The Sun.
London, England, 1834-06-20 00:00:00

REFORM BILL.

Colonel E VANS rose to bring under the consider-
ation of the house the motion of which he had given
notice for an alteration in those clauses of the Reform
Bill which had reference to taxation and the payment
of rates. He by no means wished to interfere with
the general principle of the bill ; and, as he was de-
sirous of retaining the principle throughout, if the
noble lord opposite would consent to the substitution
of October for that of April, as the time of paying up
rates, he should be satisfied. He saw by the noble
lord that he was not disposed to agree to his sugges-
tion, and he should therefore proceed to submit to the
house some resolutions which he had drawn up on the
subject. It was well known that before the Reform
Bill was passed the most frightful source of corrup-
sleeyootafPvacpcetallole\rslvreryaais i t not notorious
corrup-
tion at all elections were the rates, and unless an al-
wtebraicthio nh
is motionwere
referred,
rtrheed
, clausesthi
this
coor
corruption
ot the i
f tl iat
con-
tinue, and might be practised as extensively as
for
bill had never become law. The practice was
hthe
to Parliament to pay the rate.
able or willing to
such of the voters as
dwi notterreetorßill, to
n to obtain from them
pay them themselves, and agent at any borough or townq thbyat
asnetnictipmateiomn eforrs
candidate that the agent
Reform
f°rm
would
i
a promise to support
slightestHe
votes sy.
fthuu.shicsieicluierecdomthpelaaigneedntvis,aest
tolh'giesrit ; but he should nevertheless sub-
mit f a
knewc candidate nmt dht
oihadtnaiaot ttneoi
frhilcet
abolishehl
eyh
at
nobledo t
hanni oss
tr ,ls•toyehrsredt
ehism
.vi
oppositee w s.
to the house as facts the resolutions which
might
pTeh outrel resultsele cOf thei clause The
y
he had
Bill had totally failed to extend thefranchise
elective
to anything like the degree
t prepared.s ol
chanceiopfu; lnredpt
that was expected ? The
expectation of the country was that that measure would
give a general constituency of at least one million of
voters, but such was far f •
from being the fact, for it
only gave 570,000, that was 430,000 less than the
country were taught to expect. Then look at the
constitution of that house, what change did the Reform
Bill introduce there ? Why that there were only
three placemen less in it now as representatives than
before the passing of the Reform Bill. There was
still the same collection of placemen and pensioners.
There were 167 members who received annually
150,0001. of the public money, and this was besides'
those who belonged to the army and navy. Surely
then it could not be said that the Reform Bill had
worked much good amongst the representatives, and it
was admitted by the Government themselves that it
had not answered their expectation as regarded their
constituency. The hon. member then proposed the
following resolutions :
" That this house deems it expedient to repeal or miti-
gate such clauses of the Reform Act as have been found to
have an unexpected restrictive operation, particularly those
regarding the payment of rates and taxes; and that a re-
vision of the Reform Act with this view is the more ur-
gent, because the new constituency has been found to fall
short, by almost half a million of voters, of the number
Government contemplated, and the public were led to
expect ; because the present House of Commons com-
prises about the same number of family representatives of
the hereditary branch of the legislature, and about the
same number of placemen, pensioners, or sinecurists, and
other dependents of the Crown, which were to be found in

I

the unreformed parliament which preceded it ; because it
is vain to expect an independent line of conduct from a
parliainent containing so large a proportion as 169 mem-
bers who are in the receipt of 150,0001. per annum of the
public money; and finally, because this house has in effect
entirely failed to satisfy the just expectations of the public."
Mr. HUME seconded the motion. His objection
to the payment of rates as a qualification to vote re-
mained unaltered.' There was one Orish in which
not less than- 1,580 voters were refusedthe exercise of
their franchise on this'account,- and it was the same in
many parishes. When the returns were upon the 0
table it would• be seen that, in' place of the million
electors promised, the whole number did not emceed
600,000.
The question being put from the Chair,
Lord ALTHORP was not opposed to all alteration
in the mode of registration, but this was quite diffe-
rent from altering the qualification. The requiring
that the rates should be paid up was not quite new in
the elective system of this country, for it was formerly
required of the scot and lot voters. There was a rat-
ing in the scot and lot franchise as well as in the pre-
sent. The lot franchise was the great principle of
the Reform Bill, and it was very necessary, therefore,
to take care that it should be a bona fide franchise.
He was aware that persons who did not pay up their
*rates to the sth of April lost their votes, but that was
one
.lnoe
ecg. t
oo
ndT reason
that
hrae t t
-wash e for
presentalteringn
o n necessity
cle
ost
Lsh et
franchise
anforciqualification. On the
oontrary, he felt convinced, from the result of the last
they had to do was to take care that aseilttewrsihanosgutlihdte. right
egAhlatl
bona fide franchise. For these reasons he was not
prepared to make any alteration in it. The resolutions
of the hon. and gallant member embraced other topics.
One was the number of Peers' sons who had seats in
that house. To this there was no objection according
to the principles of the constitution. It wits perfectly
free to the constituents whether they would elect them
or not. The same observation would apply to the
number of placemen now in the house. The number,
he believed, was eighty-six. He knew the Reform
Bill did not give satisfaction to the hon. and gallant
officer. This was always the case when gentlemen
found themselves in a minority. He could not assent
to the resolutions.
M- ROEBUCK d th, lotion, People

_ _ ___ supported the
out of doors were generally discontented with that
provision of the Reform Bill which required the pay-
ment of the rates up to the sth of April to entitle
them to vote. Why should a man be deprived of his
vote because he was unable to pay at a certain time,
when, perhaps, he might be under merely temporarY
difficulties ? Suppose the issues of the Bank to be
suddenly contracted, temporary distress and scarcity
of money would be the result, and thousands of the
poor might thus be deprived of their votes, while the
rich retained them.
thehp e Mt
collector
fi
eogtt
chrhh'
taCaeot
rates_
:Or
right
p.gaNui
have
their
were
eeoLenfond.Llmetlspohseorwaecni
xi
rvdcesefeoyfoetdrtnarvohidrsenmayeonitclhciywrsiveehaencireslgovernmentpocket.c ercimsrßtiNoptn.
re
almgb
etafeiuescirbsraeteatu
been
unsuccessful something to set this question at rest. The inconve-
niencesr
s
t
)
taxes to be paid up before a man could give his vote
was sufficiently proved by what took place at the last
dmwe li
heas
pancltttai election n
o forf
b buffoonery
nba
ermirdybgraietd.
goe
impossible
or paidtshathe
un
circumstances, was the most
red for a long time, and it might have been lost in conse-
quence of this very provision of the Reform Bill. The
Reform Bill left the constituency much too limited 41
this country, not to talk now of Ireland. It fell short
by half a million of the number of voters promised,
and this was a very good reason for adopting the reso-
lutions. He was afraid they owed the Reform Bill more
to accident than any think else. The late government
was turned out of office in consequence of the extraordi-
nary declaration made by the Duke of Wellington against
all reform. The present government succeeded. They
proposed a measure of reform which was opposed by the
oligarchy, and must have failed if Ministers had not
occur-
brought the people to their support. He had no doubt,
however, that they proceeded on the principle of giving
as little reform as they could, consistently with their
own purposes. With respect to the other part of the
motion, he was not disposed either in courtesy or in
reason to object to Lords' sons having seats hi that
house. It was pretty clear, however, that when once
elected they were almost certain of being returned
again. Their election for seven years might be con-
sidered as an election for the whole period during
which they could sit in the House of Commons.
Taking into account the average duration of life, little
more than seven years could elapse before they took
their seats in the House of Lords. This Was shown
by what took place in Perthshire. Ile hoped the first
resolution at least would be acceded to ; if not he was
disposed to accede to the whole of the motion.
Mr. T. ATT WOOD, when the Reform Bill was
proceeding, understood that in the event of it' being
le
passed Birmingham would have 18,000 voters.
had no more than 4,000 voters, and he had no reason
to complain of them. They returned him, however!
and the 18,000 would have done the same. A fraud
was committed on the 101. voters by requiring, thelni
thus to Pit,y up the rates to a certain day. They P",
their rent honestly, and why should they be deprived o'
their votes ? He would support the resolution.
Lord J. RUSSELL never stated that if the Re-
formimportant Bill passed Birmingham would have 18,000
voters. This was the•first time he had heard of it. He.
did indeed say it would have about 5,000 voters, and
it appeared that it fell'short of that number by only
1,000. As Birmingham was a new borough, and
never had the elective franchise before, he thought,
if
it obtained at the outset about 5,000 voters, it was..,
pretty large measure of reform. He was sorry it al"
not come up to the hon. gentleman's notion of pros-
perity, which was only another name for 1/. notes
( A laugh.) Upon this point a reformed Parliamen
refused to concur in the views of the bon. member, tis-
and therefore it was, perhaps, that he felt so di"a
fied. In the case of Cambridge, alluded to by the
hon. and learned gentleman, a great fraud was com-
mitted, for the officer kept two sets of books, in one
Of which the names .of those who paid up their rates
were inserted, and in the other not. This was not
discovered till after the death of this officer.any Reform
knew not whether it would be possible in
Bill to introduce a provision for punishing a dead
overseer.
explained:" He did not
ot punished.
com-
plain that adead overseer
aw‘diseand overseer .What he.
complained of was, that had it in his
r while living to deprive men oftheir franchise.
power
ATTWOODexplained.W
Mr. T.
of was, not the withdrawal of one-pound notes, but the
Mr. O'CONNELL
alteration of the standard. It was this that brought
ruin on the country.
Mr. H. L. BULWER recommended to his lion.
and gallant friend to confine the motion to the first
resolution.

Colonel EVANS said a few words in replY4 and
referred to the speeches on the Reform Bill to show
that a hope had then been held out that a constituency
of one million would be created by the bill.
The house then divided, when there appeared—
For the resolutions
Against them 124
Majority
On our re-admission into the gallery we found
Mr. O'CONNELL giving a notice for Monday on
the subject of assimilating the laws of fines and reco-
veries in England and IrelTand.
RIBBONRADE.
Mr. U. L. BULWER rose, pursuant to notice, to
move for leave to bring in a bill for the protection of
the ribbon trade by means of prohibition. What he
intended to do was to promote the general interest
without sacrificing in the least any particular interest.
In 1832 it was shown, by a petition presented then to
the house, that the poor rates of Coventry had doubled
since 1827. By another petition it was shown, that in
certain parishes of Coventry, out of 10,000 looms en-
gaged in the ribbon trade, 8,444 were actually unetn-
ployed. In one parish in the same city, the popula-
tion of which, consisting chiefly of ribbon
amounted to 8,000; it was found that out of that ,nif
ber 3,000 were depending wholly on parish relies of
that was not a strong case made out of
those persons, he knew not what .was. Hen had
red in
the
possession several letters, not from persons
the ribbon trade, but from magistrats andgl4'rivate
insteadPf de-
gentlemen, stating that this distress,
creasin
g, was increasing and this
'mporta-
ribbon-weavers they all attributed to foreign
• digress all Wong the
tion. In all things relative to this trade the foreigner
.had an advantage over us. In wages,
in silk, in
dye,
and in pattern, there was a most enormous advantage
in favour of the French manufacturer. The value of
ribbons imported had lately considerably increased.
In 1833 it amounted to 110,0001., in 1834 it amounted
to 218,000/., or nearly double. In France the num-
ber of French looms engaged in the manufacture
of this article had greatly increased, particularly
at Saint Etienne, whilst the number of looms in thi9
country was every year diminishing. Besides, Or
French had another advantage over us-the

