The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-16 00:00:00

etivnina

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 16, 1851.

From the shuffling character of the report issued
by the S-lect Committee, it still remains doubtful
whether the Legislative Assembly will consent to
pronounce either a modified censure on the Prince-
PRESIDENT, or an indirect encomium on General
CLIANGARNIER. Such are the tendencies, at any rate,
of the document referred to, that even under the
most congenial circumstances the members of the
Committee cannot expect anything more decisive from
the resolution of the popular representatives. The
report, in fact, asks nothing further than this
timorous kind of decision. It indicates a
solicitude that the Legislature shall at the
least betray some such feeble and timorous
determination. Under the pressure of its recent
discomfiture more than this could scarcely be antici-
pated, supposing even that the Assembly were ap-
pealed to under the most compliant phase of its tem-
perament. A more audacious proceeding than the one
here indicated would hardly be judicious, considering
the late decisive triumph achieved by the Executive.
As it is, we cannot but regard the. suggestion thrown
out by the Committee as in the highest degree inso-
lent, and, for that very reason, in the highest degree
reprehensible. It is proposed for instance, according
to the phraseol,Ngy employed in the official report,
that the Assembly should recognize the indisputable
privilege of the Executive Authority to dis-
charge at pleasure any officer whomsoever
from command in the military forces of the
Republic—that it should at the same time, however,
censure the Ministerial coercion of that
most impor-
tant prerogative ; and in addition to this, proclaim
CEIANGARNIER to have been fully entitled to the ap-
probation pronounced in his favour by the Legisla-
-14 its wOl•reraembered sitting of the sth of
January. Any proposals more err:4l4olU is their

character than these we are bold to say never before
emanated from the councils of a Parliament. They
assert in their very preamble the legality of the power
used by the Executive, or, in other words, by the
PRESIDENT, and then go on, forsooth, to blame
the exercise of that constitutional right by the
Administration. Now, it should be clearly understood
that the PRESIDENT is punishable in case of mis-
conduct, but punishable only in one way, namely, by
impeachment. Any intermediate censure is inappli-
cable to the first Magistrate of the Republic. Either
his policy is no respect reprehensible, or, if it is, de-
serving of a formal impeachment, according to the
corrective powers entrusted in his regard to the As.
sembly. The Legislature, however, under present
circumstances, has gone out of its constitutional
course, in order to gratify its despicable
and impotent spleen against the Executive.
Unable to vanqui3h Louis NAPOLEON in a
bold and resolute encounter, the droit have
resolved, if possible, to sati: fy their animosity in some
measure by administering a furtive stab to his dig-
nity—they are striving, with all imaginable assiduity,
to bring about his indirect conlemnation.
In this sinister endeavour we are sanguine that they
may be frustrated. Our reliance, towards that end,
is placed upon the love of fair play still surviving in
the breasts of a large majority of the French repre-
sentatives. We cannot induce ourselves to imagine
that the gauche will allow themselves to be cajoled by
the sophistries of the Burgraves into a resolve
beneficial only to the Orleanist-Legitimatist-
Socialist-Cossack conspiracy. The accomplices in
that atrocious intrigue, embracing, among other more
ignoble persons, several of the most conspicuous
statesmen in the Republic, have been hitherto foiled
in their efforts to betray the cause of Democracy.
At the very instant when they were exulting over
the prospective downfall of LOUIS NAPOLEON and
their own victorious elevation to the direction of the
affairs of government, they found their expected vic-
tim transformed into their conqueror, and their sup-
posed hero turn out the veriest nobody in Christen.,
dom. Even now they have scarcely recovered from
the shock of their disappointment, yet al-
ready they are making preparations for the
gratification of their vengeance. Deceived in their
hopes, they are yet struggling to extract a bitter
compensation from their despair. They are employ-
ing every imaginable strategy to persuade the bulk
of the Legislative Assembly to aid ✓ them in di-
minishing the satisfaction of LOUIS NAPOLEON
at his late brilliant success, and to offer
some consolation, however inadequate, to his defeated
subaltern, CHANGABNIER.

