The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-06 00:00:00

THE SUN„ LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING; MAY 6. 1856.

THE MILITARY BOARD OF INQUIRY.
(This Day.)

ALARMING ILLNESS OF COL. TULLOCH.
The Board re-assembled at the usual hour:
The Judge-Advocate-General inquired of Dr. Balfour,
Col. Tulloch's medical adviser, if he could inform the
Court whether Col. Tulloch would be able to attend to-
day?
Dr. Balfour said that after leaving the Court yesterday
Col. Tulloch had been obliged to have further medical
advice, and he produced a certificate from Sir James
Clarke and Dr. Martin stating that Col. Tulloch was suf-
fering so severely from illness, brought on by severe
mental and bodily exertion and anxiety, that his attend-
ance before the Board was altogether impossible.
The Board, having consulted for a few minutes, asked
General Airey what he proposed to do
General Airey said that, whilst be expressed his sin-
cere regret at the indisposition of Col. Tulloch, he must
say that his absence placed him (General Airey) is a
position of great difficulty, because, after the adjourn-
ment of the Court yesterday, he compared the MS.
minutes of Col. Gordon's evidence with that in the
printed report, and had discovered some serious oinis-
sione, and he should hardly like to go into such a ques-
tion unless Col. Tulloch himself were present.
Gen. Peel said that the absenc,3 of Col. Tulloch ought
not to prevent the progress of the inquiry, since the Go-
vernment, in the appointing this Commission, did not
anticipate the presence of the Commissioners before the
Board.
Gen. Airey submitted that if Col. Tulloch could not
attend, Sir J. M.'Neil, the other Commissioner, might be
able to do so ?
The Judge Advocate-General :said that he understood
Dr. Balfour to say, that he yesterday informed Sir J.
M`Neil of the state of Col. Tailloch's health, so that
that gentleman could have beers present if he had
pleased.
After some further conversation Gen. Airey consented
to proceed.
The Board again conferred for a short time, when

The Judge-Advocate-General a ddressed Gen. Airey,

saying that the Board had come to to the conclusion, that
if be (General Airey) intended to a ontinue the course he
pursued yesterday of impugning the. conduct of the Com-
missioners in the preparation of their report that it
would be improper to proceed without him.
General Airey disclaimed all intention of impugning
personally the conduct of the Commiesioners, but at the
same time said it would be impossible for him to con-
duct his case in any other way.
The Judge-Advocate-General said that the Board
thought his course of proceeding 3 -esterday somewhat
personal.
General Airey disclaimed any personal feeling of hos-
tility against the Commissioners ; bt t it was impossible
for him to conduct his case without impugning the cor-
rectness of the evidence as published .
• After sorno further conversation of ► the subject, Gen.
Airey called
Major Keane, of the Royal Engii leers—He went to
the Crimea to construct huts for the army, and under-
stood be was to have a certain number of Sappers to go
out with him. That arrangement w:o not carried out,
and he was unable to say why ? Delays in con-
structing the huts arose from various pauses--
the difficulty of landing materia Is, the want of
wharfage ground, and, after th: .t, the want of
transport of the materials to the et Imp. He though
the statement in the Commissioners ' report with refer•
ence to the difficulties attending the want of materials,
and of providing shelter for the troops as well as the
state of the men, not an exaggerated one. He thought
canvass shelter could net have been constructed ade-
quately for the wants of the army in the Crimea. Can-
vass from a night's dew often s}trunk so as to draw the
tent pegs, add to have constructed canvass shelter for
the horses elaborate framework would have been re-
quired. Canvass had been sp 4ken of for its facility of
transport, and to use it an exa .ra quantity of scantling
and spare would have been ryquired, the difficulty of
transport of which would awn than have counter-
balanced the lightness of the, canvass. In having to
allow for the shrinking of ,nvass its stability was
greatly endangered in stormy weather. Canvass shelter
would not have answered i n the Crimea. He ex-
plained the difficulties he had to encounter in getting
men to assist in constructing s heiter. The crews of the
ships in harbour were fully a uployed in attending to
their own duties.

By the Judge-Advocate-Ge: ieral —He was ordered by
the Adjutant-General to procc led to the Crimea, and Col.
Mapson informed him he was to have a number of sap-
pen, who were carpenters, to go with him. They did
not go, and he experienced great difficulties in the
Crimea from the want of th ci u. The horses could not
have been sheltered by the e reaction of side walls from
the want of stones.

