The Sun.
London, England, 1834-08-02 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

GOODWOOD RACES.
(THURSDAY'S RACES CONCLUDED. )
A Plate of 501. given by the City of Chichester. T. Y. C.
Capt. Berkeley's Goldfringe, 3 yrs., 6st. 21b. ...( S. Day, jun. ) 1
Lord Tavistock's Faunus, 3 yrs., 7st
A Plate of 1001. given by Lord G. Bentinck ; the winner to be sold
for 100 sovs., &c. ; if for 500 sovs., to be allowed 71b. ; and if for
200 soya., 121 b. King's Plate Course.
Mr. Farrall's Kate, 5 yrs to be sold for 2001., Bst. 121 b (Farral) I
Mr. Scott's Barney Bodkin, 4 yrs. (for 200 sovs. ), Bst. 51b
Mr. Gully's Lady Fly, 5 yrs. (for 200 sovs. ), Bst. 121 b
Lady Fly made running till round the last turn, where Barney
Bodkin took it up, and led till near the Stand, by which time he
had shot his bolt, Kate then came out, and won by two lengths.
FRIDAY.-The King's Plate of 100 gs. ; 3-yrs.-old, 7st. 41b. ;
4-yrs., 9st. 21b. ; 5 yrs., 9st. 121 b. ; 6•yrs. and aged, 10st. 41b.
Over the New King's Plate Course, about three miles and a
furlong.
Lord Chesterfield's Glaucus, 4 yrs walked over.
The Duke of Richmond's Plate, value 100 sovs. Last mile.
Colonel Peel's Nonsense, 4 yrs., Bst. 101 b 1
A Cup of 100 sovs., given by T. P. Cosby, Esq., Steward, added
to a Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each, for 3-yrs.-old and
upwards. Last mile and a half, Cup Course.
Mr. Keat's Baleine, 4 yrs., 7st. 81b
Colonel Peel's Nonsense, 4 yrs., Bst 2
The Racing Sweepstakes of 50 sovs. each ; for 3-yrs.-old colts,
Bst. 71b. ; andjfillies. Bst. 41b. Last mile. Drawing Roopn Stakes
Course.
Lord Jersey's Glencoe, 3 yrs, 7st 41b 1
Mr. Sadler's Defensive

DOGGETT'S COAT AND BADGE.
The annual contest for the coat and badge bequeathed by Dog-
gett, the comedian, took place yesterday. Me contest laid between
six young watermen just out of their time, three from above bridge
and three from below bridge. The match was in former times one
of much interest, and as rowing then was, it was usually well at-
tended. Its interest has nearly grown obsolete, and none of the
crack galleys or light wherries belonging to gentlemen attended
yesterday; it did not draw so many boats as are usually out when
there is no wager on the list. The six men started about an hour
and a half before flood, and after labour against tide, which it is
even painful to witness for such an extraordinary distance, Tomlin-
son, of Whitehall, was declared the winner, the second man being
a few lengths astern.

LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 2, 1834.

The Bill for the admission of Dissenters to the

Universities was, as might have been anticipated,
thrown out last night in the Lords by a great majo-
rity—the numbers for the second reading being 85,and
those against it 187. The total number of Peers is

430, but as a considerable proportion are minors, or
otherwise incapacitated from voting, either in person
or by proxy, about one half of the House
may be said to have voted against the Bill.
Such is the course which the Lords have
pursued on almost every liberal measure introduced in
the late or the present reign. They resisted them at

first by great majorities, and continued to resist them
till public opinion or expediency rendered it necessary
to grant much more than was originally demanded.
The history of the Test and Corporation Acts—of the
Catholic Relief Bill—and of the Reform Bill,
affords three lamentable instances of the folly of
resisting demands alike sanctioned by the voice of
the people, and the dictates of reason and justice. A
judicious and moderate concession at first would have
satisfied the community ; but in hardly any one in-
stance have the House of Peers had the good sense
and discretion—we will not say generosity—to adopt
such a course. They have unfortunately listened more
to the advice and the cheers of men blinded by
bigotry
or self-interest than to the calm arguments and the
prophetic warnings of disinterested parties—and
the invariable consequence has been defeat. It is to
be seen, after these striking examples, whether the
high Church party will not learn wisdom from expe-
rience, and concede in time what cannot eventually be

