The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-30 00:00:00

LORD BRZIEER.—The elevation of the Right Hon. E.
Strutt to the peerage has given the greatest satisfaction
to the inhabitants of Derby, but more particularly to the
members of the Derby Mechanics' Institution, of which
his lordship is the president. On Thursday a deputation
from that body waited upon Lord Belper at Kingston-
hall, when they presented him with an address of con-
gratulation on the honour conferred upon him by the
Crown. His lordship acknowledged most warmly the
compliment which bad been paid him, and assured the
deputation of the continued interest which he took in
the furtherance and objects of the institution, and of his
willingness to eontinue his connection with it. After
some conversation on the present condition of the insti-
tution with the different members of the deputation, his
lordship took them thraugh his magnificent grounds and
mansion, and, having partaken of an elegant luncheon,
the deputation returned to Derby.
MURDER OE A SOLDIER AT DOTER.—Yesterday Mr.
G. A. Thompson, coroner for Dover, and a jury, inquired
into the circumstances connected with the death of
Lance-corporal Burnie, of the 49th Regiment, who was
shot on Wednesday morning by Private Thomas Man-
sell, of the same regiment. Evidence was given, detail.
ing the circumstances of the murder, as already published
in The Sun, and Assistant-Surgeon Hannan, of the 49th
Regiment/described the nature of the wound received
by the deceased which caused his death. The jury, with-
out a moment's consideration, returned a verdict of wil-
ful murder against Mansell, and the coroner made out
his warrant for commitment to prison. The Mayor and
the Borough Justices also concluded their inquiries into
the circumstances of the murder, and committed the
prisoner Mansell for trial at the next assizes for Kent.
Tan BOILER EXPLOSION NEAR BURY.—The inquest
by Mr. Dearden, ene of the coroners of Lancashire, on
the bodies of nine persons, killed by a boiler explosion
at the bleach and dye works of Messrs. Warburton and
Holker, near Bury, was resumed yesterda at the Al-
bion Hotel, Bury. Mr. Grundy, attorney, instructed
by Mr. Holker, barrister, appeared on behalf of Messrs.
Warburton and Co. to watch the case. Evidence was
taken with reference to the original construction and the
state of the boiler at the time of the explosion. Mr.
Benjamin Warburton, ore of the partners of the firm,
and Mr. James Parke, a member of the firm, by whom
the boiler was made, was examined. The latter gentle.
man believed the accident to be caused by external cor-
rosion of the plates, which had occurred to an extent
that surprised him. The inquest was proceeding when
the report left!

arriages ; she coquetted with Austria ; she raised
no complaint. It was thus that Europe prepared herself for
the convulsions of 1848, and allowed tkem to be fulfilled,
giving the Italians to understand that in their behalf neither
natural rights, nor written rights, nor solemn treaties, nor
solemn promises, nor the principles obtaining elsewhere, nor
the famous consideration of the European balance—were of
any avail ; that only the force of Austria had any weight for
them and against them, so far as it would go. Our revolution
was the moral consequence, so to say, of the policy of Europe
towards Italy.
The long commotions of the Italian people in 1846-7 were
a stimulus, a motive to that commotion of the French people
which hurled tho Orleans dynasty from its throne. The rulers
of Franco ought to think well of this, because, if it is true,
as it is but too fatally true, that tho examples aud move-
ments of France have great influence on Italian minds,
neither can it be denied that the examples and disturbances
of Italy are not without some effect on France—proofs
of which fact have been seen not only in 1818, but in
1820, when the plots of Italian secret societies to some extent
jeopardised the throne of the Bourbons. Tho revolution of
February sent all Europe topsy-turvy ; it upset Vienna ; and
after that town all Italy. After Vienna ; as those ought to
remember who, considering our movements of that year,
fancy that they may be reproduced at every change of leaves.
That after Paris, Berlin and Vienna, Milan and Venice, should
also rise, ought to be no great matter of wonder; but the
wonder should be, on the contrary, that throughout Italy no
movement took place against the existing monarchies, with
the exception of the Austrian monarchy and the two small
duchies : and these latter must needs be involved in the down-
fall of Austria, since in 1847 they chose to unite their desti-
nies to hers. And tho movement was only for national inde-
pendence and not for a republic, although the example
of France might have prompted it. The tendencies to a
conspiracy against any of the Italian monarchies only de-
veloped themselves after the Papal encyclical of the 29th of
April, which was fatal to that cause of national independ-
ence which was the, only, great, and passionate mover of
the whole Italian insurrection. This great felling was
then turned to good or evil purposes, as it often happens
but by turbid spirits, and by Utopians, and by harum-scarum
brains, and by dealers in French political trumpery ; but all
republican attempts were the results of despair merely. One
Victory of Charles Albert would have taken from the repub-
licans—true or false—the very courage of openly professing
their principles, to say nothing of the Courage of bringing
their principles to practice. And we, who in those countries
in which such experiments were tried, endeavoured to prevent
them, dreading the consequences for our beloved country—
we, who opposed the republicans, and were overcomeby them
—we can with true impartiality bear witness that many ven-
tured on the desperate experiment only in obedience to the
passion for Italian independence, which they fancied they
could thus aid, and only after that sacred cause bad been
given up by all the princes with the exception of the Sardi-
nian King.
Austria again and again overpowered insurrections and con-
quered in war ; then, without any delay, she proceeded to
destroy all free institutions in Italy. The princes, either by
their natural inclination, or from a slavish instinct obeyed,
by destroying freedom. Austria secured her own influence,
and her interference in all the states brought back to the rule
of absolutism, and by her military occupation she curbed the
people and strengthened her own supremacy.
The kingdom of Piedmont remained a constitutional state.
How many plots and treacheries it has had to withstand may
be easily imagined, by any one who thinl.s how much injury
Austria received from the existence of such a government in
Italy. This state follows a policy which is necessarily—l
might almost say fatally—hostile to Austria. Austria lords it
over the rest of Italy; but so long as the land of Piedmont is
free Vienna does not, cannot, feel safe in her possession, in
her usurpation. This is what Count Cavour said before Par-
liament, what Count Buol confirmed in one of his notes; itis
impossible, it is needless to dissemble it. Piedmont has light
on her side, Austria all the forces of the empire, the friend-
ship of all the other Italian governments, the influence of the
Court of Rome, with which she has come to a compromise in
matters of conscience to have it as a companion in life and
death, to remove even the shade of the fear of another Pius
M9re9vor, Awitria MOW t 9 411,Y0 had hitherto, ALA to

