The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It would he almost superfluous to call the
especial attention of such of our readers as take
an interest in projects for promoting the inde-
pendence and ameliorating the condition of their
frugal and industrious, but less wealthy brethren,
to an article in this day's journal, headed " Pro
posed Rules of Societies for granting Govern-
ment Annuities pursuant to Statute 3d William
IV. c. 14." That statute was enacted for the
purpose of enabling the trustees and managers of
savings' barks to form rules for granting imme-
diate or deferred annuities for life, or for a term
of years, on the funds of the contributors to
those institutions, and at their desire. The Act
allows, likewise, parochial societies to he formed
for the same object, provided the rector or vicar.
or minister, of the parish, or a resident justice of
the peace, shall be one of the trustees of the
parish society. The rules of such societies, when
agreed to, must be signed by two of the trustees,
and certified as conformable to law by the barris-
ter appointed to certify the rules of savings'
banks. The " proposed rules" for the parish
societies which may he formed to execute
the benevolent object in view, have been
drawn up by Mr. Tidd Pratt, the said bar-
rister, and ought to be extensively circu-
lated. No annuity, by the existing Act, can ex-
ceed 201. We have always been steady supporters
of the utility and zealous advocates for the ex-
tension of savings' banks. When well managed
(and we have heard of no single instance of mal-
Versation), they effect an unequivocal good, and
are liable to none of the objections to be brought
either against the principle or the conduct of
friendly societies. They compel no union of the
industrious with the idle,—they enable no man's
necessities or doubtful health to encroach on the
funds of his more honest, resolute, or self deny-
ing associate,—they have no tendency to relax
exertion by holding forth a prospect of being
able, in case of need, to fall back upon resources
which personal economy did accumulate,—they
lead to no local combinations, no committee
work, no ale-house meetings,—they reserve to
every contributor the fruits of his savings, with
the interest which they produce, and they restore
his funds at any time that he may demand them.
They thus encourage frugality and economy by
reserving to the individual contributor, at all
t imes, a complete control over his accumulations,
without deduction for management, and without
a participation of the gain with others.
Having this view of the utility of savings'
banks, it is gratifying for every friend of the
industrious classes to reflect that the fruits of
their economy thus accumulated for their benefit
amount to the great sum of about 16,000,0001.
Among the working classes of society, the fru-
gality, economy, and foresight which conduct a
contributor to the savings' bank are never so-
litary virtues ; they always pre-suppose or create
other estimable qualities, with which they enter
into an intimate alliance, and from which they
derive mutual support. They are always
grounded on the possession of self control—the
power of resisting the attractions of present gra-
tification for the attainment of future good—the
faculty of suppressing the immediate demands of
vanity or sensuality for a more striking distinc-
tion or a more lasting gratification in future.
l'hey always, likewise, encourage an inde-
pendence of character and a feeling of self-
respect which the needy and the spendthrift
never feel. Thus, though the savings' banks
were only considered as moral engines for im-
proving the habits of the people, without adding
materially to their comforts, they would deserve
the support of every enlightened philanthropist.
If more generally extended, they might, to a
certain extent, counteract the effects resulting
from a bad administration of the poor laws ; they
might compose one of the best measures of po-
lice, one of the cheapest defences of order, one
of the strongest excitements to industry. In this
way we may regard the 15,000,0001. or
16,000,000/.administered by these establishments
as an immense fund of " recognizances" given
by the industrious classes for their patriotism,
a tbriety, and good behaviour. But one thing
was wanting to complete the efficiency of those
excellent institutions, which the act of the recent
session has supplied, and which the regulations
in another column will enable parties to carry
into execution. It is well known that as the
depositors in savings' banks enjoy certain advan-
tages not extended to other fundholders, the sum
which they are allowed to invest in them is very
limited in amount. Suppose a contributor
deposited the whole of the admissible amount of
150/. or 2001., it would afford but a slender
provision for him, if he were obliffed to draw it
out in his old age, and live upon' it as capital ;
but it might enable men at an advanced time of
life to purchase an annuity, which, with other
aid, might make him comfortable. But how are
the poor, who are generally interested in such
institutions, to learn the manner of transacting
such business, or of selling out of one kind of
stock to purchase in another ? The act of last
f,,sion relieves such a contributor from this
difficulty, besides undertaking the guardianship
of other funds, which without such a provision
would not have been sent to these beneficent
institutions at ail. We cannot do better than
quote an excellent account of the object, and
an exposition of the advantages of this act, from
the Ministerial pamphlet ( The Reform Ministry
and the Reformed Parliament) to which we
have already so often referred :