resisted. This is the course evidently recommended

by the Government, and for the sake of the Universi-
ties and the security of the Established Church, we
trust it will be adopted. The more judicious, we may
say, the great body, of the Dissenters, would
be satisfied with such a change in the system
of education as would enable them to study at the
Universities, and- take degrees, without any intention
of claiming a share in the emolument, or taking any
advantage of such a concession for the purpose of de-
stroying the Established Church. Experience shows
that this can be granted without any danger to the
Protestant religion. In the Universities of Dublin
and Edinburgh, and all the Scotch Universities,
education is open to every sect,—tests only are
required of the professors, and what injury has
the cause of religion suffered by this. Would
Ireland have been a whit more Protestant if Ca-

tholics had been debarred from Trinity College, and
could Scotland have been more Presbyterian had every
student been obliged on matriculation to sign the Con-
fession of Faith ? The fact is, all this outcry about

tests, and the necessity of preserving the English
seminaries as theological schools, is made only for
party purposes. Even many who oppose the claims
of the Dissenters, and among the rest Mr. STANLEY,
admit the fact that theology is not taught in these
schools. The arguments of the Bishop of EXETER
and others, founded on the charters granted to the dif-
ferent colleges, are worse than defective—they injure
the cause, because history proves, beyond a possibility
of doubt, that many of the charters were granted by
Catholic kings—and thaCParliament in its supremacy,

had altered the nature of the institutions to suit the
change of the times, and general wants of the people.
We confidently hope that by next session the heads
of the colleges will have introduced such changes as
will render the interference of Parliament unnecessary,
and in so doing they will act prudently. If they fol-
low the advice of such a thorough-going partisan as
the Bishop of EXETER, and refuse all concession, the

voice of the country, as expressed' through the House
of Commons, will in a few years decide the question.

