The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We are happy to say that the result which we yesterday
anticipated has actually occurred. We do not mean that
we rejoice that two estimable members of the cabinet have
ceased to belong to it ; but we rejoice that the majority of
the cabinet have at last assumed that firmness, the want of
which has hitherto disgraced them, and have, by a per-
severing adherence to a just principle, brought a question
of transcendent importance to an immediate issue. As
soon as this determination was peremptorily arranged, the
two dissentients, Mr. Stanley and Sir James Graham,
expressed their equally fixed determination to resign their
offices. But there was still a possibility of impeding this
apparently easy result. The King might have hesitated
to accept these resignations, and by that hesitation might
have embarrassed the proceedings of the remaining members
of the cabinet, and have produced almost inextricable diffi-
culties, by exciting the alarms of the liberal party, or the
hopes of their enemies. The King has, we have reason to
believe, acted on this occasion as he has on all the critical
emergencies which have occurred since his accession to
the throne. Straightforward in manner and patriotic in
design, he at once, without vexatious circumlocution or
inexpedient delay, consented to adopt the course which his
conviction pointed out as most useful to the country. He,
however reluctant to part with two ministers whose talents
and character Dave won the royal regard;consented to accept
their resignations With the knowledge of this fact, Lord
Ahhorp went last night to meet the House of Commons :
his coarse had been rendered plain, and a short explana-
tion would have put the members in possession of the im-
portant fact, that the principle which was sought to be
established by the house had also triumphed in the cabinet.
But even while Mr. Ward was speaking, the unexpected
intelligence is conveyed to the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer that a sudden difficulty has sprung up in a quarter
where certainly he had no reason to expect any. He learns
that two other members of the cabinet had also, from mo-
tives which, as we cannot understand we shall not
attempt to appreciate, tendered their resignations to his
Majesty, which, however, it was understood had not
been accepted. Puzzled at this extraordinary intelligence,
unable during a sitting of the house to acquire any certain
knowledge by which to shape his course under new cir-
cumstances, he did the only thing which he could then do
with advantage,—he asked for an adjournment of the house
till Monday next. In the interval it is expected matters
will be arranged : the two members who were seized with
the unexpected wish to resign will, it is thought, retain
their places, though they could be better spared than their
two more consistent colleagues whose decision is unal-
tered. In these comparatively personal matters, however,
the country has little reason to feel any interest; all they
can care about it is, that the result may be the triumph
of a beneficial principle, and the formation of a ministry
which will carry into effect all those reforms which the na-
tion has a right to look to at their hands, with vigour,
perseverance, and resolution. One thing is quite clear :
we have a right to expect—indeed to assume as a fact
—that in the choice of colleagues as successors to the
retiring ministers, Lord Grey will be more careful as
to his materials than he proved to be in some of those
which he has now got rid of, and we must add, that in
same of those which still remain to clog and thwart, or di-
lute and enfeeble, the natural policy of the noble Lord's
Administration. That there are persons in the political
world, members of each house of Parliament, well quali-
fied to add strength and character to an Administration
founded on liberal principles, the country has no reason to
doubt ; so that any selection of bad or inefficient Ministers
to supply the place of those who have at length seceded,
cannot be justified on the plea that none better were acces-
sible for the public service. We repeat again and again,
that what we want is a Cabinet that will know its own
mind,—a Cabinet that will not undo to-morrow what it
does this day,—that will not drag its friends through the
dirt, nor with every week that it remains in office lose
ground, instead of gaining upon the respect and affections
of the people.— Times.
The cabinet of Lord Grey is partially dissolved. The
question of Irish church reform has dismembered an ad-
ministration which will be ever memorable in the annals
of this country. Mr. Stanley, Sir James Graham, and
we believe the Duke of Richmond, have delivered their
resignations to the King. Thus Ireland has once more
dissolved a cabinet, and we ardently hope that the real
cause of this eventful political change will have its pro-
per effect in the re-construction of the ministry. It is
vain for any government to seek to maintain among eight
millions of people hierachy, in its present form, to
which they entertain the greatest repugnance, while
only one-sixteenth of the population belongs to the esta-
blishment. The appropriation of the surplus revenues
of the Irish church was a question which, it was always
foreseen, would test the integrity and scatter the cabi-
net of Lord Grey. The Tories were sacrificed on the
same political altar. The question of Catholic emancipz-
tion was for some years an impassable barrier of party ;
but it required not any great sagacity to foresee that
when the Duke of Wellington was compelled to concede
the claims of the Catholics, the boundaries of political par-
ties were ipso
.fizeto changed. The French revolution of
1830, which followed close on this signal event, precipi-
tated the great national question of Parliamentary reform.