" Persons acquainted with those institutions are aware
that, of the friendly societies, a large proportion are based
on erroneous principles, involving their ultimate ruin,
and that in the majority of them the hard earnings of the
contributtrs are exposed to partial or entire loss from the
rapacity or the ignorance of the managers. To avoid
these disasters, a labouring man may have deposited in a
savings' bank the surplus earnings of his labour from
childhood ; but when in the decline of life be wishes to
relax his toils, be may lose his deposit, from want either
of knowledge or of means to invest it productively and
securely. Tbese calamities are dreadfully frequent, and
not only throw an independent and noble minded labourer
into the workhouse, to avoid which be has been abstinent
through life, but produce more general mischief by the
di•couragement of provident habits. One such instance
may crush the frugality of a whole village. From
14,000,0001. to 16,000,0001. of the earnings of the la-
bouring classes are exposed to these casual:les. Again, a
seaman or a labourer in a distant service wishes to have
his surplus wages sent home and applied to the payment
weekly stipend to his aged father or mother ; but
there is no trusty person who will take care of the deposit,
Or trouble himself with the apportionment and payment
of the instalments. In a thousand instances the labouring
classes have not the opportunities of giving effect' to family
affections or friendly sympathies, possessed by those who
hare guardians and txrcutors at their command, and can
claim the services of the highest offic..r of the State.
"By the Ministerial measure of the 3d of William IV.,
i
e. 14, Government bas taken upon ts!!f the guardian-
ship of these cases. By that Act the depositors in
sayings' banks, and others, are enabled to purchase Go-
vernment acnuities for fife or for years, and either imme-
diate or deferred. Experience may enable the Govern-
ment2l.
to extend the amount beyond its present limit of 201.
a year. Tables of insurance have already been framed,
and have been sanctioned by the Treasury. The whole
of the money advanced is returnable in case the contract-
hag party does not live to the age at which the annuity is
to become payable, or is unable to continue the monthly
or annual instalments, Thie measure will receive the

beneficial application of a vast amount of savings most
meritoriou'ly accumulated, and in innumerable ways con-
tribute to the comforts and the advancement of the social
condition of the great mass of the people."—Times.

A good deal of the evidence taken before the
Agricultural Committee has reference to tithes.
This most difficult question will once more be
agitated next session ; and the Committee, no
doubt, wished to obtain the opinions of practical
agriculturists on the subject. That the country
will be immensely benefitted by having tithes
permanently commuted will not admit of a
doubt. But the very principle of tithe is so
iniquitous, that any attempt to follow it in a
permanent settlement will be strenuously ob-
jected to by the owners of the land. In Scot-
land, the question was fortunately settled during
a comparatively rude age, when there was
great uniformity in the agriculture. Horticul-
ture might be said to he unknown ; the same
land was always cropped in the same manner ;
every farm was divided into in-field and out-
field ; the former, which was the land imme-
diately around the farm-house, received all the
manure, and was made to produce corn ; the
other served for the pasture of the cattle. The
towns were few, and contained few inhabitants.
The single town of Glasgow contains at present
more than double the population of all the
towns of Scotland at the time of the Union.
The various crops required for the supply of a
rich and luxurious town population, raised often
at an expense which bears no proportion to the
rent, were unknown. The Act of Charles 1.,
which settled the tithe question of Scotland by
fixing the tithe at one-fifth part of the rent, and
which gave to the owner of the soil the option of re-
deeming the tithe at nine years'purchase (not much
below the usual number of years' purchase which
land used then to sell at), laid down a principle
which would be little objected to. It is other-
wise, however, in England, in the present day.
It is one of the evils of delaying reforms too long,
that they become at last almost impossible; and
we are reduced to choose between incessant agi-
tation, and a reform of such violence as almost
to amount to convulsion. The rent in England
is no criterion of the value of the tithe. Acci-
dental circumstances in England often determine
to a particular crop of great value, raised, how-
ever, at an enormous expense. Were the land
employed in the production of grain, the tithe
would be small ; but when employed in bearing
an expensive crop, it becomes of great value.
Thus the tithe of hops, for instance, is much
more valuable than the rent of the land on which
they are grown. In a number of the crops
which, from being in the middle ages of small
value, were left to the vicar, and are yet called
the small tithes, the tithes are of infinitely
greater value than the rent. A gentleman of Kent
Informed us, that on land which would not let at
more than 1/..5. an acre, he raised 30 tons of
mangel-wurzel an acre, which at 1/. a ton, would
give the Vicar 3/. an acre. But this value is
obtained by dunging at the rate of 5/. an acre,
and expensive labouring. The moment this ex-
pensive manuring and labouring ceases, the
crops cease to be valuable. To give the Vicar
permanently the tenth of what this land may have
yielded during the last six or seven years, would
be to impose a burden on the land greatly be-
yond
the rent—in fact, would be to take the
land altogether from the owner. The difficulty
of valuing tithe permanently proceeds from this,
that the value depends entirely on the cultivation.
The tithe owner has no controul whatever over
the cultivator. On poor cold clay land, the
expence of cultivating, which is very great, so
long as it is made to produce wheat, the value
of the tithe may greatly exceed the value of the
rent. On light and easily worked soils, again,
the rent may be very high, and the tithe com-
paratively of small value. This difference is
indicated by Mr. Charles Osborne, in his evi
deuce before the Agricultural Committee :

