The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-06 00:00:00

EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

The order of the day, and the resolutions sent down
from the House of Commons, relating to the I ffairs of
India, having been read,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose for the purpose
of directing the attention of Noble Lords to them, with
a view to the determination of the question whether they
would or would not concur in them. Looking at all the
circumstances, and at all the knowledge and experience
acquired of that part of the world, directed too by their
improved acquaintance with the best interests of commerce,
their Lordships were called on by these resolutions, to
adopt greater changes than had hitherto been made in the
administration of East India affairs. To those changes be
was now about to call their attention. The first was,
that the trade with China should be entirely open; the
second, that the Company should no longer continue that
trade as a Company, although they were to be invited to
retain the Government of that part of the East, in the
name and on beh ilf of the Government of this country.
He should begin his observations with that which related
to China. It was one of the most extraordinary features
attending the history of the East Indian dominion that so
large a branch of commerce as one involving the interests
of 300.000,000 of people (st least such he was informed
was the opinion of those who had the best opportunity
of knowing that country), and that so large a popula-
tion in that pert of the universe, should he a mere depen-
dency in the bands of one exclusive Company. That trade
had grown and flourished under the superintendence of
the Company. It was now nearly one century and a half
since those extensive regions had been discovered to grow
that article which was the chief article of our trade with
them. It was about that time, in the time of Charles
11., that Mr. Pepys, then Secretary to the Admiralty,
mixed hie cup of China grain of which he gave so lively
an account in his memoirs. That was the earliest intro-
duction of that of which now thirty millions of pounds
were imported into this country, which was now the
cheap luxury, and cheaper he hoped it would soon be, of
the humblest cottage in every part of the kingdom. He
had said that this trade had flourished under the Company.
He was not desitous of withholding a tribute of praise to
the Company's officers, to whom at different times this trade
had been indebted, but he could not go the length of ad-
mitting, with some who had taken a part in these dis-
cussions, that the monopoly of the Company was the only
talisman by which the trade could be unlocked—the only
condition by which the growth and produce of the coun-
try conveyed to that people who were the most desirous
to consume, and the most able to purchase the article.
Notwithstanding that opinion, which he entertained
now, and which he had ventured to form many years ago,
when Chairman of the Committee who investigated at
that time the whole of the subject, yet not being prepared,
from the then state of the Charter, to come forward with
any specific recommendation on the subject, he had
waited with anxiety to see his opinions confirmed
by experience, which was the only satisfactory test of
their truth. It so happened that a combination of cir-
cumstances had occurred to afford their Lordships the
opportunity of judging, not by theories, but from the
evidence of facts—from the state of our commerce with
Canton—and from the success of those adventurers whom
circumstances had brought into those ports, independently
of the Company, what was the degree of success with
which the trade of the Company was conducted. It was
true that the Company continued to trade there, but
others had also come thither—Europeans, traders from
the United States of America, and finally, the private
traders of India ; and it should be made apparent to their
Lordships, that not only one but all these traders had
carried on their trade to greater advantage than the East
India Company bad been able to do, and that the East
India Company's trade had been a falling trade during the
latter part of the time, while that of the persons he had
mentioned had been an improving trade. He held in his
hand a paper that would show the results of the imports
of the Eat India Company during the first and last
yens of the period that had elapsed since the last renewal
of their Charter. The imports made by the Company
into the port of Canton in the years 1813 and 1814, were
valued at 5,646,000 dollars.—(Some observation was
made upon the calculation having been stated in dollars.
The Noble Marquis continued.) In the years 1831-2,
the last during which, under the present Charter the
accounts could be made up, at this time, the value of the
imports was taken at 3,691,688 dollars. During the same
periods the traders of the United States had imported goods
into theiport of Cann, to the amount, in the yearslBls-16,
of 2,527 500 dollars, and in 1831 and 1832, to the amount
of 3,050,937 dollars. He was aware that in the Ameri-
can trade there had been great fluctuation in the internee •
diate time, but in the result it had been a gaining trade.
He could refer to the evidence of Mr. Bates on this sub-
ject, and it would appear that the American trade had
been the means of carrying out a great quantity of Eng-
lish manufactures to Canton, a proof, indeed, that the
trade with that place was the means of administering
largely to the employment of the industry of this country.
That was not the only part of this case that was entitled
to their attention, for during the same time an extensive
field of enterprise had been opened under the very eyes of
the Company, by the individual merchants of this country.
He should now refer to the Company's exports from India,
and compare its amount with that of the exports made by
individual merchants during the same period. In 1814,
the exports of private. traders amounted in value to
6,035,128 dollars —while in 1831-32, it was more thin
doubled, fur it reached 16,84.8,553 dollars. To show
that the East India Company's trade with Canton
was a declining trade, he should quote a paper, showing
how touch their profits had diminished between the years
1823 and 1832. In the former year it was 1,117,532
dollars. In the latter it was 683,844. He therefore
thought it impossible to maintain the argument that had
frequently been maintained upon high authority, namely,
that the character of the Government of China was
utterly inconsistent with the allowance of individual
enterprise and industry. He believed that this was
one of the many instances which occurred, and which
were not confined to Europe and the East, but seemed to
be in immediate operation every where, that the maxims
of Government in man.; places seemed to say one thing,
while in practice the conduct of Government materially
differed from these maxims ; and if their Lordships would
consider what was the first character of the Chinese peo-
ple, and the field of commerce in which they were en-
gaged, they would find that whatever was the principle
of Government with respect to trade, the disposition to do
so was the characteristic of the psople, and must be the
real wish of the Government. There was little doubt,
that if in the Court of the Emperor any one should adopt
and express the opinions that the people of the North
stand in need of the woollens, or the people of the South
required the cottons of Eugland, or any part of the em-
pire wanted the skins of America, such opinions
might be prosecuted by a Chinese Attorney-General
in the Courts of the Celestial Empire.—(A Noble
Lord made some observation respecting opium.) But
he believed it was not less true, that from the
highest to the lowest mandarin, all acted as if they
felt the persuasion that foreign commerce was necessary to
the prosperity of the Chinese empire. Why, the whole of
the Eastern Archipelago was in a state of activity through
their labours. Alines were worked, pepper was grown,
sugar was planted;
and the whole of the agriculture of
Java was performed by them, and all the products of these
various branches of their industry were carried from place
to Fleet: in Chinese jenks, upen as extensive and perfect
a system of commerce as ever was manifested by any
people in the world; and the Chinese Government, de-
spotic as it was, did not dare actually to oppose itself t.,
the wishes of the people. Le.s one of the ti
When thearcNteoshlperLootirbditeodppb;o
site spoke of opium as
the Government, he had in truth adverted to a fact
confirming the position already advanced ; for, in oppo-
sition to the nominal prohibition of that drug, there was
really a most extensive use of it; and the Chinese Ga.