i

vantage of fashion, all of which was on the side of
France. He maintained that prohibition was the only
emedy that could be applied to this article of manu-
facture, which was merely a fancy one. He hoped
that whenever the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr.
P. Thomson) sent out a special commission to France
again it would be to inquire about and treat with the
French milliners, and he should have no objection to
see the right hon. gentleman (and most likely the
right hon. gentleman himself would feel no repug-
nance) proceed thither at the head of that commis-
sion. ( A laugh.) Against whom was he urging the
principle of prohibition ? Was it against any parti-
cular class, or was it against any particular power that
had shown any special desire to treat England as Eng-
land had treated them, and enter into a fair, free, and
open competition in trade with us ? No, it was not.
Did France treat England as she treated Belgium ?
Did the same relations in trade exist between England
and France that existed between the latter country
and Belgium ? There did not. Why, then, should
England- extend any favour towards France ? Was it
reasonable or just, he would ask, to-keep up the ne-
cessaries of life while the manufactures of the country
were in a state of such lamentable depression ? The
prices of the necessaries of life should, he contended,
be either so reduced as to enable the manufacturers of
this country to compete with the foreign manufacturer,
or else prohibitory laws should be passed by which
both parties could enter the home market upon an
equal footing. The hon. gentleman concluded by
moving for leave to bring in a bill to protect the ribbon
trade by means of prohibition.
Mr. DUG DALE seconded the motion. He could
assure the house that the ribbon weavers of Coventry
were in a state of pitiable distress, and the severe de-
pression under which the ribbon trade laboured, was,
he was satisfied, the consequence of the system of free
trade which had of late years been adopted in this
country. Such were the advantages which the French
ribbon manufacturer possessed over the ribbon manu-
facturer of this country that competition between them
was entirely out of the question, and therefore, unless
actual prohibition were resorted to, the French manu-
facturer must, as at present, enjoy almost exclusively
the monopoly of our markets.
. On the motion having been put,
Sir E. WILMOT could also bear testimony to the
depression under which the ribbon trade laboured, and
he entirely agreed with the hon. gentleman who had
just sat down that proper protection ought to be af-
forded to it.
• Mr. E. ELLICE stood in a peculiar situation with
respect to this motion. He, in common with his hon.
friend who had just sat down, and the other gentle-
men who had spoken, felt the deepest sympathy for
the distressed situation of the poor persons whose case
had been so ably represented to the house by his hon.
colleague, and he was bound to say that in no one
particular had their unfortunate condition been exag-
gerated or over coloured.
.If he thought that sup-
porting the present motion could contribute in the
smallest degree to avert from them the misery in which
they were plunged, and restore to them the prosperity
which he wished to see them enjoy, it should willingly
have his vote ; but not believing that it could lead to
any such result, he certainly felt bound to object to it,
although he did not intend voting against it. His hon.
colleague called upon them to revert to the old system
of prohibition that existed prior to 1825 as the only
means of relieving these poor people and as an induce-
ment to the house to permit the introduction of this bill,
the hon. gentleman opposite ( Mr. Dugdale) told them
that while prohibition existed the ribbon trade was
prosperous. Now he (Mr. Ellice) would not deny
that such was the case, nor did he mean to contend
that the home manufacturer had not been injured by
foreign competition. But although he admitted this
to be the case, he would put it to the good sense of
the house whether a return to prohibitory laws was the
means by which alone relief could be afforded to these
distressed artisans ? Without being able to discrimi-
nate between the manufactures of this and other coun-
tries, prohibitory laws would be of no avail, and con-
sequently, unless his hon. colleague could surmount
these difficulties, their constituents could receive no
relief from his meacure. At the same time that he
stated this, lie begged to say that he was as much dis-
posed as any hon. gentleman to do all that lay in his
power conscientiously, and in accordance with good
sense, to elevate the condition of the ribbon-weavers,
and the reason why he did not feel justified in giving
his support to the present motion was, not that it
would do no good, but that, on the contrary, he firmly
believed the only thing that could result from its adop-
tion was injury. He had stated the grounds upon which
he objected to this motion, and looking at the period
of the session at which they had arrived, and the empty
state of, the house, he had only in conclusion to hope
that his hon. colleague would not press the question
to a division.
Mr. ROBINSON admitted that the question which
they were called on to consider was one of very great
complexity and difficulty. Having abandoned the pro-
hibitory system, he did not see exactly how they could
return to it, but he must at the same time complain of
the line of conduct which the right hon. gentleman
opposite had adopted with respect to this motion. The
right hon. gentleman said that relief could not be
obtained through the medium of this motion.; but
although it was his duty, as the representative of
the parties complaining of distress, and more parti-
cularly his duty as a member of the administration,
to watch over their interests, not one single word
had escaped him, from which it could be inferred that
he 'was prepared to show how that object could be at-
tained. He therefore contended that the ribbon-
weavers of Coventry had a right to complain of the
right hOn. gentleman ; but they need not wonder at
the line of conduct which he had pursued, when it was
known to them that he was connected with a govern-
ment who had one and all expressed a determination
to resist a repeal or any relaxation of the corn laws.
( Hear, hear.) He would, however, tell that house,
and tell the government, that the time was fast ap-
proaching when they must relieve the people from the
burdens under which they laboured, when the people
would, in spite of them, have cheap bread. The mo-
nopoly of the corn* laws could not last much longer.
( Hear.) Although it was not his intention to bring
the 'subject of a revision of taxation forward again
during the present session, he begged to assure them
that it was far from his intention to abandon that ob-
ject. The mind of the noble lord (the Chancellor of
the Exchequer) had undergone several changes on
this subject. He held one opinion in 1819 and another
in IMO, and therefore he (Mr. Robinson) did not
despair of finding the noble lord's sentiments altered
again. (Hear, hear.)
•The present oppressive amount
of taxation ought to be diminished, and until that was
done he was satisfied no permanent relief could be
obtained. ( Hear.)
Mr. ELLICE, in explanation, said that his objec-
tion to the present motion was that it called for a pro-
hibition, and such a proposition he certainly could not
support.
Mr. P. THOMSON said that the single question
which they were called, upon to decide was whether it
would be expedient 'to enact prohibitory laws for the
purpose of serving a particular branch of manufacture.
There were two branches or parts of the question.
The observation of the hon. gentleman who intro-
duced the motion would go chiefly to flowered and
fancy ribbons, whereas the complaints of the lion.
baronet the member for Warwickshire were addressed
to the making of plain broad ribbons. Now the latter
had certainly nothing to complain of from the compe-
tition of French ribbons, that kind of article not being
-'manufactured in France. The fact was that they had
. lost the
market from the change of fashion. Ribbons
of that
v,
description were chiefly worn by the middling
classes ..0 had now left them off for the fancy ar-
ticle forxnerly
gentlemen lookedr.n only b. y the higher classes. If
housemaids
if they looked at the ribbons
of their
this change had taken A laugh), they would see that
the old
place. In the meantime the
manufacturer of old article, instead of changing
it, had suffered other metaonufactur,prs of the new article
at Manchester, Congl
competition
Macclesfield to spring
up, and it was the comp
tr home, and not from
abroad, which had taken from the supply of the
market. In the other branch orthem
fancy r bb01:1 hef ad-
mitted that those parties had suffered.
Butsomethingthey
from
would
have with the foreign article.
have done the same if the most rigid h•,-• ,
pro ioition nau
been kept up. And in point of fact they had only
suffered from their own unwillingness to alter their
ackle of manufacture adopting the improvements of-
fered to them from abroad too late to meet success-
fully •
Lieir competitors who had sprung up in the other
Parts
• 1° had mentioned and who had adopted those
improve
from the von' To show that the competition was not
returns, but e,iFner he need not trouble the house with
of manufactured silk
refer to the fact that the weight
comparison with the raw, imported into this country, in
manufacturing, wasiw material or silk in a state for
upon the whole •; at present
it might be four or five
of the year. To conceive til'an, but that was the average.
ft proportion of foreign silks t the introduction of such
could do any injury was

really rating too low the manufacturing powers of thi
country.
Sir D. K. SANDFORD said it was unquestionable
that in many branehe'of the silk trade; and especially
in the manufacture of shawls very great disttess pre-
vailed. In Scotland be knew that large numbers of
workmen were no discharged with famine staring
them in the face... Ile had been informed that the
amount of orders lately received was eighty percent.
lower than the usual demand at thiS time of the year.
He knew it was impossible ,to return to 'a system of
general prohibition, but What was necessary to be done
had been recognized in a recent speech of the right
hon. gentleman, which had been received by the ma-
nufacturer§ with great plensnre. The right lion.
gentleman had said that if France did not return the
advantages of reciprocity which this country had prof-
fered, he would employ all the means at his command
as a Minister of the Crown to compel her. All that
lie asked was that the right hon. gentleman would fol-
low out this prinCiple, which Mr. Huskisson would
undoubtedly have done if .he had lived. The first
form of the experiment of free trade had failed, and
the time was now come when they ought to try whe-
ther the other form would be more successful.
Mr. P. THOMSON denied rthat he had ever ex...
pressed any intention of resorting to retaliatory mea-
sures. The observation he made was confined to the
point of the differential duties on articles imported
into France by sea or land. He stated that if those
unfair distinctions were not removed lie should advise
the Crown to use all the means at its disposal to ob-
tain redress. _ _ _

Mr. HUME said that the distress felt at Coventry
had been caused by the manufacturers themselves re-
fusing to adopt the improved machinery in time, and
that alone had caused the ruin of their trade. It would
be in the recollection of the house that when some of
this machinery was first introduced by a few persons
of more spirit than the rest it was destroyed by the
workmen. ( Hear.) The Coventry men, of all others
in the country, were most to blame, in having refused
to admit raw silk for their own manufacture at a re-
duced duty. He hoped that prohibition would not be
restored, but that they would go on and let trade be
freed from all restrictions, and especially from the
monopoly of food, which was the real cause of all its
distress.

Mr. T. A TTWOOD said it was absurd for the
right hon. gentleman to attribute the distress of the
country to such causes as a change of fashion. Was
it change of fashion that had caused the distress of
the farmer, the distress of the shipownet, the dis-
tress of the ironmaster, and of all the other great inte-
rests of the country now in a state of ruin ? No ; the
distress was general, and the cause which produced it
must be a general cause, and the cause which he
stated to the committee who sat to inquire into it, al-
though his clear and unanswerable argument ( A
laugh) was not attended to. The house might smile,
but he repeated that his argument was unanswered and
unanswerable, because it never had been attempted to
answer it. There was a mercantile gentleman after-
wards brought forward to say what the causes of the
distress were, and he produced twenty-six causes, and
of course his (Mr. Attwood's) one . general cause
had no chance. ( Laughter.) Nevertheless he contended
that the general distress they. continued_to see around
them proved that he was right, and that the cause
which created it could have but one remedy. That
cause he did not mean to say, as had been attributed
to him by an hon. member, was the cause of 1/. notes,
but he contended that it was the pressure of a metallic
standard of value. That pressure, if persevered in,
would ultimately overwhelm every interest in one
common ruin, and would not leave one of the indivi-
duals now smiling in that house sitting in their places
ten years hence. ( A laugh.) He was asked if he
would return to a general system of prohibition ? He
said, " Yes," and he would tell them why—he said
that no doubt with the expectation and desire of doing
good to the country. The gentlemen who had intro-
duced free trade had introduced nothing less than a
system of free plunder. They had aggrandized the
fundholdcr and the landholder, and all those who drew
upon the labour of the country for their support, by
giving them a monopoly, while the poor were called
upon to pay them with free trade prices. This was a
most enormous and gigantic robbery.
Mr. CLAY could not but deprecate the horrible
system of trades' unions, which had of late years been
introduced under the specious preience of protection,
but having the real effect of trammelling and enslaving
the labour of the country. ( Hear, hear.) He admitted
that the silkweavers were in a very depressed state at
the present moment. But that being the case, they
should either abandon that business for some other
more congenial to the genius and natural opportunities
of the country, or strive to improve the quality of their
fabrics so as to rival those of foreign nations. There
were two branches of silk manufacture, viz., that of
sarsnet ribbon and the gros de Naples, which had been
so improved in this country of late years as to rival
both in quality and price the produce of foreign ma-
nufacturers. Yet it was strange to compare this ac-
tual state of things with what had been predicted some
years ago before a committee of that house—that un-
-INs a protective duty of 501. per cent. were put upon
those articles the English manufacturers would be
entirely put out of the market. (Hear.) He had been
very much gratified by what had that evening fallen
from his right hon. friend over the way upon this sub-
ject. He could not but regret, however, that no
mention had been made by him of one duty, that on
thrown silk, which was still suffered to remain a clog
upon the manufacturing industry of the country. He
had hoped that some intimation would have been by
this time given of the intention on the part of his
Majesty's ministers to take off that oppressive impost.
Lord D. STUART said, that with respect to the
present motion, if Ministers had been prepared to pro-
pose any other measure for the relief of the grievances
complained of, he would not vote for the bill proposed
to be introduced; but as he could not understand that
any such means of relief was in the contemplation of
the Government, he should certainly feel it his duty
to support the motion.
Mr. FINCH, notwithstanding he had been re-
quested to support the present motion, should feel it
his duty to vote against it.
Mr. BUCKINGHAM made a few observations
which were inaudible in the gallery.
Mr. FORSTER said that silk manufacturers were
not in a worse state now than they had been in 1818,
which had been referred to as a period of prosperity.
An HON. MEMBER thought the house would do the
cause of the silk weavers most service by leaving them
alone.

