The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-11 00:00:00

fo labourers under forty years of age, and one year. fur
all,- persons over that age He likewise proposed that
chi ldren above six years of age, and under twenty-one
should be subject to the same regulations with regard to
notice as adults, and that they should, on attaining their
majority, be entitled to all the advantages to which adults
would he entitled. With respect to superannuated slaves,
he thought it only just and reasonable that an allowance
should be made to their masters for their maintenance.
A charge had been made that the slaves would not labour
if placed upon the footing of free labourers k but he wis
convinced, from the evidence upon the subject, that the
charge was totally destitute of foundation. The Hon.
Member then referred to the work of Mr. Ward, Oa
Mexican Envoy, to prove that sugar, as well as the tropi-
cal productions, could be raised by free labour as well as
by slave labour. In the chartered colonies, as distin
guished from the Crown colonies, it was found that the
free labourers were the most industrious of the inhabi-
tants. He, therefore, thought that immediate emanci-
pation could take place with the greatest safety. He did
not perfectly understand the position in which the pro-
posed measure would place the slaves—whether they were
to be on the same footing as that of the free coloured
population, or that of the white inhabitants of the colonies.
He had no intention of finding fault with the Govern-
ment plan. On the contrary, he thought that it was de-
serving of general approbation. His only object was to
suggest an improvement on a point upon which he
thought improvement was practicable. The Hon. Mein-
ber concluded by moving a resolution in accordance with
the principles stated in his speech.
Mr. STRICKLAND regretted that any difficulty I ad
arisen upon the subject. The Right Hon. Secretary for
the Colonies had described the measure as a great experi-
ment, and he (Mr. Strickland) was of opinion, that in
making such an experiment, unanimity was necessary.
He therefore implored the Hon. Member for Weymouth
not to divide the House.
Mr. STANLEY observed, that if any one thought his
Majesty's Ministers had approached this subject without a
perbct conviction that it was as awful and critical a ques-
tion as could possibly be touched upon, that man knew
little of the deep anxiety which they had experienced.
Whatever difficulties might present themselves to the
minds of those who looked even superficially on the ques-
tian, they were not a tenth of the difficulties which pre-
sented then .elves to the minds of those who examined it
closely.—(Hear, hear.) The most trifling regulation
might he pregnant with the most important consequence..
The Hon. and Learned Member for Hull had thanked his
Majesty's Ministers for bringing the subject forward. He
owed them no thanks. They were compelled to act; for
they felt, that take what course they might, it could not
be attended with greater evil than any attempt to uphold
the existing state of things.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But
the responsibility which they felt they were incurring would
have been greatly increased indeed if the violence of the
one party or the fears of the other, had driven them from
the course which they believed to be that most conducive
to the general interest.—( Hear, hear.) If the House ne-
gatived the proposition for temporary apprenticeships, if
they declared that as soon as the Bill became law, invent
emancipation should ensue, it would be difficult to con-
jecture what might be the consequences. They would
plunge into a state from which there could be no return.
If he were pr. pared, like the Hon. Member for Weymouth,
to declare that it was of no importance whether or not
sugar continued to be cultivated in the West India Isiatals—
Mr. BUXTON had not made any such statement. What
he bad said was, that if justice were incompatible with the
cultivation of sugar, he should prefer justice to sugar.—
(Loud laughter.)
Mr. STANLEY proceeded. Admitting the Hon.
Member for Weymouth did not contemplate such an alter-
native as the destruction of the cultivation of sugar, be at
least contended that in a state of freedom the negro would
be physically and now Aly better than be was at present.
Now be (Mc. Stanley) was not prepared to adopt that
opinion to its fullest extent. He readily admitted that if
the alternative was whether we should now enter on a
system of cultivation which could be maintained only by
barbarous and inhuman treatment, or abandon the com-
mercial advantages of the undertaking, it would be a great
stain upon the country to accept the former branch of that
alternative. But in the present critical state of the Weer
Indies, when interests so important were at stake, it would
be perfectly indefensible upon mere abstract principle a, to
take a course which might derange the whole relations of
society in the colonies, and hastily throw away ail the
advantages now existing. It had been stated that the
question was, whether emancipation should be immediate
or gradual. That was not ti e question. From the mo-
ment of the passing of the Act, all the offensive features of
slavery would at once he at an end. The right of priperty
on the part of the negro would be recognised; lie would be
free f capricious punishment ; he would be allowed to
enjoy the fruits of his labaur. It would be impossible to
call that a state of sl 'very. His Majesty's Ministers had
never contended that immediate and Unrestricted freedom
was desirable. On the contrary, it would be att nded
by numerous dangers. The Hon. Member for Radnor
haul expressed his doubt whether any compensation
ought to be made to the planters. If the House were
to determine that no compensation should be granted to
the planters, they would in effect throw out the whole
measure. Without proposing compensation, he (Mr.
Stanley) could not, as an honest man, have brought the
subject under the consideration of the House.—(Hear,
Lear.) The great object in view was to make the ham
of the proposed change a mixture of compulsory and free
labour. Nothing could be more rash than at once to let
loose the whole slave population. Ask the West India
planters, and they would one and all declare, that without
adstrictian to the soil the negroes would be wholly unavail.
able. I', therefore, the House were not disposed to pro-
ceed headlong, and throw everything into confusion, by
making an experiment from which there would be no pos-
sibility of return, they would adopt the more prudent course
recommended by his Majesty's Ministers; not doing away
r it the dependence of the negroes upon their employers for
protection, but depriving slavery of its most offensive cha-
racteristics. By adopting the course proposed, they would
render the slave all but free—they would render him
absolutely free within a limited period, the arrival of ohich
he might hasten by his own exertions; and at the same
time they would not endanger all the mighty inter. sts
which were at stake; and would diminish the great, prac-
tical, and almost overwlohning difficulties which stood in
;the way of arrangement. He implored all parties, there-
fore, to make mutual cuncessions, and to co-operate in
agreeing to the proposed plan, the details of which might
be most advantageously filled up by the Colonial Legis-
haures.—(Hear.)
Colonel CONOLLY perfectly agreed with the Right
Hon. Gentleman. He was convinced that all the evils of
slavery, great as they were, were trifling compared with
the evils which would be the result of precipitate and in
stantaneous emancipation.

