The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-19 00:00:00

JOURNALS.

sembled at Edinburgh in honour of Lord Grey. Thus
we can report better behaviour." We were sure the
Times would not be long in discovering that Lord
Brougham was fast recovering his old perfections. On
the 23d of June last the Noble and Learned Lord
spoke " with his usual vigour of expression," and even
so late as the 30th June, " nothing could be more
striking or triumphant than the Chuncellor's vindica-
tion of his own conduct." Then " his Lordship's
character had triumphed over a thousand calumnies,
and it does not now require to be supported by a pro-
cess not only odious in its own nature, but, we are
quite sure, decidedly repugnant to the generous feel-
ings and constitutional principles of the Chancellor
himself." The discovery that the Chancellor was a
quack, who injured every cause lie took in hand,
and knew nothing accurately, seems to have been
made with all the suddenness of inspiration. But
the Chancellor will once more become the wisest and
most eloquent of men. The progress of our con-
temporary is usually very rapid from any given
conclusion to its opposite. Let not Lord Brougham,
therefore, despair. He has the example of the treat-
ment of Lord Grey to encourage him. That Lord
was in the dirt a few weeks ago--he is now all that is
wise and lofty and dignified. He may have believed the
adulation ofthe Times sincere; for few men are willing to
discount anything from the incense that is offered to
them ; but he cannot have believed that their vitupera-
tion was dictated by any other than the vilest
personal motives. We do not pretend to know exactly
the cause, but we know that it was disreputable to the
journal, being entirely private. A clever correspon-
dent in the Chronicle of this day, who subscribes
himself " One of the Lowest Class," adverting to the
cause assigned by another correspondent, under the
designation of " One of the Middle Class," will be
thought to offer a shrewd guess :
" Were there no other reasons in the present case but the
pulling down of a Lord, in my mind they would be snfficient ;
but your middle-class man adverts to letters surreptitiously ob-
tained as affording a clue. From my habits lam much more
likely than him to be acquainted with articles procured (to
speak courteously) by indirect means. Now, supposing ano-
ther private and confidential letter had found its way into the
hands of third parties, containing observations on themselves
by no means presently flattering or prospectively encouraging ;
Ido not say this is the fact; but by way of analogy I put it, as
it would be a complete justification for the Times turning
round upon, and even smashing, a greater man than the Lord
Chancellor."
His description, too, of the appearance of the
Weird Sisters to a certain " Poor Man's Magistrate"
may be thought to be not without its significancy :
" Another topic referred to in your Correspondent's letter,
is the Poor Law Amendment Bill : and here the Times, I
must confess, has given me and mine cause for substantial
regret. Among Jonathan Wilde's golden maxims for attain-
ing greatness is the following—that mischief is too precious to
be thrown away ; and when I remind myself of the sugges-
tions, intimations, hints, and insinuations for a regular row
during the progress of this Bill, I am softened even to tears at
the useless waste and ineffectual prodigality of the Times—all
that vain labour of the mind " to set the poor against the rich
throughout the kingdom," to foment " general discontent,
and perhaps general tumult and insurrection." But still all
hope is not entirely lost ; Christmas is not yet come ; and the
Times says, "As to country agitators we say nothing. If the
Poor Bill should pass, we are quite sure that Daniel O'Con-
nell must hide his diminished head before our Ministers, who
will have become agitators of the first water, as the state of the
country before Christmas next will unhappily prove, without
any reasoning of ours. In this sense, and in this sense
only, we tell the Peers that the question is whether or not
they will take the measures necessary , for preserving their
estates ?" Your middle man, Mr. Editor, complains most
grievously of having been misled by the Times into the
idea of that Journal being favourable to the above Bill, and
certainly his references may be thought at first to admit
of such construction. But then he makes no allowance
for accidents. The first cursory town view of the Bill might
be favourable to its principles, but the country view of a few
days later might, as influenced by personal feelings, be dia-
metrically opposite. I will, as is quite lawful in cases of hos-
tility, borrow a supposititious personage from my enemy. I will
take his " Poor Man's Magistrate," and suppose him actuated
solely by motives of personal exaltation, in which he has been
already successful to an extraordinary degree. Through the
channel of a metropolitan journal, in which he possesses in-
fluence, he flattered the boobies of his county into his interest
by reporting their tiresome harangues and quarter sessional
triflings, as matters of importance to the national interests.
The idle pauper, rejected by the overseer, is received by him,
and orders for relief are seldom or never denied. He seems
all eye, all ear, all attention to everybody's affairs but his own.
Increase of honour only increases his unquenchable desire for
further distinction. Perhaps at the dead of night his distem-
pered fancy may have presented to him the figures of the
" Weird Sisters" dashing aside the silken drapery of his bed
and thus addressing him—
" First Witch—' Hail to the Poor Man's Magistrate.'
" Second Witch—' Hail Member of the House of Commons.
" Third Witch—' Hail Deputy-lieutenant of the county.'
" All together—' All Hail ! Who may be Baronet here-
after.'

