The Sun.
London, England, 1834-10-14 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

NEWMARKET
SECOND OCTOBER MEETING.
Newmarket, Monday Afternoon.
Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 sons. each, for three yrs. old and up-
wards. T. Y. C. 5 subs.
Lord Orford's Chartaigne, 3 yrs, 6st 131b....5. Rogers 1
Mrs. Thornhill's Harum-Scarum, 3 yrs., 7st. 111 b 2
Mr. Forth's Robinson Crusoe, 3 yrs, 7st.
Mr. Yatcs's Ince, 3 yrs, 7st. 61b 4
Chartaigne made all the running, and won easy by a length.
Betting, 6 to 4 agst Harum Scarum.
Match, 100 sons., h. ft., Bst. 41b. each.—Coonel Peel's Rosal
beat Sir S. Graham's Zulima by half a length. Betting-2 to
on Rosalie.
The Garden Stakes of 100 soya. each. T. AL M. 5 subs.
Lord Jersey's Glencoe, 3 yrs, Bst. 31b 1
Lord Chesterfield's Glaucus, 4 yrs, 9st. 51b
Lord Chesterfield's Colwick, 6 yrs, 9st. 71b
Won by 4 lengths. Betting-6 to 4on Glencoe, sto 2
agst Glaucus, 5 to 1 agst Colwick.
Match, 100 sons., h. ft. T.Y.C.—Lord Lichfield's Gab,Bst. 71b.,
received forfeit from Mr. Thornhill's Harum Scarum, 7st. 121 b.

Newmarket, Monday Night.
CLEARWELL STAKES, T.P. (TJ-MORROW).
7 to 4 agst Mr. Greville's Preserve
5 to 1 agst Mr. Mills's Hester
6 to 1 agst Mr. Wreford's Free Will
7 to 1 agst Mr. Greatrex's Martha filly
10 to 1 agst Mr. Sowerby's Constantia
8 to 1 agst Mr. --'s Ally
DERBY.
11 to 1 agst Mr. Ridsdale's Coriolanus.
15 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Silenus
18 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Angelica colt
20 to 1 agst Darioletta colt
OAKS.
7 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Eva, by Sultan (taken)
No others backed. Fourteen are entered for the two-years-old
Plate to-morrow.

HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.
The Chesterfield Harriers meet on Friday, at Morton Bridge—at 10
The Northumberland Hounds, Thursday, at Burnopside ; Satur-
day, at Stoney Gate—at 11.
The Morpeth Harriers, Friday, at Benridge Moor—at 10.
Mr. Phillips's Hounds, Thursday, at St. lye Down—at 10.
The Monmouthshire Hounds, Friday, at the King of Prussia--at 11.
Mr. Portman's Hounds, Thursday, at Milton Abbey Pond Head.
Mr. Greenhill's Hounds, Wednesday, at Weston Zoyland ; Sa-
turday, at Hawkridge Hill ; Monday, the 20th, at the Fox and
Goose, Brent ; Wednesday, at the Kennel.
The Somerset Subscription, Friday, at Croweombe Heathfield.
Lord Harewood's Hounds, to-morrow, at Towton ; Friday, at

Becca Mill—at half-past 10.
The York and Ainsty Hounds, Thursday, at Acaster Mill ; Sa-
turday, at Whirley—at half-past 10.
The Cleveland Hounds, Thursday, at Court G reen—at half-past 10.
The Boroughbridge Harriers, Friday, at Aldborough- -half-past 10.
The Sinnington Hounds, Thursday, at Appleton Common —at 9.
The Lambton Hounds, Thursday, Burnopside ; Saturday, at
Stoney Gate—at 11.
The Brighton Harriers, Mondays, at Patcham ; Wednesdays, at
the Race Course ; Fridays, at the Dyke—at 11.
The Brookside Hounds, Mondays, at Newmarket Hill ; Fridays,
at Telscombe Tye—at 10.
The Devizes Harriers, Wednesday, at Tanhill—at 11.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURN ._Adfrik— A
—.0.----_ -"-k, :--)‘`'S'i•
In alluding yesterday to the speec -..9( ;the
.Lorcrrj._
sr(
Chancellor at Salisbury, we expresse ;11,0iigret thati\\'l4,
two such distinguished statesmen as L rOurham and ii.. `..-
himself should be found combating th),:i:ilvs,iif each
1 4,
other as to the course which ought to 41*,4344,01 in' ~
reforming our institutions, with a degreivpr ittb.. Jo;
partaking almost of acrimony. Lord Diu* -....2*AN' 7v,
..,1
been an ardent and sincere Reformer from his fi n-,----
trance on public life ; and Lord Brougham, for a quar-
ter of a century, has devoted his great talents and
energy to the furtherance of Reform in all our institu-
tions, and in particular to the greatest of all Reforms,
that of the national character itself, by the promo-
tion of education and the diffusion of knowledge
throughout all classes of the community. The dif-
ference between these two Noblemen is a difference
merely as to means, the purpose of both being the
same. Nay, more, we are not sure if, on analysis, it
will not be found that the difference even as to means,
is not for the most part more apparent than real. In
polemics men often, for the sake of immediate ad-
vantage in argument, use more unguarded language
than they would if delivering their sentiments coolly,
without reference to controversy. Lord Brougham,
both in his place in Parliament and on his Scotch
tour, in our opinion more than once made use of lan-
guage susceptible of a construction which he did not
intend should be put upon it. It is not easy for
statesmen, conscious of honest intentions, and often
imp