General Airey then read a re port from the Assistant-
engineer stationed at Balakla, v ato show that no analogy
existed between providing 1e meporary shelter for the
baggage, animals of the sappy .s and miners there, and
that for the cavalry.
Admiral Sir D. Dandas wa a next called, and examined
by General Airey—He said that the fleet under his
command in the Black Sea c as fully employed during
that period. The fleet was di Neided into three divisions.
He was before Sebastopol, Admiral Lyons at Bala-
klava, and the other division r t Eupatoria. He landed
2,400 seamen and 2,000 mai- ;nes to assist the army.
Every ship landed all the spa re canvass and material
she could spare. The spare 94 !t of sails on board each
ship could certainly not have, been sent ashore. Con-
sistently with the safety of the • fleet, every man and all
the spare canvass that could oe spared were sent on
shore during that portion of Ca a winter of 1854 that he
was in command of the fleet. Every man in the fleet
readily and cheerfully did his ix tmost to assist the army.
The gallant admiral was exa nined by the Judge-Ad-
vocate-General on the points Si. r E. Lyons was examined
by Colonel Tailed), viz., the 'quantity of spare canvas
on board different size Gov( nment vessels, and the
difficulty of getting carpenters from Constantinople, to
which he gave similar answers es Sir Edmund Lyons.
Mr. Boyd, storekeeper at I ialaklaj'a, was examined
by General Airey. He had (ii mrnand of the quarter-
master-general's stores, and iss them under the direc-
tion of Mr. Archer, assistant-cm oturnissary-general. He
described the state of the barb' from the over-crowd-
big of vessels, and the stores 1: ling about on the wharfs
from the. want of storehouses i n which to deposit them.
The bales and packages were is equentl:e broken open in
the morning, having been plu c tiered during the night
of their contents by the ,Maltese. Stores were
issued as speedily as possible, and no objection was I
made to their issue from any irregularities in the
orders. He often issued sto res without orders. The
quartermasters of regiments were daily it.t his stores, and
saw what was there, and anyt bing they required they
had. During the winter when he had a supply of great
coats, sheepskins, rugs, blanket ;s, and other warm cloth-
ing, the men had a full supply. They preferred sheep.
skins to the great coats, and would ie st have rugs or
blankets. The witness was ex; mimed into the details of
his me de of issuing the stores to the army, and with
regard to the issue of the boots and shoes. He said the
men werieasliloonweodf thoisfitevthidceemnset.
w]veil.as that
tThte
the
enearraml
army was
and itnpes
at all times abundantly eupp. lied with necessaries and
et'oeanmlyined
to ask and
ihiaaßeveye.vesriyr cwrom. fitorot.wenl—n
ufacet,utyahseynhoatd
by the
Commissioners.
By the Judge Advocate-Gent oral--$e took charge .1
the stores at a• B laklava on the .12th Dec., and continued
till June following.o of
th the
A d
ihrearletyw,
ine oftenchar gwe n office
i transport to convey the stores 'to the camp.
attended, a,:ed was examined by the
want
tthoef
,S:elereivitrielceieneral as to the trasesport contract,,
ariindtnstructions given to the captains of the trans-
elason to have taken from tha transports their It would have been inejudicious on the part of
anPseurit of sails, but instructions were issued to them
se-
condT
es n'D NI the army with all the sails and canvass they
nor Captain
ports.
si
Judge. pt
ts to supply spare canvass, to the army. The
the transports
required that a certain. number of sails
c-Oulud. spare.'l- The terms of the contract did not require
charter party
board.
should be on board each trarniport, :and a Government
officer inspected the vessels previous to their sailing to
see they were on
[We will give the conclusion ou r last edition.]

A HISTORIC NAME.—On Thursday a child was re-
gistered at the Superintendent-Registrars office in the
several Christian names of Walter .Alma Peace Inker-
man.—Bradford Observer.
THE FIREWORKSORKS IN THE PARRS.—Yesterday the work-
men were engaged iu encasing the 'ironrailings of the
Green-park, immediately in the rear t)f the wooden build-
ing from which the fireworks will tle discharged, with
plates of galvanised iron, which v Till reach above the
iron spikes of the railings. This measure has been
adopted along the whole length of the enclosed space,
in order to preclude the possibility of accidents ; a
similar precaution bas been taken in Hyde-park.
THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO SOUTHAM IPTON WATER.—The
Town-Clerk of Southampton has re.3eived the following
letter from Major Raven hill, R.N., ti Ae offieerappointed to
superintend the erection of the new, military hospital in
Hants :—"Netley Abbey Hotel, let May, 1856.
Sir,—T have the honour to state, fe r the information of
the Mayor and Corporation of Southampton, that
her Maiesty proposes to lay the foundation-
stone of the military hospital, to• be erected on the
banks of the Southampton water, on the 12th inst. in
great state, and that a reception at the landing-place by
the mayor and and corporation wil 1 be welcome to her
Majesty. The siteis about half ami le beyond the ruins of
Netley Abbey. I will inform you by a future letter at
what hour the ceremony is to ta. ke place—probably it
vi II be at 430 p.m. Any further information on the
sui jest that may be rc.quired wil I meet with my imme-
diate attention.—l have, &c."

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY).

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

There was au unusual attendance of ladies in the gal-
leries, and the space between the throne and the wool-
sack was also very much crowded by the sons of peers.

INDIA.

The Earl of A LBE VIABLE gave notice of his inten-
tion to move, after the recess, for certain returns in
reference to the salaries and pensions issued to the civil
servants in the presidencies of Bombay ani Madras.
He also called attention to a report upon the practice of
torture in connection with the Loom Tax in the Madras
presidency.