Taking for granted even that the report of the
Select Committee will be accepted by the Legislature
—an event which we regard as anything but assured
—the miserable scheme of the Burgraves can tend in
no effectual manner to realize their aspirations. On
the contrary, the betrayal of so much spiteful impo-
tence by the hitherto boastful and intolerant body of
intriguers, must inevitably result in their speedy and
overwhelming defeat—a defeat so decisive, we mean,
that the extinction of any sentiments of respect in
their regard might be readily predicated. Already
the confidence reposed by a considerable faction in
the leaders of the " right" has begun to evaporate.
The wretched falsification of their vainglorious as-
sertions as to the incapacity of the Prince PRESIDENT to
withstand the force of their intrigues and machina-
tions, has compelled the most credulous of their sup-
porters to moderate their enthusiasm in behalf of
counter-revolutionary principles, inducing some even
to withdraw themselves betimes from the
perilous vicinage of a defeated conspiracy.
That such should be the case in any country
would not be surprising, but that it should be the
consequence in France is an event that could alone be
expected. From a falling house the rats fly instinc-
tively, according to the terms of a well-known
adage; but especially and peculiarly in France it
may be averred that the people are prepared on the
instant to desert a political cause on the decline.
The effect, therefore, of late events, can only be the
rapid and perceptible enhancement at once of the
power and popularity of the PRESIDENT.

In the olden time much depended upon the venue
is criminal prosecutions. The place where an act
was committed was often considered as of greater im-
portance, so far as the issue was concerned, than the
act itself. Drawing a sword, or other weapon of
offence in any of the Royal parks or other privileged
place, was regarded as a crime of no ordinary magni-
tude, which exposed the offender to the most stringent
punishment, although a person might yield to the
Temptation which the possession of such an append-
age afforded in almost any other locality with per-
fect impunity. Indeed, in Wbitefriars it was re-
garded as a laudable performance, which reflected
great credit on the party. The distinction has
long since been abolished theoretically, but it
still exists practically in many districts. There
are localities in which various propensities not
warranted by law may be safely indulged in. The
begging fraternity—the whole tribe of " cadgers"—
know the townlands where they may practise their
honourable profession. "His Worship" may be "a
kind gentleman, who would never bring a poor man
into trouble for asking a bit to eat, or a copper from
those better off than himself." Other amiable weak-
nesses may also find sympathisers on the magisterial
bench. The pugnacious in disposition should visit
the land where, according to MAXWELL, " bating's
char, and poteen is plenty." No impertinent inter•
ference is there exhibited with the innocent pastimes
of the people, and those who wish to dis-
play their bellicose propensities may "fight it

out in peace and quietness," without any tear of
disturbance, or of sustaining any very severe punish-
ment if broken heads should chance to occur. We have
heard ora worthy " Justice," who, in every doubtful
case, where the litigants were at all equally matched in
size and age, recommended the parties to adopt the
" trial by battle," and caused them to be conveyed to
a secluded part of his demesne where they could
obtain a speedy solution of the doubtful problem
"which was the better man." There is, in fact, " a
time and place for every thing ;" and for those who
choose to starve or flay their 'servant girls, we
would suggest the county of Worcester as the place
where they may indulge their amiable propensities
without any fear as to the consequences.
In The Sun of Tuesday we reported the proceed-
ings before a bench of Worcestershire magistrates
which shows the mode in which " the great unpaid"
of that favoured county are disposed to deal with
transactions which they themselves declare to be
"cases of great and unnecessary cruelty." A Mr.
Jons LEE and his wife bad been summoned to an-
swer before their worships for their conduct to an
unfortunate girl, named HANNAH HINTON, whom
they had hired as " nursemaid" at the statute fair or
mop," last Michaelmas, at the handsome wages of
2L per annum. It appeared that the girl,
who was sixteen years of age, was never
very healthy or strong, but that she had be-
come much emaciated since she took up her
abode with her new master and mistress. She is de•
scribed to have appeared "much emaciated," her
" features pinched and careworn, and her general
aspect that of a person much older than she really
was." Ou her examination she swore to " various
castigations inflicted by•her master and mistress, but
especially by the latter. The master beat her "over
the head with a pair of leggings," because she had not
got the fire lighted at seven o'clock in the morning,
while, " just before Christmas," Mrs. LEE exhibited a
Christian spirit worthy of the "season," by styling
he
by
ea"nasty hussy" and flinging her violently down
stairs,
which,
she waswhurt
, badly
rdn
all
ig
utpo herhcr osWidl staaitiedmehnet,
her
arms were bruised and as sore as could be."
The tender-hearted couple were in the constant habit
of "cursing and swearing at her," and chastising her
on the most trivial occasions. But the distinct as-
saults and the ill language so frequently used were of
far less consequence than the total disregard of their
duty by neglecting to provide the wretched child with
a sufficiency of wholesome food. They resorted to
the " starvation system," giving but little of anything,
and that of the very worst description ; for " when
she bad meat or dripping on her bread, it was stale
and offensive to the nose and palate." This startling
evidence was corroborated by persons residing in the
vicinity. Mrs. POWELL, a neighbour, had heard "a
great noise on a Sunday evening, as of something fall-.
jug down stairs, a great cursing and swearing from
gr. 04 Ka, Azz and the girl crying," dud the'