vernment were not able to prohibit it, the prohibition
being contrary to the wishes of the Chinese people. It
was true that it had been made the subject of considera-
tion, but the report addressed to the Empire, in the very
respectful words customary among the people of the East,
declared, that " if it pleased Y e Emperor he might
undoubtedly extinguish the trade of the Europeans, but
that such a course would be inconsistent with the ten-
demos his Majesty had been accustomed to sliow to

foreigners, an.l that it would be more in accordance wit'
that tenderness to allow them to trade, but to impose a
duty upon the articles they imported." That report was
not very far inferior, in knowledge of political economy,
to that which we had shown when, twenty years ago,
we first put a stop to a wholesale system of prohibition,
and imposed duties on articles in its stead. In the same
manner, there were laws in China against the advance of
money by Europeans to Chinese, yet it was known that
there were constantly loans made by Europeans to enable
the Chinese to trade; and that the East India Company
having diminished the amount of their advances, the
Americans bad stepped in and made larger advances to
individuals in China for the same purpose. He thought
lie had said enough to satisfy their Lordships, that it was
time that the individual enterprise of British trade and
commerce should be fully admitted to that field of enterprise
which it could most usefully extend, that it would enlarge
the demand for British manufactures in China, and carry
on that commerce which had hitherto been exclusively in
the bandit of the East India Company. From their large
importations, the industry of the country would be bene-
fitted, and front the competition thus occasioned, a great
reduction in the price of tea would necessarily follow. It
might be said that this trade was owing to the protection
afforded by the Factory, but from the correspondence of the
Viceroy of Canton, it would seem that the Chinese knew
very well the nature of the Company, that they expected
the intended alteration, and anticipated from it no other
difficulty but that of providing a proper magistrate to act.
in that place. To that correspondence, which was to be
found in the report presented to the House of Commons,
he should beg to refer their Lordships. That would show
that the Chinese had a full knowledge of our trade, and
that, far from desiring the continuance of the present
system, they wanted nothing but that which their Lot tl-
ships must endeavour to provide the means of regulating,
and ordering such disputes as might from time to time
ari.e. In that place, notwithstanding all that was said of
the unwillingness of the Chinese Government to give en-
couragement to commerce, there were facilities for it which
were not exceeded in the port of London, nor even in the
port of Liverpool, which, of all others in the world, was
believed to offer the greatest to the influx of foreign trade.
Their Lordships would act with due respect to the general
principles of commerce, and would be taking advantage of
their experience if they adopted the resolutions now to be
proposed to them, taking only those precautions which
would insure the establishment of an authority before
which the disputes of the Europeans and Chinese might
be determined. It would appear from the papers on the
table of the House, that in the mode of conducting their
trade, and sending their remittances—for the Company
had imported more from China than they had exported
thither—they had been obliged to lean on the aid of private
merchants, a fact, which showed in a curious manner how
monopoly was often compelled to depend on free trade for
assistance. Having thus spoken on the question of the
China trade, he now came to the subject of the East Indies
themselves. If the trade cf China was, as he had shown
it to be, a falling trade, that carried on in the East Indies
was a losing trade altogether. Notwithstanding the re-
newal of the charter, with a clause in it with some
degree of favour to the private trader, it was stated
on the authority of a Noble Fi iend of his, of whose
assistance they were now unfirtunately deprived, that al-
though the interests of the private trader professed to be
consulted by that Act, it might be defeated altogether by
the very extensive privileges then reserved to the Com-
pany. But so powerful was the genius of trade—such
was the energy of the British merchant in conducting his
enterprises, that from year to year the Company had been
forced to retreat before the superior activity and industry
of the private trader. He should show this, with re-
ference to the Indian trade, by a statement of the ave-
rages for five years. In the five years ending in 1818,
the average value of cotton exported by the Company in
each year was 110/. ; exported by the private trader was
86,168/. ; the average of the exports of the same article,
in the five years ending in 1823, was for the Company
342/., and for the private traders 217,046/. In the five
years ending in 1828, the average value of the exports of
cottons of the Company amounted to 31/., and of the pri-
vate traders to 224,381/. In 1830, the Company ex-
ported nothing, and the private traders exported to the
value of 185,940/. Although it was natural to select
the article of cotton, as that was a trade in which this
country was most deeply interested, yet it must not be
imagined that this was all, for he could state the same
with respect to other branches of trade, which, though
not of equal magnitude, yet were most important. He
should take the article of earthenware. In 1830, the
Company exported 42,000 pieces of earthenware, and the
private trader, in the same year, 1,245,860 pieces. He
now came to what they imported from their ewn domi-
nions, and he found that there, although the Company
were accustomed to make large purchases, yet the pro-
duce was larger on the part of the private trader.—
(Hear, bear.) In 1814, the exports of cotton wool from
their own dominions by the Company amounted to
366 6911b5. ; the quantity exported by the private trader
amounted to 2,483,6271h5. In 1830, the exports by the
Company amounted to 620,3301b5. ; by the private trader
to 11,892,5361b5. In the same manner the exports from
their own dominions of indigo, in 1830, amounted, by
the Company, to 2,154,3411b4. ; and, by the private
trader, to 5 772,516.b5. In 1814 the export of refined
sugar by the COmp my was 412,401 cwt. ; and by the
private trader, in the same year, it was only 3,148 cwt.,
but in 1830, the export by the Company was 158,358
cwt. ; and by the private trader, in the same year,
660,720 cwt. Having stated these general circum-
stances, he thought that their Lordships would be pre•
pared to come to the conclusion, that the Company could
not longer continue as a trailing Company with advantage
to itself or the country. It had been stated that the
Company could not trade in India, and govern India,
without having the assistance of the trade of Canton.
That led him to the question, whether they should longer
be permitted to trade as a Company to India, however fit
it might b= that they should continue to administer the
government of that country. That one or other of these
things should be abandoned he had no doubt. Though
there had been many instances, in barbarous and uncivi•
lized countries, in which Government and trade had been
blended in one person, it was impossible that it should be
so without the character of the Government suffering from
the principles of the trader, or the trader being lost in
the character of the Government.—(Hear.) From the
circumstance he had stated, it was evident that there must
have been a considerable loss suffered by the Company.
From the laudable wish to administer their Government
properly, and from the very proper desire to attend to the
interests of their subjects, they bad, perhaps, gone a little
beyond the mark ; and out of the perpetual conflict be-
tween territory and trade, and out of the difficulties of
making up such accounts as should satisfy Parliament or
the country, they had been led into a state of things, in
which they had found themselves compelled to abandon one
trade after another to private individuals, who had at last
really made themselves masters of the commerce of India.