Mr. CLAY explained.
Mr. FRYER made some observations against the
oppressive nature of the corn law system.
Mr. H. BULWER said a few words in reply, and
the house divided; when there appeared—
For
the motion 22
Against it
Majority -106
THE RIVER SHANNON.

On our re-admission,
Mr..J. TALBOT was addressing the house on the
subject of his motion relative to the present neglected
state of the navigation of the river Shannon. The
hon. member, as we understood him, dilated on the
great advantages that would result, not alone to the
country adjacent to the Shannon, but to all Ireland,
nay to the empire, from the improvement of the navi-
oftheofexthp
ption of that noble river, by encouraging manufacto-
ries, commerce, and agriculture along its course. An
the 'Toga rd
estimatewash
of Public
.ucp underlvo
rk s then r su-
perintendencee-land, and the estimate of the 1
naviga-
tion of the river for 1--
mile improvement of s
was only 153,0001. It
would be desirable that a committee should be ap-
pointed to investigate the value of the lands adjoining
the river, and through- which some of the improve-
ments would be made, together with many other
cir-
cumstances necessarily attendant on the object, andtocarry the full purposes of the motion into effect. The
hon. member then moved for a committee.
.Mr. W. ROCHE seconded the motion.
Mr. LITTLETON said the motion would have his
cordial support, and it deserved the entire support of
Parliament. (Cheers.) Yet what he said did not
pledge government. He thought it right that in the
committee should be included the names of those gen-
tlemen who had property near the Shannon.
Mr. M. O'CONNELL thought that the River
Fergus, which branched off from it to the town of
Ennis, should be concluded in the proposed im-
provement.
Mr. HUME did not consider it prudent to have
those inetrested gentlemen who possessed property on
the banks of the river nominated an the committee.
No jury would be appointed on such a principle.
Mr. LITTLETON said a few words which"did
not reach us.

Mr. TALBOT said it was not the interest of indi-
viduals that was concerned, but that of the whole
kinOoni, and even the empire.
Mr. LYNCH supported the motion.
Mr. L I TTL E T 0 Isl was not prepared to support
the additional proposition. It were better that the

previous motion should be agreed to without any in-
cumbrance.
..
Mr. O'CONNELL said it was better to refer it to
the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.
Mr. LYNCH. then withdrew his motion, and the
following committee were appointed:—
Tx11))t, J. Sandon, Viscount French, F.
Littleton, E. J. Martin, T. Lefroy, A.
Duncannon, Vise. Lynch, H. H. Jephson, C. D. O.
Parnell, Sir H. Loch, J. Walker, C. A.
Rice, I'. S. . Fitzsimon, N. O'Brien, C.
Kerry, Earl of -. O'Connell, Maurice Perceval, Colon I
Oxmantown, Lord Lennard, T. B. Waterpark, Lord
' Clements Lord Ebrington, Lord Clive, R. H.
Herbert, Hon. S. Chapman, A. Fergusson, Sir Ron.
Roche, W. Ilallybui ton, D. G. Conolly, E. M.
Roche, D. Torrens, Colonel Potter, R.
Sheil, R. 1.. Nagle, Sir R. Guest, J. J.
O'Callaghan, C. O'Connor Don Wason, R.
Mr. PENDARVES obtained leave to bring in a
bill to facilitate the taking of affidavits and affirmations
in the court of the Vice-Warden of the Stannaries of
Cornwall. - -

Mr. HUME moved for a return of the account of
all moneys belonging to bankrupt estates now lodged
in- the chartered banks of Scotland, in terms of the
bankrupt statute, and stating the amount remaining
there unclaimed.

Motion granted.
Mr. HUME moved for a return of the amount of
the British army ; and for a return of the corporeal
punishments in the army from 1825 to 1833, inclusive;
together with a return of the number of naval punish-
ments in the last 'eight years. The hon. member
made a few general observations' on the cruelty and
impolicy of corporeal punishment in the service.
Captain ELL TOT would not object to the returns
up to 1831. The returns since, we understood him
to say, were not prepared.
Motion agreed to.
Sir T. WINNING TON moved for leave to bring
in a bill to extend the provisions of an act of the first
year of his present Majesty's reign, giving an effectual
protection to the public land carriers against loss or
injury of packages to the carriers upon canals or other
inland navigation.
Mr. P. THOMSON would not oppose the bill,
but lie thought it desirable that a clause should be
introduced into the bill rendering carriers responsible
for lace and other profitable and valuable articles, if
they did not show that the loss did not result from
their negligence.
After a few words from Mr. PEA SE in support
of that suggestion, leave was given to bring in the bill.
Mr. F. SHAW asked leave to bring in a bill for
effectuating the service of process of Courts of Equity
on persons residing abroad. The hon. member re-
marked on the injustice of allowing persons to set
their creditors at defiance by merely residing abroad.
Mr. LITTLETON moved for leave to bring in a
bill to continue for a limited time the several ' acts for
regulatinff turnpike roads in Ireland which will expire
during the present or before the end of the next Ses-
sion of Parliament.
Mr. FIT Z SIMON complained of the discontent
and hardship produced by the turnpike tolls in Ireland
and asked the right hon. Secretary did he intend, to
introduce any measure to correct the evil? He knew
of one man who was forced to pay 2s. toll for a piece
of timber which he bought for is,
Mr. LITTLETON thought something might be
done hereafter ' • he could go no farther at present than
to consolidate the Acts generally.
Leave was then given to bring in the bills.
Mr. O'BRIEN obtained leave to bring in a• bill to
amend the Act .58 Geo. 111., c. 47, relating to fever
hospitals, and to enlarge the powers therein given.

LANCASTER COURT OF COMMON PLEAS

BILL.

• On the motion that the house resolve itself into
committee on the above bill being read, -
Mr. JERVIS rose to oppose the principle of the
bill, which he denounced as got up by the Preston at-
torneys for their own selfish purposes, and as calculated
to render law proceedings neither cheaper nor more
expeditious. The hon. member concluded by moving
that the bill be referred to a committee up stairs.
Mr. STANLEY said that the object of the hon.
and learned gentleman's opposition clearly was to
abolish the county courts altogether, and to banish this
sort of jurisdiction from the judicial world. The bill
now before the house went very properly to draw a
distinction between those courts as they had hitherto
been conducted and those which it was considered pro-
per to establish for the public advantage. The oppo-
sition to the bill appeared to arise out of a conflict be-
tween the Westminster attorneys and the country
attorneys. But the question for the house to consider
was, whether or not the report of the commissioners
who had 'been appointed to inquire into the constitu-
tion of those local courts was to be acted upon. The
only professional persons in the whole county pala-
tine of Lancaster who were opposed to this bill
were the attorneys of Preston. From every other
town in Lancashire the attorneys had sent peti-
tions to the house in favour of the measure. The
great object of the bill was to assimilate the
practice of the county courts as nearly as possible to
that of the courts of Westminster, which was in strict
accordance with the .report of the commissioners. It
was admitted the expense to suitors in those courts
would be at least one-third less than in the Westmin-
ster courts. This was the very object at which the
commissioners aimed to diminish the expense ; and
would the house now refuse to act upon the report of
those commissioners by not giving their sanction to
' this measure ? It could not be denied that the prac-
tice would be assimilated to that of the courts of
Westminster, when it was to be conducted still under
the same judges, but with much greater cheapness and
facility. The clauses of this bill, to which so much
objection had been made, were all taken from the bills
that had been recently framed and passed for the
future regulation of the Westminster courts, and it
could, therefore, net be said that they had not been
maturely and properly considered. He was not to be
dictated to, and he was sure that house would not, by
the clamour of the attorneys of Westminster, but that
it would do justice to the county palatine of Lancaster
by giving to that important portion of the country the
means of attaining cheap and speedy justice.
Mr. POLL 0C K said that it was admitted by his
hon. and learned friend (Mr. Jervis) that in proposing
to refer this bill to a committee up stairs his object
was delay ; but he (Mr. Pollock) could not conceal
from himself that his hon. and learned friend had also
the other object, which he did not avow, of abolishing
the county courts altogether. Now, lie did not think
that this was dealing fairly with the question. As to
the prothonotary, he never interfered in any case in
which he was employed professionally. He hoped the
bill would not be sent to a select committee, as the
same course was not pursued with respect to the alte-
rations introduced into the courts of Westminster.

Mr. LLOYD said that if the county courts were
to be continued this bill would be an improvement.
The petitions, however, showed that the courts did
not possess all the advantages attributed to them, fot
they prayed that these courts might be assimilated to
those of Westminster. No parties petitioned for this
bill but the attorneys. What they ought to look to
was the interest of the inhabitants of the county.
Mr. P. THOMSON had been requested by many
parties, not attorneys, to support this bill.
The amendment was negatived without a division.
The house went into committee on the bill, Mr.
PRYME in the chair.
The four first clauses were agreed to.
On the sth clause being put, which outlaws anybody
not found within the jurisdiction of the court in a cer
tain time after the issuing of the writ,
Mr. JERVIS objected to the clause on the ground
of its unnecessary harshness. It was most unjust to
outlaw a man who, living at York, might have con-
tracted a debt in Lancashire, and who, because he did
not in a certain period appear before the court of that
county, would suffer the above punishment. He should
move that the clause be omitted.
Mr. POLLOCK defended the clause, and argued
that if they were not allowed to proceed in that way
they would be obliged to have recourse to an action in
the superior courts.
Mr. LLOYD and Mr. PEASE said a few words against
the clause.
The committee then divided—
For the clause
Against it
Majority

-29

The other clauses up to the 16th were then agreed to.
The house then resumed, the CHAIRMAN reported
progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday
next.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the house adjourned. at two o'clock.