I not clearly understand them, inasmuch as they were never
clearly stated by her Majesty's Ministers—he denied that
they were fully accomplished by this treaty. He should.
therefore advise their lordships to substitute an amend-
ment, and instead of "joy and satisfaction," he would omit
that paragraph, and say—" We have learned that your
Majesty has been enabled to re-establish peace on condi-
tions which have appeared to your Majesty and your allies
adequately to effect the great objects of the war." Whether
he should press that amendment to a division or not must
depend on what should be the feelings he might per-
ceive to exist in the house in the course of the de-
bate. He had no wish to take a course hostile to
her Majesty's Government, but a strong wish to re-
cord his own decided opinion. They were not met to
discuss a question which depended upon the votes of
the house, but they were invited by the Government
to consider a treaty which they could not altar, but which
her Majesty, by her own undoubted prerogative, bad
signed, with her foreign allies, Now, it was necessary for
hint to remind the house what were the objects of this
war. He would quote upon that subject the authority of
her Majesty's Ministers. On the 24th February, 1854, the
Foreign Secretary said, " It might be very desirable and
very just to take from Russia, and to restore to the coun-
tries from which they were taken, various territories which
Russia had taken from other countries ; it might be very
just and desirable to make Russia pay for the cost of the
war ; but it is impossible we should take any resolution for
any of these objects without knowing with what skill and
success the war will be conducted, or what will be the posi-
tion and circumstances of the Emperor of Russia at its
conclusion." That was an evident truism ; but what he
(the Earl of Malmesbury) had to remark upon it was, that,
in accordance with the observations of the Foreign
Secretary, this treaty had been framed in consequence
of events of the war which, to say the least of them,
were very unfavourable to the allies and to ourselves. The
noble earl (the Foreign Secretary) at the same time said
that it was intended " to check the aggressive power of
Russia, and to take solid guarantees that Europe should
not again be deprived of the great blessings of peace." He
(the Earl of Malmesbury) would prove that such guaran-
tees were not given by the document now presented to the
house. On the 31st March, 1854, the Foreign Secretary
said, " I trust that, at the conclusion of this contest, we
shall find Austria and Prussia by our side in the establish-
ment of peace on a solid and secure foundation, but that
peace wilt neither be solid nor secure unless the territorial
extension and immoderate influence of Russia are repressed
for ever." It would be for him (the Earl of Malmesbury)
to show that this had not been done. Lord J. Russell, on
the 12th December, 1854, said, " I believe no peace will be
safe for Turkey or honourable to this country which left
Sebastopol in the same menacing position in which it has of
late years been." (Cheers. He understood that cheer, but
he would show that, if not literally, Sebastopol had politi-
cally been left in the same position as before the war.
Lord Palmerston said on the 19th Dec., 1854, " It would
not be for the interest or honour of this country to end
this great war with small and ineffectual results ; we ought
to have a result adequate to the sacrifices we had made."
Now he (the noble earl) would consider what this treaty
was and how far those results had been obtained. The first
two articles, the preamble, were followed by two very im-
portant articles. In the first line of them was mentioned
" the citadel of Kars." He (the Earl of Malmesbury) had
been taunted in another place by the Prime Minister with
having shrunk from bringing forward that subject, because
he was afraid of being defeated on it. But it was for the
convenience of their lordships, and the propriety of de-
bate, he had been obliged to withdraw his notice of Friday
last, since the treaty was to be discussed this evening.
He did not wish to avoid the debate, for he thought
it the duty of the Opposition, when they thought Go-
vernment were in the wrong, to point it out, without
reference to the numbers of a division. (Cheers.) Now the
third article of this treaty said that the Emperor of Rus-
sia agreed "to restore to the Sultan the town and citadel
of Kars and other parts of the Ottoman empire of which
the Russian troops are in possession." On the other hand,
her Majesty and the allies agreed to restore the towns and
ports of Sebastopol, Balaklava, Eupatoria, Kertch, Yeui-
kale, Kinbourn, and others. Could any one, with conimon
understanding, say that Kars was an equivalent for all
these? Sebastopol, the scene of all our disasters and of all
our glories, of our hopes and disappointments, our misfor-
tunes and victories, the goal for which we had contended
for nearly two years, was to be exchanged for. Kars !
Would anybody say then that the loss of Kars had not in-
fluenced these negotiations? The very juxtaposition of these
two articles proved that it had done so; and it appeared
that the noble lord now on the woolsack, the second
plenipotentiary (Lord Cowley) had protested against their
juxtaposition, but that his protest was repressed ; and so
it remained, to show that the belligerent powers
made an exchange. The treaty said that Russia was to
have "no maritime military arsenals" on the Black Sea—
but there was no definition or explanation of that term.
It was to be inferred that there were to be no docks where
men-of-war could be built and armed. Bat the treaty
would not prevent Russia from keeping up the northern
fcrts of Sebastopol in all their impregnable strength—from
girding the neighbouring hills with ramparts, and raising
the Malakhoff again, so that it never could be wrested fiom
Russia any more. (Hear.) He assumed that those fortresses
might be rebuilt ; else, let the noble earl the Foreign Se-
cretary say they might not. Sebastopol was not all we gave
in exchange for Kars, but also Balaklava, Kamiesh, which
the French had fortified, Kertch, Eupatoria, and other
places, which the allies had strengthened gratis for Russia.
And what became of those forts along the Circassian coast
which the Russians had been obliged to abandon, giving
`liberty at length to the noble Circassian race ? The Prime
Minister had stated that Russia was to resume them, and
might rebuild or garrison them. In plain English, then,
we had deserted the Circassians. (Hear.) We had loft
• them to a dreadful and certain fate, after having sought
their assistance and to a great extent benefitted by it.
("' Hear, hear," from Lord Panmuro.) Notwithstanding
that cheer of the noble lord the Secretary for War—who
surely was not the best authority about hostilities in Asia
Minor—(a laughl—the allies had benefited by the assistance
of the Circassians ; for in 1854, when the Russian general
had gained two victories over the Turks, and was entering
Anatolia, it was the inroad made by Schatnyl in the direc-
tion of Tiflis that obliged bile to retreat. No wonder our