" To the utter rout and confusion of his nocturnal and daily
aspirations comes down to him this Poor-laws Amendment
Bill, divesting him of that very portion of his magisterial
power by which he had found, and still hoped to find, the way
to rise with.
" This subject of the Poor Laws we will still suppose to
have been with him a favourite one, and had the Bill been
without these offensive personalities, it would have still been
to him the cause of doubt and difficulty, from unwillingness
to adopt a stranger, in lieu of a legislative babe of his own
creation. But this outrage on private feeling could not be
quietly submitted to by him. He was presently up and stir-
ring. Allow, and merely for the sake of argument, the cla-
mour of the Times to the Poor Laws Bill to have its origin
in such a source, aggravated by the atrocious conduct of
Lord Brougham, in daring to express a favourable opinion
of the measure, after being lauded to the skies by that
journal for fifteen years, where is the flesh and blood that
could be cool under such untoward circumstances ? and what
improbability is there in assuming that such, or perhaps
similar ones, might have occurred to provoke its rattling
thunder ?

inept than his learning or experience. If Lord
Brougham then wishes, as we have no doubt he does,
his new measure to work well, and give, as far as
varying opinions will admit, general satisfaction, this
is a point to which he must give his attention. There
is a great parade in the Act of the various persons on
whom its judicial functions are conferred. When
three Judges attend each of the present Old Bailey
Sessions, for there is still one more to occur under the
old system, the public naturally expects that the trial
of the prisoners is to devolve upon them, as at the re-
spective Assizes in other places, and are not prepared
to see them apparently set up. for show upon the occa-
sion. Under the new law this expectation will be en-
hanced, and the disappointment the greater should are
same species of laxity continue. Corporation Judges
are at best a judicial anomaly ; but they will become a
serious evil indeed if their functions are to extend to
the four counties, in which, from their contiguity to,
and, indeed, forming part of the metropolis, the most
important criminal Offences necessarily arise. It is as
fit that the Corporation of London should nominate
the King's Cabinet Ministers as his Ministers of Jus-
tice.—Morning Herald.
The splendid banquet given by the Nobility and
Gentry of the northern part of the United Kingdom
to the members of his Majesty's late and present Ca-
binet, is, we believe, unexampled in the history either
of ancient or of modern times—unexampled in magni-
ficence—unexampled in honour to the individuals for
whom it was spread—unexampled for the numbers by
which it was graced—the genius, the talent, and the
education which presided over it—and still more, per-
haps for the spirit out of which it arose, and which
breathed through it, from beginning to end, a har-
mony of aim and of end, of which the world had never
before been witness, or furnished an example. To
Lord Grey the honour may truly be said to have
been as supreme as it was, in every respect, deserved.
He deserved a nation's gratitude ; and a nation has
poured forth its grateful feelings in a manner most
honourable to itself, but, if possible, still more honour-
able to Lord Grey ; for it came forward to speak them
out of the fulness of its heart, not when he held the
reins of power—not when the fascination of office,
and the blandishment of favours to be conferred
were around him—not, as he eloquently and feel-
ingly observed, " when newly raised to power, in the
vigour of his age, with a long career of active and
useful services before him, and holding out an expecta-
tion to others of official benefits not yet conferred ; but
when lie had descended from power—when his official
life had ended, and his parliamentary career was draw-
ing to a final close--when the balance had been struck
between his promises and performances—when the
past was before his country for judgment, and the fu-
ture, so far as he was concerned, presented no object
either of hope or of fear." For such a mark of dis-
tinction, Lord Grey, or any other Minister, might
assuredly, without the slightest allegation of vanity or
presumption, entertain a just and reasonable pride ;
and his Lordship seems to have felt it as deeply, as he
most feelingly, and with a . dignity and eloquence
which admits of no comparison in the present day,
testified his sense of it. Into an analysis of the
political portion of the speech, which had naturally
enough more reference to the past than to the
future,—to what had been accomplished rather
than to what remains to be done—we will not
enter at present. Suffice it to say, that the whole of
this portion of the speech was eminently characteristic
of the firmness and caution which have marked the
policy of Lord Grey ; and though in some measure
laudatory of the Reform Act, as in itself a great poli-
tical enfranchisement, yet pointing to it as most valu-
able for the power which it confers of effecting such.