A Morning contemporary, of high Conservative
principles, calls attention to the curious circumstance,
that on the division which took place in the House of
Lords last night on the Dissenters' Bill, the number
of the majority against the Bill corresponded exactly
with the number of proxies given against it. The
curiosity of this circumstance is something more than
arithmetical ; and the feelings to which a due con-
sideration of it will give rise in the minds of the
reflecting portion of the people, will not be of a
kind the most favourable to the legislative proceed-
ings of the Upper House. We will not attempt
to trace how a discovery so novel has been made ; but
people now-a-days are beginning to think that a Lord
who knows nothing whatever of the merits of a par-
ticular question before Parliament—who is enjoying
the sunny skies of Italy, or invigorating a frame
wasted in dissipation, in sailing a barge by moonlight,
over the cerulean bosom of the Adriatic, and who
neither knows nor cares for the opinions of his coun-
trymen—is a most unfit person to pronounce an opi-
nion respecting it. We go further than this ; and,
were the country of our mind, such an insult to
the judgment and the feelings of those Peers who
attend to their Parliamentary duties, would not be tole-
rated for one week longer. What can be more provokingly
unjust, than that some two or three dozen of lordly
loungers, who would think their noble fingers contami-
nated beyond the possibility of purification by coming
in vile contact with Parliamentary Papers, should,
by means of an absurd privilege, possess the power of
nullifying the labours of the most able statesmen
in the British empire ? Can there be folly greater than
that of leaving the most important affairs to the decision
of those who are notoriously known to be ignorant of
them, and who care so little for preserving the appear-
ances of a decorous respect for the opinions of those
wlio do know, as wilfully and insultingly to absent them-
selves from all discussions on such subjects ? What
would these Lords themselves say, were the judges in
our law courts to pronounce judgments after this
fashion ? Who would talk of the glory of the British
Constitution, were it a feature in the executive Go-
vernment, that all judges should have the privilege of
either attending their respective courts or not, just as they
thought proper ; and that, previous to the coming on
of any trial, they should write theirjudgments, to be read
in court as their final verdict, after an examination of
witnesses, gone through a thousand miles from them, and
to which they never paid the slightest attention ? And
in what consists the difference between allowing such
a privilege to the legislative judge more than to the
executive ? Is it not clearly in this—that the legislative
privilege is much more dangerous than the supposed
executive ? Is it not evident that the executive func-
tionary could only injure individuals,—that his igno-
rant verdicts would only involve the fate of parties
whose appearance as the objects of prosecution would
leave their innocence at least questionable ? But not
so the proxy of the absent Peer. Not so the privi-
lege permitted under the sanction of the British
Constitution, to the legislative judges of the land.
Their sentences affect the lives and liberties and
properties of millions of British freemen. They may
blight the blooming hope of a powerful nation, at the
very moment they are recklessly indulging in the most
degrading pursuits in a foreign country.
The absurdity of allowing peers to vote by proxy
arose out of the presumption, that all influence in
the state not derived from the suffrages of the people
was represented by land, and that the peers sat in
Parliament as representing themselves and their own
properties ; and that therefore they were no more
bound to consult public opinion, than are individuals
in the management of their private affairs. But this
barbarous jargon is no longer intelligible. Did Peers
only vote by proxy on questions including no interest
save their own, we should have no objection to their so
voting ; but it is quite a different matter when they
presume to judge for the country. Voting by proxy
is an insult to the House of Peers itself, as it assumes
no information to be acquirable within its walls
—it is an insult to the House of Commons, the
deliberations of whose Members are thus sum-
marily disposed of without the decency of an
enquiry into their merits—it is a gross outrage on
the feelings of the country whose affairs are thus shown
to be of so little account, that an essenced fop may dis-
pose of them while soliciting a partner for a dance at
Almack's, or reclining in a gondolier during a carnival at
Venice--and it is an impious assumption of those gifts
which Heaven only bestows on the industrious, whether
of low or lordly descent. There must be an end put
to this system. Peers must descend from their
cushions in the clouds, and look about them
as beings of this world. They have had their
day as an assembly of Gods, and they themselves
must, as men, rejoice that another is now dawning
upon them, whose divine rays have already stripped
them of all claims to the sanctity of purely celestial
essences, incapable of error. They must put their
house in order in good earnest, by abolishing many of
its absurd privileges, of which there is none more
ridiculously wicked and injurious to the country than
voting by proxy.

The Irish Tithes Bill passed the Committee of the
Ftouse of Commons last night, and the report there-
on was ordered to be brought up for further considera-
tion on Monday next. Mr. LITTLETON moved the

insertion of a clause in the Bill, to the effect that it
might be lawful for the Commissioners to inquire into,
and annul agreements entered into between tithe-
owners and tithe-payers, under the sanction of an Act
passed in 1823, wherever it appeared that unfair
means had been adopted—such as giving credit on
notes of hand, to induce the tenant to enter into a
ruinous engagement. The clause was strenuously
opposed by Mr. GOULBURN, Mr. SHAW, and Mr.
°Y;but, we are happy to observe, ultimately
passed without a division. The Bill may now be said
to be
bFeßlaw, as it is not expected that the Peers will be so
regardless of their own interest, as to peril the peace
of Ireland for the purpose of annoying the Government,
or realizing their own prophecies respecting the insuffi-
ciency of a coercion bill without powers for stifling the
groans of the people. We trust it will work well, or
at all events that, after being supported by the majority
of the Irish Members, including the Learned Member
for Dublin, it will be allowed a fair trial.