leded by obstacles of which the public cannot have
an adequate conception, to preserve on all occasions
the most stoical equanimity in repelling attacks.
It never could be the intention of Lord
Brougham, in addressing himself to oppo-
nents who looked only to ends, and made
no allowance for the obstacles to be. overcome in at-
taining them, to say that any delay beyond what was
unavoidable in effecting reforms should take place. It
is quite possible to see with regret every hour which
passes over the existence of recognized and unreformed
abuses, and yet to be unable to reform recognised
abuses with the rapidity with which some persons think
they ought to be reformed. " There is much (said
Lord Durham at the late Dundee meeting) that is good
and valuable in our institutions, if it were fairly drawn
out ; but much of what is good in our institutions has,
through Tory misrule, been perverted to other .pur-
poses. But I hold that in our form of government by
King, Lords, and Commons, there will be found a
greater degree of liberty than ever existed in any
country of the world, and as much rational liberty as
any people under the sun can or ought to enjoy—
(cheers). I ask you of the working classes, who
are the sinews of the State, what would be the

consequence of any system calculated to produce
'confusion ? I am not aware of any class that
would suffer more- from such a state than the
operatives." Here Lord Durham points to the
great difficulty with which Reformers have to
contend. The House of Lords are opposed to
the reforms and ameliorations which the nation de-
mands, andhas a right to expect. The great question
is, how is this obstacle to be overcome without pro-
ducing confusion ? We do not believe that Lord Grey
ever was aware of the impossibility of such a House of
Lords as the present, moving in harmony with a re-
formed Parliament ; and there are many worthy per-
sons in this country, who, constantly hearing the
praises of a constitution of King, Lords, and Com-
mons, take it for granted that the excellency so much
eulogized, can be found in a House of Lords consti-
tuted like the present. It is the'duty of every honest
man who understands the question, to disabuse the
people on this momentous question, in order that the
farther reform may be effected that must take place be-
fore the two houses can work harmoniously together.
The public should be taught that an independent he-
' reditary assembly and an assembly responsible to the
people must be in constant danger of collision,
and that the only possible means of- obtain-
ing the harmonious movement of two separate
assemblies is to make both responsible to the
nation. The more the people are familiarized with
this truth, the more easy will it be to effect the ne-
cessary change. But in the mean time Lord Dur-
ham, 'as well as Lord Brougham, must be aware that •
regretting every hour which passes over the existence
of •recognized -and unrfformed abuses is very different
from saying, happen what may, whenever the existence
of unreformed abuses is recognized, the obstacles to the
reform must be directly combated. The existence of
the present state of the tithe law in Ireland is an abuse
which threatens even the peace of that country. We
know very well that the House of Lords is the author
of what may cause unspeakable calamity ; but we
know also that any confusion would produce unspeak-
able calamity ; and the problem to be solved
is the removal of the obstacle without creating
confusion. With all our esteem for the Lord Chan-
cellor, we will honestly confess that we cannot always
subscribe to his views. For instance, his repre-
sentation of the Warwick Bill seems to us to in-
dicate an erroneous judgment of the nature and
object of that Bill. He confounds the franchise
with property, the very error that the Reform
Bill was directed against. The principle of the
Reform Bill is, that the property and intelligence
of the country should be fairly represented ; and
with that view that the franchise should be so be-
stowed that the interests of those who return the repre-
sentatives might be identical with the interests of the
community. From a wish not to hazard a great mea-
sure by uniting too many interests against the Bill,
many blots on the representation were suffered to re-
main ; but these blots were not the less an evil be-
cause they could not be at once effaced. It was well
known that many of the small boroughs left were not
independent communities, but places influenced by in-
dividuals ; in short, so many nest-eggs of borough-
mongering. Among such places was Warwick, noto-
riously influenced by the Earl of Warwick. The Lord
Chancellor speaks as if the franchise were a property,
and as if the object of the trust were the good of the
freemen of Warwick, and not the good of the country.
We admit that if it were proposed to punish the elec-
tors of Warwick for bribery, it might be necessary to
give them all the technical protection the law of .Engt-
land so liberally deals out to all rogues ; but it
was proposed not to punish the electors of Warwick,
but to improve the representation, by adding to War-
wick to the thriving town of Leamington. There
was more than enough of evidence to show that
gross corruption was practised in Warwick, and at all
events Warwick would have been benefited, and not
injured, by the addition of a constituency which would
have rendered bribery impossible in all time coming.
We cannot quit this subject without observing that
the Lord Chancellor hardly does justice to those who
objected to his eulogy of the House of Lords. " Thus
(says his Lordship) you and those who met on Mon-
day have the sense to see that there is no kind of in-
consistency in a person being friendly to the people's
part of our mixed Monarchy, the Democratic part, the
base of the pyramid, and also willing to preserve the
other two branches, the Crown and the Lords. You
are not of those thoughtless creatures who call it in-
consistent in a person to venerate and love the Re-
formed House of Commons when your worthy repre-
sentatives speak your sense, and yet to hold that the
vast mass of business there transacted makes it unavoid-
able that errors should, from time to time, find their
way into bills there passed."—We may observe here
that we believe there is no difference of opinion as
to the necessity for a second branch of the Legislature
to review acts of the Lower House. There are few or
none who object to a second branch of the Legislature
discharging the functions of the House of Peers. But
everything depends on the meaning attached to the
House of Peers ; and is his Lordship prepared to say
that a House with a majority of 60 hostile to all
liberal measures is the body to which ought to be con-
fided the task of reviewing and modifying the acts of
the Commons ? We do not mean to say that Lord
Brougham means this ; but knowing what conclusions
have already been drawn from what fell from him at
Dundee, it is, we think, but fair to the public to avoid
expressing himself in a manner which is open to mis-
construction. By his own admission at Dundee, the
House of Lords, in addition to sinister motives,, is
ignorant, and greatly in want of the schoolmaster—full
Of all manner of absurd prejudices. Now a revision of
the acts of the People's House may be very good, and
yet revision by such a House of Lords may destroy