Here he should be disposed to close this part of his state-
ment, but their Lordships would, of course, expect some
explanation of the mode by which Ministers proposed to
carry it into execution. They proposed, then, that the
territorial possessions in India should be made over to the
King's Government in full sovereignty, and also the assets
of the Company, there and in this country, subject, of
course, to all demands at present upon them. And, in
return for this, it was proposed that the Government
should take upon itself, on the part of the territory of India
so vested in it, to pay the entire amount of dividends,
amounting to 630,000/. per annum—those dividends be-
ing solely on the territorial, and not on the commercial
property of the Company. It was proposed that Go-
vernment should provide two millions as a guarantee for
the payment of these dividends for forty years, at the
expiration of which they should he redeemed at the
rate of 1001. for every 51. ss. Their Lordships would
bear with him while lie stated how the assets
stood, and what were the demands on them. The Com-
pany's commercial assts, as first stated by them, amounted
to 21,641,5571., which, with 8,616,1131., old claims
doe to the territory, made the total of their nominal
assets 30,24'1,670/. But their Lordships well knew how
difficult it was to make estimates in any matters, either of
a public or a private nature, at all times correctly, and,
therefore, not to mislead their Lordship, which was far
from the wi.h either of the Government or of the Com-
pany, lie should make several deductions.—(His Lordship
here read several long figure statrments, but in so low a
tone, and so confused a manner, as to be frequently inau-
dible in the Gallery; the revel: we understood to be that
there would be a clear revenue of 759,000/. to meet an
expend:ture of 718,000/., which included all possible
demands.) Their Lordships would also expect to be saris-
' fled of the state of the revenue of the Presidencies,
which, he was happy to say, would not be fallen hard
upon. The revenue of the three Presidencies of Bengal,
Madras, cud Bombay, on the ave► age of 1828-29 30-31,
was about IS crores 51 lacs.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH was understood to ask the
amount in English coin ?
The Marquis of LANDSDOWNE really thought the
Noble Lord could tell much better than he could, but he
would refer to a document very shortly. The revenue,
he continued, was eighteen crores 51 lacs, and the charges
for the three Presidencies amounted to 16 crores 54 leer.
And here lie could not proceed further, without expressing
on the part of the Government their strong sense of gra-
titude at the conduct of the present Governor-General

for they well knew that it was mainly owing to his per-
sonal character and indefatigable exertions, that the large
reductions proposed by the Board of Control in this country
had been carried into effect, and that the finances of India
were at the present time in such an improving state. A
real, effectual, and safe reduction was in progress, and
the expenditure was rapidly being cut down to that amount
it which it stood previous to the Burmese war.--(The
Noble Lord here went through several other long figure
statements of crores and lacs of rupees, and pounds, shil-
lings, and pence, from which we gathered, that the
final surplus of income over expenditure in the three
Presidencies, might be estimated at 198,7801.) Con-
fidently could he state, after a reference to the evi•
dente before their Lordships—evidence given by persons
of practical experience and of acknowledged character—
that the first real step towards an improved state of society
amongst the natives of India would be in giving them a
larger share in all public offices. In support of this view
they had the opinions of a series of enlightened minds,
arrived, too, at that mature period of life when opinions
were deliberately and caklully formed, and whose visits
to our Indian possessions gave them the best possible op-
portunities of judging on such points. To these witnesses
to the improved state of the character of the natives—an
improvement mainly owing, be repeated, to the East
India Company—he should not more particularly refer,
except in the instance of two persons—the late Governor
Monroe and Bishop Heber, who traversed, with such
pious enthusiasm, those distant regions. 'The sound and
practical opinion of Monroe was, that natives were more
qualified for public offices than Europeans ; " and (said
he) we have here a whole nation to make choice from—
but of Europeans only a small body." Bishop Heber,
in the course of an extensive journey—a journey of cha-
rity and religion, said, " that in the natural disposition
of the Hindoos he could see abundant reason for believing
they would constitute a kind-hearted, sober, industrious,
and, on proper occasions, a manly and valiant race."
Seeing that they had these natural attributes of a great
people, he thought they would be remiss indeed in the
performance of the high duties of their station, if they
were backward in securing, as far as could be, every
opportunity for the development of them. It would be,
therefore, part of their plan to open every office of the
State to every native, of whatever sect, birth, or religion ;
and he felt assured that it could not fail of proving highly
beneficial both to India and to this country. Other
changes would also be effected in the administration of
the Council. What might be done hereafter towards the
establishment of trial by jury he should leave to a future
occasion to speak about—though he should not refrain
from expressing his hope that a system known in the An-
tiquities of India, which was analogous to the elements of
trial by jury (Punch-eyre, as we understood the Noble
Alfarquis) would be revived. It still existed, and had been
found very useful in Malabar, and still more so in many
villages and towns, and might ultimately lead to very
important purposes in the administration of the law.
In Ceylon, according to the testimony of several persons,
the trial by jury bad been found of very great effect.
These, aided by other matters, might also be the
means of carrying into effect the abolition of slavery
in the East. He had now gone through most of the pro-
posed changes in the system ; but there was another which
he must mention, which referred to the better government
of the N,irth-Western Provinces—the newly acquired
territory. It was here necessary that a firm and effectual
Government should be established, fat, owing to the re-
missness in the administration of justice, caused by the
seat of Government being so far removed, much inconve-
nience and mischief had accrued. The rime would more
properly arise on the discussion of the Bill for entering
into the details on this subject; he confined himself, at the
present moment, to a mere general outline. With the ex-
ception of one other point, he had now gone through his
statement. That point referred to the spiritual welfare of
the natives. It bad been found impossible for one Bishop
to get through the vast duties appertaining to his office,
and it was therefore proposed that the two Archdeacons
should share his labours with him. Government had
another intention. It was intended that Europeans
should be admitted to all the old settlements in India with-
out licenses, but that the licenses would be necessary to
admit them to the new settlements. On account of this,
it was proposed to vest greater authority in the Council
with respect to the exercise of the law. If Europeans
were admitted, and if they flocked to that country, as he
hoped they would, the result would be of the greatest ad-
vantage to the civilization of the vast population of India.
He would here close the observations that he had thought
fit to make in furtherance of the resolutions he had intro-
duced. In making those observations he thought himself
justified in travelling beyond, perhaps, the sphere be ought
to have confined himself to, and for this reason, because he
thought that their Lordships would be called upon to ex-
amine the whole of what he had alluded to. lie was sure
that the principles of those resolutions, if they should be
acted upon, would extend and be enlarged beyond bounds
that could not be well calculated; and without being at
all too sanguine as to the result of following up those prin-
ciples—without calculating upon any extension of territory
through them—he was confident that the strength of the
Government would be increased by the happiness of the
people over whom it pre, ided, and by the attachment of
those nations to it. It was for this that he would conclude
by moving, that their Lordships would concur in the reso-
lutions that had been communicated to him. The Noble
Marquis, in answer to a question from Lord Ellenborough,
begged to remind that Noble Lord, that what he had said
of the intention of adding additional power to the Govern-
ment of India, referred only to the Supreme Government
—that it was not intended to do so to other inferior
Governments. However, the intention formed no part of
the resolutions ; it might be adopted afterwards, as might
ether changes, indepen lent of the resolutions. But that
would form a subject for future consideration and
discussion.
