most grateful Welt?.
from Portugal, reaching to the 18th of 1‘,,,
This. intelligence has, for the most part, Co7o#
cored in the Bombay papers, and amounts 40
following :—The city of Oporto, occupied ifit
rebel army to the number of 7,500, is elneor
sieged by a part of our army, consisting' l':/„090
men, in two divi.ions, commanded V "
Pezo da Regoa, and the Duke de Cadavand
roads are all cut off, the greatest scarcity of /1;44
sions reigns in the city, and the rebels hayee
little cavalry to seek for them outside. Our gillsjs
composed of one vessel of the
frigates, arid various small craft, watches O-0
over the movements of the rebel squadron,
dares not approach them. In fine'heitSt
rebels cannot this time escape the just porp-ornr,
which heaven has destined for them. /libeno'
gal, with one voice, prays for success to its
Sovereign ; the cause which the rebels defe
sir
khoatrereddbrothseueri4iataiol,garenedotllaietyththeeymselves are]
are denie.ni
tttl
arid water, like the ancient outlaws. The f,41,01
geese, who defend the sacred cause of the AA"..1114
Viriato, of Alfonso, and of John 1., IV., etl pcil
have shown the world before that theys:ol\l:..at.ooii
endure a foreign dominion—they have
the alter of honour that neither will they Perk
now. Tremble, ye foreigners, who wish to !pr
them laws, and attack their independence. "-of
ble, too, ye degenerate Portuguese who will 12t tio
from the bottom of you hearts, ' Long ii, 01 ve,„,
King, our Sovereign Lord, Don Miguel 1.11".°
Portugal and Portuguese !'
VIE t,
" JULIAO JOZE DA SILVIA ief
" Honorary Governor-General-in ti"oritti
"Et non valuerunt, neque locus inventus eel e
amplius
"And' lsce
their P

ley did not prevail, neither was
found any more !"—Apocal., c. xii., v. S.