The expresses from Paris, together with the
whole of the French Papers, contain little more
than opinions upon the KING'S Speech, and ac-
counts of the happy termination of the " Three days."
The " Speech" in particular, is the subject of a hundred
conjectures among the coteries, who in their own opi-
nion, share among themselves the wisdom, and a

knowledge of the diplomatic cunning of half- the
Ministers of Europe. By some it is condemned as
too pacific—they are outrageously angry that war was not
instantly declared against the Spanish insurgents under
Don CARLOS, and that the Chambers were not in-
formed what course the Government intended to take re-
specting the meeting of the Northern Despots at Vienna,
and their recent conduct in relation to the liberties
and independence of the Helvetic Republic. Others
again, who are opposed to the establishment of a
Constitutional Government in Spain, are alarmed, or
feign to be so, for the peace of France, in consequence
of the King's declaring the state of affairs in
Spain to merit the serious attention of the qua-
druple alliance. For our own part, we . are
well satisfied with the KING'S Speech. It is
true that it contains but little information on several
great questions, which we should be glad to see
touched upon in such a document ; but on the other
hand it breathes an honest determination to preserve
the peace, and maintain the independence of France.
The allusion to the alliance with England, is as flat-
tering to us as it is honourable to the Ministry of
both countries. We expect arrivals from Spain by
Monday.

We have great pleasure in informing our readers that
public dinners were given within and around London
yesterday, by several patriotic societies, in honour of the
Emancipation of the Slaves in our West India Colo-
nies. Of these, the most worthy of notice was that
at the Crown and Anchor, which was honoured by
the presence of several members of the Govern-
ment, many Members of Parliament, and a number
of-highly respectable gentlemen, who were more or less
instrumental in forwarding that glorious triumph of Bri-
tish greatness and glory. The chair was filled by the Earl
of MULGRAVE, the late Governor of Jamaica, whose
zealous exertions in the cause of the unfortunate
negroes have endeared him to every lover of liberty.
All partizanship, all political hostility, was for-
gotten in the glory of such a festival.

Owing to our having received the Queen of SPAIN'S
speech as we were going to press, we are obliged to
postpone the literary notices till Monday.

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF
CUMBERLAND.

Sin,—This is the first of a series of letters which the events
of the last few days will induce me to address either to
your Royal Highness, or the others with whom you act.
The present is merely introductory, and in it I shall there-
fore confine myself to the particular circumstances which
give rise to this correspondence.
A Bill is rapidly passing the Commons with all but uni-
versal approval, to settle, and for ever and in peace, the
greatest of all our national grievances—the Irish Church
question. It bids fair to pacify at length that portion of
the empire, and to leave the Legislature at leisure for
working all the good which men can obtain for their coun-
try by salutary and safe reforms. Your party will not hear
of it, and you have resolved at your late meeting to muster
in force, and to throw out the Bill.

Sir,—lt is a measure most favourable toithe Irish church.
All her friends feel and know it to be so. All agree that
if it be lost the Irish clergy must either starve or collect
their tithes by the bayonet. All concur in the wish that
this greatest of benefits should be conferred on Ireland and
her church. But you and your coadjutors think you see
an opening to office by rejecting the measure. You hope
the Ministers will resign, as unable, without the Bill, to
keep Ireland quiet, and unable without it to govern their
fellow subjects, as you and your friends would do, by a
military force. You will find yourselves mistaken in this
speculation. But I will admit for a moment that it may
succeed, and that you and they should be installed in office
during the recess—and I am to inquire what will be the
consequence?

You will govern Ireland by force--you will try by force
to put down all the political agitations of England and
Scotland, as well as Ireland—you will dissolve Parliament,
and you will try by all the means of intimidation and cor-
ruption to obtain a bare majority in the new elections. But
then what will you do ? Besides giving away a few Bishop-
rics and Stalls, making a few Peers, promoting Sir James
Scarlett to the Exchequer, and securing Lord Lyndhurst a
pension of 5,000/. instead of 4,0001. a year, and letting
some hallotozen resignations of Scotch Judges be given in,
and their successors be named, what else and what more
can you hope to do ? Your greatest possible success at the
elections, with all the resources of the Holmeses, and
the Buchans, and the Grants, and the Twisses, will
not obtain beyond a bare majority—and how will
this serve you ? To keep office a week after the
new Parliament meets seems impossible. But you vainly
think that a bare majority will enable you to alter the Re-
form Bill and that is your great object. That is the even-
ing vow and the morning prayer of every Tory. That is
the darling wish of each Conservative heart. To that
note every chord of all your sympathies vibrates
in harmonious response. Any thing, every thing, must
be attempted to get rid of the, Reform Bill, and
you care not how soon you are again consigned to the
shades of opposition,: so you can during a nine months'
reign bring forth some mitigation of the direful lot to which
Reform has doomed you and your hopes.
Sir,—You are a bold man and a blind man too—
and if boldness and blindness can govern Englishmen
in the 19th century, you would assuredly succeed in your
favourite projects. But I know my country too well to
feel one moment's solicitude on this head ; and I shall
devote myself to the discussion of your schemes in my
other letters.