the good .as often as correct the evil. We are not so
unreasonable as to demand of a Statesman like Lord
Brougham that 11?:'_should utter a political manual
whenever he makes a speech like that at Salisbury ;
but still we think on that occasion it would have been
as well to have refrained from entering on the subject
of the House of Lords, if he had not intended treat-
ing the question in a manner not liable to be misun-
derstood.—MornMg Chronicle.
The discussion which took place at the Bank of
England, on the late occasion of electing a Governor
'to that important Corporation, is, we trust, the fore-
runner of a most necessary improvement in the con-
stitution of the Court of Direction ; it shows that the
proprietors are beginning to be sensible of the folly of
so loosely electing their chief officers ; and, as there
are a great many shrewd and clever men amongst the
body of proprietors, we only wonder that they should
have slumbered over the careless and irresponsible
wanner in which these elections have for so long a
time been carried on. It is true that the instances of

failure in the persons of the Governors of the Bank of
England are very rare, and we trust we shall not have
to record the like occurrence any more. But the cf-

feet that such announcement :night have abroad, or
upon the minds of the ignorant and the vulgar at home,
is quite sufficient to render it imperative upon the pro-
prietors in future to be more rigid in their mode of
appointing persons to situations of such high respon-
sibility. But, independent of this, there is another
reason why insolvent and speculating men should be
prevented from holding either the ace of Director,
or the more important posts of Governor and Deputy-
Governor of the first monetary corporation in the world ;
and we have resumed our notice of the subject for the
express purpose of drawing the attention of the public
and the Government to it. It should be remembered
that this great commercial community is freqnently at
the mercy of the Bank Parlour, who, either by ne-
cessity, or fronn perhaps, mere, and often an unneces-
sary- apprehension, are compelled to contract their
issues. Our monetary readers are well aware that, en
such occasions as the contraction or expansion of the
issues of the Bank of England, the Governor and
Deputy-Governor are always consulted, and that, in
fact, these events cannot occur without their know-
ledge and the influence of their opinion ; and when
this mighty power of the Bank Parlour is once consi-
dered, with all its relative consequences, we maintain
that the Directors of the Bank of England should be
free from all connection with trade and speculation, or,
to sum up all in a few words, the Governor, like
" Caesar's wife, should be above suspicion." We do
not mean to charge the late Governor, or any one con-
nected with the Direction, with any dereliction
of their duty to the proprietors and the public ;
but, nevertheless, past history tells us what a mighty
engine the Bank of England is; and no stone ought
to be left unturned to secure the pure administration
of its affairs. To increase the force of our reasoning
we will assume, since there is nothing o prevent it,
that the Governor is a large Bear spcculctor in Consols,
Spanish Bonds, or Russian produce, all of which are
likely to be influenced in their prices by the plenitude
or scarcity of money. If a Bear, at the moment
when it is likely the Bank issues are about to be con-
tracted—what, in the name of Heaven, can prevent
the Governor abusing his power by recommending a
continuance of the contraction, which must, of course,
reduce prices by the pressure on the Money Market,
and favour a Bear speculation ? Thus it is possible
that he might secretly fill his coWers, or redeem losses,
at' the expense of the whole commercial and industrial
community. All chance of such an occurrence, or the
possibility of abusing zuch a great power, must be
prevented, and the time is fast approaching when it
must be effected. As we have said before, there are
surely plenty of gentlemen, with the past experience
of monetary and commercial affairs, who are totally
independent of trade and speculation, that might be
found to undertake the duties of the Direction and
give ample security into the bargain to continue so.
We, however, insist upon the necessity of our future
Bank Directors being men of business and probity.
We do not wish to see briefless Barristers or thebeard-
less scions of the Nobility at the helm of this monetary
Corporation. The present class of men, with all their