The resolutions having been read,

Lord ELLENBOROUGH said the latter parts of the
Noble Marquis's speech were so much more interesting
than the former portions, which were mere matters
of dry detail, that he regretted that he should be
obliged to call back their Lordships' attention to the
subjects to which the Noble Marquis adverted in the be-
ginning. He knew how little interesting those details were
to their Lordships, the more so as they related to a
country imperfectly known, consequently he should be as
brief as possible on those topics of mere detail. When he
had the honour of presiding in the Committee on East
India affairs that sat in 1830, he stated to their Lordships
that the great object that was to be considered with re-
spect to the trade with China was one of finance. That
it was to be considered, whether India could support its
government without the profits of that monopoly; and if
not, whether that monopoly should be continued, or the
expenses of thegoverntnent provided fur in some other way.
From the first moment that he entered the office con-
nected with the administration of India, his first object was
to reduce the expenses of that administration so as to be
able to open, without risk, a free trade with China That,
he assured their Lordships, was his desire; and he be-
lieved it was also the desire of all his colleagues. Still
be had never indulged the extravagant hope that was now
entertained by the Noble Marquis opposite, that the open-
ing of the China trade would be productive of all the ad-
vantages to this country so sanguinely expected by some.
His opinion was, with respect to the opening of that
trade, that it would only facilitate the circuitous trade
carried on with the East. From it be expected no other
advantages. He apprehended that there would be
much danger to the merchants of this country, if their
trade with that country was carried on by British manu-
facture. No matter how that trade was carried on—in
British bottoms or otherwise—no matter whether the
produce of British manufacture was traded with, directly
or indirectly—it would be of no advantage. In some
branches there was an apparent increase—for instance, in
cottons such an increase appeared at first sight, but it was
only in quantity, and that advantage was lost by the
reduction of, prices. He confessed, however, that whilst
he looked to any increase of British manufacture, he could
not help looking with sorrow to the other side of the
question when he saw that such an increase must entail
a loss on the manufacturers of India. As little did be
agree that by the proposed measure the Government of
India could be carried on without extraneous assist•
mice. Nothing but the minutest attention to the
local Government of that country could enable
the general Government to be carried on without
having recourse to extraneous assistance.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed that if be looked to the average income of
the Company's revenue for the last twenty years, on the
whole he might calculate that there was an increase to
the extent of 100,0001. In the changes he and his col-
leagues contemplated, they intended to bring in a Bill
which was to fix the salari,s of officers in Courts of Jus-
tice. They contemplated a reduction of the Judges, and
this reduction would be a saving of at least 60,000/. a
year. Would any one believe that the expenses of one
Judge in Calcuttt averaged annually 18,0001. ? Besides
these reductions he had others in view in the Bill he had
contemplated. He had contemplated reductions in the
military force of India ; he had collected materials on that
head, and was prepared to lay them before the Noble Duke
then at the head of the Government a few days before he
left office. These papers, however, he left to the dis-
posal of the Board. He believed that if the alterations he
intended were effected, they would close all the
grievances existing in the European and Native service.
By these alterations he would hays increased the revenue

by the year 1835 upwards of 300,0001, whilst he would
have added to the efficiency of the army. The present
Government entered upon the government of India with
300,000/. less than if his minutes had been acted upon. By
the Noble Duke it was also proposed to throw upon India
the government of Ceylon, which would be a relief to this
country of about 95,000/. a year. The conduct of the
present Government was widely different, since it not only
threw upon this country the expenses of governing Ceylon,
but also the expenses of the government of St. Helena,
which, together, amounted to an expense to this country
of 180,000/. a year. He could not understand that part
of the statement as to surplus revenue made by the Noble
Marquis. For his own part, he was guided by the esti-
mates laid on that table, as well as by those of the East
India House. He steered a medium course between the
two ; and he found that, after calculating by each, there
would be a deficit—at least so he anticipated—of half a
million a year, for by the present plan no reduction what-
ever could take place. In the Noble Marquis's statement,
he first perceived that there was an increased item of
163,000 h ; the Company were to receive a compensation
for past services of 56,0001., and they were to be paid,
for ,ervices hereafter to be performed, the sum of
150,000/. Moreover, there were to be five Commis-
sioners, each to receive 6 000/. a year, which would
come to the annual sum of 30,000/. There was also,
as he understood, a commission to be appointed to
inquire into the question of India slavery ; and if that
commission was to be paid in the ratio of Commis-
sions, it would be paid 30,000/. a year as long as it
lasted. It was, of course, to be a travelling commission ;
and when the expenses of travelling in India were calcu-
lated, they might be fairly rated,at one half the amount of
the Commissioners' salaries—at 15,0001. a year. The
new Governor of Agra was to have 10,000/. a year;
which, together with the salaries paid to his secretaries,
and others under him, would at least amount to 20,000/.