CHEAP PROVISIONS.—A respectable shop-
keeper of Tewkesbury has announced that he is sell-
ing a quartern loaf of excellent quality, one pound of
bacon, and one pound of salt, for Is. ; in 1812, the
same articles sold, in the above town, for 2s. 10c1. At
Malmesbury prime dry bacon is selling at 41d. per lb.,
and in Bristol fat pigs are selling at ss. per score.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some months ago it became our duty to notice a
meeting of Members of the established church in the
west of England, whereat certain resolutions were
carried of. a nature to call for even more pointed at-
tention than the avowed purpose and character of the
meeting itself. 'Whilst all the world were contempla-
ting the temporal abuses of the church, and discussing
the manner in which they might most fitly be got rid
of by a well-considered curtailment of those powers
and privileges which had hitherto been turned to
selfish and corrupt account, and by giving a more con-
venient form and a purer administration to the reve-
nues appropriated to the general maintenance of the
establishment, the meeting alluded to, composed in
part, moreover, of laymen, disdained even to glance
at the real questions which were occupying the great
mass of the community, viz., those which concerned
the temporal condition of the church, upon the princi-
ple of which most reflecting minds had come to the
same conclusion, but with strange perverseness and
little honesty of purpose proclaimed their alarm at a
design which none except themselves were capable of
discovering, yet with which they deemed it politic to
charge the friends and advocates of church reform—
namely, that of producing by clamour and violence
some revolting change in the liturgy, doctrines, and
discipline of the Church of England, against which
accordingly they invoked the pious assistance of all
sincere and conscientious churchmen just as if it had
not been a fabricated accusation, got up from the foul-
est motives. The scheme we exposed at the time, and
it was this : —When the plotters found that nothing
was really intended by church reformers beyond a
correction of temporal abuses, but when they were
equally satisfied from the unanimous feeling through-
out the country that a reform to that extent was in-
evitable, if not prevented by some powerful and un-
usual means, they affected to believe that the real
object of those whom they termed the "enemies
of the church " was to violate its essence, not to
readjust its incidents, and to overthrow it abso-
lutely, that on its ruins should be raised whatever
edifices of superstition or heresy it might please the
Papist or the Infidel to establish. New it is plain that
if the nation generally could be cheated into a suspi-
cion that " Church Reform" means not a correction
of temporal abuses; but a violent subversion of the spi-
ritual church itself, there would be nothing easier
than to spread in all.quarters the terrible outcry that
the " Church was in danger," and thus put an effec-
tual stop to every measure designed for the practical
amendment of its ministers, and the rooting out of
those unseemly and corrupt practices which prevail in
it. Yesterday witnessed another " lay declaration,"
addressed by " noblemen and gentlemen connected
with Ireland," to the Primate, Archbishop of Armagh ;
and it is more curious than gratifying to observe how
carefully these noblemen and gentlemen have got by
heart the lesson of last year, and how skilfully they
have applied to the case of the Irish churn the tactics
of the meeting we have' already referred to. The
signers of this declaration say not a single word with
regard to tithes, pluralities, non-residence, or sine-
cures—not one word—no, hat would by no means
suit them, ; they could not allege as a grievance on
behalf of the church, or found a hue and cry upon it,
any plan of reform which aimed no further than a com-
mutation of tithes, a better distribution of church Rro-
perty, or an abolition of pluralities, &c. They have,
therefore, availed themselves of the precedent at hand,
and absurdly signed a " solemn protest against any
alteration being made in the Liturgy, formularies,
rites, or ceremonies of our church," as " founded on
the Holy Scriptures." Why here, as we have just
hinted, is the same trick played over again. Nobody
dreams of attacking or disturbing the Liturgy, "for-
mularies," and so forth of the established church. But
it is convenient for these Orange Conservatives
to insinuate such a scheme againit the reformers
of the Church, and thereby to persuade the ignorant
friends of the church of England that they ought
to unfurl the episcopal standard, and sing out
'lustily, "The church is in danger ;"—a device which
they arc conscious would be scouted by the people,
if there were nothing whereon to rest it but a know-
ledge of the plain and simple truth, that the only mea-
sures recommended to Parliament, or meditated by
any man whose counsels have the slightest influence,
arc directed exclusively to a removal of admitted evils
in the temporal administration of the Church, without
in any manner touching its principles or spiritual cha-
racter. It is really painful, even to extreme distress,
to look on while these solemn mockeries are attempted
in the face of God and man, and in connexion with the
most sacred subjects. From the nature of the opposi-
tion now preparing against the bills for purging the
Church of her abuses, it is clear enough that the
Liturgy, rites, ceremonies," and all the rest, might be
shipped off to South America, if only the loaves and
fishes were respected, if only fat sinecures and pluralities
were still permitted, and deans and chapters, and non-
resident rectors were left undisturbed in their stalls.
As the whole boroughmonger Parliament was sacri-
ficed for the preservation of East Retford, so is it easy
to see the same madness working the ruin of the
church, and the whole establishment of both countries
in peril of being swept from their foundations, that
the rotten livings of Munster and Connaught may still
keep in unsanctified luxury parsons who never preach.
It is unfortunate for the real interests of the church,
that when the extravagance of some of its sectarian
adversaries places it on such 'vantage ground in the
eyes of the enlightened and upright, the benefit of
that high and strong position should be lost through
the folly of, to say no worse, our own self-constituted
protectors. If churchmen would act with common
prudence, the Dissenters would sink into insignifi-
cance : it is the absurd and extravagant defence of the
shameful parts of the church system which encourages
its enemies and alienates its friends. We are friends
of the church, and therefore obtrude a timely, though
perhaps a disagreeable, warning.— Times.
It would be difficult to find, in the whole range of
stupid and mischievous legislation which has from time
to time disgraced the legislature and afflicted the
country, anything so abominable in principle, or likely
to be so injurious in its effects, as the clauses in the
Poor Law Bill, relative to the maintenance of illegi-
mate children. The subject is in itself one which we
are reluctantly driven to discuss at all in a public
journal, but the necessity of the case compels us to
take it up—that necessity has not been created by
us. It is the work of the disciples of Malthus, who
have concocted the bill, and who have not been re-
strained by any considerations of decency, justice, or
morality, from proposing that the law of England
shall sanction the monstrous principle—that the liber-
tine who ensnares a woman from the path of virtue
by the vilest arts of seduction, may throw upon her
all the burden of their common guilt, and leave the
innocent offspring to be supported by her, or starve !
Well might Mr. Robinson express his astonisment
that such a principle should be presented for the adop-
tion of any assembly of men and of Christians !
A principle so repugnant to reason—to justice—
to all manliness of feeling—must excite the surprise
and indignation of every person who has a spark of
christian sentiment or natural humanity in his bosom.
And this is the principle consecrated in the legislation
of the reformed House of Commons in the nineteenth
century ! Then see how this abominable principle is
followed out. The mother may be wholly unable to
provide for the child—in most cases she will be un-
able, for in most cases her " poverty but not her will
consents" to the crime ; advantage is taken of her de-
pendent condition when at service or working in a
factory, &c., by a profligate master or a vicious young
squire ; her livelihood depends upon her submission to
criminal importunities or promises or threats ; and, then,
gracious Heaven ! the whole burden of supporting the
offspring of the sordid father is thrown upon her, or, if
unable to maintain it, the innocent grandfather or grand-
mother are to be made liable to the maintenance of the
guilty father's bastard ! We defy the Malthusians to
produce from the annals of vicious legislation in any ci-
vilized country an instance of iniquitous absurdity equal
to this 1 The calculating young capitalist Mr. Inhle
sold his Yarico and her child in the slave-market,
and pocketted the produce of the sale as a compensa-
tion for the time which he had lost in her company.
But though a hopeful young devotee in the service of
mammon and licentiousness, it never entered into his
head to make her father and mother also pay him for
the trouble which he had taken in seducing their child.
This ingenious mode of punishing the innocent for the
crime of having already suffered a grievous injury, by
the seduction of a daughter, was reserved for the ge-
nius of the authors of the Central Basbaw Bill to dis-
cover and propound. Truly may it be said that this is
an age of discovery. The spirit of " free trade" grows
apace. The Beer Bill identified the cause of wire-
strained drunkenness with the progress of political
science. The Central Bashaw Bill opens a glorious
prospect of a " free trade" in the destruction of female
virtue to all the " chartered libertines" in the country,
As supporters of the Established Church, which we
wish to stand well with the country, we regret—deeply
regret to find the names of • two prelates of the esta-

' blishment, the Bishops of London and Chester,
signed to the report, and recommendations on which
the Malthusian Bill, of which Lord Althorp is the
putative father, is founded. How those learned prelates
can, reconcile to the pure morals of christianity the
proposed change in the, laws rAative to illegitimate
children we know not, but we are convinced that the
increase of foundlings and the increase of infanticide
will be the inevitable result, if this bill pass into a
law. But this was answered lately by a Manchester
paper, which said that the law against infanticide was
still to continue the same. Thus the Malthusians
offer to the sordid fathers, while they button up their
pockets,' the consolation that if the seduced woman
cannot support their common child, and in desperation
should throw it to perish in a ditch, she shall be hanged.
Thus the assistance of the public executioneer is called
in to settle this knotty point. The law is first to tempt
to crime, and then destroy with true satanic energy,
and the Malthusian philosophy and the hanging system
are to go hand in , hand to the reformation of the
morals of the poor. It is alleged as a reason foi
this violent, or rather outrageous, alteration of
the law, that the laws of bastardy, as they at present
exist, encourage perjury and imposition. That
those laws are sometimes abused to purposes of
fraud we believe ; but what laws are not abused ?
If a vicious woman sometimes falsely. swears a child to
an innocent person, it is an abuse which, we presume,
is not greater than the commission of perjury,by false
witnesses, to charge a man with felony or misde-
meanor. Yet the man who would propose that all
laws against felons should be wholly abrogated, be-
cause it sometimes happens that innocent persons are
convicted upon perjured evidence. of felony, would be
justly accounted mad. The system of offering re-
wards for convicting offenders very often leads to the
conviction of innocent persons., Yet the Secretary
for the Home Department does not, therefore, abstain
from offering rewards to procure convictions in certain
cases of crime. We should like Mr. Pease to answer
this argument, if he can, when he next declares his
admiration of Lord Althorp's unjust, uncharitable,
and unchristian bill. An able pamphlet has been
lately published on the subject by Mr. Bligh, the
Chancery barrister, called " The Bellum Agrarium,
or, a Foreview of the Winter of 1835." We shall
quote one passage relative to the subject we are
upon. He says—" In the law of bastardy, the visi-
tation of the sins of the mother rather than the
father, it is proposed, should fall upon the children.
They are to have no legal claim by way of parish
indemnity upon the father—nor is he to be
amenable for his transgression to any law but
that of God and his conscience. The begetter of
bastards is to range with unlimited license over the
domains of female chastity, and to procreate, ad libi
tun, consumers of corn, without charge or conse-
quence to his own purse or person. The poor deluded
mother is to support the wretched issue of her crime
or her weakness. But is it not to be apprehended
that when the fear of the penalty is removed (from
the father) the temptation and the indulgence of the
passion will be increased ? Will it not ensue that the
mother, either being shameless, will trust to
parish maintenance on the same scale as the
mothers of lawful children, or, still retaining
the natural or inbred sense of female delicacy and
shame, will be tempted to resort to those unnatural
means of averting publicity which the secrecy of the
act and the hope of concealment may dictate ?" The
fact is, that in many cases the child must come on the
parish, either at first or last. The existing law has
been sometimes abused by the overseer giving to the
mother the money which the law orders to be paid by
the father to indenzuffy the parish. Sometimes the mo-
ther is paid enough to enable her to make a profit of
the consequences of her criminality. The proper re-
medy was to compel the money for the support of the
child to be paid by the father to and for the parish,
who should allow the mother just enough for the
child's subsistence and no more. But we have ex-
hausted our space, not the subject—of this and the
pension list another time.—ilforniug Herald.
' We can now congratulate the country that the
most important measure, not only of the present ses-
sion, but of the present century, the Poor Laws'
Amendment Bill has passed through its most mate-
rial stage, the committee. 'During its progress it has
received precisely that sort of opposition, and that
sort of support, which its warmest friends could have
desired. It has been supported' not only by over-
whelming majorities, but by majorities comprising all
that is most independent, and honourable, and re-
spected in the house. It has been opposed by mino-
rities consisting . of that, contemptible Irish faction
which is striving to justify repeal by showing how
much trouble a few anarchists can occasion ; of others
with whose names plunder and incendiarism are inse-
parably connected ; of demagogues who are endea-
vouring to transplant to an assembly of statesmen and
men of the world the vanity and sophistry which pro-
cured the plaudits of a vestry ; and of a very few wrong
headed, though well-intentioned theorists, with in-
tellects so constituted as to produce in them an
invincible affinity for all that is puerile or
impracticable. We were told, when it first
entered the committee, that it would cone out
stripped of all efficiency, and reduced to a mere ma-
chine for patronage. We are now told that it has
been so changed as to have become in fact a different
measure : as mischievous, indeed, as ever, but armed
with mischiefs of a different kind. This general
statement has about as much truth as has attended the
particular statements, or rather misstatements, of the
separate clauses of the bill. We will refute it in the
only way, though rather a tedious one, by which such
sweeping falsehoods can be exposed, that is, by stating
shortly the different changes which have been made,
and their real effect. The first material alteration is
in the second clause. By that clause the commis-
sioners were empowered to commit for contempt. That
power is taken away, and a contempt is punishable,
under the 86th clause, by fine, on conviction before
two justices. The second is the omission cif the 10th
clause, which enabled the commissioners to act as jus-
tices of the peace. We have called these altera-
tions material, because they were considered ma-
terial by these who proposed them ; but, in fact, they
are of no importance whatever. They were inserted
because they might, in a few instances, have been con-
venient; and they were omitted because those instances
would have been so few that the question was not
worth a contest. Two new clauses are also proposed
to be inserted in the beginning of the bill—one re-
stricting the commissioners from sitting in Parlia-
meta ; the other limiting their appointment to five
years. The first became necessary as soon as it was
decided that their salaries should be annually voted.
Under such an arrangement they would have been
excluded from the provisions of the statute of Anne,
and the consequence might.have been that the office
would have become a political one, subject to the fre-
quent changes which must be expected under our re-
formed constitution, and therefore subject to con-
tinual change of system. The other alteration is
really unimportant. If the act works well the
commissioners will be retained as long as
their services are useful; and whether the clause
in question had been introduced or not, they
certainly would not have been retained after they
could be dispensed with. The next alteration de-
serving notice is in the 19th clause. Under that
clause, as it originally stood, the commissioners were
enabled to order a sum not exceeding one-tenth of the
average annual rates of any parish to be employed in
enlarging workhouses. As it is now altered, the sum
must not exceed 50/. This, again, is an unimportant
alteration. First, because the benefits of a competent
workhouse are so well known that few parishes will
oppose its construction or necessary enlargement ;
:11111y stood parishes will he much
and, secondly, because the number of parishes in which
the poor-rates much exceed 5001. a year is small even
snmoiavil
earn. d underAs the
30th
h cimprovedluase sYnsitorig
were prevented from adopting -Gilbert's Act, Sturges
Bourne's Aot, or Hobhouse's Act, without the consent
of the commissioners. That consent is requisite, as
the clause now stands, only to the adoption of
Gilbert's Act. The object of the clause is
to produce uniformity, and to prevent unions
under the powers of the present bill from
being interfered with by other contemporary changes.
But as the inconvenience which might arise from the
adoption and subsequent discontinuance of Sturges
Bourne's Act is trifling, and Hobhouse's Act extends
only to a few parishes, the change is inconsiderable.
Under the 33d clause the votes lioth of owners and
occupiers were to be taken according to the Vestry
Act, which does not admit proxies, but gives addi-
tional votes, to the extent of six, in proportion to the
assessment of the voter. As the clause now stands
the occupiers have only single votes, and owners are
allowed to appoint proxies. The alteration as to
occupiers appears to have been made in consequence
of representations that Hothouse's Act, in which the
voting is single, had worked well. But with respect
to owners, the effect of a similar alteration would have
been, in fact, to deprive the owners,•who, indeed,
are the real payers of the rates, of any real Matt-