Ministers had deserted the Circassians if they had already
forgotten what that brave people did for us. (Cheers )
But if the Circassians had not been able or willing
to assist us, as we wished, what was 'the cause of their
backwardness ? How could we be excused for abandon-
ing their interest in the treaty after having excited them
to aid us in the war ? Lord Palmerston said, on the
2tlth June, 1855, that "there ware no relations existing
between her Majesty's Government and the Circassian
chiefs, except those arising out of their co-operation in the
attack on Anapa." No, but Sehamyl had saved our allies,
the Turks, from an invasion. (Cheers.) It, appeared, too,
from the answer given by Lord Palmerston to Mr. Baillie's
question, that Col. Lloyd bad been employed, at a salary of
2,0001. a year, to go into Circassia, to open communications
with that people, and ascertain on what terms and to what
extent their assistance could be obtained. Was net that
asking them to join us as our allies ? And yet, because we
had forgotten the advantage they gave us, and because the
assistance they could render us did not come up to what we
had expected, very much in consequence of the blunders of
our own administration, their interests were now to be
abandoned. The noble earl, the Foreign Secretary, was de-
feated when he attempted to protest against the restoration
of those forts. The noble earl would stand in history here-
after in the category of those politicians who had deserted
the cause of a country's liberty, when they had
au opportunity of defeedine it. He knew the generous
spirit of the noble earl, and could not believe but that it
had been his wish and desire to save the Circassian people
from perdition ; but he must have been overruled by cir-
cumstances which perhaps he would not dare to tell. Well,
great stress would be laid ou the neutralisation of the Black
See. He confessed that, as ho said when the Vienna con-
ferences wore going on, he thought the most desirable man-
ner of settling the question was the neutralisation of the
Black Sea, and making it a purely commercial sea. (Cheers.)
But were we quite safe in the agreement we had made
about this? Was there no arriere-pensee in these negoti-
ations? He was not entirely satisfied with the answers
given to the noble earl in the conferences. It was clear
that Turkey and Russia were respectively to maintain only
six ships of war, of
,a certain size, in the Black Sea. The
Russian plenipotentiaries then claimed great credit for
making what they called a concession. But it was not a
concession made on their side alone. The Turks, who had
a right to navigate that sea, made an equal concession,
and therefore Russia could not claim any praise for that.
The noble earl's suspicious appeared to have been roused on
a subject of vast importance, and he asked whether the
transports which Russia might build, and retain ad iibitura,
were to be armed ? He did not wonder at the jealousy of his
noble friend, but he should like to know bow that matter
was settled, for Count Orloff answered that the transports
in the Black Sea would be furnished with armaments suit-
able to the occasion. Lord Clarendon, said the protocol,
was not satisfied with that answer, and requested an ad-
journment of the question, which adjournment must have
been sine die, for the matter did not appear to have been
alluded to again in the protocols. He should like to know
from his noble friend how the matter ended, for if
those transports which Russia was to be allowed
to have ad libitum, were to lie in Sebastopol, and be
furnished with suitable armaments, which might mean
one gun or fifty, accordingly as the ships were of 100 or
1,000 tons, they might issue from Sebastopol and make
a descent on any part of the Turkish coast. He (Lord
Malmesbury) could not say that the objects of the war
were accomplished if Sebastopol was to be made as strong
as ever, and a fleet of transports was to be maintained by
Russia sufficiently armed to defend any troops they might
carry. It was impossible for him to say that the objects
of the treaty were accomplished, unless this question was
settled. Then there wasSanother question with regard to
which the Russian plenipotentiaries seeni to have been ex-
ceedingly expert. His noble friend asked a question with
eragard to Nicolaieff, and it was answered that Nicolaieff
not being in the Black Sea, but a long way up a Russian
river, its maritime and military arsenals might be retained,
but still as a great favour to his -noble friend, Count Or-
loff promised that no larger ships than those agreed on
should be built there, and stated that he was ready to
send two line-of-battle ships which were there down
through the Bosphorus to the Baltic. His noble friend
asked that that promise should be entered on the pro-
tocol. Was it so entered ? As far as it went it was satis-
factory, for no doubt Count Orloff was a man of honour
and meant what he said, and ho said what his master
meant. But it was no insult even to an Emperor when the
fate of nations was at stake, to ask that the treaty should
contain a solid guarantee for the performance of the pro-
mise. He did not want to rake up old grievances, and as
we were now'at peace with Russia, he did not wish to say
a word calculated to make any Russian think that he did
not rejoice at our being at peace with that country ; for he
did rejoice. But there had been public events which
ought to have acted as warnings to the noble earl
to have obtained something more solid than a promise
from Count Orloff, who was but mortal and whose mas-
ter was only mortal also. He would quote from the work
of Sir John M'Neill, on the Progress of Russia in the
East, what occurred in 1814.—(The noble earl then read
an extract from the work in question, which pointed out
the proceedings of the Russian general in the war with
Persia, in which he agreed to certain terms with
regard to the restoration to Persia of territory
which had been taken in the course of the war, and
which was made the basis of a treaty, to which the British
minister at Teheran, confiding in the good faith of Russia,
assented. Nevertheless, Lord Cathcart, then ambassador at
St. Petersburg, pressed in vain on the Emperor to fulfil the
pledge given in the treaty, but was unable to obtain the re.
storation of one foot of ground.) He did not doubt the good
faith of Count Orloff or the Emperor, but if they both passed
away from this earthly scene, there was net a line in the
treaty to prevent the building of any ships at Nicolaieff, or
to prevent them being brought down into the Black Sea. If,
therefore, the object of the war was completely to prevent
Russia from attempts infuture of that nature which we went
to war to prevent, it should have been declared that Nico-
laieff should no longer be an arsenal, and the fortress of Se-
bastopol entirely rased and kept down. There was one part
of the treaty which was most important, but to which he
was almost afraid to draw their lordships' attention, for it
would be difficult to explain his meaning unless they had
maps. Oneof the cessions made by Russia was that, of part of