following morning she heard a detailed narrative of
the transaction, and saw a large bruise on the thigh
of the victim, " about the size of her hand." She
also often heard Mrs. LEE threatening to ki 1 her ser-
vant, knock her brains out, and indulging in other
little amenities of language. Poor HINTON, who,
according to the terms of her contract, was to have
received sufficient food, constantly complained that
" she had not half enough to eat ;" and begged at
one time " a bit of bread or a cup of coffee," at an-
other " a potato." MATILDA MUNN, a dressmaker,
residing in the village, also deposed to repeated acts
of cruelty by Mrs. LEE towards the wretched child,
who frequently complained that " she was,
kept short of food, beaten, and ill-used." The
witness " had known Mrs. LEE to beat the girl
with a walking stick, and heard the sufferer
screaming." She had also seen the food provided,
which was " bread with something like lard upon
it, which smelt very bad." The only defence set up
was "a good character of the male defendant's
humanity" !!! But that was not sufficient to get rid
of the distinct and positive testimony adduced. The
defendants were accordingly convicted of an assault,
and after a severe lecture from the chairman respect-
ing the enormity of their conduct, fined 2/. each and
costs ! !!

And this is considered by a body of English gen-
tlemen a sufficient expiation for a course of deliberate
ill. treatment, of " great and unnecessary cruelty,',
where personal violence, bad language, and deprivation
of food were habitually resorted to. No wonder that we
should hear of poor girls being half starved and re-
duced to a state of weakness, being assaulted and sub-
jected to the grossest contumely, if a fine of 21. is the
only punishment inflicted in the event of a conviction.
Something must be done to protect that helpless and
suffering class, and nothing, perhaps, would prove
more effectual than resorting to civil actions for
damages. The county courts have now jurisdiction
up to SOL, which might be given to the victim of ill-
treatment. We have known, in the case of persons
named HOLLAND, where husband and wife were cri
minally tried, convicted, and sentenced to twelve
months' imprisonment each, for cruelty to two orphan
children—a boy and a girl—whom they had hired as
servants, damages to the amount of 4001. given to
each of the sufferers. If even the tenth part of that
sum were given in a few such cases it would do far
more to stop such disgraceful transactions than the
most severe magisterial censure, accompanied by a
fine of 403.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Committee on M. DE REMUSAT'S motion pre-
sented their report to the Assembly on Wednesday
It was read from the tribune by M. LANJUINAIS. It
is as follows : _ .

" Gentlemen,—A few days back, in the sitting of the
3d of January, you approved of the reply of the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the army of Paris to the interpella-
tions which had been addressed to him, and you ac-
cepted the homage which we paid to the right cont err* d
on you'by the Constitution to dispose of the troops ne-
cessary for your safety.
" The next day the Ministry was dissolved, and, after
eight days of laborious negotiations, it marked its re-
turn to power by the dismissal of General Changarnier.
It was on these circumstances that M. Remusat, in the
sitar g of January 10, demanded explanations from the
Ddinistry, at the end of which you adopted an order of
the day motive, declaring that the representatives should
at once withdraw to their bureaux, to nominate a com-
mittee for the purpose of proposing such measures as
the circumstances appeared to call for.
" Your Committee, named on the evening of the 10th
inst. was retarded in its labours by the printing of the
proces-rerbaux of the Permanent Committee, and could
only name its reporter last evening. After having
heard several times the Ministers of War and
the Interior, and deliberating d'urgence, your
Committee not the less examined most materially
all the questions connected with the constitutional
relations existing between the great powers of the State.
But you must comprehend, gentlemen, that the narrow
forms prescribed to your reporter have not permitted
him to present to you all the developments which are
connected with this subject. However, as by their na-
ture, and the theatre on which the facts took place, a
mistake may be made as to their importance, we hasten
to say to you that in our opinion there is not any reason
to carry back the responsibility further than the Minis-
try.—( Movement, which lasted some time.)
It is true that the President of the Republic, in his
Message of October 31, 1843, claimed for himself the
general responsibility of the acts of his Ministers; but
the Constitution, the nature of things, and the practice
both betore and after the 31st of October, 1849, have
maintained, and always maintain, a real distinction
between the Ministerial power and that of the President
of the Republic.
" The Constitution, in fact, declares in formal terms
that the Ministers are responsible,' and that the
Council of Ministers is a necessary authority in the
State.' The nature of things also ought at present, to
declare to you loudly that if the President was to be
considered responsible for the details of the administra-
tion, it would be impossible for you to discuss them
without causing attaint to his consideration and disturb-
ing the harmony of the great powers.
" With respect to the practice which bas constantly
prevailed, several examples prove that the Ministers
have never pretended to be always protected by the Pre-
sident of the Republic. The discussion which is about
to open will prove to you still more invincibly, that for
the President of the Republic the responsibility is not to
commence, unless the Ministry is insufficient to protect
itself. _ . .

