The Sun.
London, England, 1851-05-30 00:00:00

and the Judge-Advocate; there is great sympathy with
individuate, but tee ':one except the Right Rfr. Clientltisa
man the Member for Oxford (Mr. Gladstone), seems to think
anything.of the inhabitants of Ceylon—(Hear, hear)—and
the dutiesthat we owe to' them.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon.
and Learned Member for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck), indeed,
laid down a most extraordinary doctrine. He says, "Cey-
lon is not a colony; we gained it with the sword, and
we must keep it with the sword."—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") Hang them, tax them, confiscate them, se-
questrate them—(Laughter)—all this the Governor may do,
and neither Minister nor Parliament has any right to cons-
plain.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That is not my way;
that is not the way which these enlightened benches can
possibly patronize as the mode of governing the inhabitants
of a country, colony or not.—(" Hear, hears"from the Opposi-
tion.) They are of a different race, says the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman; they have a different language, chiefs
of their own, a priesthood of their own; it is not a planta-
tion like Ulster; we cannot recognize the people as entitled
to any protection of the law of nations dr of nature.—
( Laughter) And then comes the Honourable Member
for Isfoniton (Sir J. W. Hogg), and he says, more
guardedly, but in the same tone, " Take care; absolute
governors
i must not be called in question, or your em-
pire is n danger." Why, that is a plea for
Verres.—(Hear, hear.) And these are profes,ors of liberal
principles and champions of public right, who are destroying
the very foundation of all political responsibility.—(Hear,
hear.) The Government, they say, is responsible for the
conduct of its subordinates, but you are hurting the feel-
ings, you are destroying the prospects of the subordinate;
and it is impossible to carry into effect the doctrine of the
responsibility of a Minister.—(Hear, hear.) For my part,
I shall form my opinion just the same as if, instead of
" Lord Torrington," we had a blank in the book—a person
described by stars or other printer's marks.—(Hear, hear.)
I think the very fact that Lord Torrington is no longer go-
vernor of Ceylon, which is urged as a reason why we should
proceed no further, is an additional reason why we should
prosecute our task. What have we to do with Lord Tor-
rington ? We have to do with this dependency of the Crown
—(Hear, hear)—we have to ascertain whether it was well
governed or misgoverned, and, if misgoverned, to take steps
to secure its future good government. The existence of the
individual connected with that government is, as compared
with our task, but as a drop of water to the ocean.—(Hear,
hear.) Besides you cannot now turn round and say, "You
are hunting an individual to death ; you are withdrawing an
individual from his appointment."—(Hear, hear.) But I
cannot help here recalling to the recollection of the House
the manner in which this Noble Lord has been withdrawn
from the scene.—(Hear.) Strange position in which the
present Administration is perpetually placing itself - anoma-
lous position—that they stake their existence now on sup-
porting a man whom they have already withdrawn from his
government, and not for the faults of which he is accused!
—(Hear, hear.) I agree with the Under-Secretary that
Lord Torrington is a very ill-used man ; but by whom M-
used ? By her Majesty's Government.— (Hear, hear.)
They have withdrawn him, and for what? A perfect Mi-
nister, the best of administrators of finances, the man who
has putdown rebellion, and delivered his dependency in' a