ence. The number of owners is • always small com-
pared to that of occupiers. Many parishes are
owned by one individual : a single vote would have
been a mockery : it would have been almost an
equal mockery if he had not been enabled to vote by
)roxy. No such power is required by occupiers, as
they are on the spot. But scarcely any man of landed
aroperty has the whole of -if contiguous, so as to be
the subject of his own residence ; he can vote, there-
fore, only by his representative. In the 38th clauss
useful addition has also been made, by which over-
seers' accounts are to be passed quarterly. At pre-
vent they are passed at the conclusion of the year of
,fee, so that an overseer may discover that he has
teen acting improperly only by the disallowance of
"iis accounts. He will now be checked in time, to the
idvantage of the parish and of himself. We now
come to the 46th clause, which has been the subject
of a really important change. That clause absolutely
nullibited the allowance system after the Ist of June,
1835. It was not introduced in pursuance of any re-
;ommendation of the report, but as a substitute for
!-he workhouse ilystem, and was open, as it stood
in the bill, to the • following objections :-Ist,
That in many parishes nunibeks of paupers, who
would have rejected the workhouse, , would, if
allowance were refused; throw themselves on
the less disagreeable alternative of parish employment,
so as to occasion great immediate expense ; secondly,
that the attempt to produce so great a Change on one
day over 'the whole kingdom I might produce popular
disturbance : thirdly, that where neither of these con-
sequences followed, several individual hardships might
be inflicted on individuals by the abrupt and total ces-
sation of n long-established practice : and fourthly,
that as the means by which the prohibition was to be
enforced wero principally the disallowance by the
magistrates 'of the overseers' accounts, it was to be
feared that in many places there- would be collision, if
it may be so called, between the overseers and the
magiStrates—that it would be admitted by the ma-
,tistrate that the prohibition was- impracticable, and
the practicewould be sanctioned,notwithstanding its ille-
gality had' been declared by Parliament, just as it is
now sanctioned, while its illegality, though not de-
clared, is generally suspected ; in short, that as no legal
safety-valve was opened' by the act, the magistrates
would supply one. To obviate these objections, a
clause has been introduced; enabling the commissioners
to sanction allowance in such places, for such times,
and on such conditions as they may think expedient.
It is obvious that this clause is open to many objec-
tions; but we agree with Lord Althorp in thinking
them, on the whole, less formidable than the dangers
to which the original clause exposed us. The next
material alteration is in the 48th clause. That clause
enacted that wherever there were in a parish guardians
or a select vestry,-it should not be lawful for the over-
seer to give relief except under the direction and con-
trol, or in pursuance of the order, of the guardians
or vestry. A previous clause had deprived the justices
of the power of interference in such parishes, and
the commissioners were expressly forbidden to in-
terfere in particular cases except- when applied
-by the overseers 'to - sanction allowance.
It appeared that the effect of these clauses,
taken- together, would be to deprive the pauper of any
legal means Of enforcing relief. Neither the justices
nor the commissioners could interfere. 'The guardians
or select vestry, acting as a board,; would not be re-
sponsible, and the overseer was expressly.bound to
follow their direction. If, therefore, the guardians or
vestry expressly commanded the overseer to refuse re-
lief to A. 8., and A.B. should' consequently perish, it
did not appear that ally body could. be punished. .To
obviate this, the words of Mr. Sturges Bourne's Act,
of which the meaning has been ascertained by fifteen
years' experience, and which appears to work well,
were made lite Of; and the prohibition of relief, with-
out the orders of the guardians or vestry, was
modified by the following qualification:-" Except
in cases of
.sudden emergency or urgent necessity,
and to such .extent only of temporary relief .as such
case shall require." . The effect of this .alteration is
to leave the overseer indictable if he allow. any person
to starve, since the orders of the guardians or ves-
try. are suspended •by a case of urgent necessity. A
change, also, of some importance, has been made in
the 50th clause. That clause was intended to prevent
the abuse, by which the heads of fatuities have been
in the habit of claiming and receiving relief in the
names of their children. As it was proposed, it de-
clared that all relief given to children under the age of
sixteen should be considered as given to the head of
the family. The age of sixteen is now altered to
twelve. This change' we regret. In fact we should
have preferred the age of twenty-one to either ; but it
was made in consequence of the prevalence of a cus-
tom by which children, in many of the ill-administered
counties, were considered independent recipients of
relief at the age. of ten. It was thought that the
change to sixteen would be too great. In the 60th
clause, the emigration enactment, the liability of an
emigrant, returning within twenty years, to repay
the expenses of his emigration, is struck out ; but
that important clause is, in other respects, un-
altered. We now come to the settlement clauses,
which are the parts of the present bill which
vary most from the •original draft. The first impres-
sion produced on every one who has read the poor law
evidence, must have been the necessity of abolishing
settlement by hiring, and service, and apprenticeship ;
and the other modes by whieh settlements may be
changed—namely, renting or purchasing a tenement,
estate, serving an office, or paying rates, though not
equally objectionable, have little to recommend them.
The commissioners advised their immediate abolition.
They also recommended the substitution for them of
settlement by birth. This view was adopted by the
Government, and thus the bill stood. But ever since
its introduction, earnest representations have been
made to the Government, and to their principal sup-
porters that birth-settlement., however proper as
part of an established good system, would much
impede the amendment of a bad one ; that under
the terror which poor law abuses have created, and
the determination to avoid making settlements, every
parish would discharge all its unsettled married la:
bourers, and that a very extensive dislocation of the
labour of the country would follow, by which the aper(k-
tion of the measure, during the first year or two,
would be much impeded—in fact, during the precise
period of difficulty. Lord Althoff), therefore, was
urged to dbolish the heads of settlement to which we
have referred, but not to substitute settlement by
birth. Compliance with these requests would, in fact,
have reduced all settlements to marriage and parentage,
a most convenient arrangement for the present., but a
most inconvenient one fifty years hence. Lord Althorp
adopted what appears to us the best eaurse that,
under ther.difficulties of the case, could be taken.
He abolished hiring, and service, and appren-
ticeship, required rating as an addition to renting
a tenement, and introduced no new head of set-
tlement. The immediate effect will be most boa.,
cial. The whole labour market will be opon, and
every man may carry his services to any place what-
ever, without the fear of being repulfted as a new
settler. And if, forty or fifty years Uonee, any incon-
venience shall arise, and it eannet arise sooner, it wilt
be easy to cure it by the adoption of a district QL•
county settlement. We now come to the proceed'ascs
of Wednesday night. Our objection to the bastardy
clauses is well known. We approve, therefore, of the
omission of the 73d clause, which expressly requireki:
the parents of the female to contribute to the sawort
of her offspring. Whether Mr. Miles's amendment,
which, instead of abolishing, as ftse hill does, the pu-
nishment both of father anal, tuother, subjects the woman
to imprisonment, and the man to a fine, will or will not
be adopted, it is impossible, in the present state of the
house, ts. determine. It will be considered on Satur-
day. The amendment proposed.by Lord Darlington,
and amended by the Attornev-General, rating the
landlord as to all tenements under 10/. a year,witl also
be reconsidered. We believe that the adopt:An 'of this
amendment will be most beneficial, aidaidihat it was
interestedight endanger in (*posing it would raise
the whole measure.
a
omitted in the original bill soleiy tinder the fear that
th
It was probably on the same ground that the commis-
sioners, though favourahle to the change, and indeed
clamour many
persons% vhich m
willing to extend it to all tenements of less annual
value than la., did not advise its introduction into the
bill. Such are the only important changes to which
this great and complicated measure has been subjected.
And we appeal to every candid person, whether be-
longing to the Whig or the Tory, or the vestry, or
the pauper interest, whether any measure of equal
ioagnitude and difficulty was ever debated, clause by
clause, for a month, and escaped with less alteration ?
—Morning Chronicle.

LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, JUNE 18.
We have had a fair demand for cotton to-day ; about
3,000 bales have been sold at steady prices--viz., 204
Pernams, I 1 d. to 123. d.,; I4a Niaranbams, at I IN.
to 110., 150 Bahian, li-44 to 100.; rernaincke
Amencani front la. t..)

FRENCH .PAPERS.

( From the Journal (le Paris of Wednesday.)

This evening, at seven o'clock, there was a pre-
paratory meeting of electors of the fifth Arrondisse-
ment. This meeting, at which it was known that
Messrs. Thiers and Salverte were to be present, was
of a nature deeply to interest the patriotism of the
electors ; so there was a very full attendance.
M. Salverte first addressed the meeting. In a
long speech, the honourable candidate took a review
successively of almost all the acts of his opposition to
the government, and endeavoured, if not to justify all
of them, at least to prove that they were all acts of
good faith. In order to shun even the appearance of
personality towards his honourable competitor, M.
Thiers confined himself, in his answer, to a general
criticism on the conduct and principles of the opposi-
tion, compared with those of the parliamentary majo-
rity ; but this manner of viewing the question did not
suit M. Salverte, who hastened to reply, in order to
combat it, demanding to be judged by his personal
acts, and not by those of the opposition as a body,
whom he did not pretend to represent.
In his reply, M. Thiers declared that he never
could have supposed that he was displeasing a member
of the opposition in considering him as representing his
party ; that, as to himself, lie would always be proud
of having belonged to the parliamentary majority of
1834 ; and that it would be impossible to find among
the whole of that majority a single member who did
not hold himself as representing his party.
The lateness of the hour forces us to postpone
the details of this meeting. It is sufficient at present
to say that the eloquence and the strength of reason
exhibited by M. Thiers, gained him the suffrages of
every one present.
The securities were much demanded, with a brisk
market, till half-past two, when a sudden decline took
place—the three per cents. from 78f. 25c. to 30c. to
781. 10c. sellers ; five per cents. Spanish from 79af.
to 78jf. ; three per cents. from 494 f. to 481 f. No
political reason is assigned for this fall, it is solely at-
tributed to the notice of the Austrian loan, which I
annex to this ; a further decline has taken place ; the
three per cents. remain 78f. 90c. for the account at
the end of the month.

NOTICE OF A LOAN FOR AUSTRIA FOR

THE YEAR 1834.