I must also answer those who whisper that Pied-
mont, well aware of the strength of Austria, may not
perhaps venture into a mad war, but will fain grasp,
as she tried in 1848, the opportunity of an insurrec-
tion in the neighbouring States, to renew the chances
of a conflict which then for her had an unfavourable
issue. In the same manner, sir, that I think that Piedmont
will never be dragged by plotters who would wish to make
their secret societies a lever to move the world, so I feel
firmly convinced that she will never allow any faction to
jeopardy her own destinies, her blood and honour, which the
Crown and Parliament alone have a right to stake. This.,
indeed, I think, is the first and foremost duty of the 'Pied-
moutese Government. It must take upon itself very delibe-
rately the advocacy of tho nation Al right, it must exercise it
in any occurrence, but not in obedience to any faction. The
choice of the means, of the resolutions to be adopted, lice
with it alone, and wholly with it—with the Crown and Par-
liament. To fall back from pusillanimity would load to loss
and disgrace ; to move on with foolhardiness would be a
proof of weakness and a crime ; but I must avow that
events may ari:se in which daring' alone would be pru -
dence, and hesitation would be rashness. Piedmont, all
Europe will avow it, has given proofs of wisdom,
and will, I hope, show the same moderation
fcr the future; but all wisdom and moderation does not de-
pend on hanging back. In very great contingencies he is
often the most prudent who is the most daring and the most
ready. It is for Europe, if she is really in dread of Italian
insurrection and Piedmontese audacity, to ward off such
dangers by putting an end, while it is yet time, to bad govern-
ment and to Austrian encroachment and arrogance. I think
great reliance may be put on the long endurance of the Sardi-
nian Government, but that no one should fancy that the
Crown of Savoy may ever be stained by cowardice, nor that
Victor Emmanuel will shed the blood of his own people to
spare that of his foes. If Europe still wavers, there is a fate
which will drag us all on—that fate which drags on Austria,
Italy, and the House of Savoy.

But without speculating on those great events which allow
no time or leisure for deliberation, we must, however, reflect
that events of less moment may come to pass in which Pied-
mont may be moved by its duty and by a sense of its
own dignity to act with determination. Austria, if wo can
derive instruction from the past, and believe in the Congress
of Paris, insists upon the full power to interfere by might of
arms in any Italian state in which, as she says, she may be
called upon by legitimate princes—that is, by her near rela-
tives, or by her subservient lieutenants. Now, as she has
no right to interfere, and as it is evident she does so not so
much to prop up those thrones as to strengthen the misgo-
vernment and her own usurpation, it is also clear that Pied-
mont, both as an Italian State, as large as the Austrian State
in Italy, and as a European Power, has at least the same
right of intervention. And I say that as a matter of prin-
ciple she ought to interfere ; and that in her resolutions she
can only be guided by her own interest and by the sense of
her own dignity. Therefore, if Europe fears that peace may
be endangered by Piedmontese intervention in other Italian
States, it behoves Europe to put an end to the Austrian oc-
cupation, and 'provide against all chances of its recurrence.
From all I have said, it clearly results how necessary it is
that the Western Powers should soon come to some resolution
on the subject of Italian politics. The alternative, in my
opinion, is plainly this—either they must prevail upon
InZIA4 to Tremolo the resistwo of ALI keid 69voraatozito,