The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-20 00:00:00

posed we need hardly say we differ toto ccelo, the ab-
surdity of it can only be equalled by the perfect inutility
of it could it be adopted. To counteract this sup-
posed democratic tendency, it is proposed that the Go-
vernment should establish a press, and, instead of such
large bodies of police and a standing army, should
rally round it a host of writers, taking into its employ-
ment all the talent of the day at the nation's cost ; and
the writer adds, " Government never hesitates to de-
vote a large portion of its income (30 millions per
annum during the war) to maintain a great naval and
military force ;" and then the writer quaintly exclaims
—" why a hundredth part of this sum would buy up
the whole Press of London, and enlist the majority of
talent in the defence of order and justice !" The
folly, aye, the absolute absurdity of such a plan pre-
vents us almost from making a comment. But we
would merely ask, what possible advantage could re-
sult from the Government establishing a press? How
could it then better than now compel the people to read
its papers ? Have not the Government already their
papers ? Does not the influence and patronage of every
Government attract to itself a great portion of the
talented writers of the day ? So that, in fact, is not
that part of the plan already at work ? And, with re-
spect to the buying up of the London Press, does it not
occur to the sapient writer that a fresh supply, in the
shape of fresh Papers, would instantly arise to satisfy
the probably ten-fold increased demand ? Has he
forgotten that as long as there is a demand there will
be a supply ? And he might as well expect to deprive
the metropolis of bread by buying up or destroying
the bakers' shops at present in existence. We will
only observe that it is to the root of the evil that the
remedy must be applied, and before that he can ex-
pect the character of the Press " to.be elevated," he
must attempt to effect an improvement in the minds
and tastes of the readers, and this is only to be done
by judiciously disseminating sound and useful instruc-
tion amongst the people. That great progress has
been made in this we admit, but it necessarily must be
the work of time. But on this point we trust that it
is not necessary to dilate. It would be idle to proceed
to show that a spirit of inquiry is abroad, and that
some kind of knowledge must ere long spread itself
throughout the kingdom. Whether that shall be of
the best kind, and prodiiictive of the fruits which under
a fair and proper cultirltion would be produced, must
depend on its being directed into the proper channels
by those who have now the means and power so to do.
—Morning Herald.
Interesting and important in every point of view, as
was the speech delivered by the Lord Chancellor at
Aberdeen, still more important are we inclined to deem
the more brief address which he spoke at Dundee, as
giving the lie, on the one hand, to the calumny which
has been so industriously circulated, of his growing
inclination for Conservatism, and illustrative, on the
other, of the principles of Government which are held
by him. With regard to the former, his former trea-
cherous allies and Tory opponents, may amuse them-
selves and the public, if they had nothing better to
do, with the concoction of as many stories as there are
days in the year, and the formation of as many Con-
servative Cabinets, of which Lord Brougham would be
a member, as there are tales in the Arabian Nights ; but
the employment can end in amusement only ; the stories
prove to be but romances, the Cabinets but castles in the
air. Before such an object could be accomplished, one
of two things, not one of which possesses the faintest
shadow of probability about it, must happen—either
Lord Brougham must libel all his past conduct as well
as present professions, and " damn himself to ever-
lasting fame," by going over to the Conservatives—or
the latter must renounce the stand-still, do-little—or
rather, do-evil—principles on which they have hitherto
acted in all the most important affairs of Church and
State, and come over to him, with a determination to
join in the glorious task of uprooting abuse, and pro-
moting salutary and useful reform, wherever reformis de-
sired or can be advantageously carried into effect. But
that Lord Brougham will not act in the manner supposed,
we have the most undoubted proof, not only in the history
of his past life, but in his recent professions at Dundee,
where, in answer to an address, in which it was stated
that " tke privileged orders would in vain attempt to
stem the current of improvement," he said, " with all
that is set forth in these addresses—which, I believe,
no enlightened and honest man can differ with in this
place or anywhere else—l and my colleagues heartily
concur. In my opinion, the privileged classes would
deserve a place in Bedlam if they were to oppose it,
or were they to dream that they could stem it ; were
they to try it, they would show themselves to be out
of their senses ; but, even to wish to stem it, if they
could, would be to exhibit themselves as fit only for a
place in Bedlam." Well, then, as there is no chance

of Lord Brougham going to the Conservatives, what
chance is there that the latter will come to him? Very
little indeed, if we may judge either from their conduct
while in office, or since they have been thrust out of
it. A few of the more moderate of the party have
been made to see, to a certain extent, the error of their
ways; but the main body remains to this moment
unconverted—unaware of its actual position—igno-
rant of the spirit which pervades the great social mass,
and blind to the certain occurrence of those great
changes, whose lengthened shadows it requires no 'po-
tent lens to descry. According to the principles of
Government held by the Lord Chancellor, and held
also, we trust, by the head of the Cabinet, "'the im-
provement of mankind and the diffusion .of useful
knowledge are, of all the securities that the -wit of man
could devise, or the bounty of Providence could con-
fer, the best security for property, for all that we hold
precious in our institutions, for the peace and tran-
quillity, and stability, and good order-of the 'country.
So long as the people are ignorantso long as they
do not think for themselves—so lonab as they are ig-
norant and foolish enough to allow others to judge for
them in their own matters, there can, be no security for
the preservation of property, or stability to, the,institu-
tions of the country, and the people will become the
prey of every obscure and designing quack who may
amuse them with his nostrums. What security is
there in such circumstances, so long as people' are
foolish and ignorant enough to trust in them, for the
peace of the country lasting above four-and-twenty
hours ? But when people reason calmly and candidly
together—when they tell their sentiments openly and
honestly, differing as they will no doubt do in their
pursuit after truth—the object which all should have
in view—what security can the wit of man invent—what
better security can be given that the institutions
of the country, so far as they are • good, and so
far as they ought to be preserved, and so far as
they deserve to be supported, will be attained." In
these principles we cordially concur. They are as
liberal as they are great—as enlightened as they
are new to the public, from the mouth of a Mem-
ber of his Majesty's Government—and as certainly
the only basis upon which a good 'government and
good institutions must rest and 'depend for their
stability, as their reverse is certain to end in anarchy,
confusion, and revolution. But these are not the

principles of the Conservatives—these are not the doc-
trines which they profess, or the practice which
they recommend. The improvement of mankind
is not an object which, they have at heart—the
diffusion of useful knowledge is dreaded by them as
the parent of revolution, and the source of a levelling
destruction in Church and State. That the people
should think for themselves, and reason candidly toge-
ther upon matters which appertain to their condition and
state in society, is, according to them, a crime of not less
fearful dye than treason itself ; while to dream that the

extension of kn6wledge can form a basis for the security of
property, they hold to be the fantasy of a madman. The
preservation of their own exclusive privileges, and not
of their privileges only, but of the abuses which have
grown with their growth, and strengthened with their
strength, is the god whom they adore—the ignorance of
the people, the pedestal upon which they have ele-
vated him. Take away the latter, say they, not un-
justly, and the former, if not crushed to atoms by the
fall, will be rendered so unlike what it has always been,
and we have always cherished the desire that it should
remain, that we shall be unable to recognize it. There
is thus, therefore, no approximation of principle—no
sameness of ideas, no similarity of principle—no affi-
nity of practice, between what may be termed the party
of Lord Brougham, and that which boasts of Conser-
vative principles ; and how, such being the case, they
could be made to pull together, for even one month,