further improvements as the necessities of the times
may call for. In one instance only did he depart from
the plain and straightforward object of his address, and
that was reward with a final blow—and a more deadly
one was never dealt with the same number of words—
those who had opposed the policy of his administration,
and were now calling forth in the few holes and corners
which are still left to them for retreat—that a re-action
has taken place in the public mind—that the Reform
Act is despised--and that even those who were the fore-
most to support it, and would have fought, if necessary,
in order to carry it, had repented them of their conduct,
and were longing for the return of Tory misrule and
Tory bondage. " Re-action said his Lordship.
" Vain and deluded men ! In what, let me ask, is it
that they see symptoms of such a state of things ?
Is it ill the approbation which has followed me, and
which has been so generously extended to me by my
countrymen since my retirement from office ? Is it to
be found in those expressions of regard and attachment
which I have met with in every step on my way to this
place ? Is to be found, lastly, in the meeting of this
day, which, whatever the vain imaginations of some
men may suggest to them as to a pretended re-action
in the public mind, would never have taken place, if
it was not the result of a general feeling in favour of
reform ? No, Gentlemen, of the good sense and
moderation of the people of England and of
Scotland —of their attachment to a King who
so well deserves all their love—of their sincere
•conviction of the wholesomeness of that form of
government, the work of a thousand years, by which a
larger share of liberty is now secured to them than was
ever known by any other nation in the world—of a
peaceable and orderly disposition amongst the people—
of all these things we may find symptoms enough
every where evident to all, except to those persons to
whom I have been alluding, and who are not, or will
not be convinced of any thing that runs counter to
their prejudices ; but of a re-action'—of the advent
of that millennium so ardently desired by them—of
the restoration of that happy state of things when cor-
ruption flourished, and when liberty was oppressed—
of a re-action of that nature I am sure that if
those persons will look at any part of the country,
and take any meeting, great or small, as a sample,
they will find no symptoms that any rational man
would regard as a proof of a re-action in the public
mind." Of Lord Brougham's personal share in the ho-
nours of the occasion, we shall only observe, that his
Lordship must be more ambitious of fame, and more
greedy of applause than we ever took him to be, if he
was not satisfied to his heart's content. Feasted and
honoured in every city, burgh, and town, in the more
northern part of the kingdom through which he either
passed, or approached, he is received in the capital of
the kingdom, by those who knew him best in his early
days, and who have since kept a watchful eye upon
his political career, with all the enthusiasm of a grate-
ful and admiring people—with all the regard which
trust-worthiness naturally begets—with all the honours
which political consistency deserves--and all the
warmth which purity is calculated to inspire. It was
predicted by his enemies, as it was purposely intended
and hoped by them, that he would be coldly received
by the great northern meeting—that he would be
questioned on the subject of Lord -Grey's retirement
from officenay, that he would be I,slLiavvlotrer(eriesahtedipdo:os;mbreeud-t
tt 101 eai r
most
ap p 0 asnt
mtehneti.r hopesHi
ception was as honourable to the meeting as it was
eminently deserved by the invaluable services which
he has rendered to the community—no question was
asked—no one whispered even the semblance of sus-
picion or dissatisfaction. Of his Lordship's speech,
which furnishes food for the most serious and profound
reflection, and which will furnish matter for many
subsequent articles, we scarcely know how to express
ourselves. It was a great and powerful effort of a
great and powerful mind—fraught with eloquence and
feeling, and-characterised by a force of language—an
aptitude and brilliancy of illustration—a fullness of
irony—and a manly daring of accusation, of which
those who read it can have but a faint idea, but which
those who saw and heard it, will never forget. Its
matter also, which naturally turned more upon the fu-
ture than upon the past policy of the Cabinet, was not
less remarkable than its manner. His Lordship entered
at great length, and with as much candour as ability, into
the state ofparties throughout the British dominions, cha-
racterising each as he proceeded, commenting upon their
views and objects, and concluding by declaring that his
Majesty's Ministers would go on in their course,
" firm, uncompromising, unhesitating, and unflinching.
We will not be hurried on at any other pace than that
which we deem, expedient for the public, and safe for
the measures Ifiihich we introduce.. We shall not be
induced to ta'A:e another course by clamour proceeding