The Austrian government has contracted a loan for
25,000,000 of florins of convention money, called cur-
rent' metallic money ; the reimbursement will be
effected from year to year by premiums, in 25 drawings
of different amounts, answering to the extinction of
capital and interest, calculated at the rate of 5 per
cent. ; amounting, together, to a total sum of
51,371,170 florins of convention money.
The loan will be divided into 50,000 bonds of 500
florins each • every bond of 500 florins will be subdi-
vided into five partial ones of 100 florins, bearing the
same premium and being entitled to a fifth in the
chances of the principal bond. In conformity with
the repartition adopted for the premiums, as hereafter
explained, the chance of reimbursement for each bond
of 500 florins is understood to be as follows, viz. :
High Prices to the Low Prices.
2d first Drawing 320,000 florins 580 florins.
to the 3d and 4th 300,000
250,000
250,000
225,000
225,000
210,000
210,000
200,000
200,000
180,000
200,000
200,000
210,000
210,000
225,000
225,000
250,000

20

250,000
300,000

300,000

320,000

980

25
Messrs. Rothschild, brothers, in Paris, will issue
the original bonds of the loan, and will pay, in Paris,
to the bearers who may feel disposed to receive the
amount of the drawn bonds, fifteen days after the time
of the reimbursement in Vienna, at the exchange of
2f. 50c. per florin of convention money, without any
further expense.

DECLARATION OF THE LAY MEM-

BERS OF THE CHURCH.

A deputation of noblemen and gentlemen connected
with Ireland waited on his Grace the Lord Archbishop of
Armagh yesterday morning, and presented to his Grace
the following declaration, &c.:—

" DECLARATION AND PROTEST RESPECTFULLY SUB-
MITTED TO THE ARCHBISHOPS, BISHOPS, AND CLERGY,
BY THE UNDERSIGNED LAY MEMBERS OF THE UNITED

CHITRCH OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND.

" We, laymen, members of the Irish branch of the
united church, feel it a duty which we owe to our religion
and our country, at the present crisis, to give publicity to
our sentiments.

"We declare our sincere attachment to the principles,
doctrines, and institutions of the reformed episcopal church
which has by the Divine blessing been so long established in
England and Ireland, and our firm determination to adhere
faithfully to the same, amidst all the changes which the
prevailing spirit of innovation may produce.
" We most solemnly protest against any alteration being
made in the Liturgy, formularies, rites, or ceremonies of
our church, without the sanction and recommendation of
its spiritual guardians ; being convinced that they are
founded on the Holy Scriptures, agreeably to the usages
of the earliest Christians, and highly calculated to advance
the glory of God, and promote piety and devotion in the
minds of his worshippers.
" We most earnestly and affectionately call upon, and
implore, the bishops and clergy of the united church of
England and Ireland to exert every means in their power,
with humble dependance on the assistance of their Divine
Master, to defend the church of Christ, in which they have
been called to labour.

We have seen, with much gratification, an address
to the King's Most Excellent Majesty proposed for signa-
ture to the bishops and clergy of the Irish branch of
United Church, expressing their desire, along with other
objects, 'to remove the disquiet and distrust which have
been produced by the apprehension of ill-advised changes
in the minds of those committed to their spiritual care.'

" While we express our own unshaken attachment to
our venerable church, and while we protest, as above,
against such apprehended innovations, we humbly trust
that our primate, archbishops, bishops and clergy, will
faithfully maintain the dignity of their high and holy
office ; and we hereby declare that it shall be our endea-
vour, under the Divine blessing, faithfully to stand by and
support their authority, whilst they adhere to the principles
of our holy apostolic church."
To which his Grace was pleased to make the following
reply :
" My Lords and Gentlemen,—lt is with the liveliest
feelings of gratitude and satisfaction, mingled with un-
feigned thankfulness to Almighty God, that I receive at
your hands, amidst the dangers which are on all sides
threatening the united Church, and more particularly that
part of it in which it has pleased Divine Providence to as-
sign me a conspicuous station, this assurance of your sin-
cere attachment to her principles, doctrines, and institu-
tions ; accompanied with your solemn protest against any
alterations which, in the prevailing spirit of innovation, it
may be attempted to introduce into our Liturgy and forms
of worship, founded as they are upon the Holy Scriptures,
and modelled by the usages of the purest antiquity.
e Never, perhaps, was there a season in which the
minister; of the Church stood more in need of a generous
and affectionate promise and co-operation of support, like
that which is gpy; spontaneously made by the pious and
enlightened laymen of her communion ; and then only
may that support and co-operation be withdrawn from us,
when we shall have ceased to adhere to the principles of
our sworn faith,

" The pledge of our unshaken fidelity to the sacred en-
ogements stands recorded in the addressrecently presented
to his Most Gracious Majesty, which you are pleased to
*4l, you have read with much ffratification. In confirma-
tiou of its professions, I feel thate I am giving utterance to
the united sentiments of the Irish clergy, when I declare
to you that they are prepared, one and all, to make acheer-
fill sacrifice of every earthly possession, and even of life
itself, for the maintenance of that church in which, by
God's grace, they have been called upon to minister. The
public avowal of our principles to which you have alluded
was intended to be, and I bless God that it has proved to
be, as appears by your declaration, not merely a source of
natural encouragement and support to ourselves, but also a
means of removing that disquietude and distrust which the
apprehensions of ill-advised changes were calculated to
produce in the mindi of those committed to our spiri-
tual care.
" The consolatory assurances, however, of your devoted-
ness to the same cause, and of your approval of our con-
duct, were still wanting to us, and they have been this day
amply supplied. Whether it should please Almighty
God, in his undeserved goodness, to avert the evils with
which we are menaced, or whether, in his inscrutable wis-
dom, to permit the subsisting connexion between church
and state to be dissolved, which now consecrates anti ad-
vances our temporal greatness, whether we shall be doomed
to see the altars of superstition' again reared in those edi-
fices which have so long uitnessed a pure and spiritual
worship—or whether inditierenee to Christian truth, and

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1834.

Sir E. KNATCIIBILLL has introduced a
clause into the Beer Act Amendment Bill,
the effect of which will be to injure both the
seller and drinker of beer,, without obtaining
the object which the hon. baronet had in view.
This clause applies only to the new beer-
houses, and enacts that, after the passing of
the act, no beer shall be sold to be drank on
the premises. This changing of Acts of
Parliament before they have had a fair trial is.
most injurious to the public, and still more
so to private parties. In this instance a num-
ber of persons embarked their little pro-
perty in establishing beer-houses, on the faith
of an Act of Parliament, and this act is now
reversed, and one half of the property destroyed.
And what will be the consequence ? Simply
this—the beer will be sold in one place and
drank in another, creating additional ex-
pense to the beer-seller, and consequently
raising the price to the customer. Let the
drunkard be punished, and let licenses
be refused to those who keep disor-
derly houses, but let not the innocent
suffer with the guilty. The outcry against the
Beer Bill comes chiefly from the country squires
and clerical magistrates, whose power and in-
fluence it curtailed, and we confess that we
augured no good for the poor when the subject
was taken up by the member for Kent. There
are some legislators who grudge the poor man
every enjoyment, and seem to think that he
cannot have recreation without running riot.
The effects of the measure will be to
raise the price of the poor man's seer,
and to drive him to the use of ardent
spirits, which can be drunk covertly in the
country without a license. We should have
thought that. the restrictions which the amended
bill imposed on granting licenses would have
satisfied the country gentlemen, but we now see
they will not be satisfied till they have unlimited
sway over all public houses, as in the good
olden Tory reign. It is for the interest of the
licensed victualler, as well as the beer seller, to
resist such encroachments. None knows better
than the former the partiality and injustice ex-
ercised by Magistrates in granting licenses.

We heartily concur in the sentiments con-
tained in a declaration presented by certain lay
members of the church of England and Ireland
to the Archbishop of ARMAGH yesterday.
We approve of the principles and doctrines,
the liturgy and rites, of the Protestant re-
formed church, and we earnestly implore the
bishops and clergy to exert every means in their
power to defend that church in which they have
been called to labour. But there are as different
ways of defending a church or a constitution as
of defending a fortress. The Duke of WELLING,-
TON, who stood forward as the champion of the
rotten borough system, would hear of no repair,
and had he attempted to defend citadels or gain
battles with as little judgment and skill, he
would never have reached his present pre-emi-
nence. The vast multitudes outside that wished
to be admitted into the pale of the constitution,
saw the error and took advantage of it. They
entered by main force, and took possession of a
position which, with proper precaution, and with
making a few material repairs, he might
still have held. If, he takes the same line of
defence against the enemies of the church, it

will not be difficult to foresee the result.
Many of those who wish to see abuses re-
dressed will join at first with her secret enemies
if all redress is refused, and then a sweeping
change will take place, which neither lay
peers nor bishops contemplate, and which
all true friends of the church deprecate.
The only certain way of maintaining the
Established Church in connection with the state,
and of weakening the power of the dissenters,
is to begin by an extensive and thorough re-
pair. The people will leave the doctrines, the
fonnularies, and the liturgy of the church to
the care of the clergy ; but the appropriation
of church property and the redress of grievances
which press upon themselves they will take into
their own hands. They will not submit
much longer to pluralities—non-residence,
unequal distribution of church property—extra-
vagant charges for the performance of duties
sufficiently provided for—and least of all, to the
upholding an overgrown Protestant church
establishment in Ireland, which is not only inju-
rious to Protestantism, but entails, on them an
enormous yearly expense for its protection. We
confidently hope that the high church party
will be wise in time. If they correct abuses,
they will have a support which no sect—no
power in the country can withstand ; but if
they say the church shall not be touched, then
we can only anticipate the usual results of reck-
less obstinacy and blind infatuation.

The Quotidienne of Wednesday, which, like
the rest of the Paris Journals, is taken up with
the elections for the new Chamber of Deputies,
mentions (no great news, by the bye) that the
Royalists have every where determined on vot-
ing against the Orleanist candidates, whom they
are to endeavour to exclude by combining,
wherever it may be expedient, with the liberal
opposition.
FRENCH FUNDS.—PARis, JUNE 18.
Five per Cents., 10fif. 10c.
Three per Cents., 77f. 90c.
Rente de Naples, 951. 70c.
Roman Five per Cents., 966.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 39N.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 48%.
Royal Spanish Loan, 87%.
Rente gcrpet. d'Espagne. Five per Cents., 78%.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cents., 99:
Miguelite Loan, 31.
Pedroite Loan, 79%.
Prussian Loan, 220 50.
Loan,Piedmontese 1,232.
Haytian Loan, 285 f.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 23f. 22%c. ' • money. —f. c.
Three months, paper,2 if. 4f c..; money,—f.—c.
iluthenlique.

The happy termination of the struggle in the
Peninsula has caused no small degree of asto-
nishment and mortification to the politicians of
the METTERNICH school in Germany. They
rail at Don CARLOS as a coward, and ,traitor
to the cause of legitimacy ; but it is evident
that, with his flight to England, all hopes of
stirring up a war against free institutions in the
west of Europe are at an end.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

THIS DAY, FRIDAY, JUNE 20.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at a quarter after twelve
o'clock.

The. Wallsend Navigation Bill, and the Southwark
Water Works Bill was read a third time.

Mr. FITZSIMON presented a petition from Babrud-
dery, from Clondelkin, and other places in the county of
Dublin, praying for the total abolition of tithes, and that
the enormous revenue of the bishops in Ireland might be
applied to the support of the working clergy.
Mr. HALL DARE presented a petition from Ongar,
against the admission of dissenters to the universities, and
in support of the established church; 'and two other peti-
tions to the same effect from the county of Essex.
Lord LINCOLN presented several petitions to the same
effect from Amesly, and other places in the county of Not-
tingham.
Sir T. WYNNINGTON presented • a petition from
the dissenters of the town of Tenbury, praying for the
redress of grievances.
Mr. STA VELE Y present ed a petition from an individual
of the name of Sweeting, praying for the establishment of
vote by ballot, in consequence of the persecution which he
and other inhabitants of the town of Ripon had expe-
rienced in consequence of giving a conscientious vote at
the last election. The hon. member stated that a lady
residing in the borough of Ripon had been particularly
active in the persecution of those individuals, and he would
put the notices to quit by her into the hands of Mr.
Thomas Prout,who was generally to be found in the lobby
of the house, that it might be shown to the hon. members
that they might see how far a lady could forget herself.
(A laugh. )
Sir R. INGLIS denied that there was any persecution
in the cases alluded to by the hon. member, and contended
that the mere fact of there having been a notice to quit
was not a proof that such notice was given in consequence
of a vote that had been given two years previously. With
respect to the vote by ballot, he (Sir R. Inglis) was op-
posed to it, although he was sure, that had the division
upon the Reform Bill taken place by ballot, the result
would have been very different. (Hear, and a laugh.)
Mr. STAVELEY could assure the hon. b ironetthat the
grossest persecution had been exercised in this borough.
Previous to the Reform Bill the voters in this borough
were the holders of burgage tenures, the most rascally
things that ever existed.
Mr. PIGOTT presented a petition from Albright,
Salop, in favour of the church.
Mi. SINCLAIR presented a petition from Galgetty,
in the county of Fife, and from Dunkeld, in favour of the
established church of Scotland.
Mr. LYSTER presented a petition from a parish in the
West Riding of the county of York against the Poor Laws
Bill.
Mr. J. BULLER presented a petition from the city of
Exeter in favour of the union between church and state ;
and a petition from Little Ham and Exmouth in favour of
the church.
Mr. Sergeant SPANKIE presented a petition from the
Dissenters of Pentonville, praying for the redress of
grievances ; also a petition from certain parish clerks of
London, praying that they might not be injured in their
rights and privileges by the General Registry Bill.
Sir G. MURRAY presented a petition from Skiphon,
in favour of the established Church in Scotland.