experience and knowledge, under the difficulties which
an inefficient monetary system presents, often find their
hands quite full enough with the Bank affairs ; there-
fore the more necessity that the reform we advocate
should immediately take place.—Morning Herald.
The Ministerial Papers affect to laugh at what we
consider the well-grounded objections which have been
made to the opening of the tea trade, and seem to ima-
gine that they successfully expose the fallacy and
groundlessness of the apprehensions of those who see
nothing likely to result from the change, but an aug-
mentation in the price and deterioration in the quality
of the article, by questioning the sincerity of the tea
merchants who, the other day, " shuddered at the gross
idea" of selling poison to the public instead of bohea.
So far from taking anything by this, we think the very
doubts expressed by these advocates of free trade are
strongly and concluSively against themselves. Admit
the insincerity of the tea merchants' doubts and fears,
and you strengthen prodigiously the alarm which for
the sake of tea drinkers we feel at the power trans-
ferred from the hands of the great and influen-
tial Company to individuals, who may buy and
vend at pleasure teas which the Company would
neither have troubled itself to import, nor have
ventured to sell. But suppose the private traders
carry on the business as honestly and profitably
to themselves as the Company did, the nation will not
gain more by the commerce than it did before the
change. What national good is done by the transfer?
Will the nation be better served by the tricks and.
transactions of the dealers, to whose sincerity and pro-
bity the Ministerial advocates of the measure appear
so ready to bear testimony ? The East India Com-
pany have been forced to sell their fine ships, destroy
their marine, pension their officers, discharge their
,labourers—five hundred a short time since; a thousand
more in a few weeks to come—where are these men to
find employment ? Certainly not from the Free
Traders, who will carry on their traffic in smaller and
inferior vessels, the losses of which by wreck or pirates
will seriously involve another class of individuals.
What, we ask, are the Government to do with all the
warehouses here, and the immense factories in India
and China ? How are the dividends now promised at
ten and a half per cent. instead of eight, as at first
proposed, to be secured upon the territorial revenues
of the Company, in case of an Indian war, when it is
clear that the sop of the additional two and a half
per cent., which the proprietors more readily than
wisely accepted, neither can be, nor ever were meant to
he, permanent even in time of peace? Pitt and Dun-
das justly valued the importance of the East India
Company's marine as a nursery for seamen, and as a
school for navigation, which, in case of any sudden
emergency, would prove a vast resource to the coun-
try. -
The officers and men in the Company's service,
possessing great nautical knowledge and experience,
might be made immediately available ; and their ships
being easily and readily convertible into men of war--
forming of themselves a finer navy than most foreign na-
tions possess—would on the instant be ready to combine
their efforts with those of the King's ships for the pro-
tection of the country at home or the vindication of
her rights and dignity abroad. We state this not as a
matter of vague speculation ; the fact has been proved,
not only by the purchase of East India ships for the
purpose of being converted into men-of-war, but by
numberless gallant actions fought by the Company's
sailors in their own vessels, at the' head of which
stands the celebrated repulse, by Captain Dance, of
the Company's service, of a squadron of French men-
of-war, under the command of Admiral
And it is such an . establishment as this that Mi-
nisters have thought it wise and proper to anni-
hilate, to please—not the merchants of London,
who were to a man, we believe, opposed to this
commercial revolution—but the private dealers,
who, after having carried their point, may, per-
haps, discover that a vast difference will exist be-
tween the value of the new speculation in their hands
and the old trade in the hands of the Company. We
may hereafter take a somewhat more extended view of
some of the evils attendant upon the change of system
which may require time for their full developement ;
but as far as one week goes, and one sale can exhibit
results, we repeat that the earliest effects of the al-