Bessarabia. The house would recollect that when Austria
proposed a basis for negotiation, a line was drawn which
divided Bessarabia into two parts, from Kichenau in the
north-west to the Salsyk Lake on the borders of the Black
Sea. The length of the district was about 250 miles, and
the line as nearly as possible bisected Bessarabia. But when
this question was discussed at the conferences in Paris, to
his great surprise he found that the Russian plenipoten-
tiaries suggested the ceding of something like a fourth of
the quantity of territory which Austria promised should
be given back to Turkey. That was of course at once
stifled ' but, to cut the matter short, Count Walewski, al-
though he could not consent to the sacrifice asked of the
allies by the proposition of Baron Brunow, said there
was such a thing as a principle of compensation, and if
Russia gave up some other part of Bessarabia for what
was kept back, as proposed, the proposition would be ac-
ceded to. What did their lordships suppose was the com-
pensation that was given in return for all that , was con-
ceded ? It bore the same proportion to the whole as his (Lord
Malmesbury's) thumb nail did to the whole of his arm.
That was about the proportion which the territory Russia
proposed to give up bore to the whole of that which had
been agreed to by Russia when proposed by Austria. In
fact, we had given her back a line of territory 250 miles in
length and 40 or 50 wide ; but it was one of essential con-
sequence, for the line as proposed by Austria gave Turkey
both banks of the Danube; it gave to the Besearabians
belonging to Turkey a passage through Austria, and it
passed by the Russian magazines at Kichenau, which were
driven back upon the Dniester. All that was given up in
exchange for a line of half the distance which gave up one
of the two banks of the Danube and the Pruth, and left
some 120 miles of the Pruth, belonging half to Russia and
half to Turkey. There must have been some very strong
reasons for such a change in the distribution of territory as
that. Why was this important boundary barrier against
Russian aggression lost to the allies ? Rumours were
rife that the Russian plenipotentiaries asserted that we
were not in the position then that we were when Austria
made her propositions, for they had now got Kars, the
key of Anatolia, and had one foot in Asia Minor, and if
over we were to have attempted to take it again it would
have cost us as much trouble as it did to take Sebastopol.
They were aware of the advantages of the position they
had gained, and had a right therefore to better terms. It
was hinted at in the protocols that the restoration of Kars
must be considered in the negotiations when the question
of the frontier came on. It appeared that his noble friend
gave way, and he obtained exactly half of what had been
promised by the French and Austrian Governments when
the original propositions were laid before the English Ca-
binet, and yet he (Lord Malmesbury) was asked to assent
to an expression of joy and satisfaction, and to say that
such a result fulfilled all the objects of the war. He
was afraid the objects of the war were not considered
at Paris, but the objects of the peace. His noble
friend seemed to have forgotten that erne of the
main objects of the war was the possession of Bessa-
rabia. In plain English, what the first article meant was,
" Here is Kars, what will you give ms for it ?" It was a
fashion lately with the Government and their supporters
to say that Kars was of very little consequence, and had
no weight in the operations of the war. When ono read
the protocols and the result of the negotiations it was im-
possible not to see that there was some pressure which
oblige i the noble earl and the other plenipotentiaries of
the allies to give up points ;to which it was intended to
keep. He would not go into the gossip which had circu-
lated in this country on the subject, but he would say
what he believed was the advantage Russia had, snd that
was that having got Kars it lost us part of Bessarabia,
and we in consequence of that circumstance gave up every
advantage which might otherwise have been maintained.
He was not about to go into the whole question of the
campaign of Kars, but would confine himself to the loss
of that city, which he charged to the want of fore-
sight and neglect by the Government, and he would
maintain that the loss of Kars had prevented the
attainment of such a treaty as this c country wished, and
which he knew his noble friend wished to carry out. The
campaign which ended with the loss of that city might be
divided into two epochs—the first was the 10 months from
the time at which Gen. Williams was first sent out and
that at which he left Erzeroum to go and defend Kars,
during any part of which Kars ought to have been saved,
not by sending an army there, for that was not necessary,
or by sending any English troops or contingents, but by
sending provisions and ammunition. What he would say
would be borne out by General Williams himself, for he
had said as much in his despatches, and by Dr. Sand with,
who had said as much in his book. He would not encumber
the question now with the second epoch, when Kars was
invested and when it would have bean necessary to have
relieved it by means of an army; but he would confine him-
self to the period when it only needed provisions and am-
munition, and when there were good soldiers well command-
ed within its walls. At the time when he (LordMalmesbuiy)
saw that war was inevitable he asked himself who was
to conduct this great war for this country. That great
man who used to occupy that chair (pointing to the place
generally occupied in his latter days by the Duke of Wel-
lington) was no more, and he left no successor. It was only
to Providence they could trust to raise up a statesman and
a general to direct the country in this great calamity. He
did not think that it had pleased the Almighty to favour
the country with such a blessing. Looking to the immense
I extent likely to be covered by the war, from Finland to
Asia Minor, he could not say that the Government had
been able to bring it all within their view. From the
first Asia Minor was neglected, and our efforts were en-
tirely directed to other parts. He did not say this was
wrong—he was no soldier, and could not venture on an opi-
nion on military strategy; but still he thought the Govern-
ment held Asia Minor too cheap. It might have been a pen-
dant to the operations in the Crimea, and if that had been
done in time Kars would have been saved. Warnings
on that point were not wanting, for in the war of 1829,
which was followed by the treaty of Adrianople, it was
far more the victories of Diebitsch in Asia Minor than
those of the Russians in European Turkey which gave him
the advantages he obtained. Early in 1854 attention was
directed to that part of the question by a noble friend of
his (Lord Ellenborough), who urged the necessity of a cam-
paign in Asia ; but it was not until after the Turks had
beeu defeated, and on the 2d of August in that year, that
his noble friend (Lord Clarendon) sent out an agent who
was certainly well chosen—Gen. Williams—to Asia Minor.
After opening communications with Lord Stratford and
Lord Raglan, Gen. 'Williams went to Erzeroum, where he
examinee into the state of the Turkish army, and then he
went on to Kars, and proceeded to put the town into a
better state of defence than had been done oven by Gen.
Guyon and the other officers with him in the previous
spring. On the 2d August, 1854, his noble friend
directed Lord Stratford to send General 'Williams
to the Turkish army as commissioner of the Queen.
Lord Stratford wrote an answer on the 15th, stating
that ho appreheudel there would be no difficulty
in making the necessary arrangements for sending
General Williams properly authorised ; but on the 3d of
October, six weeks afterwards, he wrote that " Reschid
Pacha had requested to be informed officially of the name
of the Queen's commissioner!' So that six weeks after he
ha .l received his noble friend's letter Reschid Pacha, the
Prime Minister, or the Vizier of the Sultan, did not know
the name of the Queen's commissioner. In the meantime
Gen. Williamshad gone on to Erzeroum. He was well re-
ceived. His scarlet uniform had secured him a good re-
ception. But when he began to meddle with the affairs of
the Turkish army he was asked to show his authority, and
he had none to show. It was moat extraordinary that on
the 3d December, he had still no authority, and it was
said by the Turkish generals that he was a mere colonel,
without any special character. During this time Kars
and Auatolia might have been victualled. On the 2d
of September his noble friend had written, stating that