" In valuing tithe, are you of opinion rent forms any
fair criterion of the tithe to he imposed ?—Not an exact
criterion : the more expensive the soil, the higher the tithe
in proportion. Some land only rtquires once ploughing
with tw•o horses, and other land three or four ploughings
with four horse,.

" As the groundwork of calculation, is there any better
medium than rent when taken in conjunction with the
quality of the soil ?—No, it would not do to take a valua•
'ion on the same principle on every description of soil.
" If the rate in proportion to the rent were to vary with
the qualities of the soil, is there any fairer proportion than
that deducted from rent ?—Yes ; it would be charging the
rich fertile land higher than it would be able to bear ; it
does not cost more to cultivate an acre of land at 40s. than
an acre of land at 10s.

" The greatest burden would fall on the best land ?
—Yea
" Is not that best land best able to bear that burden ?
—The best I,nd always pays best.
" Have you ever turned in your mind what would be
the equi,a) le system of commutation of tithe ?—No, not
sufficiently to pledge myself to it."

Mr. Peyton, speaking of land in the vreald of
Sussex, let with difficulty at about six shillings
an acre, says that it bears about twenty bushels
an acre, but that they cannot get an acre of
wheat under twelve guineas. The tithe of
twenty bushels, however, is two bushels, and
as the rent is not one bushel per acre, the tithe
is just twice the value of the rent. But were
this cold clay land converted into pasture, the tithe
would be worth little or nothing. The diffi-
culty of commuting tithes is therefore inherent
in the very principle of it. And the difficulty
is still increased by the circumstance of the great
and small tithes being often owned by different
parties. ;: It is, hardly possible to lay down any
proposition universally applicable to these two
descriptions of tithes. Some circumstance,
such as the discovery of an excellent iron mine
in the vicinity of coal, draws a large population
to a spot before thinly inhabited. The most
profitable cultivation of the land in the imme-
diate neighbourhood would be, perhaps, pota-
toes. This would give the tithes to the Vicar.
But were the works to be abandoned, and the
population to disperse, as potatoes cannot bear
the expense of distant carriage, corn crops would
be raised, and the owner of the great tithes would
take the place of the Vicar. A canal carried
through a district enables the farmer to convey
bulky articles to market, which he did not for-
merly raise. Such are the constant fluctuations
in agriculture, caused by the incessant changes
in the state of the country. The towns of Suf-
folk, Norfolk, and Essex were the seat of an
extensive woollen manufacture thirty years ago.
The manufactures have, for the most part, disap-
peared, leaving beggary and wretchedness behind.
Hence the difficulty of ag eeing to any settle-
ment founded on circumstances which may
change every day. But yet it is obvious the
longer the settlement is delayed the greater will
be the difficulty. The principle of one-tenth of
the produce, without referenc to the expense of
cultivation,-
is so inquitous that it hasseldom
been followed in practice, and must not be
thought of in a permanent settlement. A tax
on the rent would be an abandonment of the
principle of tithe, and the owners of tithe would
object strenuously to it. We suspect, however,
that no settlement on any other principle than
a proportion.of the rent, will be conserved to by

the landowners. The great difficulty will be
with the lay impropriators.—Morning Chronicle.

