The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-14 00:00:00

milted to them. And while thus resolved to nurture
freedom at home, it is our earnest hope that the !
British people may (at all times) be ready to em-
ploy their influence and resources in preventing other
nations (struggling to defend or obtain similar
rights) from being assaulted by foreign despots; for
while we abhor bloodshed, and have no sympathy with
anar 'hy, or with those revolutions which merely effect a
change in the name of despotism, we feel bound to mani-
fest respect for all national efforts to improve the admi-
nistration of social affairs. Confident that the time will
come,when Hungary and the more enlightened nations of
the world, observant of your career, will again make
strenuous efforts for the recovery or attainment of con-
stitutional government, we doubt not that the people of
this country and the United States of America will then
stand forth with strong arms and firm nerves to succour
freedom and resist foreign interference. We cannot
allow this opportunity to pass without applauding the
firm and resolute protection afforded (in defiance of
Austrian and Russian menaces) by the Sublime Porte to
yourself and the other noble patriots who took refuge
under Turkish hospitality; and permit us to offer a
passing tribute of unfeigned sorrow for the many glo-
rious victime to your righteous cause who fell in the
We
field of battle or under the Austrian executioner.
offer these sentiments to you because we are assured that
they will encourage and rejoice your heart, and lend
renewed vigour to the efforts which you can never cease
to make for the common cause and common weal of
Huogary,' "
The addresses from the other boroughs were echoes
of the sentiments of sympathy with the past, and
hope for the future, which the Westminster address
contains.
The addresses from the metropolitan boroughs
having been presented, the ladies' deputation presented
their address. It was read by Mr. J. B. Smith,
M.P., and was subscribed by 5,000 females. The
members of the ladies deputation, after having
been presented to Madame Kossuth, retired, when
Louis IiOSSUTLI advanced, and addressed the meet-
ing very nearly as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies,
and Gentlemen,—Some weeks ago, if questioned,
perhaps I myself would have shared the opinion of
the correspondent of the Augsburg Gazette, so much
felt I awed at the idea in approaching the glorious
shores of England—that soil which makes
every man free who touches it—that I
should have to speak publicly in your lan-
guage. So much felt I awed by that idea that I
should almost have subscribed to the assertion of the
correspondent of the Augsburg Gazette that I did not
speak English at all.—(Cheers and laughter.) It is
not necessity, but conviction, that makes me say that
I feel the bad terms upon which lam with your lan-
guage. It was not, therefore, my little knowledge of
your language, hut your generous sentiments—the
hidden spark which I found ready in your breasts,
and your noble and affectionate indulgence, that made
me not quite entirely fail in speaking your language,
notwithstanding every second word was a fault.
What is the reason of that?—the holy ghost of free-
dom and liberty breathed upon me. That freedom
and liberty being common to mankind has its pulsa-
tions in all hearts which beat in the breasts of huma-
nity, and therefore the worth of freedom and liberty,
though spoken in a faltering and stammering tongue,
are always understood and appreciated.—(Loud
cheers.) But I must confess that standing here to-
day I have double need to invoke that holy ghost,
because the business of the last three days left me
not a moment to think.—(Cheers.) I confess I was
not prepared to see so glorious a meeting. I had an opi-
nion that I should have the honour and glory to receive
addresses of sympathy ; but I was not prepared to
receive them in such a place, 'in such a meeting, and
under such circumstance.—(Cheers.) Therefore if,
on other occasions, I was not prepared with words,
though not unprepared with ideas, here I must be
doubly excused; for lam unprepared even with respect
to ideas. I will only, therefore, speak to you of the
topics which the addresses presented brought home to
my mind, and I will speak to you some warm words
of gratitude and fervour on this, I may say, the eve of
my departure to your younger brother in America,
whom you love, and through whom and you I trust
the freedom of mankind will come.—(Great cheer-
ing.) But before all, I suppose it is something more
than a sentiment of common civility that I answer the
ladies first. Lefties, you have a glorious lot assigned
bo you by destiny. The image of the Almighty—
man, whatever he his fate or condition, hears through
life the seal which the angelic hand of a mother im-
prints upon him.—(Cheers.) The women of a coun-
try are the mirror of the character of its sons, and
when the day of adversity comes to those whom you
have conducted by your angelic cares, what is their
noblest consolation ? your sympathy ! I know it,
because I have found it.—(Cheers.) And when the
struggle fir a noble aim has been defeated by the un-
bappy circumstances which surround them, where
is the source from which they derive new strength.
In your approbation, in your smiles.—(Cheers.) May
God bless you, ladies, for having given me this ap-
probation and those smiles. And now I swear be-
fore you to Almighty God that you have added
strength to my strength ; and that I will go on to the
last moment of my life boldly and honestly in the
same course of conduct which you have honoured
by your sympathy and your approbation.—(Cheers.)