it was desirable that General Williams should be given
high rank in the Turkish army. That was asked for
by Lord Stratford on the 15th of November, or seven
weeks after the date of Lord Clarendon's letter. Delays
continued. M. Pisani went repeatedly to the Porte ask-
ing for this authority, and he was told that it had been
sent; but General Williams, in a letter, stated that he
had received HO sach authority, and that he could do no-
thing ; if he had it he could do anything, but yet he never
obtained any authority till the 23d of January, 1855. The
third authority that General Williams asked was to be
made director of supplies, for on that hinged the safety of
Kars. He asked, on the 29th of January, Lord Stratford
to obtain it for him. Lord Stratford did not do se, but
he lost four or five weeks by referring the application to
the Foreign-office. Of course, by return of post the noble
earl wrote to say that he was to get the office for General
Williams if ho could. By the time that letter was re-
ceived the 20th of March had arrived, and then General
Williams again complained that he had not got the autho-
rity in question, and that he might do anything if he
had it. Nothing, however, was done, and he was never
made director of supplies, and was left entirely to his own
energy and resources. April passed away, and on the 10th
May there was only one week's provisions in Kars. The
English officers at Kars wrote to Gen. Williams, at Erze-
roue), for provisions. The Russians were then within a
month's march of Kars; for it was on the 9th of June that
the place wac invested. Gen. Williams was still at Ern-
roam, and not having obtained the necessary authority, he
could send no provisions; but seeing that the Russians
were advancing upon Kars, he left Erzerourn in what he
described as an isolated position. Nevertheless, he took
the matter into his own hands, and got supplies into Kars
by the exercise 'of that wonderful energy which was de-
scribed by Dr. Sand with. Four months' provisions were got
into Kars, and by that means Kars was for the time saved
as well asErzeroum and Anatolia., and probably the whole
of Asia Minor. For if the Russians had attacked Kara only
a week sooner it would have fallen, and they would have
had the whole summer to march upon the Bosphorus.
Those were not his (Lord Malinesbury's) sentiments alone.
Let the house listen to what Dr. Sandwith said.—(The
noble earl then read an extract from the work of Dr.
Sandwith, in which he described the great exertions made
by Gen. Williams to obtain supplies, and the lamentable
condition to which the garrison was reduced.) How the
food was economised their lordships knew, and that the
garrison, officers, and men, were reduced to eat dogs. No
man came out of this war with such a reputation as Gen.
Williams. He was not eloquent enough to do justice to
his merits; he would only say that his name was engravers
in the history of his country. When ho (the Earl of
Malmesbury) made this accusation against the noble
_ earl
(Clarendon) end against his ambassador, as he was obg
to do when he read this book, their lordships would expect
him to quote some extracts to bear him out. (The
.noble_
earl then read Colonel William's letters complainin„ of
want of support in theduties he was performing,insufficient
authority, absence of supplies in money, food, and ammuni-
tion, and of the neglect of Lord Stratford...in not answering'
his communications.) It was impossible for any man accus-
tomed to the amenities of civilised life to understand the
reason of this extraordinary neglect on the part of the am-
bassador, and there could be two men only in the world
who could explain
the cause—viz., Lord Stratford himself
and the noble lord opposite. He would make no guesses at
it, but leave it to the noble lord himself to explain. It was
clear Lord Stratford was open to blame ; and as accordiug
to his constitutional view the ambassador was responsible
to the Foreign Minister, and the Foreign Minister had not
recalled him, the noble lord (Clarendon) was responsible to
Parliament. The whole Cabinet must have concurred in
the despatch of the noble earl's blaming Lord Stratford ;
nevertheless, Lord Palmerston, so late as May 3, in the
House of Commons, defended Lord Stratford, declaring
that he was ready to take his share of the responsibility
that might attach to those who had not thought fit to re-
call him. He (the Earl of Malmesbury) had withdrawn
his motion the other night in reference to the fall of
Kars, and of course the present was not the time or the
place to move one like it ; but his impression was, if any-
thing, stronger than before, that the Government were
Most blameable for not having attended to the position of
Asia Miner, and the importance of defending the Turkish
possessions there. But their conduct had been marked by
vacillation throughout, and that vacillation was crowned
when they saw the Foreign Minister writing. a despatch
condemnatory of any ambassador, and the Prime Minister
getting up in the House of Commons and completely exo-
nerating the same person. He would not further detairt
their lordships but to congratulate them upon the peace,
which, however, he was happy to say, found England
stronger than she was when she began the war. He thought
the terms of the address as proposed were exaggerated,
and not such as their lordships could justly concur in; but