" At the commencement of our deliberations, it ap
peared to us that the a-A of January 10 was not of an
isolated character, but seemed to be connected with
others of a similar kind; and that idea was confirmed
by the perusal of the minutes of the Permanent Commit-
tee, and by the answers given by the Ministers of War
and of the Interior to the questions addressed to them by
the members of the committee.

It is impossible to shut one's eyes to the fact that for
a long time there has been, on the part of the Executive
Power, a tendency to place little confidence in our insti-
tutions, to consider as transitory and ephemeral the form
of government under which we live, to disseminate
among,t every rank of society doubts as to the future, to
cry up the supposed benefits of an absolute government,
and to aspire, within an undetermined time, after a sort
of imperial restoration.
" There is no one here who does not pay respect to
great reminiscences, but that feeling ought not to dege-
nerate into intoxication, which leads men's minds astray,
and prepares the way for new revolutions.
" That, however, might take place if you should not
endeavour to oppose a movement which appeared to
have stopped short under the happy influence of the
last Message of the President of the Republic, but
since then has appeared to commence again with fresh
intensity.
" The tendency which we point out to you has not
been opposed by the Government, and even has been
encouraged by some of its acts. The seditious cries of
Vile l'Empereue were uttered at reviews, and a ge-
neral officer who resisted the impulse so given was di►-
missed.

" The press, enjoying the privilege of being sold in
the streets, has been full of insult and calumny against
the National Assembly, apparently for the object of
disparaging it, and undermining its moral power; and,
in fine, a more important act, and one which appears
to us connected with the preceding ones—the dismissal
of General Changarnier—has attracted your attention.
"Each of these acts has been maturely examined in the
Committee. The first, namely, the cry of Vive l'Em-
pereur,' not only was not punished, but even encou-
raged. The information collected by your Permanent
Committee, and that in particular of the General-in-chief
of the army of Paris, does not leave any doubt as to the
fact, nor on other facts of a nature to compromise mili-
tary discipline.
" The alinister of the Interior has denied those facts;
and to the acts which passed at Satory opposed the evi-
dence of what he saw himself. The Minister might be
right on some particular facts, but so absolute a dene-
gation, whatever may be the good faith of the person
making it, appears to us to depart frum the truth."—
(Great agitation.)
In this, continued the Hon. Gentleman, addressing
the Assembly, there is not the slightest contradiction.
The Hon. Minister only saw one review, and four
were held.
Voices—Go on go on ! Read ! read!
M. LANJIIINAIS continued the report—
" The dismissal of General Neumayer is a fact 81
. .

more grave, the circumstances of which you are ac-
quainted with. That General being asked by an officer
under him whether he ought to give his men orders to
cry out, replied that 'silence under arms appeared to
him the attitude most in conformity with military disci-
pline.' That was the only reason that caused him to be
deprived of his command; and his dismissal took place
in spite of the exertions to the contrary of his superior
officer, the General-in-chief of the army of Paris.
Pi" Can there be any doubt relative to this fact? The
langusge of the Ministers, even their own assertions, do
not allo wus to doubt it. The Minister of the Interior
confined himself to pointing to the rights of the execu-
tive power; and the cause of General Neumayer's (Its
missal being named to him, he referred to the answers
which he had already given on the subject before the
Permian-et Committee, and declar. d that, he hurl neither

to deny nor admit that cause.—(Agitation.) He added
that the Government had conterre,l on GenerKt Neu-
mayor a higher post than that which he had been de-
prived of; and that, cn the application of the General to
withdraw from the service, the Government had, by a
special favour, kept him en disponibilite. A member et
the Committee having asked the Minister of War if be
would consent to communicate to the Committee the
official correspondence which passed between him and
that General, replied that he did not consider it proper
to do so, as such a course would, in his opinion, consti-
tute an objectionable precedent.—(Movement.) As to
the impulse given to the Ministerial press, the :Minister
of the Interior refused to accept the responsibility of
that matter. He declared that he did not reproach the
heads of patties with the memo of their journals; that