In Mr. Hamilton's " Men and Manners in
America," the coarseness of American news-
papers is accounted for from their cheapness.
"In England (he says) even an insinuation
against personal honour is intolerable. A hint
—a breath—the contemplation even of a pos-
sibility of tarnish—such things are sufficient
to poison the tranquillity, and, unless met by
prompt vindication, to ruin the character of a
public man ; but in America it is thought ne-
cessary to have recourse to other weapons.
The strongest epithets of a ruffian vocabulary
are put in requisition. No villainy is too
gross or improbable to be attributed to a states-
man in this intelligent community. An editor
knows the swallow of his readers, and of course
deals out nothing which he considers likely to
stick in their gullet. He knows the fineness
of their moral feelings, and his own interest
leads him to keep within the limits of de-
mocratic propriety. The opponents of a candidate
for office are generally not content with denouncing
his principles, or deducing from the tenor of his
political life grounds for questioning the purity
of his motives. They accuse him boldly of
burglary or arson, or at the very least of petty
larceny. Time, place, and circumstance, are
all stated. The candidate for Congress or the
Presidency is broadly asserted to have picked
pockets, or pocketed silver spoons, or to have
been guilty of something equally mean and
contemptible. Two instances of this occur at
this moment to my memory. In one newspaper
a Member of Congress was denounced as hav-
ing feloniously broken open a scrutoire, and
having thence stolen certain bills and bank
notes ; another was charged with selling franks
at 2d. a piece, and thus coppering his pocket at
the expense of the public. The circumstances
to which I have alluded, admit of an easy ex-
planation. Newspapers are so cheap in the
United States, that the generality even of the
lowest order can afford to purchase them. They,
therefore, depend for support on the most ig-
norant class of the people. Everything they
contain must be accommodated to the taste and
apprehension of men who labour daily for their
bread, and are of course indifferent to refine-
ment either of language or reasoning. With
such readers, whoever peppers the highest is
surest to please.' " Mr. Hamilton proceeds to
say, that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer re-
moves the tax on newspapers in this country,
"the consequence will inevitably be that there will
be two sets of newspapers—one for the rich and
educated, the other for the poor and ignorant.
England, like America, will be inundated by
productions, contemptible in point of talent,
but not the less mischievous on that account."
It does not, however, appear that in America
there are two sets of newspapers ; they are all
coarse and virulent. As all sellers select the
largest market, every newspaper editor naturally
consults the taste of the greatest number of
buyers. At present, in this country, the taste
of the middle class the great majority of
readers—is generally consulted. The effect of
an abolition of duty would, perhaps, be to lead
to a more homely production than that now
raised ; something which would be a compro-
mise between the middle and working classes.
There is no question but that the taste of the
majority of readers will generally prevail in pro-
ductions dependent on popular favour. But
this is one great argument for improving, as
much as possible, the working classes. At pre-
sent they certainly prefer, like their American
brethren, what is vituperative and highly sea-
soned. The nice shades of discrimination are
not calculated for the tap-room. But is it not
dangerous to lay down in this broad manner a
principle, that because the working classes are
not so refitted as their superiors, a commodity
is to be taxed, not for the purposes of revenue,
but to place it beyond their reach ?--Morning
Chronicle.

The elaborate attempt made by the writer
or writers of a Ministerial pamphlet to recon-
cile the public mind of England to the foreign
policy of Ministers can impose upon nobody
but those to whom hardihood of assertion is
an acceptable substitute for argument and fact.
Never had a tool of any Government a more
hopeless drudgery inflicted on him than to
endeavour to persuade the British public that
the course of our foreign policy has nog been
destitute of energy and wisdom, and as adverse
to the interests of this country as it has been
disgracefully favourable to the ascendancy of
Russia. We express this opinion more "in
sorrow than in anger." It would have been a
• much more agreeable task to have been enabled
to give Ministers honestly the praise
i of sup-
porting the character, defending the interests,
and vindicating the honour of England in all
transactions connected with our foreign rela-
tions. But it would be a desertion of the
duty which we owe the public—nay, it would
be encouraging Ministers in the dangerous
infatuation of their course, if we, as a portion
of the independent Press, were to join in
the chorus of senseless praise bestowed
upon them by their venal fhtter,rs. We
have, from the outset of their Government,
• warned them against the ambitious designs
of Russia. The slicers and taunts of
the sycophants of the Treasury were di-
rected against us. They were lavish of
their eulogy upon the honour and good faith of
Russia—a power which, from the day that it led
on the March of Imperial robbery in the first
partitioning of Poland, has aimed, by every
crooked artifice of treacherous diplomacy, and
every seasonable application of brute force, at the
establishment of a dominion utterly inconsistent
with the liberties and civilization of Europe. In
the case of the Belgic question the Ministerial
writer says the present Government " found a
course chalked out to them by their predeces-
sors—they might modify it as they advanced,
but could not, even if they had wished to do
so, retrace steps already taken." It is very ex-
traordinary that if the present Ministers could
not retrace steps already taken, they should
think it possible for the Duke of Wellington
and his Cabinet to retrace their steps on this
very subject. Only two or three days before
the Whigs came into office they loudly cheered
a notice of motion given by Mr. I-Lbhouse, to
induce the Duke of Wellington, through the
medium of an address to the Crown, to retrace
his steps, and to act on the principle of non-
interference in Dutch and Belgic affairs.
Now the Duke of Wellington could either
have retraced his steps with honour, or he could
not. If he could, the Whigs were certainly
not more bound to adhere to the policy of the
Duke than the Duke himself. If he could not
retract with honour, the motion of the Whigs
must have been merely to embarrass the Govern-
ment—just as Lord Althorp admitted that he
voted against the assessed taxes. The Whig,
out of office, has advocated many things which
the possession of power has taught him to be