a year additional expense. Two new Bishops were to be
appointed, that would occasion an expense of 10,0001. a
year. It was besides intended that the Governor-General
was to be a Governor-General in motion—that be was
to be migratory—moving from one end of the country to
the other. What would be the expense of such a Go-
vernor-General? He must travel with an army, so that
it was not too much to say, that there would be an addi-
tional expense, if it was intended to make a migratory Go-
vernor-General, of at least 50,000/. a year. Add to those
expenses the salaries of the secretaries of state that were
to be appointed, and of those of other subordinate officers,
and it would be found that the whole increased charges
would be beyond all calculation. The amount of all
those additional charges would not certainly be less than
500,000/., and there would also be found a deficit of reve-
nue to about the same amount. His Majesty's Govern-
ment, it did appear to him, had taken great credit to
themselves for the compromise they bad effected with
the Company. Without meaning the slightest dis-
respect to their talents for negotiation, he would
take the liberty of saying that that was not exactly
the point upon which they ought to pride them-
selves.—(Hear, hear.) The proposition which they
flattered themselves they had exacted from the Com-
pany was a proposition which had been actually made to
the late Government, and all that the present spoke of
doing, their predecessors would have actually accomplished,
but they would have done it gradually. The object of
the former Government would have been to induce the
Company gradually to withdraw their assets from the
China trade, and otherwise invest them ; and that with-
drawal, he did suppose, could be effected without loss or
risk, provided it proceeded gradually. One of the first
changes which would be effected by the Government
would be to change the character of the constituent body,
and therefore of their representatives. He was of opinion,
that when they ceased to be a trading body, the consti-
tuency would be materially deteriorated, and the character
of the Directors would in consequence be most extensively
changed. He certainly did not desire to see any consi-
derable diminution of that influence amongst tl►e Directors
which was eraential to the useful working of the system ;
but in order to that useful working, he would affirm that
the Directors ought to be men of high character, of pro-
perty, of independence, of impartiality—unapproachable
by the Government; men to whom the country could
look for the delivery of an unbiassed opinion. In future,
nothing of t! at kind could be expected, and a fair
sample of what might, in all times coming, be ex-
pected, was to be seen in the treatment which the
present Court of Directors experienced at the hands
of his Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) That
treatment offorded the evidence that could be adduced
of the estimation in which the King's Ministry held
the Court of Directors. He fully anticipated that the
effect of the proposed alterations would be, to fill the India
House with retired Indians, and that the direction of the
Company must, necessarily, fall into the hands of persons
of that class, who, of necessity, would come to the Court
with all the feelings and prejudices acquired during a long
residence in that country. One of the propositions of the
Administration was, to do away with the Council for
Governor,. In some cases that surely was not in accord-
ance with the professions of the promoters of the intended
measure ; for the existence of those Councils savoured of
reform, and acted as a check upon all despotic tendencies ;
and amongst other advantages of the Councils, there was
this, that they enabled the Government at home to become
acquainted immediately with all that the ruling power of
the dependent State had occasion to do. It had been
alleged that the Presidencies of India had been extrava-
gant in their expenditure. Had it been so with Bombay?
Had it been so with Madras, whatever might have been
the fact with respect to Bengal? Then there was another
objection to the mode in which the Councils were dealt
with where they remained—namely, that their numbers
were doubled. That, he conceived, would create great
delay, and render the Councils inefficient. It was, besides,
most unwise to dissociate the Commanders-in-chief from the
Councils. Then, again, the Supreme Court was all but de-
stroyed, though in his judgment that institution ought to he
preserved with the utmost care. In their advocacy of the
propositions then before them, their promoters appeared
to contend that the changes which they proposed to effect
would lead to increased facilities for persons going out to
India. He doubted that any increased facilities of that
kind were required. Sure he was that, under the late
Government, not one was denied the opportunity of going
out who could make out a colourable case even for the
permission to go out. His Majesty's Government had
also taken great credit to themselves for the manner in
which they proposed to do away with slavery. Now,
slavery, in the conunon acceptation of the word, did not
exist in India ; on the contrary, it was domestic servitude
in the mildest form, and therefore there was but little im-
provement in putting an end to it. Upon all these grounds
he must refuse Iris assent to the propositions of the Noble
Marquis. It was impossible to pass the enactment, as he
had seen it in writing, declaring that every slave, after
the 12th of April, 1837, should be free, without pro-
moting insurrection from one end of India to another; it
was infatuation—it was madness to suppose that the re-
sult would be different. He was as earnest as the Noble
Marquis in his wishes to raise and purify the morals of the
inhabitants; but be had never anticipated that the time
would ever come when, according to the Noble Marquis,
all offices, civil, political, and military, might be in the
hands of natives.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE remarked, across the
table, that be had said that all offices should be open to
natives by law.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH thought the distinction a
mere mockery, and that the existence of British power in
India depended upon the exclusion of the natives from
political offices. As a counterpoise for this deprivation,
he would grant to them all offices that could be safely held
by them; for their Lordships would recollect that our
position in India was maul our own seekings and that from
it we could not recede without disturbance and bloodshed;
by the sword our empire had been won, and by the sword
it must he preserved.
The Earl of RIPON—It was satisfactory to find, not
only that the Noble Lord approved of some parts of the
plan, but that he actually took credit to himself for bay-
ing originated them. Such was the case with the Cbina
Monopoly. He (Lord Ripon) agreed that it was incum-
bent on Ministers to show that the probable future con-
dition of India warranted the experiment about to be un-
dertaken, and that a surplus revenue was anticipated in
order to carry the scheme into effect with safety. [The
Noble Earl bete entered into a detail of figures relating
to the revenue and expenditure of the three Presidencies,
showing, in crones and lacs of rupees, sicca, and others, that
there was an available surplus revenue, after paying all
charges, of 198,0001.], Such being the pecuniary means,
which the Noble Lord could not dispute, he had proceeded
to insist that the bargain with the East India Company
was improvident. He (Lord Ripon) contended that it
was a compromise between the state and the commerce;
and the Noble Lord had admitted that if he had continued
in office he should himself have brought it too compromise.
After adverting to the nature and amount of the India
debt, and to the mode in which by the resolutions it was
proposed to be dealt with and redeemed, the Noble Lord
dismissed all matters of figures, and noticed some of the
general topics touched upon by the Noble Lard. He had
objected to that part of the plan which required the East
India Company to abstain from carrying on their trade
with China. He (Lord Ripon) differed from the Noble
Lord entirely upon that subject, and wished to know on
what ground the Noble Lord could anticipate that the
Company could carry on the trade beneficially ? They

took art.
$ CIRIIRP. 1 Jr
had already been obliged to abandon their co runeree with
Colo‘nel Wood
agreed t.) wi
India; and even the China trade was not now so a 'vrill; eisust„ 122„ e
tageous as it had been some years ago. The Noble Lots
then objected to the putting of the Government of Ind.
under one Governor-General, and giving him the super
intendence of the whole dominion, and he called the plo
mischievous; but though it was true that Mr. Mott!:
A Ments, Claus
Thpe follnwi
Stuart Elphinatone had objected to such a plan, ri
it was recommended by the authority, at least equas' 131, 132,--
13f.
bein read,
of Sir John Melcolm, Lord William Bentinck, to if commissh
C. Metcalfe, and the three Gentlemen—Messrs,,
an alteration ii
Hill, Bayley, and Dax_to whom the consideratioe
cons quent m
of the subject had been referred. He thought tbi ;tea with.
Lgord ALTI
plan especially good, as it would give the Governor
es. etuyel value
provinces, which, in his opinion, required much care, II
t is stlcre.