In the meanwhile, I warn all Reformers—all who value
the present improved constitution of Parliament, and all
who would avoid plunging the country in confusion, to be on
their guard against you, Prince Ernest, Duke of Cumberland,
Chief of the Tory Opposition. Move another step, and you
will give a signal which will reach the farthest ends of the
land. All will unite and form themselves into associations to
preserve the Reform Bill, and protect it from the common
enemy. Even the Political Unions will be once more on
the alert—Clubs every where will be formed to see that the
voters are registered ; and the House of Commons, before
it rises, will address the Crown not to grant any pensions
during the Parliamentary recess. I know what you are
about, Sir—who are your advisers—and what are the prices
you pay them with. Happily, the House of Commons can
frustrate your designs, and the people can punish you—if
they be true to each other and to themselves.

BRUTUS.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

THIS DAY, SATURDAY', AUGUST 2.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at twenty minutes past twelve.
CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND).
On the motion of Mr. LITTLETON, the House went into a Com-
mittee of the whole House on the Church Temporalities (Ireland)
Bill, Mr. BERNAL in the Chair.
Clause 22 was agreed to. Clauses 23 and 25 were omitted, and
the other clauses of the Bill were then agreed to without any
observation.

On the motion of Mr. FFRENCH, a clause was introduced for the
purpose of legalizing the tender of rent by the occupying tenant to
the Bishop.
Colonel PERCEVAL then rose to move the amendment of
which he had given notice, for the purpose of limiting the emo-
luments of the Solicitor of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. He
could assert, from the very best authority, that the emoluments of
the solicitor would swallow up the revenues of one or two of the
suppressed bishoprics.--(Hear.) He had already moved for a
return of the number of offices held by this solicitor, and
although that return would not take ten minutes to make out, it
had not yet been made. He understood that this gentleman was
solicitor to the Board of Education, to the Charities Commission,
and other public bodies, and he trusted no objection would be made
to his amendment.

VV
Lord ALTHORP expressed his cordial concurrence in the
amendment of the Hon. and Gallant Member:

The amendment was agreed to without any observation.
The House then resumed and the report was ordered to be to ken
into further consideration on Monday next.
Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Committee on the
Post Roads (Ireland) Bill.
Mr. CHARLES WOOD brought up the report of the Com-
mittee on the Bank of England resolutions, which was agreed to.
Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the several Commit-
tees on the Customs Duties Bill, the Almanack Stamps Repeal
Bill, the Militia Ballot Suspension Bill, and the Bayswater Sewers
Bill, which were ordered to be taken into further considerati
on Monday next.

NORFOLK ISLAND.
The House then went into a Committee on the Norfolk Island
Bill, which passed through the Committee, and the Bill was or-
dered to be read a third time on Monday next.
EXCHEQUER BILLS.
The House then went into Committee on the Exchequer Bills'
Bill. The Bill went through Committee without any amend-
ment, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday.
REGISTRATION OF VOTES (SCOTLAND).
The Registration of Votes (Scotland) Bill was then read a second
time, on the motion of the LORD ADVOCATE, and was ordered
to be committed on Monday next.
PENSIONS CIVIL OFFICES.

The House then went into Committee on the Pensions Civil