impossible. This looks like a paradox, but it is
nothing but the simple truth. A Whig Minis-
try now declares that the engagements Were in-
violable which the Duke of Wellington had en-
tered into with regard to the Belgico-Dutch
question, anti which the Whigs, when in oppo-
sition, called on the Duke himself to violate.
We have had recourse to this argument before,
but. a repetition of the sophisms of the Whigs
makes it necessary to repeat its refutation. Be-
sides, the case which the Ministers endeavour
to establish fails in another respect. The Duke
of Wellington declared that he only took part in
the dispute between Belgium and Holland as a
mediator, who, under no circumstances, would
be justified in having recourse to warlike measures.
The French Foreign Minister at that time, Se-
bastiani, made a similar declaration. He stated
that the Conference of London was a mediation,
anti would never lose that character. How
does the Anglo-Gallic Convention, with its
Dutch embargo and its slaughtering siege of
Antwerp, agree with the character We. media-
tion ? It is a violence to reason, and an abuse
of terms, to say that a mediator has any right to
use force—his office is that of persuasion. A
fighting mediator was a political monster, not
known until generated by the alliance of such
statesmen as Talleyrand and Palmerston ; the
latter of whom declared, that the slaughter of
Antwerp was an " amicable" proceeding—and
that knocking thousands on the head by cannon
and musket ball was a preservation of the peace !
If it be a preservation of the peace, it is cer-
tainly after the Tipperary fashion. What did
the Anglo-Gallic Convention, the bloody siege
of the citadel of Antwerp, and the Dutch em-
bargo effect ? Literally nothing in the way of
the settlement of the Belgic question. The
avowed object of the Convention was to facilitate
the settlement by clearing the Belgic territory of
Dutch troops. This is expressly stated in the
Convention itself. Has Belgium been cleared
of Dutch troops ? No such thing—the citadel
of Antwerp was indeed taken, and Belgium has it
as long as France chooses to leave her nominal
possession of that which the French arms alone
captured. But Dutch garrisons still occupy the
forts Lillo and Liefkenshoek on the Belgic ter-
ritory, which can do more annoyance to Belgic
trade by the command of the Scheldt than the
citadel of Antwerp could. The Ministerial
pamphleteer has recourse to a falsification of the
Convention for the purpose of showing that its
object, by the reduction of the citadel of Ant-
werp, was accomplished. Any person who takes
the trouble of perusing the text of the treaty
Will see that it pledged the two Powers by whom
it was made to clear the Belgic territory of
Dutch troops—an object which was not accona-
pli,hed. Possibly our Ministers and the French
Government received a seasonable hint from
Russia, that if they proceeded further after the
reduction of the citadel, the " peaceful war"
would be met by just as peaceful a resistance
on the part of the despotic Powers. However
this may be, the Anglo-Gallic Convention was
never carried into full effect by land ; and as to
the proceedings by sea, they were ridiculous in
the extreme. A combined fleet was sent into
the North Seas in the month of November,
and after buffetting no enemy but the elements,
returned, with drooping flag, back to our
shores, while the Dutch laughed at our impotent
demonstration. In the mean time the Emperor
of Russia, who had his eye upon Turkey, and
was resolved to make the declining empire of
the Ottoman Chiefs his own, seized the oppor-
tunity of sending a fleet to the Bosphorus, in
compliance with an application of the Sultan for
assistance, which Nicholas most readily afforded
him, and by that prompt and judicious move-
ment subverted the influence of both England
and France at the Court of Turkey. The excuse
which Lortl Palmerston gives for not complying
with a previous solicitation of succour from
England on the part of the Porte is the strongest
condemnation which he could pronounce on his
own policy. By the foolish act of blockading
the coasts of one of our oldest allies and best
customers, he was deprived of the means of
succouring another ally and customer—so that
we lost two of our best friends by the one absurd
stroke of policy. The consequence is, that
Holland has entered into a close commercial
alliance with America, and Turkey has become
a mere dependency of Russia. So much at pre-
sent for our foreign policy. We will return to
it again, and touch on other points.—Morning
Herald.