General a better superintendence over the north-wee actual valuatio
faetionpto the I
they were in fact the outworks of India. The Noble Loy • 'waCgaeOtod:
etet as the oorer c
disadvant°ot
hopes from torn
difference to th
throwing then
then objected to the proposed Commission on the subj
appointment tl
Lord ALIT
of the law; but though it was true that it might be absuS
Promporr.tAiocniaionl
to attempt to make a code for 50 different systems of Ise
and bodies of people, yet some general principle applicable lie entreated tl
to all might safely be adopted. As to the admission
Europeans into India, though he should net recommend e
sort of colonization of India, yet still, if their .1 : ;a.
admission kind to throw
were so regulated as to secure the introduction of the,
skill, industry, and capital of Europe, he thought it mei'
he beneficial to India. It would certainly be right 0
keep out mere adventurers, but he hardly thought it Po'
sible that such people would go there, for the country wet opposed the air
densely peopled, and it was no longer the same as sober'
there were many small Courts of independent Princes, 0 objected to, he
which a profligate man with talent might hope to rise to The remaini
a high military or civil employment. On the whole, he resumed, the re
thought he was entitled to say that the object of the plas, to be read a th
was to combine the interest of the Company as far e° The Parish
possible with that more noble object of contributing to the Bill were read
benefit of 60 or '7O millions of people, whose happiness
BU
dthaeydsahyallonhavMeci
depended, in a very considerable degree, on our exertions., Lord ALTB
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that as be lute ing :-....Fie,,, tl
been a servant of the Company for many years, he we° Rouse will pr
bound not to remain silent on this subject. From what sittings betweei
he had then and from what he had since seen, he muse the business alt
say that he thought their Government was the best an° Second, that e
rredwiGt7eserdn.inenitt
wmost
not purely
no w administered
question
wthheatth
whether
abad h
chartered
was the best for carrying on the double operations of trade days, and Frid
and government, or for carrying on only one of these ceeding upon t
things. He had seen the Cowper.), in the days of their the Select Con
glory, and when it was at the head of a population of one The resoluth
hundred millions; and notwithstanding it had been ens
gaged almost continually in wars, its debt was only fort,' Mr. D. W. i
millions sterling. It was, therefore, untrue to tell the nals of the Ho
people of this country that such a Government was unfit Majesty was ai
for the purposes of government and trade, when hitherto commission to
it had united both. He admitted that the Parliament corporations in
had always retained to itself the right of revising the in- hended that tl
stitutions of India, but always, as he
thought, subject to required would
the condition that the Company was a trading company. was' anointed.
He complained that, as a trading company, it was now to porations woul
be put down. He could not but observe the politicsl way of the log
consequences of this. A trading company, with a revenue mission under
of 20 millions, must have been more independent, as e attendance of v
government, than that government would be when it wished to know
ceased to be a trading company. The proof of it wee a commission, 1
this:—They were now required to consent that they went, which w
would sign any despatch that was sent them, and they attendance of r
consented ; although, when the same request was made in inquiry in an el
1784, by Mr. Pitt, they refused to accede to it. He should Lora ALTHI
like to know whether their privileges, as a trading corn' voluntary evide
pany, were to cease at once, or in April, 1E134 ? for, the -a°° evidence o
difference of time would make a great difference in point that to the corp
of finance. The injury to this country, and especially to the conuni
this town, would be considerable from the change' Mr. BARIN
and, if possible, still more from the matter he had re' London would e
ferred to being left in doubt. The people of Poplar were mission. Con.
almost maintained by the East India trade. There were metropolis, it w
many complaints about distress, and he believed that they should take plat
all resulted from uncertainty as to trade, and the way itt city of London
which it was to be carried on. His opinion was, that the Loped that out
East India Company should have been allowed to card ginate for putti
on trade as a Joint Stock Company, and to effect this, be l'aiforna system
would have repealed certain provisions of the Commute' Lord ALTH
tion Act, and made other alterations which circumstances "eluded from 1
might have required. One of the great inconveniences, THE CAI
however, which be found in the proposed plan, was the Mr. ROEBI.
drawing of the dividends from India, by which remittance. With respect to
would be of necessity so largely increased. It had been _ Lord ALTIII
said that be and his Noble Friend had told the East Indio r.,,n Tuesday nex
Company, that if they could not find the means of carry' u°l.ttenittee to in
ing on their Government, they might do it by borrowing; inei The Noble I
but what they bad said was, that they must discontinue 541%.
expenses which were no longer absolutely necessary and matter, M. AT
expedient. He could not too much deprecate anything Bin Manchester and
which went to undermine the independence or authority, '„,'•
and establish a despotic power in the hands of the Gee The Merchan
vernor. General. That supreme officer, it always appeared InTe--eßepett
to him, had as much power and authority as it was de' ~ n'll ALTH(
siraele any one should have. One thing, however, be :eut: °I Chandos
should particularly impress upon the Government,
, and,,. Ifll state of the
that was the extreme imprudence of ever allowing leeW°°l4 he pi
the Governor-General to quit the province of Bengal' 6,74 - ATTWI
That province, he could tell them, was the seat °I Esl;ell' complain
England's strength in that country—the source of bet chi °f Man in
wealth and of her power, and nothing so much ender''' trinß,
or reduced the other, as his absence. Then RICE b
gered the one,r.
, Read e
as to the point of opening offices to the native population' 'quen a urst 1
It could not he carried into effect. It was a great imps' Loceelothe al
diment in the way of employing natives in judicial offices' signedt by to allow Europeans to go into the interior. He luta/ hwour 133 r 30,00
enough of that country to justify him in saying that be Lord
ar the
defied them to employ the natives in judicial offices so long elero, s° Preset
as the Europeans were allowed indiscriminately to go into porirti_eetno snot'
the country and mix with the people. As to trade being exatnvt of the
carried on in India to the extent predicted by Ministers, it
Ai:nation of I
was mere nonsense. Look at the late failures there amount" from Iv RAfteee
ing to millions of money—all of them, he asserted, caused kr, tgan. in
by the strange uncertainty in which all matters of trade fee 113; RICH
and commerce bad been kept for some time in England', West ;ford
s
Under the proposed plan there would be such a continued when "tt 'ding ef
insecurity, that commercial enterprise would never shoo' at' the (,),,,;13!ch
itself. Capital would sooner go into the bowels of the tented from-r'rnen
earth than to the regions of the East ; for there svol, it was the
nothing which could even afford a hope of safety, least ril` prude,,, 1
all a chance of profit. There were many other parts of tire, Mr, :15 got
proposed plan to which he wished to call their Lordships eiclient 5014 •
attention ; hut at that late hour of the night he would 0° Pas Sages !Oa
longer detain them. In fact ..... 181
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE briefly replied. 1 • 'we b
111 tible keee av
Lordship complained that the Noble Duke bad greatlfi tide, 4115;144:vent,
and he was almost afraid intentionally, misrepresented the the constitute% l''
opinions he expressed; for no one could have spoken itl Pestion 0,-; c
higher terms of the Company's servants than he had_ ?e, he solve; °1
done. The Noble Duke had said that a great lose iediej a is,
be le, ,or will and injustice was about to be caused to London, but fer 9,1 d Y
really never knew that the metropolis, or its shopkeepers Loci, tchice
were to be benefitted at the expense of Liverpool, Glaegcwir to s"a alto
or other ports. He felt, he must say, as much for the toui 0 tlieirm,
city of London as did the Noble Duke himself, but land nay, lie,
his affection would not induce him to sanction an unjust ist; r Urn], and
monopoly, or, for the sake of benefiting it, do a serious le
th Proof to th
and undeserved injury to other portions of the indite' he slaves of
triuue and enterprising population of England. He full/ iteettinf at Wibs
agreed as to the necessity of the chief seat of government f July Ist,
being at Calcutta and Bengal, but he could not but agree 11 ttc,)rthwith t
also in the necessity expressed by men of more experience_ wrens you wi
than he could boast, of creating a new Presidency witbuto L e
t‘s
‘l,l too, an
delay in the newly acquired territory. There was no die'
.la Cle ow, my
position to make the Governor-General of India a roving e le) slaves i
Governor, but merely that be should look as thoroughly e, rano,: aft,
as circumstances would allow, into every branch of the ad-
4"e woofs
ministration of that country, for whose good
government ,ste_verY child
he was responsible. work Si
.' Wcr9es
After a few words from Lord ELLENEOROUGH and theeto , 1"----
Duke of WELLINGTON, the resolutions were agreed t° 4,1 el(2)-1 wi'l se
without a division, ant the House adjourned a few minute° koor, an tie , not later
after one until Monday.