Mr. M. ARCHDALL took the oaths and his seat for
the county of Fermanagh.
Mr. CHAPMAN presented a petition from the land-
holders of the county of Westmeath, complaining of the
abuses of the Grand Juries in Ireland. _ _

Mr. ESTCOURT presented a petition from Mole, in
the county of Flint, in favour of the church ; and a peti-
tion from Wrexall and other places in Wilts, to the same
affect.

Mr. HARDY presented a petition from Aldmanbury,
in the county of York, against the Beer Bill.
Lord CAVENDISH presented a petition from Stony
Middleton, Derbyshire, in favour of some measure for the
better observance of the Sabbath.

Mr. TYRELL presented a petition from Pinkham, in
the county of Norfolk, in favour of the established church.
Mr. BETHEL presented a petition from the parish of
Nun, iu Yorkshire, in favour of the established church.
Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition from 500 inha-
bitants of Gaspe, in Canada, complaining of the injuries
which they suffer from their connection with Lower
Canada, they being compelled to resort to the Court of
Lower Canada for justice, and the distance being so great
as in many instances to amount to a total denial of justice.
He complained also that their representatives had been
expelled four several times from the House of Representa-
tives of Lower Canada ; and that during such expulsion
a measure had been introduced into the house, which ma-
terially affected their interests. For these reasons, they
expressed a desire to be separated from Lower Canada, and
to be annexed to the province of New Brunswick.
The petition was referred to the committee upon Cana-
dian affairs.

Mr. C. RUSSELL presented; a petition from certain
parts of Reading, against the Poor Laws Bill.
Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from Great
Marlow, against the admission of dissenters to the univer-
sities.

Sir R. INGLIS presented several petitions against the
claims of the dissenters, from various places in the counties
of Sussex and Merionethshire.

Mr. RUTHVEN presented a petition from Killaloe, in
the county of Down, complaining of abuses in the corpo-
ration.

Sir J. TYRRELL presented petitions from Essex in
favour of the established church, and from the same county
against the Beer Bill.
Mr. AIORGAN O'CONNELL presented several peti-

tions , from places; in the counties of Waterford and Ros-
common against tithes, and for the repeal of the union.
Petitions were also presented by Mr. Slaney, from a
parish in Salop, against the Beer Law Amendment Bill ; by
Mr. E. Ruthven, from parishes in the county of Kildare, for
repeal of the union, and against tithes ; by Sir 0. Mosley,
from several proprietors of collieries in Staffordshire, pray-
ing exemption from poor rates ; by Mr. F.. Palmer, from
some master brewers, against alterations in the beer law ;
by . Mr. Baillie, from the coopers and maltsters of
Bristol, to the same effect; by Mr. Stanley,
from Devon, in support of the church ; by Mr. A. Baring,
from Saffron Walden, Essex to the same effect ; by
Sit R. Vyvyan, from householders, in the city of
Bristol, against-that clause in the Poor Laws' Amend-
ment Bill relating to small - tenements, and from
some places in Devon in support of the Church ;
by Lord John Russell, from Thomas Peter Gurney, com-
plaining that he had no provision from the church, after
many- years' service as a clergyman ; by Mr. Miles, from
Bath, in support of the church, and others from Bath and
Wells to the same effect ; and one numerously signed
against beer shops; and by LOrd J. Rusiell, from a parish I
is Devon, in support of the church.
The SPEAKER left the chair at half-past two o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-(THIS DAY.)

THE LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK
BILL.

The Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas,
Mr. Justice Park, Mr. Baron Parke, Mr. Justice Patte-
son, Mr. Baron Alderson, Mr. Justice Vaughan, Mr.
Justice Littledale, Mr. Justice Williams, and Mr. ustice
Taunton, sat in-the House of Lords to-day for the purpose
of taking into consideration the following question, which
had been ordered by the house to be submitted to them,
upon the London and Westminster Bank Bill :—" Are the
provisions of this bill inconsistent with the Bank of England's
right, as secured to it under the following acts :-5 Wm.
and Mary, c. 20 ; 8 and 9 Wm. 3, c. 20; 6 Anne, c. 22 ;
15 Geo. 11. chap. 13 ; 21 Geo: 111 chap. 60 ; 39 & 40
Geo. 111. chap. 28 ; and 3 & 4 Wm. IV. chap. 98."
The peers in attendance were Lord Wynford, who sat as
Deputy Speaker, the Duke of Cumberland, the Marquis
of Bute, the Earl of Stradbroke, the Earl of Radnor, the
Earl of Wicklow, the Marquis of Bristol, and the Bishop
of Hereford. Sir Edward Sugden, Mr. Harrison, and the
Recorder, apkeared for the Bank of England, and Mr.
Follett, Mr. Shee, and Mr. Wrangham, were counsel for
the London and Westminster Bank.
Mr. HAitaisox, in the absence of Sir Edward Sugden,
proceeded to address their Lordships on behalf of the
Bank of England, contending that the provisions of the
bill were inconsistent with the rights secured to the Bank
of England. The learned counsel was proceeding to cite
authorities in support of his proposition, when he was in-
terrupted by—
Lord WYNFORD, who stated that the learned Judges
had great doubt whether the question was put to them in
such a way as they could answer it. He would therefore
move that they should retire to consider the question.
The learned Judges then retired, and after being absent
upwards of half an hour,
The LORD Calm, JUSTICE stated that his Majesty's
Judges, after consideration of the question proposed by
their Lordships, had found it expressed in terms which
rendered it doubtful whether it was a case confined to the
strict legal construction of existing acts of Parliament ;
they therefore, with great respect and deference to their
Lordships, requested to be excused from giving any answer
to the question.
Lord WYNFORD said, that in consequence of the same
difficulty occurring to himself as had occurred to the
learnedjudges, he had framed two other questions; but as
this was a question of vital importance, he thought itbetter
to advise with the Lord Chancellor, before he put any ques-
tion for the consideration of the Judges. He should,
therefore, move, that the further consideration of the bill
should be postponed sine die, his lordship at the same time
intimating that Thursday next would probably be the
clay when their lordships would again take the question
under consideration.
The Bishop of HEREFORD reminded the noble lord
that Thursday next was the anniversary of the King's ac-
cession to the throne. .

Lord WYNFORD—Then we had better adjourn it
sine die. _ .

After some further discussion on the motion of the
Marquis of BUTE, the further consideration was adjourned
to this day se'nnight.
As a passing remark we may observe that the only ques-
tion on the bill arises under the 3d section of the 3d and
4th William IV., which is a declaratory clause for the
purpose of removing alldoubts.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE (THIS DAY.)

(FROM LLOYD'S.)
DEAL, Jos 19.—Wind W. S. W. , moderate.—Passed
by the barques Mountaineeer and Colonist for the river.
The whole of the outward-bound remain.

INIARGATE, JUNE 19.—Arrived off port the Ann, Hen-
derson, from Trinidad.

PoaTsmou T It, JUNE 19.—Wind W.—Sailed his Ma-
jesty's yacht the Royal George to the eastward.
PLIMoUni, JUNE 18.--Wind S. W., squally.
FALMOUTH, JUNE 18.—Wind W. S.W. to W., fresh
breezes and squally.—Arrived the Emma, Rowe, from
Paraiba; and his Majesty's steamer the African, from
Plymouth. _ _

STAFGATE CREEK JUNE 19.—Arrived the Dorothy,
Paul, from Messina ; 'Neptuno, Ygertha, from Tarragona ;
San Antonio y Animas, from Talou ' • Aurora, Grant, from
Almeria ; Three Sisters, Dyer, and Express, Wells, from
Gibraltar.

COWES, Jura 19.—Arrived the Peggy, Thompson,
from Newcastle..

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK

In respect to arrivals this morning, we have none of the
least consequence, with the exception of the French and
Dutch mails, the contents of which are anticipated in
the Morning Journals.

THE GEESE-CACKLE IN THE CAPITOL.

At a meeting of conservative Dukes and Lords last
waLl etoeerrkdc,sa
thiNoivsni
,nGre
rather
ati
hicseeern ot
hfaanndNewcastle
discussion,
Londonderry. proposedthe an impeach-
ment of Ministers 1 He was warmly supported by
enflamedpnk
Duke
of the
Wellington,
high-flyers
somewhat so
a successfully,averse to
that
wawonauds d bright thought
tr oha the
s muchn he such
inl
to
nna
tds ST
said
atd
consideration
that
he ;
whateverctoamk epel compelled to
twh
he
olferitemporize,ends
mattero f
the Christian Religion" (the name by which
the Chancellor of Oxford constantly designates
the clergy of the Church of England) approved, he
would himself undertake. The council broke up—but
the next morning the counsellors were somewhat re-
lieved from their perplexity and suspense by a dis-
covery which had not before occurred to them. It
seems that an illustrious personage, who had been early
the next morning to ascertain precedents from his
oracle, Lord Wynford, received a response from the
tripod, which he carried in great haste to the Duke of
Newcastle and Lord Londonderry. It was no less
than the surprising and unwelcome .intelligence that
impeachments. could not originate in the House of
Lords; there had been no. instance of it since the
Revolution, but one attempt since the Restoration by
a hair-brained Peer, the particulars of which, when
he had referred to his books, Lord Wynford promised
to convey at full length to the Marquis of Londonderry.
To bring an impeachment before the Lords,andto enable
the Duke of 'Newcastle to pronounce sentence (for as
to hearing evidence, we well recollect that his Grace's
Pindaric understanding required no such process on a
very memorable occasion), it is necessary that an ac-
cuser, namely, the majority of a House of Commons,
should agree to bring the charge to the bar. And
what was to be done to accomplish this ? Sir Edward
Sugden and Mr. Sadler are both out of Parliament ;
and who can prevail on the Commons ?
The Duke of. Newcastle, albeit much astounded at
thii new view of the case, with his accustomed reverence
for law and usage, acknowledged that' the forms and
rule 4 orour constitution must be 'strictly 'observed,
though they were, he confessed, like many other things
he most sincerely admired, utterly beyond his compre-
hension. Nor so Lord Londonderry ;he could not
understand why ribald Billingsgate and nonsense
should not be talked, and as much passion vented in
one house as in the other. He stood up for the pri-
vileges of his order, and it is thought that if anything
of the kind is attempted, it is on the noble marquis
will devolve the duty of exposing the iniquities and
inconsistencies of Lord Grey's career, and the imbeci..
lity and inefficiency of the present Lord Chancellor.

LITERATURE.

AYESHA, THE MAID OF KARS. 3 Yds.

London, 1834.