as it seemed to be the wish of the house to pan it he did
not intend to offer any opposition.

The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, before I proceed
to offer some observations upon the strong and unmitigated
censure which the noble lord has thought proper to cast
upon me in the course of that speeck which, he said, it woe
his duty to make, in order to bring to the knowledge of the
country that which they might well have already known,
I will take the liberty of expressing my satisfaction and
gratitude at the able and eloquent speeches we have heard
from my two noble friends, the mover and seconder of the
address. (Hear.) It is most satisfactory to me that two
noble lords who considered that the war in which we were
engaged was a wise, just, and righteous war, and who were
second to none in advocating the vigorous prosecution of
that war in order that we might arrive at an honourable
peace, and who considered that no peace would be honour-
able that did not fulfil the objects of the war, it was most
satisfactory to me to have those two noble lords asking
your lordships to concur in an address approving of the
treaty of Paris, and thereby implying that the pease has
been concluded on honourable terms. (Hear.) My lords,
I am most grateful to those noble lords for the opinions--
opinions far too favourable--which they have expressed
towards myself, as to the manner in which I have per.
formed the duty with which her Majesty was pleased
to entrust me, in conducting the negotiations as one
of the plenipotentiaries on behalf of this country. (Hear.)
But, my lords, I must be permitted to take the earliest
opportunity of saying that any commendations that may
be awarded to me for the part I took at the Conferences
apply equally to my noble friend and colleague her Ma-
jesty's ambassador at Paris. (Hear.) And in consequence
of what fell from the noble lord opposite, who said that
my noble friend Lord Cowley was not seen in the proto-
cols, and that I had completely superseded him—
The Earl of MALMESBURY—I said my noble friend's
name was immediately superseded after he made the excel.
lent observation as to the juxta-position of the two arti-
cles. No one knows better how to appreciate my noble
triend's (Lord Cowley's) diplomatic services than I do, and
I hope always, both in public and in private, to bear testi-
mony to their value. (Cheers.)
The Earl of CLARENDON was glad to hear the noble
earl's explanation. It was certainly true that his noble
friend's name appeared in the protocols less frequently than
his own, but that was on account of his official position,
which gave him the precedence ; but he could say that be
had, throughout the negotiations, received from his noble
friend's experience the greatest aid and support. He was
also anxious to relieve the noble earl's mind from the idea
that the fall of Kars had a prejudicial effect on the negotia-
tions. That misapprehension seemed to be so strongly im-
pressed on the mind of the noble earl, that he (the Earl of
Clarendon) supposed that his information was, notwith-
standing the secrecy of the Conferences, so confirmatory,
that he had made it the subject of a motion in their
lordships' house, but which, warned by the impending
defeat of a similar motion in another place, he had pru-
dently withdrawn. It was true that Kars was alluded to
by the Russian representatives as an important event
which gave them some title to a favourable consideration
in the negotiations ; but, at the same time, Count Orloff'
said that the conditions of peace having been agreed to
at Vienna, after that event became known, they should be
honourably fulfilled. At the first meeting of the Pleni-
potentiaries it was agreed that the protocols should con-
tain decisions and such opinions as would elucidate them,
but that everything calculated to wound national suscepti-
bilities, in case of peace being agreed to, should be ex-
cluded from them. If the noble lord would have the good-
ness to look at the conditions agreed to at Vienna, and
compare them with the treaty, he would find that the'fall
of Kars in no way influenced the negotiations. They had
not originated with the plenipotentiaries, but had been ,
proposed to them, and they were determined not to accept
less, but they could not in honour demand more. He would
appeal to their lordships whether these conditions had not
been expressed in clear and binding language ? Such being
the case, he regretted that the noble earl opposite should
have brought forward the subject on that evening, but he
(the Earl of Clarendon) himself was in some manner to
blame, as he had been the cause of the noble earl's carry-
ing that speech so long about with him. (Laughter.) Col.
Williams, if he had been an ordinary man, would have con-
fined himself to his instructions, which were to report
on occurrences, for he had not been sent out with a mill.
tart' command. Bat Col. Williams was not an ordinary
man, and he therefore exceeded his instructions, and took
upon himself an authority with which he had not been in-
vested, in order to carry out those objects which he thought
necessary. It was quite true that in the early months he
did not receive from our ambassador at the Porte that as-
sistance which it was desirable that he should have received.
That was a great error on the part of Lord Stratford de
Radcliffe, but it was mast unjust to assume that, because
he did not reply to Col. Williams's letters, he did nothing
else. He had several other matters of great importance to •
attend to, and, considering the political intrigues against
which he had to contend, he was deserving of credit for
having done so much, rather than condemnation for not
having done everything. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the
propriety of recalling him, such an act would have been
most imprudent ; it would not have saved Ears, while it
would have deprived the Government of the services of
the only competent man they could get to occupy the
position ,of their ambassador at Constantinople. The Go-
vernment had strongly disapproved of the conduct of Lord
Stratford do Redcliffe for neglecting Col. Williams. But
whatever might have been the failings of Lord Stratford
de Radcliffe, they proceeded from the indomitable nature
of his character, and his worst enemies would admit that
his experience of the country—his energy— his talents—
and the influence he had gained during a long and hon-
ourable career in the East—had been always used for the
good of Turkey. It was to his experieuce that they were
indebted for that Hatti-Scheriff which constituted the.
Megua Charta of the Christian subjects in Turkey— a do-
cument which put an end to religious domination in that
country, and which would have the effect of bringing to-
gether all ranks and classes, and cause a greater intercourse
bAween Turks and Christians, which was one of the ob-
jects of the war. Such, however, as Lord Stratford de
Lledcliffe was, it, was to the noble lord opposite that he was
indebted fur a seat in their lordships' house ; but since he
(Lord Clarendon) came own to the house, he understood
that Lord Stratford do Redcliffe had some reason to com-
plain of the noble earl, who bad been at one time not in-
disposed to recall Lord Cowley, and send him (Lord Strat-
ford do Redcliffe) to Paris, to promote the harmony and
cement the alliance with France.