tyre%
i es , t 3 tree
little fact
'order e factor
et.
le, o,
but t 4
r tbesc
~
beniY mitre
ions
4aY
i 1 they Shall
9 a to
CI 1.1041. 0 _De d
s`,
, ,
alinedre. '"not)
fey eoon 4heil
ill ig 0,12'411 1
'd ehildrei'l
45tne with', c°
tattered,lZ.l4
'tight field, -
hotion
•
r. Lot
ill Lot the bat
their own eau
40i", and sho
tie his hissing
It'r machine
eve them for c
'tkshire, ,wi
4:1.Y men toile
't4ei teley will
D61°64 ler
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treb"fr at'u
-'edeetN Prevail'

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jazz 5.

The House resumed at a few minutes alter five o'clock'

Mr. Sedgewick, from the Royal College of
appeared at the bar with a copy of the regulations or by'
laws of that establishment.—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. Parkinson, from the Accountant• General's Offieeti
appeared at the bar with a return o i the amount °
commission received by the Accountant-General.
Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the day for tile
House resolving itself into a Committee on the Church
Temporalities (Ireland) Bill.
Mr. M. ATTWOOD said, he understood that the Pti•
vileges reserved to the Bank of England would go to the
extent of preventing joint-stock banks from issuing note,
and bills payable in London. He wished to know whether
it was the intention of the Noble Lord to remove the re'
striation on joint-stuck banks, which prevented them from
making their bills payable in London.
Lord AL'FHORP was understood to sty, that the Bill
which he should introduce at present would only relate,
to the B ink of England, and it would certainly preve°
joint banks from drawing bills under 50/. payable in Lon'
don, as at present, but there would be this distinction.'
that as to the joint-stock banks, the Bill would not allow
the Bank of England to interfere with them. The result
would be, that although joint-stock banks would not have
the power of drawing bills under 501., payable in Loodoof
any more than they had now, vet, if it should he hero
after found reasonable to allow joint-stock banks gu
have the privilege of drawing those bills payable in I.°lli
don, the Bank of England would not have the power °
obj sting to it.
The House then went into Committee on the CM
Temporalities (Ireland) Bill.

muse )5, 116, 117, 116, 119, 120, and 121, were
ur agreed t., with Cr qt verb ainend,nPnts; as were
'vn; IA ,
and alter a short ohgetrodny, in which
Mr; eco;:i Wood, Aar. Stanley, Mr. Shaw, and Lord Althorp
en% took part.
"31)::, The following were then passed with similar amend-
e 1"" agents, --Clauses 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130,
Ifottol
_a, 131, 1-32, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137. On clause 138
Y` being read,
equal Lord ALTHORP moved that the words from " rent"
to '1 commissions" he omitted, as there would have to be
reeq,'",'Aut alteration in the mode of valuing the Bishop's leases,
cons q
rat',"" quent upon the valuing clause having been done
awe y with. The bonus of four per cent. upon the
!rn°_,e actual value would not, therefore, be given, as the
""'"' actual valuation would not be ascertained.
re, ail Mr. O'CONNELL thought this would be an act of in-
LIWA justice towards the poorer class of lessees, as they would be
übjevj disadvantageously affected by it ; whilst it would make no
,11f117041. difference
to the richer, who had expended more money in
proportion in ornamenting or improving the
on prorty.
tcalt He entreated the Noble Lord not to press
this amendmpeent,
as the poorer classes of lessees bad ben looking with satis-
end faction to the boon for the last week, and it would be un-
dole?, kind to throw cold water upon it now. Holding out such
tPI hopes from time to time, and then in a week or fortnight
mu° throwing them down, was constantly making their dis-
:ht ° appointment the greater.
t P°l_, Mr. AGLIONBY, Mr. StrAw, and Mr. G. F. YOUNG
y we' opposed the amendment, and
wile° Lord ALTHORP said, that seeing it was so generally
re, i" objected to, he would withdraw it.
4e 0 The remaining clauses were then agreed to, the House
de, he resumed, the report was received, and the Bill was ordered
e 00, to be read a third time on Monday next.
er 0 The Parish Apprentices Bill and the Artillery Pensions
to the Bill were read a third time and passed.
pines°
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
ions. Lord ALTHORP moved the three resolutions follow-
! bee in
g :--First, that during the remainder of the Session this
what Sittingsthe between twelve and three o'clock, in addition to
, business already appointed to be done at those sittings.
t Second, that petitions shall have precedence of orders of
I. It the day on Mondays and Wednesday), and orders of the
imenr day shall have precedence of petitions on Tuesdays, Thurs.
trade days, and Fridays. Third, that when the House is pro-
thole ceeding upon the orders of the day, the business before
their the Select Committees shall be suspended.
if one The resolutions were agreed to.
n en' CORPORATIONS.
forty Mr. D. W. HARVEY said he observed from the Jour-
' the nab, of the House that late last night an address to his
unfit Majesty was agreed to, praying that he would appoint a
beep commission to inquire into the existing state of municipal
Lineal corporations in England, Wales, and Ireland. He aPPre" ie in' tended that the object for which the commission was
.ct to required would be defeated by the manner in which it
pa* was appointed. There could be no doubt that the cor-
ny to Porations would throw every possible impediment in the
itical 1), of the inquiry, and it was well known that a com-
rentie mission under the sign manual could not compel the
as e attendance of witnesses. Under these circumstances, he
en it wished to know why the Government had not appointed
t was a ~unalnission, under the authority of an Act of Perna-
they men% which would be armed with power to compel the
they attendance of witnesses, and otherwise to conduct the
de in, inquiry in an efficient m inner.
tioula Lord ALTHORP said there could be no doubt that
cow, voluntary evidence would come before the Commission,
the -and evidence of this nature was not likely to be favour-
iot able to the corporations. It would, he
.believe.d, be found
P° that to
Ily to e Commission would collect sufficient evidence.
axle, °lr. BARING expressed a hope that the corp tration of
d re, London Would come under the supervision of the Com-
were mission, Considering its power and influence in the
were metropolis, it was infinitely more necessary that an inquiry
they should take place with respect to the corporation of the
ay itt Ch of London than any other in the kingdom. He
at the 4°Ped that out of the investigation some plan would ori-
cart,' elnate for putting the whole of the metropolis under one
be Pniform system of local jurisdiction.—(Hear.)
fluty Lord ALTHORP said that no corporation would be
ands tzcluded from the investigation of the Commission.