Under the critical and imminent political circumstances at-
tending the formation of the Cabinet of Lord Grey, it was
imperative on the Premier to select for his new and diffi-
cult Administration such a combination of public men as
could alone successfully insure the destruction of the infa-
mous and worn-out " Borough system." But every re-
flecting person foresaw that such a heterogeneous selection
could not long hold together ; that the original conflicting
opinions of Ministers must ultimately create disunion, and
that they, could only form a temporary Administration.
Such, in fact, has been the result. And what is now the
position of the parties ? The dominant power of the Tories
is extinguished. The reform bills were their gravestones.
The tortes barely enrol one hundred members—not one
sixth of the House of Commons. As a section of the
lower house of legislature, they are unquestionably for-
midable in the casting vote. But their return to the ex-
ecutive is impossible, from their utter inability to regain
the command of the legislature. They have latterly
buoyed themselves up with the idea of a re-action of pub-
lic opinion. A few cross elections, consequent on the un-
fortunate division of the liberal party, have puffed up with
vain hopes their hungry expectants of office ; but it is well
known that their more sagacious leaders have not been se-
duced by these illusions, discerning the impossibility of
any resumption of the reigns of official power. Sir Robert
Peel had too much foresight—toointimate an acquaintance
with the real state of public opinion—to dream of a return
to office. If the late Cabinet of Lord Grey could not
satisfy the reasonable and moderate expectations of the
country, the Tory leaders must be mad to dream of success.
A dissolution of Parliament might have given the Tories
some fifty additional returns, but against 500 liberal repre-
sentatives what could the "Conservatives" expect but de-
feat and disgrace ? If the Duke of Wellington and Sir R.
Peel could not govern an unreformed Parliament, what
could they expect at the hands of a reformed House of
Commons? The bare attempt to create a Conservative
administration must inevitably have given a strong impulse
to the movement in a democratic direction, and introduced
a great change into. the constitution—nay, probably have
led to a complete disorganization of the whole social sys-
tem. The political state of this country—its complicated
fabric of commercial credit—the difficulties and perplexi-
ties produced by a long course of ruinous government—the
prodigious diffusion of popular knowledge—the political ex-
bitainent of all classes consequent on the protracted and
stirring discussion of the principles of representative go-
vernment, will permit no Tory experiments. The consti-
tution of King, Lords, and Commons, wouldbe sacrificed by
even a short return of the Tories to power. We cannot go
back ; we must proceed onwards. We do not doubt that
the Tories, in their chagrin and desperation, would wil-
lingly risk the interests of the Sovereign and the Crown
for the chance of regaining their party ascendancy ; but
the King must be better advised than to allow them to make
the trial. We repudiate, therefore' with contempt the bare
supposition of the " Conservative" administration. We are
now only deeply anxious that his Majesty and Lord Grey
should avail themselves of this critical opportunity of consoli-
dating and re'alizing thepopular interest. The middle classes
and the constituency of the three kingdoms are the main stay
—the sheet anchors of the vessel of the state. They are in-
terested in the integrity of property and the preservation
'pf ~ Though determined in political opinion, they
seek 'no immoderate popular measures. But they esteem
the refiarm J the representation only as the instrument of
good government ; they seek the ends of the recent " revo-
lution," and no administration can last six months which
fefuses to make those necessary changes and reformations'
of cur iestitutions which time and altered circumstances
imperiously require. We have every reason to believe that
the King desires that Lord Grey should remodel the Cabi-
net to suit these exigencies of the state. But Lord Grey
moat nomit his forces from the proper ranks. He cannot
afford to a again thwarted in his pledged and natural po-
licy. He must call energy and wisdom to his councils.
His difficulties will be of no common kind ; he cannot long
calculate on his own physical powers as Premier.
In the construction Of on amended Cabinet he must,
therefore, consider the reversion. It is generally under-
stood that the Lord Chancellor an LOrd Althorp
will remain in the Government; it is their bounden duty
and moral obligation to do so. We cannot pretend to
know what accession of political strength is conteMplated ;
and indeed, down to a late period last night, no new
ministerial plans were or could be formed. Lord Dur-
ham, Mr. Ellice, Lord Mulgrave, Mr. Abercrombie,
Lord Duncannon, and Mr. Poulett Thomson, are public
men in whom the majorityof the country place confi-
dence ; and among the old I%liig partizans, both in and out
of office, there are many eminent political names from
whom a new administration may profitably derive essential
aid. The state of the country will admit of no personal
or family considerations. The Cabinet must be re-con-
structed with intellect and moral influence, or it will not
secure the public confidence. The House of Commons
last night afforded a signal proof of its avidity for a
more vigorous and determined administration, when
the unexpected announcement of Lord Alt! crp was
received with the most thundering cheers. A golden
opportunity is now presented for the pacification of
Ireland: It is understood that Mr. Stanley will