You have mentioeed in your address the difference
between the reception given to Heynau, and that
which hsa been given to myself. Now, ladies and
gentlemen, I have such a strong fse;ing respecting
the almost union which subsists between duty and
merit, that I cannot quite understand what it is to
have merit, bec'tuss 1 consider every good which a
man can do to be a duty; therefore, having such an
idea of duty, I can say that I feel no pride in any
comparison which is drawn between us ; whatever es-
teem I may have for myself I believe 1 cannot be put
in comparison with such a man.—(Cheers.) So
much for him. This glorious meeting has cheered
the allusion which has been made to the noble-
minded fellows who acted towards the man as you
know.—(Hear, and a laugh.) Now I never wonder
so much in my life as when I see an appearance of
affection among the people to feel scandalised
when they mark, see, and hear that the thunder.
ing voice of the instinct of the people speaks not the
tone of en aeolian harp. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
What I keow is, that the thunder of the instinct out
of which that deed arose on the part of those brave
men burst'forth spontaneously. It was such a noble
iastinct as is an honour to humanity and a revelation
of mankind's Divine origin, because it was an instinct
of hatred against, cruelty, of hatred against despot-
ism, end of respect for human rights —(Cheers for
the dray men.) Ladies and gentlemen, I entirely feel
the importance of the present times. At Manchester,
or at Birmingham, whilst speaking of the key to those
demonstrations, I said that it was not my presence
that had elicited those demonstrations, because I had
not before seen or known the English people. Having
bad the highglory of receiving here, in the name of these
electoral bodies, and of some thousands of ladies,
addres'ses of such a character, representing a city,
the number of whose inhabitants amount to nearly
two' millions, by sad by I must come to the idea
that I was correct, and that these are the senti-
ments of the greater part of the people of Eng-
land. Still it is true that it is not my presence which
has elicited these sentiments. I came to receive
thern,•and not to make them.—(Cheers.) If respect
is due to the people of England, the public opinion
of England is pronounced. In every case it has been
the public opinion of England, it has not been me.
7-(Renewed cheers.) I say the public opinion of
England is pronounced ; and so sure as it is that
England is a constitutional country even so true
it be that this public opinion will be and must smubs
obeyed.—(Vehement cheering.) In what thisni uputblice
opinion anti will be obeyed, ed, that of course I,
an unpretending 6 stranger, cannoty slightly touch
upon ; but So much I know, that this public opinion
has pronounced in favour
rights
omf and in favour
of respect fur the sovereign
concerns
dispose of their domestic
anti
nations to
Iconfidently
hope that the same public opinite;willr also find out
the practical means of corning to a
ideas
result.
there s which
—(Cheers.) These are rather desuatpor
I speak, and you must excuse me if is
nexiou in them —(flear.) in one of the addressesr eon'
which J. have had the honour to receive, I was told that
we, in Hungary, have been fighting for those institu-
tions which you yourselves possess. Without en_
tering further into the, matter, I will beg your gene-
rous pardon to allow me a single remark. When I
heard these words I looked on the names of those five
boroughs, and I wondered that those five boroughs,
with a million and a half of inhabitants, have not the
full exercise of their municipal institutions.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear," and "We mean
to have them soon.") Of course it is not
eoonnvenient for me to speak further upon this, but
ly say this much, that I believe that that sentiment
of freedom—that, sympathy for freedom which the
generous Fin •
gloth people have been so kind as to
imisahnit:eositl:isV
since Iloavehad the honour to be on Eng•
i„stituttent—so"nyiuest;,•rongly united with municipal
in some
that I, of course, being very
much anxious to see
way secures the con-
tinuati en, the further at'eTnelb
bopment of
opinior, which promises to this public
highly beneficial
of such aenexoine
to my country—out
say that
believe I say
atht the principle
nothing but their duo when I
of freedom is quite synonymausajith
calf-gesvernmentt This word
mind
" tell! principle of
,e,very ma?,
I believe, brings lawns) to the gfnverneeantii
practically what is meant by the word
freedom.
" Self-government " is so highly interesting to
ever
man in the world who will be free, and wilelnZ
be either a bondsman or a tyrant—every man is so
strongly interested in that word "self-government,"
that I believe from the moment when the people of
England get entirely penetrated by the sentiment of
that truth, that the principle of freedom, for which I
speak and am the advocate, and humbly entreat your
generous aid, is nothing else but the principle of self-
Pl"."'wents the public opinion of England will not
tell asleep afut theta demonstrutionE, but g •