L..rd HOWICK had done all that he could to procure
unanimity. He had induced an Hon. Friend to wave
oce amendment of which he bad given notice, and be
certainly should not vote for the amendment of the
Honourable Member for Dover. Further than tl.at,
however, he could not go. He regretted that his
Rigl.t flonoure.le Friend had not accepted his (Lord
Howick's) advice. n.st to press the present resulu-

tion. It pledgul the House to a measure with respt ct to
;Le apprenticeship of the negroes, on which it was u terly
;;;rnpossible that any human being could have any other
than the most vague and indistinct notion. To such a
plecip it was natural to feel a strong, and certainly not an
unreasonable, objection. Then as to the new state of

socte;y which was to be created. He did not know how
the difficultieß, and they were many, of theit new si!ua-

tint' wvre to be met ; he had heard of no plan which was
to be brou2ht f,rward to meet them.—(ll,ar, hear.) He

knew that slaves were degraded and debased; but be
must contend that his Right Hon. Friend would be inise-

rahly mistaken in his views and hops as to the pioha.
tionary sate which he proposed. The question aiose in

this new divosal of time, bow fir it wr,u d prove pro—
fitable to the slave hiiioßlf; and al.o whether this pro.
posed state of freedom could be made consi'tent wit'. the

continued cultivation of the colonies.
Lord AI.THORP was indistinctly heard. We tinder-
sttimi his Lordship to contend, that working by pi. t e was
a much better syst.m than by the day, and it wett'd be
found that the negroes would be better off in evety re-
spect, and better in their conduct, when th.y .veto em-
plojed on their own behalf. The argument whit b had
been principally used went entirely to force a postpone-
ment of the discussion. But what was the tvil in his
(Mr. Buxton's) re.oluti,n? It certainly pledged the
House thit a state of apptentieesltio was nee.ssaiv, but
there would be ample opportut.ities fur subsequent discus-
sion of the point. But be (Lord Altioirp) should lo kat
the question only in one great point—as question of
hear.) If they could effelt that great
justice —(Hear,
act of national justice, without working injustice to
others, and without destroying the cultivation of
the colonies—for that was one must important
consideration—they ought nut to hired, and cure
be was his countrymen would not heed, some
slight sacrice, that might be necessary.—(Hear, i ear.)
The prirsc4OPtiel“btage?; in the proposed plan was this,
tic it itti.4ll..t4o,FOurer to the soil. Now it had
b -stated imthi conise;t'd the debate that the negroes,
teitrrinancipated, potild-rg oil:—that they wou:d nut
c iftslliiabnartin)lerTaftj-in; inducements; but t:os he
d d. Indeed, hi. bad usi US in his own init.ti that
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