We are glad that the ministerial paper the
Globe has officially announced the recent pam-
phlet, " The Reform Ministry and the Reformed
Parliament," as an authoritative ministerial woik.
This work, it is now stated by authority, was
too mighty to be undertaken by any single pen,
and was accordingly committed to the persona
in each department of the State who were sup-
posed to be best qualified to furnish eulogies
which might escape derision or apologies which
would not incur contempt. We rejoice in this
distinct avowal, first, becluse it proves the
correctness with which we estimated the merit
of the pamphlet, for such a puff' would certainly
have been withheld had there been the least
prospect of the production obtaining any con-
siderable circulation without it; secondly, because
there is an evident fitness in the association of
a body of departmental advocates for the vindi-
cation of a government of departments; and
lastly, because we find in the avowed fact that
thiS production is a confederated- effort of all the
talents at the disposal of the Administration, an
excuse to ourselves and our readers for devoting
to it some slight attention, of which but for the
adventitious importance thus attaching to it it
would have been entirely unworthy. The intro-
ductory compliment to the Reformed Parliament,
of which we think we said enough yesterday, as
it could scarcely be allotted in the division of
Ministerial labour to the head of any separate
department, must, we imagine, have been got
up under the special superintendence of the
Premier, of whose talent and temper it is an ad-
mirable illustration. That compliment, it will
be recollected, was simply to the effect that the
Reformed Parliament was not so very bad as
the Duke of Wellington was falsely said to have
predicted, inasmuch as one session had been got
over without any attempt to dethrone the King,
and without any absolute suspension of the
action of Government. The triumph is that
of a person who, like Earl Grey, is de-
termined to make his own hay while
the sun shines, and is much too intent
upon this object to regard any clouds
that may be springing up in the horizon.
The next portion of the Ministerial joint stock
production, which, to use the significant language
of the Globe, " does not pretend to any other
title to credit than is given to a man's estimate
of his own deserts," relates to Ireland, and is of
course, therefore, to be ascribed to Mr. Stanley
or to Mr. Littleton, or to those Right Hon.
Gentlemen in combination, if such combination
he deemed possible. The paternity of thib

vision of the work is, we fear, an insolvable
riddle. It is dull and prosy enough to have been
written by Mr. Littleton ; but then, on the other
hand, it is also sufficiently shallow and audacious
to be the offspring of Mr. Stanley. If each
have contributed it has plainly been a tax upon
the worst qualities of both. " The Ministry
saw that unless they could devise some remedy,
all was lost"—some remedy for the state of Ire-
land, which the pamphlet describes with suffi-
cient accuracy, omitting only that it was the
policy of the "Reform Ministers" and the turmoil
and saturnalia of reform which had mainly con-
tributed to reduce Ireland to this state ; and Mi-
nisters devised a remedy, which as " they did not
disguise from themselves or the House, was an
infringement of the Constitution." The Gen-
tleman who in this part of the pamphlet pre-
sents " his own estimate of his own deserts"
proceeds to boast of the improvement in the
state of Ireland which this infringement of the
Constitution has produced. The boast is in-
judicious ; for a non-reform Ministry and an
unreformed Parliament had persevered in their
attempt to govern Ireland without violating the
Constitution, and the dominion of the law had
not been better, or even so well, maintained
in Ireland by the Reform Ministry after they
had deprived bar of the British Constitution
as it had been maintained by a non-reform
Ministry with the ordinary powers of the
Constitution. Of this the pamphlet suggests the
conclusive and unanswerable proof in the fol-
lowing few words, in which it slurs over one
of the most important Acts of the Session in re-
spect not only to Ireland but to this country :--
" One of the last Acts of the Session was for
the relief of the clergy in Ireland, and to afford
time for settling the terms upon which an
equitable commutation of tithe might eventually
he effected." Relief of the clergy ! Why ?
Simply because the reform Ministry, and the
reforming Patliament, after having suspended
the British constitution, under the pretence of
a desire to restore the dominion of the law,
either could not or would not uphold the rights
of property which it is the chief object of all
law to uphold and maintain. Relief of the
clergy ! How ? by the imposition of a bur-
den of a million sterling upon the people of
England, who habitually obey the laws, in
order to relieve from debts, justly and legally
due, the people of Ireland, who habitually
break them ; distributing that relief from debt
to the several individuals of the Irish com-
munity, in exact proportion to the degree
of obstinacy and vigour with which each had
resisted the law. This commentary on the
efficacy of the Coercion Bill, and upon the
wisdom and integrity of its authors, is suggest-
ed by the production of a body of statesmen
engaged in the laudable task of supplying the
world with their own estimate, of their own
deserts. The Irish Grand Jury Bill, the Irish
Jury Bill, the Irish Bishop's Suppression Bill,
are all lauded by these modest statesmen as if
their beneficial consequences had been already
experienced. Men are proverbially bad reasoners
and incompetent judges in respect to their own
deserts. But what shall be thought of those
who print and publish their own estimate of
their own deserts, and expect the world to give
them credit ? It seems probable that the arti-
ficer of this branch of the Ministerial pamphlet
at the termination of his labour had the assistance
of the Lord Chancellor, for it concludes with a
very silly and perfectly gratuitous sneer at his
Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, in
the precise tone and temper of some of the re-
cent exhibitions of that grave, judicious, and
eminent person in the House of Lords.—Morn-
ing Post.