from the quarter to which I have been adverting, but
deliberately devising what we deem to be just, neces-
sary, safe, and expedient measures, we shall defy all
opposition from the other and the worse class of our
enemies, who are opposed to every species of reform;
and who, if left to themselves, would renew over the
people the reign of terror, and restore the empire of
midnight darkness." The speech of. Lord Durham
is too remarkable to be passed over in silence, and we
shall embrace an early opportunity of turning the at-
tention of our readers to it. At present we must close
our summary.—Morning Advertiser.
An evening paper, the Standard, observes upon
the Edinburgh dinner—
" The thing most remarkable in the speeches of Lord Grey
and the Chancellor is the ingenious dexterity with which each
contrived to steer clear of the other. Nothing could be more
jealously cold than the manner in which both these noblemen
adverted to matters in which they had acted together."
There cannot be a doubt that Lord Brougham
would have been well pleased to enact the part of pa-
tron of Earl Grey's fame, and to pronounce a flaming
eulogy. The work of panygeric or of invective is
equally easy • and agreeable to the Chancellor, for
into either he can fling the extravagance in which he
delights. From the same palette he will paint an an-
gel or a devil, according to the pleasure or the purpose
of the moment. So that his colouring is strong enough
to make folks stare, and wonder at his wonders, he is
satisfied. The opportunity of painting a flaring Earl
Grey must have been very tempting, and we cannot
.but think that the Chancellor's refraining must be
ascribed to some understanding that the thing would
be disagreeable and even dangerous. According to a
common superstition, the blood flows when the de-
stroyer touches the body of the victim, and there are
cases of an analogous nature, in which the blood may
rise, and the tongue speak what some ears may not
love to hear. A passage in Lord Grey's speech, if not
pointed, is cuttingly double-edged
"There is, gentlemen, another reflection peculiarly affecting
myself, which presents itself to me on this proud occasion,—
namely, that this most gratifying of all honours is not paid to
a Minister newly raised to privver, in the vigour of his age,
with a long career of active and useful services before him, and
holding out an expectation to others of official benefits not yet
conferred,—no, gentlemen, this proud mark of distinction has
been given to a Minister who has descended, I will not say
has fallen, from power, whose official life has ended, whose
long Parliamentary career is hastening to a final close—to one
when the balance has been struck between his promises and his
performances, to one when the past is before his country for
its judgement, and the future, as far as he is concerned, presents
no object either for hope or for fear."
In the remark that the honours are not paid to a
Minister " holding out an expectation to others of
official benefits not yet conferred," Lord Grey seems to
glance at the show of popularity which any man
having patronage. can every where obtain. Certain
we are that Lord Eldon to ,vards the close of his official
career would have been cheered and feasted, addressed
and burgessed, as no Chancellor has been yet, and
Lord Eldon would have attributed all to his serving a
Monarch who lived, while he lived, in the hearts of
the people, but who is now dead in their hearts. Party
will do much in rallying men round any sign, and a
giver of good things seldom wants a welcome. The
public will be forcibly struck by the significant silence
of Earl Grey aF, to the causes of his resignation.
When alluding to his descent from office, by one
word he could have cleared away the cloud which
hangs over the conduct of the Chancellor, but that
word was not spoken, and that word was not challenged
by him so deeply interested in the utterance of it, if
it could be uttered by lips, that have never moved to
falsehood. The suspicions (if so faintly we may de-
scribe what so nearly amounts to direct charge) have
not been whispered in a corner ; they have been the
topics of the Press, and the talk of the country. With
a breath Lord Grey could have dissipated them, for all
know that Lord Grey is incapable of untruth or eva-
sion, but he made no sign. Is he the man to leave
the fair dealing of a colleague in doubt if he could de-
liver it from suspicion ? Is he the man to allow him-
self to be thought to be wronged if he could with a
word show faith where treachery has been imputed,
and clear an honourable man of the odium of having
contrived against him ? This is certain—that if Lord
Brougham has not done what he ought not to have
done, Earl Grey has left undone what he ought to
have done, and the probabilities on either side will be
weighed in the public judgment.— Times.