state of unparalleled prosperity and peace to his successor, a
man who has fulfilled the highest duties in the most complste
manner, is recalled by the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Grateful Government ! (Laughter and cheers.) Why is he
recalled? I believe there were two letters written to two
persons; I believe he called one man a fool and the other a
knave, and I am not quite sure that the letters may not have
crossed, and the wrong man got each of them.—(Laughter.)
There was a contemptible piece of scandal thst none but an
old maid in a country town would have listened to, and for
this you sacrifice this able statesman—(Hear, hear, and
laughter)—who did that which your own Chancellor of the
Exchequer never could do—gave you a surplus revenue—
(Laughter)—and that which your Secretary for Foreign
Affairs has hardly contrived to do—kept you at peace.—
(Renewed laughter.) Was this insurrection or rebellion met
in a proper manner? or was it encountered and quelled in a
spirit and under circumstances disgraceful to the name of
England, and dangerous to our tenure of that or any other
colony ? There has been a controversy as to the number of
persons tried and executed. My Hon. Friend has been in
that respect most unfairly accused by the Attorney-General.•
The inaccuracy of which he speaks, if it be the case, arises
from the Government documents placed before the Commit-
tee, and from the varying accounts produced.—(No, no.)
In one' the figures are 120—in another 126.—(A Member—
" 146.") But the greatest " mare's nest " was found that
ever rewarded the most patient inquirer—(Loud laughter)
—for, says Mr. Attorney, " I will show you how unjust
are these resolutions of the Honourable Member (Mr.
Baillie)—how exaggerated the statement —when I prove
to you that out of these 120 or 18 criminals, 67 were not
even tried for high treason or rebellion by these military
tribunals, which we consider too severe and stern even for
high treason and rebellion." To prove by the existence of
these tribunals that there was rebellion and treason, the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman shows you that the majority of
the prisoners brought before them were not guilty of either.
—( A laugh.) But it has not been denied that, When tran-
quillity was restored, these tribunals still pursued their
dreaded course, and there were executions by the score; and
not hTadmen, priests, leaders of this rebellion,—but the
poor Feasantry of the country.—(Hear. hear.) Yet, if we
were to believe the statement of her Majesty's Ministers, all
the discontent, I might say disgust, at these proceedings, is
essentially factitious—(Hear, hear)—has been made up by
Some discontented coterie a year after the event, sent over the
water to England, fostered in the House of Commons, and
brought forward merely a 3 the means of party. annoyance.—
(Hear, hear.) We have just been told that in Ceylon the
public opinion was not at all arrayed against these proceed-
ings—that they were not condemned by the press—that it
was only in England the press was so 'venal and corrupt as
to disapprove of the conduct of the Governor. Here is a
leading article from a colonial paper. I am not going
to read from the Observer, edited by Mr. Elliot, whose
conduct and character have been so fully criticized. lam
going to read from the Government paper—from the paper
familiarly styled in Ceylon "Lord Torrington's paper"—
(" The date !") It is called the Examiner. I will give you
the date. It is September 23, 1848. Most happy period !
( A laugh.) " The Rebellion Butchery" is the title of the
leading article—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—which proceeds
as follows :