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.

LONDON MARKETS.

(From the " London New Price Current" of yesterday.)

SUGAR.-The demand fur West India Muscovades has
been very limited all the week; the total purchases are
estimated at 1,800 hhds. and tra. ; the holders are generally
firm, and the opinion of the Market favourable, yet such
is the heaviness of the trade that the prices must be con-
sidered 6d. to Is. per cwt. lower, but there are not many
sellers at the reduction ; the brown still sell high in pro-
portion to the finer qualities. In the Refined Market
there is little ♦ariation ; the demand is still entirely con-
fined to the home trade, and the buyers only purchase for
their immediate wants. This afternoon the Refined
Market still continues in the same inanimate state, there
being very little inquiry either for home consumption or
exportation ; in prices, however, there is no alteration.
MAURITIUS SUGAR.-Mauritius Sugars this week are
61. to Is. per cwt. lower, yeliow 575. 6.1. a 615., brown
553. 6d. a 575. ; the latter support their prices better than
the fine descriptions.
EAST INDIA SUGAR.-East India Sugars are ls. 6d.
a 2s. lower, being the reduction we mentioned on Friday
last, which is now fully confirmed and the Market still
dull at the reduction ; Siam low brown to good strong
white 21s. a 28s. ; Java, soft brown to goad strung gray
24.5. 6.1. a 29.; Manilla, soft and bad colour 255. a 265. 6d.
FoREIGN SUGAIL.-The reduction we noticed in the
prices has induced the holders to withdraw their Sugars
!TOITI sale ; there are no purchases to report. There are
no public sales this day of Mauritius or Foreign Sugar,
fair which there is very little demand privately ; the latter
is offered at rather lower prices.
COYFER.-There is scarcely any business in Foreign or
East India Coffee to report.-British Plantation descrip.
twos go off steadily at former prices ; good to fine ord.
Jamaica 931. a 995. ; mid. Demerara 99a. a 101 s. A
parcel of ord. brown Sum itra sold 555. 6 i. and 565.-
By public sale this afternoon 1 745 hags Foreign Coffee,
the chief part Havannah, the rest Br .zil; a decline took
place of 3s. a 4s. on the superior, ant 2s. on the inferior
qualities ; good to fine ord. calory Havannah sold from
665. a 68s. 6d., good ord. and ord. foxy 635. a 655. 6il.
At this reduction no eagerness was shown by purchasers ;
the whole of the Brazil, being foxy ord. pale, was bought
in at 635. No inquiry for East India.
COCOA.-By public sale 139, bags ord.to good Trinidad
Cocoa sold steadily 675. to 76d. 641.

RUM, BRANDY, and HoLLANns.—Rums are again ad-
vancing ; proof Leewards are now held firmly at 2*. 3d ;
and some fine marks of Jan:ides at 4i. In Brandy or
Geneva there is little alteration.

TALLOW.—TiIe Tallow Al .rket is rather more steady,
and the price+ firm.

bust' Pi ovisioNs.—Since our last of Tuesday the ar-
rivals of Foreign Butter have been about 3,000 casks, of
Irish 6,000 firks., and of Bacon 1,300 bales. We cannot
n.,te any altetation in the price of Butter this week, and
the trade continue to purchase but to supply their hums.
hate wants, Some few sales of new Waterford singed
Bacon for this month's shipment are effecting at 575. a
38s. per cwt. on board for light weights, but for the
Bacon at present lying at the wharfs (the stock of which
is unusually lie.vy for the season of the year) it is difficult
to give a correct quotation ; the quality is so various,
prices run front 201. to 355. per cwt. For Bidder Lard
there is an increased demand, and fine Waterford and
Limerick we now quote 5.15. per cwt. For Bale and
Tierce Middles, Hams, Beef and Pork, there is but a hal-
ted inqui.y, and prices are nominally the same as quoted
in our last.