REVISING BARRISTERS' COURT.

BOROUGH OF FINSBURY.

Mr. SANDYS and Mr. CHAPMAN, the Barristers, held a
Court yesterday at White Conduit House, for the purpose
of revising the lists of voters for the borough of Finsbury.
(Before Mr. SANDYS. )
The lists for the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields having
been brought under consideration,
Mr. Rogers, an inhabitant of the parish, attended to ob-
ject to the registration of several persons, whose names he
mentioned, including Mr. John and Mr. William Delafield,
and Sir Charles Flower, partners in the house of Combe,
Delafield and Co. He objected also to the list of voters,
because it was this year, as it had been every year, full of
errors and misrepresentations.
Mr. SAND YS said it was necessary that he should produce
prima facie evidence in support of his objections.
The objection to Mr. Aldwinkle as a voter was then en-
tered into.
The Collector produced the rate-book in which Mr. Ald-
vvinkle's name appeared, and said the rate was paid by Mr.
Bramfield, his partner.
Mr. Rogers—Do you know Mr. Aldwinkle ? Collec-
tor—No.
Mr. Rogers—Do you know that he has been dead four
years ? Collector—No.
Mr. Bramfield was then sworn, and proved that his
partner had been dead four years.
Mr. Aldwinkle's name was therefore struck out.
An objection was then made to Mr. Bramfield's name,
as he was incorrectly described in the list " Broomfield?'
Mr. Brumfield nearly lost his vote last election in conse-
quence of his name having been mis-spelt.
The alteration was then made in Mr. Bramfield's name.
An objection was then made to the name of Mr. John
Brown, of Tottenham-court-road. The name was struck
out, as Mr. Brown had not resided in the house some time.
:The objection made to Messrs. Combe, Delafield, and Co.
was then called for.
Mr. Rogers objected to Mr. John Delafield, Mr. William
Delafield, and Sir Charles Flower being included in the
rate-book, under the firm of Combe aniCo. The law re-
quired that the names of the persons rated should be placed
in the rate-book before they were put on the register of
voters. A short time ago some poor persons were deprived
of their franchise, in consequence of the names of the part-
ners not having been stated in the rate-book, and he sub-
mitted that the house of Combe and Co. ought to be dealt
with in the same manner.
Mr. William Delafield was then swort, and proved that
their firm occupied premises in Castle-street, for which they
claimed the right of voting. The partners in the house were
Mr. Harvey Combe, Mr. Joseph Delafield, Mr. William
Delafield, and Sir Charles Flower.

Mr. SANDYS decided, that as the rates were paid by the
partners, the description of the rating was sufficient for the
purposes of the Act.
A foreign gentleman, named Carl Kauffmann, who said
he was a native of a town near Leipsic, appeared to claim
his right to be placed in the list of voters.
Mr. SANDvs inquired if he had taken out letters of de-
nization, or had become naturalized ?
Mr. Kauffmann had not.
Mr. SANDYS observed that he was then an alien, and not
qualified to vote.
Mr. Kauffmann had resided in the country upwards of
sixteen years ; many foreigners who had resided in the
country a much shorter time than he had, were allowed
the privilege of voting, and he added that he was not con-
sidered an alien by the Government, or at the Alien-office.
Mr. SANDYS repeated his opinion that the applicant was
not entitled to vote, and observed that he might obtain
that privilege by taking out letters of denization.
Mr. Kauffmann should not do that, but he would give the
collector more trouble the next time he called for the rates.
Dr. Rice, curate of St. Luke's parish, observed that the
master, registrar, preacher, schoolmaster, and sub-school-
master of the Charter-house not having been admitted to
the right of voting, he wished to state that he occupied
the parsonage-house in St. Luke's parish, for which he paid
no rates. The parsonage-house, however, forming part of
his stipend, although an official residence, he wished to
know if his name would remain on the list.
Mr. SANDYS, on referring to the 27th section of the Act
of Parliament, said it was enacted that no person should be
registered unless he was rated for the premises he occupied.

(Before Mr. CHAPMAN.)
Mr. Smith Henry Bigg claimed to have the privilege of
voting in consequence of holding a seat in the Six Clerks'
Office, in Lincoln's Inn. The claim was objected to on
the ground of insufficient qualification.
Mr. CuArmAN inquired if the notice of the insufficiency
of the qualification was given before August 25.
The overseer said no notice was gik en, but the qualifica-