The Earl of MALIiESBURY never heard of such a
proposition before.

. The Earl of CLARENDON would then say no more on
that subject. He was Lot now prepared to follow the
noble earl through all the topics on which he had touched,
but he would ask their lordships whether—stripping the
subject of all party politics— any charge could be brought
against her Majesty's Government with respect to Kars
th,t did not equally apply to France? When he (Lord
Clarendon) was in Paris with the Queen he pointed out
what might have been the danger& of not relieving Kars,
and he found the French Government fully alive to the
matter ; but men of eminence, and military men, were
of opinion that Sebastopol should be first taken, and that
a diminution of our force before that fortress, for the
purpose of relieving Kars, might cause a failure at Se.
b ,stopol. (Hear.) The fall of Kars, though a great dia.
aster, had, however, no prejudicial effect on the nego-
tiations. With respect to Nicolaieff, it was but an act
of justice that Russia should use it as a place for building
those ships which, by the treaty, she was allowed to have
in the Black Sea; but the protocols—which were, as
moral obligations, as binding as the treaty—provided that
neither at Nicolaieff, or Kberson, or the Sea of Azoff, or
any of the northern rivers, should ever be constructed or
maintain any vessels exceeding in number or size those
prescribed by the treaty. Another point to which the
noble earl alluded was the rectification of the Bessarabian
frontier. The noble earl attributed to him (the Earl of
Clarendon) and to his noble friend Lord Cowley, that they
had submitted themselves to some mysterious influence on
this subject. It was quite true that the Russian Pleuipe-
tiaries had brought forward a proposition to some extent
at variance with the conditions which had been agreed to
at Vienna, but that proposition had been at once rejected.
But it appeared that the liue of frontier proposed in the
Austrian conditions was by no means satisfactory. It
appeared that there was great doubt as to the existence of
a chain of mountains which were laid down on some maps
and not ou others. It was thought that it would be alto-
gether a bad frontier, one likely to produce doubts and
disputes, and that it would a; so include certain Bulgarian
colonies in which Russia had taken great interest, and
which the British consul at Galatz stated were in a most
prosperous condition, enjoying the benefits of local go-
vernment, and freedom from conscription. The plenipo-
tentiaries thought that to insist on a line of frontier which
was not a good one would be mere chicane, and therefore
they agreed on a line so clear that it could not lead to
doubt, which would give to Turkey both sides of the
Danube, and give; Moldavia 200 from the Pruth, and
would remove all apprehensions that the Russians would
build flotilla end carry them downwards to sea. Towards
the east the frontier was traced from Lake Bonne Sole,
of which one side only had before belonged to Moldavia,
down to the sea. The navigation of the Danube was
to be freed from all impetlimeats,
and its regulation
would be administered by a river commission appointed
by the European Powers, on the same principle as
that which regulated the 'Mine. He hoped that their
lordships would concur in thinking that in that object the
Plenipotentiaries had been successful. Now, with respect
to the forts on the eastern coasts of the Black Sea. Not
having gained any military successes in that country we
were. certainly not in a condition to impose terms upon
Russia with respect to Georgia and Miugrelia, and those
other places situated in Asia Minor. Indeed it would
have been difficult to know what conditions to impose.
He could not restore these provinces to Turkey, because
they would not have submitted to be so restored. The
measure would have been a mere mockery, as the sympa-
thies of all the chieftains were in favour of Russia, who
had behaved to them with great kindness. Next, with re-
gard to Circassia. It was remarkable that the only period
during which there had been no movement on the part of
Schamyl against Russia had boon during the two years of
the late war. (Hear.) The Circassians had never shown the
slightest wish to join the cause of the allies. On one soli-
tary occasion a chieftain told the captain of as English
man-of-war that 10,000 men should be ready by a particu-
lar day, but when the day arrived not a single man was
forthcoming. Besides, the Circassians had said that they
would resist by force the destruction of the fortresses on the
seaward. He (the Earl of Clarendon) had a letter from
Gen. Williams, dated the 13th of April, 1855, stating that
Schamyl was only to be found when an invading army was
near Tiflis and that during the last year that much-
vaunted chieftain had made no attempt to keep the Rus-
sian army in check. In a subsequent letter, dated in Ang.,
1855, Gen. Williams said that he had heard nothing of the
movements of Schamyl. All this showed that there was
no very great desire on the part of the Circassians to aid
the cause of Turkey and of the allies. Not being in a po-
sitions to annul the territorial provisions of the treaty of
Adrianople, he confined himself to that which was a real
grievance to Turkey—to prevent those encroachments on
the frontier line which had been a constant cause of
quarrel. A mixed commission would be appointed for the
complete rectification of the frontier line ; but not being
able to annul the treaty of Adrianople, he could not, as
CountOrloff said, require the destruction w
ofefroerutrseesdsefsowhich
e
had been built at great expense, which
purposes of blockade against smuggling, and which were
required for the shelter of the troops which must be sent
there. These forts were in reality merely for internal pur-
poses ; but as the condition of the population had much
improved there would welt be no necessity for any blockade
and no danger could arise, as all the ports would be thrown
open, and foreign consuls would be received to reside at
them. He (the Earl of Clarendon) had now answered some
of the objections which had been urged to the treaty by
of course, he should be prepared to
information which might be required.
givehi s noble
any
ffuriretnhde, r and,
He felt that he had another duty to perform—namely,
that he should in justice and gratitude bear unfeigned tes-
timony to the honourable conduct, perfect good faith, and
straightforward proceedings of the Emperor of therrenchS
(Hear.) The Emperor of the French occupied a great po!