,nceer THE CALTHORPE.STREET AFFRAY.
s the Mr. ROEBUCK was about to give notice of a motion
antes With respect to this affair, when,
bees Lord ALTHORP said, that he meant to give notice that
Indio On Tuesday next he would move for the appointment of a
.arry• Committee to inquire into the transaction,
ring; The Noble Lord shortlftergave the notice accord
Akin' ing
Air'
y g
a
and MATTWOOD presented two petitions from
thing cheater and another place, in favour of the Factory
ority,
Go. The Merchant Seamen's Wages Bill went through Corn-
leered
tnitte......R.,pert on Monday,
s de' L°ll ALTHORP, in answer to a question of the Mar-
i., be It's of Chandos, stated that it was impossible, in the pre-
, and Bill1'101)1d he proceeded with this session.
!riga% 1,5:4e• ATTWOOD *presented a petition from White-
ecamt,numplaining of superior advantages possessed by the
her Man in regard to the fitting out, &c., of British
whirl' ging.
The° Rr' RICE brought up the Bank Charter Renewal Bill.
ado"' ' 'ad a first time ; second reading not fixed in conse-
qUenoe
;nye' to of the absence of Lord Althorp.
fficeo gi 1 ASHLEY presented a petition from Manchester,
%,/ Vied b 3
kne Favour 3' 0,000 persons, and from 27 other places, in
It be Lord
oleo
the Factories' Regulation Bill. The Noble
long eler so presented four petitions from persons (one a
o into entittrnau, another a matron) complaining ot the improper
beingexam. of the factory commissioners in iespect of their
Mr, of witnesses.
ouliel from VARDY presented a petition (as we understood)
awe° Mr. 'Ran, in favour of the Factories Bill.
trade Br HARD POTTER—The Hon. Member
;land' Weat IFTrd says the greatest excitement prevails in the
mug° when
solding of Yorkshire. At that he was not surprised,
shon' of the eenauch pains had been taken to inflame the minds
f the !tinted
The petition which had just been pte-
e via° it w tool the meeting at Wibsey Low Moor, at which
" state
ast eteler,,na, 100,000 persons were present, was, he
of tbe, 047, got together principally from an address of a
ships eioleat antdie • Tbat address was couched in the most
old ne patiage,
,inflananaatory language. He would read a few
eact, the time of reasoning is gone by; for
l!hle areunlet Ltsk yetit exhausted every source of fair and tan-
,
' d Truth has ever been victorious on our
rhhieconnatitwatee,ave therefore no need any longer to trouble
Nests"
of 61 authorities. It has now become a simple
° be solved isl._against gold; and the problem now
Odies, • will ell your children's souls and
tot soli 2:11. a'i,o sell yours for mill-owners' sold?
bard, "'ell you are to get, but gold for them to
kster to ,4,4_,ft ermards to spend, in binding you still
Out firm'
"e' murderous car. if you yield, 1 cannot he p
land fi heaven will not help you. But if you will
lore proof and support your rights, then come and add one
e ther'''of to those already given of your determination to
tett slaves of mill tyrants no longer, and attend the
eatinf at Wibsey Low Moor, near Br.dford, on Monday
tea '4l July Ist, at ten o'clock, to petition Parliament to
`neth •11 the Ten Hour Bill. Come, fathers, and
dl wit .
Ili!, eta you will have it; nay, mothers, come; aye, and
bit too, and thunder it in their ears— We will have
Du °a', my countrymen, what say you ? Will
le le slaves any longer ? Lord Althorp has hilted
,egoh after all--he says ten hours are too many !'
Lnge wants two gangs under fourteen years—and
oust we child of you, who is turned fourteen years,
I:4ersk
/sixteen hours u-day regularly, and have still
'titans „„:"'"-, I Will you stand it ? I askyou as
ty so YOU stand it ? I say I will not !If you
toor,'ne:el7 e and meet me on Monday on Wibsey Low
elraet later than ten o'clock, and help me to make
I little
f. s tremble once more. No, no. Two relays
Oder fo"t°rY rood, butrthtne"
, horses to please the tyrants ! and then
who are a bit bigger—! They want
boa,
nY shall not hare it I Next, they will want
S of
:taY 'th."e; Shall , Your money as ' compensation' money !
'9lie to you nave neither ! They have no title, no
They
ilotvi.etidelr.cinkTioectiiiildreit's blood, nor to yours
long enough ! They never will be
ouraelllall yield.
47.1 is , thirst increases. But they tremble—
Another tug, and the Ten Hour
(1 child Came, then, fathers and mothers ; aye,
liewtaetswith oel'd Meat• me on Wibsey Low Moor,
ered, for of
ensigns, flags, and banners. They
ought field. ra they have been victorious in many a well-
L, `‘" a few ri, t Inu4i new °nee to celebrate your new
tot tile cheer you on, if you can get it.
their own cause of the different lojges volunteer ? It
ties, and shops f Li.eave
your mills, and looms, and
our
his hissing and°. °°e day more. Let Old Ned' Ise4lr machine ri".nbling din for one day, and give them for once a
8 tune to cease their tearing—aye,
:Ir4lires it t. iloieday,'—come, as we say in
tine men will come14-'ta.'
I know the masons and
they Wall,, end if the Odd -Fellows' stay at
bloody tyrant
be
• odd indeed—all those who hate
tsp
will
be
invitw
did be,there ; and honest, humane Al-
-1 hen one and all ' come and meet
ill
chi/dreentleserve it. I ask it. But whoever
.beld or its fatigues, I will not. Hail, lain, or
it s please God I will be there, aye, if I stand alone."
411,41.4,‘ the kind of language used to bring the wotkin
?rq
e;e"egtether, and it was calculated to produce the
kte,:, '3, and to widen that breach which he deeply
Prevailed • betwixt masters and men. The occa-

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