"It is with feelings of sorrow and humiliation we hear
that seventeen persons now lie under the recorded sentence
of death in Kandy for having taken part in the late rebellion.
These unfortunates have been tried by the civil tribunal, and
were recommended to mercy by the Chief Justice. Obliged
as a judge-to record the dread sentence, as a man and as a
Christian Sir Anthony could not forbear calling for that cle-
mency from the Governor which it was not in his own power
to extend to these unhappy men. In making the appeal to
the' prerogative of clemency, the Chief Justice sees, as must
everyone, that the supremacy of the law has been vindicated
already by the two executions which hive taken place in
Kandy; that the punishment which so irresistibly fell upon
the people, their heavy pecuniary losses, the numbers which
have been slain in action, and others condemned to transpor-
tation, have been sufficient to deter from another outbreak.
We join our feeble voice and implore the Governor to spare
the lives of these misguided people, that while there is yet
time to dispatch an express to Kandy, he will in mercy send
a reprieve. NV hile we are writing a court-martial, presided
over by Captain Watson, holds its sittings at Matelle, a tri-
bunal from which there is no appeal to higher authority. 21
persons have already been shot under its sentence, to the
horror of the commandant of Kandy, who feels. that he can
exercise but little control, the sentence being carried into
effect immediately under the orders of the court."
The article gives a faithfUl picture of the feelings of the
country expressed by an organ favourable to Government.
" Under the Governor's proclamation that people should
return to their homes, many are daily falling into the hands
of the military court, which perpetrates this wholesale
butchery irresponsibly. From the constitution of these
courts it cannot be doubted that many innocent victims
suffer • it is believed that the priest who was shot in Kandy
would have been adjudged guilty by a civil tribunal, for,
like the four priests who were acquitted, he acted under in-
timidation. Four men were shot at Kornegalle a few days
ago, who met their fate with coolness, Uttering imprecations
on, their slayers. 200 bodies, We hear, have been accounted
for, if our information be correct; how fearfully have these
people paid the penalty of their folly ; yet does the court-
martial continue its bloody work at Alatelle. That Ceylon
may not be held up to the execration of the world, and what
is of more consequence, that those who are responsible for
the continuance of the carnage may find mercy when they
come to their own dread reckoning, we call upon our rulers
to stay their hands from slaughter by arresting these pro-
ceedings. The soldiers are pillaging the houses, digging up
the floors to find money and jewellery belonging to the hiding
villagers, confiscated under martial law. The scenes at pre-
sent enacted in the neighbourhood of Matelle are a disgrace
to a civilized Government."
That is the language of a journal which is popularly known
as " Lord Torrington's journal." It is the language of a
journal which appears to • be written in a spirit of fair-
ness. How can the Government come forward and say
that there is no public opinion as evinced by the press
to which reference 'can be made ?—(Hear, hear.) I
shall not,dwell on details. The circumstances must be fresh
in the recollection of every Member of the House. I look to
them as circumstances which are dangerous to our tenure of
our colonies. This, I think, of all others is the case in which
the Parliament of England ought to interfere; and now if it
interfere it dois so after the advantage of a prolonged inves-
tigation by one of its Committees, and after it has been put
in possession of the most ample materials. What I say is,
that I do not look now to the responsibility of a Governor,
whose admirable qualities have been acknowledged 'by the
Ministry 'that has withdrawn him from his' post. I do not
look to responsibility in a distant colony. I look to the re-
sponsibility of the Minister.' In a dispatch which, in a
certain sense, may be considered formal, I find this language
uttered by the Secretary of State in another place after due
deliberation, after having made himself master of all the cir-
cumstances of the case. When he would be alive to its im-
portance from the pending inquiry and the possible conse-
quences of the vote in Parliament, Lord Grey, in April of
this year,: thus expressed his opinion:—
" He has had to deal with a rebellion which he has .ehown
proceeded from causes of discontent of long standing, and
which had existed long previous to his assuming the govern-
ment, and that this rebellion was repressed by the wise
policy and promptitude of the measures which he •adopted ;
and I will not hesitate to express' my opinion that true
humanity was consulted by the measures 'of my Noble
Friend."
It is because I do not believe that the interests of true
humanity were consulted, but because I believe 'the policy
pursued has been a policy of panic, a policy under which
measures have been adopted disproportioned to' the exi-
gency; it is because I feel what would be the consequence of
encouraging such a policy-,—and we do ,encourage such ,a..;
policy if it is allowed to pass uncritipised and unceneueed in
this country—it is because 1 believe the consequence of such
a policy would be perilous to the empire that 'I will slippert
the resolutions cf my Hon, Friend.--.(Cheers'.) - ' ,
Mr. BAILLIE replied. With reference, to,, the LW(' of
one of the prisoners tried by court-martial, he ;quoted a com-
munication from Major Lushington, to show Abet the
prisoner, having been told through the interpretedat ha.
was at liberty to call a person to defend h
himself not to the proctors but to Mr. Wilmot, a lajor
Govern-
mentressed officer, whose duty it was to 'defend prisoners.
Lushington said he did not understand whist the prisoner
said, but ,Ir. Wilmot rose and went out ef,ccurte and after a
pause the interpreter stated that the prisoner him no friend
to assist him in his defence. With respect to
.the numbers
tried by court-martial, the terms of the resolutions bad been
altered, three different accounts of the numbers having been
produced.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
.. 202
For Mr. Baillie's motion ..
.. 282
Against it .. • • • •
Majority for Government .. —BO
The announcement of the numbers was received with loud
cheers by the majority.
The other orders were disposed of, and the Rouse ad-
journed at a Quarter to Three o'clock.

Mr. T. A. Mitchell paired with Lord Newport against Mr:
Baillie's motion.
Captain Harris has been prevented by severe illness from
attending the House of Commons during the last week.

Dispatches were received at the r'oloaial-office` on
wednodtiy; from the Governorßittfits.

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