SALTPETRE.—By public sale 1,218 big Saltpetre of-
fered, of which abo.it :350 bags only *OW, 2!.; to 4} refrac-
tion 10i., which is is. lower. Saltpetre is very quiet this
afternoon.

...... .
COCHINEAL continues steadily to advance, and the
greater part of the stock is held by houses who will not
sell unless much higher prices than the present are ob-
tained.
N
11:telia, n t
isalod a
ukingdecidedly letter since
the last freshG impulse is given
t it t
wrtck of the Ann and Amelia,
mlndigo of the Ea,t India Company's
ia:dh.e vc —i
unfortunate
s h
I*er o 3.
!a a lr
oftbe foreign houses are again buying,
.7iiitph here ntsc. cargo of
Same
'antler the idea that the next October Sale will go off at
stiffer prices.
TgA.-(East India House sile.)—Bobeas in quarter,
half, and large chests have sold at 2s. a 2s. Ord., Congou
chests at Vs. (Yd. 3 2., id, ; Congous are selling now

.g
cheaper than last sale, 41. to Id. per lb.; they "`PIV,
dearer, common 2s. Id. a 24.2, good 2g*
21. 211., fine 2s. 3d. a 3s. F Abcd°

SPlCES.—Pimento is dull at former pricesold,s ;
lit to
1,100 bags at public sale only a small part clovy
mid. 417,-d. a Sid.; Pepper is Id. per lb. lower, verY s.
sold 54-d. a 54d. There are sellers of Cassia ;be
Mace and Nutmegs are unvaried ; a small parcel ;es
e
latter was purchased for export so low as ss. 6J• ofd'
are also lower. This afternoon, on account of tcl the
parcel of Cassia said yesterday at 745. 6d. a itiq. 6 .
inferior qualities are quoted lower, but no parcel
quality can be obtained under 90s. Nutmegs are 00
lb. lower, some holders accept 7s. 3d., at which hatil.
has !wen transacted. Cloves remain at our last quatiadf
In Pepper some business has been done at 3d. a 4
lb. lower than last week's prices.
RICE.--There are sales of Carolina reported at
prices, fine, duty paid, 345. 6d. a 355. to
LAC DYE.—Considerable purchases continue sio,
made, and large parcels of good and fine qualitylOence'l
changed hands since our last ; there is every aPraft!ii
higher prices being obtained, the article being
tremely low, compared with almost any other, Parl'e
as Cochineal has advanced so much.
The Or
COTTON.—The Cotton Market is steady. - soro
chases this week are 40 Madras, fine Sid. ; 400 dit
ord. to good, Id. a Sad. ; 200 Bowed, mid. to g°°
104 d. a 111 d. ; 100 Egyptian, good fair 13 1• Cutrpe°
Fiturr.—The price of new Zante and Patras banal
is to-day 2s. per cwt. higher, some small salesbeen made at that advance. Valentia Raisins o'

quality are scarce, and more inquired after. 1#
Hors.—Early in the week the accounts from L'',"03411
Plantations were unfavourab'e, on account of the "3 itte
done by the late gales; the accounts this Innrning
more satisfactory. The duty remains at 175,0001.;
picking is general.
oer
SlLK.—Bengal Raw Silk in demand, at D. „.10,
advance on last sale's prices, the premium now 15 g-'OOl
per bale ; China is selling at 21s. 6.1. a 224. per Il','lssi
in great request. Italian Raws continue in brisk (WI
at late prices. Foreign and English thrown brisk.

PRICE OF SUGAR. &OP
The Average Price of Brawn or Muscovado Sugarr„,,
from the Returns made in the week ending the Sco
Sept., 16:t3, is 355. 101 d. per Hundred Weight, exclo,,rt:
Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the InV.
thereof into Great Britain.

PRICE OF BREAD. lot
is 9 ve°
"r'i;
• 0
The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis
41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to AN
that price.

PRICE OF SEEDS.—Sept.
New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. —9. fine .A,
Old Ditto Ditto -e. —S.
•

4ew Foreign Ditto.
Old Ditto .--
New White Clover.