This is a light, readable tale, or rather romance,
ust the sort of work to lounge over on a sofa, on
a summer's evening, and forget the instant after, it
is read. "Ayesha" has no strongly-marked de-
scriptions—no portraiture of passion, such as we
meet with in Anastasius, and such as is calculated
to leave a fixed impression on the reader's mind : it is
smooth, equable, and full of agreeable incident, and
cheerful, picturesque descriptions. Here and there
we can detect symptoms of slovenliness ; not in
point of style, but in the plot, which in places
seems very negligently put together, but as a whole,
the work will answer ; indeed, there can be no ques-
tion, we think, of its becoming a favourite. One point
in its favour is the great familiarity the author every
where betrays with oriental matters. He is as
much at home at Constantinople, and among the
wilds of Kurdistan, as a Cockney within the sound
of Bow-bells. His principal characters, too, con_
verse in a dialogue that wears all the aspect of
truth and nature. Among the best of these are the
young English traveller, Lord Osmond, and his
Turki,ll (or rather no Turkish) mistress Ayesha,
from whom the novel derives its name. Mr. Morier:,.
we understand, is the author, who, in the lightneis
and freedom of touch with which he hits off his
more sparkling and humorous scenes, reminds us cif
his best talc " Hajji Baba." We give an extract;;
—it is a dialogue between Osmond and Ayesha
" The muezzin had not yet called the faithful to
evening prayer from the minarets, when Osmond ap-
peared on the terrace in search of Ayesha. There
was a balmy stillness in the air ; the sun was about to
disappear behind the western hills, and the repose of
nature was such as happy lovers prize for being in
unison with their own feelings. But the lovers who
were about to meet were far from enjoying such la
state of tranquillity ; doubts, apprehensions, and fear
disturbed their breasts too much to leave them in se-
curity, and they were agitated by the tremors of dis-
quietude which will creep into the minds of those whO
are about to undertake a dangerous and uncertain en-
terprise. Osmond waited for some time alone ; his
eyes in vain sought the object of his desire ; she did
not appear, and he began to doubt whether she would
ever have the courage so far to overstep the prejudices
of her sect as to meet him alone and unprotected.
Long shadows began to cast themselves over the
scenery which surrounded him ; the sun's lower limb
was fast approaching the tips of the mountain behind
which it set, and the shades of evening were gradually
drawing towards twilight, when he heard a slight
rustling behind the wall which stood before the open-
ing of the adjoining terrace. To his delight he per-
ceived the graceful form of Ayesha approaching him
with a slow and uncertain step, her heart impelling her
onward to her lover, whilst her Mahomedan fears
shackled her motions with more than the weight Of
fetters on the feet of a prisoner. He flew to receive
her with an eagerness that almost alarmed her ; but
when she heard his soothing voice, and was quieted by
the respectful tone of his manner, she was restored to
all the confidence with which he had inspired her, and,
in the pleasure of being at his side, forgot the dangers
which impended over their heads.
" This is really kind,' said Osmond, as lie took
her hand into his ; ' how can I show you my grati-
tude for thus trusting in me ?'
" ' Allah only knows,' said Ayesha, timidly with-
drawing her hand, whether what lam now doing
be right. My heart tells me you are good, and that I
should be wicked to doubt you ;—but pity me ! IhaNs'e
been taught to think you are one of those whom lu-
sulman must in duty reject. Oh, what shall,' docome?
hocimsdtati
with a tone of the deepest feeling,
" Ayesha,' said Osmond, the day ill
by whom we
whether the God whom we both worship,
b hl"
f hioned,,and in whom we ot we—
have both been as
of his hands be objects of pollution
have
en
beenyou willhre moreaght acpl e. a r
appealsee the
to errorsx u ownsrin'to•p? thereheeintdei
heart,
:ue.
whether the works
v h 0 whilst
s
me ? must I live without a law ?'
with
i ve
sudden eyes tiapnoinm her.atien.
he
ehwi s
eeaxnp r es
that ever be ?' exclaimed Ayesha, her
enet
dtdhhi amafai npnnwespky
ietieeiosir
wsndesaiei
since
ecyeCoAnßuhelyurvehtieta,sachrtvwlialact,hnompes,
when you
tho.
ye
aobtsueel
are
gone,
beswuhc‘
what
o‘h
willaoyilß ol pollution ttdaiaaonihdrlnnrev
andinture to hope for so much happiness ?
sstfeahalciafdet betterocbosemualbeaming
Osmond,
Will you become a true believer, and abandon all for
me? No; that can never be do not play with my
feelings.'

" '-Ayesha,' said Osmond with emotion, let me
me not deceive you. I should be unworthy of you if
I ever could abandon my faith. You say truly—No ;
that can never be. But, if you trust me in one thing,
trust me in all. If you believe that I love you, believe
too that I would never urge you to wrong :—I do love,
I adore you. You are as necessary to my happiness as
the air I breathe. Say, too, that you love me, that
you will be mine, and then we will live for each other
through life until death, through good and evil, and,
as we shall be of one mind and one heart, so we will
partake of each other's fortunes, and belong to one
country. You must follow me whither I will lead
you ;—trust in me. As God is in heaven, as lam a
true man, trust in my word and my honour, and I swear
to live only to make you happy.'
" This passionate avowal, which was spoken with an
honesty of purpose that brought on involuntary con-
viction, made Ayesha's bosom heave with the agitation
of a thousand contending feelings, whilst her cheeks
burned with blushes. She could not utter a word ; her
heart was full to suffocation. She would have shel-.
tered herself under the protection of some tender
parent in whom she could confide, had she not felt that
Osmond was superior to every being whom she had
ever known, and that his protection and his love was of
more worth than all the world besides".

SMITHFIELD MARKET.
This day's supply of Beasts, Sheep, Lambs, and Calves, was
moderately good; of Porker:, limited. The trade was ratherdull,
at barely Monday's quotations. Milch Cows though not nume-
with hi ecrEssm
PERaII
S Calf,TOpsr odE uoc: ntilLfrßosm.
TOW stIONIK9I.
rous, and :old heavily at drooping prices, a useful Shorthorns.
PR
THE OFrA
s. d, to s. d. s• 0
0 9 0
Inferior Beasts 2 0 2 2 Large Lambs. .......•
Second quality ditto 2 4 210, Prime small ditto... 4 0 5..
Prime large Oxen 3 6 3 8 Large coarse Calves 2 4 ;!
Prime Scots, &c 3lO 4 Prime small ditto... 4 0
Inferior Sheep 2 2 2 4 Large flogs ...... 8
Second quality ditto 3 2 3 4 Small Porkers....... 3 4.
Coarse.woolled ditto 3 6 3 8 Sucklin; Calves 124.
.
outhdownWethers 311 4 0 Quarter gs I2s. to Irse

SUPPLY, AS PER CI
Beasts. !Sheep and Lamb,
MO I 9,500

ERIC'S STATEMENT.
Calves. pigs.
.
I 440 3

NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL MARKETS.
At per atone, by the Carcass.
s. d. to s. (1.
sect, inferior 2 0 2 2 Mutton,
middling 2 6 210 —. middling..
-- prime large 323 6 I prime......
Veal prin. e small 3 6 3 8 Pork,large ....... -"
26 4 4
Lamb 4s. Od. to ss. °IL •

s. d.tol.
2 2 2 f,
210 3 • •
34 3 8
22 3 0
3 4 3 8

COLONIAL MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)
BRITISII PLANTATION ,SUGAR.-Sugar refiners and
grocers being in the market at present, a good deal has
been done in this article this week, and about 4,000 hlids•
have been sold, including Friday last, at another improve-
ment of Is. 144 hhds. of Barbadoes were sold on Tues-
day, and were taken freely at from 555. 6d. to 595. Cal.,
the middling sorts being higher.
w EASTIIo being dearer. Therepu an inquiry for INDIA SUGAR.-But one
oblic of Mauritius
was brought forward, embracing 4,015 bags, which went
off briskly at from 495. 6d. to 575. for good Brown to fine
Yellow,
Bingals. "
FOREIGN SUGAR.-No public sales have been made
since Friday last, when 266 Chests Rio, 338 chests
32 barrels of Bahia, and 186 boxes of Havannah, were
put up. The best part of the rios were taken in at from
245. to 275. for low to good strong white, but a reduction
of 6d. on the purchases made afterwards took place 00
these quotations. Only about 10 chests of Bahias of the
brown description met purchasers, from 21s. to. 235. for
low brown to good yellow, the remaining Pertion being
bought in from 245. 6d. to 275. for low soft to good white,
above which quotations they are held. Full prices were
given for Havannahs from §As. to 255. 6d. for low to good
pyeelrlonawm,
smniedadrlilnygmstreohnegs,ts:vithout any discount. By pri-
vate contract 295. is again offered for a good lot of old mid-
dling white llavannah, and met with no bidders. Of white
at 21
6d . 225. tid
wertedonea.t
255. ; and of Bahias,loochesintsi,(di biroinwg-n, w t
tti s
modify in the market, and the quotationt heve been higher,
PlantationCO F E E
at-
from Is.
taod2vsa.nce shipers and grocers.
at which purchases were made b
REFINED SUGAR.-There is a scarcity of this com-
modity
Crashed fetched 32s.for sale
460 casks, barrels, &c., of Jamaica and Dominica. Good
middling Jamaica fetched 965. to 975. ,The market for
East India and Foreign is firmer, with not a great deal_
doing. By public sale, nearly 1,800 bags and casks of
Cuba, Havannah, Brazil, and Ceylon, were put up ; g
od
and fine ord. Cuba fetched 375. to 635. 6d. ; to
555. to 555. 6d. ; pale Brazil, false packed, 475. to 50s. ;
Ceylon, 41s. fid. to 465. 6d. ; 700 bags ord. Ceylon were
done by private contract at 455.
TEA.-The Sale which bagan on Monday
Tilresre occurred
inup
to-day. The private trade teas were partly bought in.
The trade is very active, and the deliveries extensive.
RUM AND BRANDY.-The market for Rum continues
brisk, and proof Leewards are worth 2s. pet: gallon.
ualities fetching
Brandy there is fair business doing, first q
3s. 6d. to 4s. 6d., seconds 3s._ to 3s. 4d., am others 2s. 6d.
to 2s. 104. per gallon.,
demand for Pepper continues. Cassia
SPICES.-The
Linea has realized an advance of Is. per'cwt. In other
Spices there is no material change.
COTTON.-The sales of Surats have exceeded 500 bales
at former prices.
Hors.-The accounts from the Plantations, this morn-
ing, are more favourable, and the duty is advancing: it
is now from 106,0001. to 108 000/ The market
, • for °
week, clord
is dull.

bags
of publicyell
o w s
Ha l
TALLOW.—The Tallow Market is 425. 9d. to 435. percwt. The arrivals this season by some are reported to
amount to nearly 200,000 casks ; but as speculation is
ac-
tive in this article, the statements should be received "
extreme caution.
The
Mocha, and Brazilian Coffey!!"
morningaesvanhniash,
and some large quantities of Spices. A good demand ex,
for most articles. consist of about .2,9°°

this
day'sti Umis'
111 rEklAeti,jLwl7ilcAhlteKxllll;i7edjYlanemr,derately good
supply throughout, and seas rather numerously attended by
buyers, but the trade was very dull, at the followiug prices per
stone of Sib. to s'aik the oll'als :--
...,.....,....... 2 4s Veal.------. 3, 6,1. to -Is. ild
Beef
Mutton »...«. 3i. 10.1. to 0
4 • 0.1. 0
I Pork ------- 21) 310 •
1amb............ 4s. 2d. to 55
Calves, 130; pig, 4d.
Beasts, I_6 ; Sheep and Lambs, 3,614 ;
A considerable portion ot* the supply left market unsold: 27.

13S11.: La uU ''Supply '''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''' t 0 t)
Milo, Cows, with their small Calf, 848 g. to 174

e. d. 4
3 4
3 0

tr42lslsP
MARKET.—June 17. 4s. Os I
Reel 3s. 4d. to 4s. 'M.4I Veal 6,1. to 4 0
primethe t Began mutton
rather brisk, but otherwise dull.
55.:(1.. .
Mirmon moderate
stiapv4iy ; ade wi ti Lamb.

On the 13th inst., B
at the Vicarage,
ITHS.
Peterborough, the
lady of the Rev. S. W. Harman, of a son.
The Lady Albert Conyngham, of a

MARRIED;e
On the 19th inst., at St.
George
s'
to Caroline, fourth
Johnston, Esq., of Crondall, Ilants,
of Woburn-place,.
daughter of the late Z. F. Darby Esq.,
and Hampstead Heath.
1j1",6;1?,;rk, Denbighshire, in his
On the 15th inst. 'r auArSit7e, Bart.
80th year, Sir Fostte tab'
at elands, East Grinstead, Sa
On the 16th i:s •,r.
. f3l John Stenning. ' .1; ink 1,1,
eldest tlatignter..,._ John Bloomsbury, I A.,
Holliday, E f " fie.
On the 13th 1 .t:,61,

aul Office,dPublihyeod.l2
by
Strand.UßDO yovP
London: Parintotled the