The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-11 00:00:00

has not much to fear from the two militaly
despots of Germany, or from the all-grasping
Autocrat of all the Russias.— Times.
The foreign news yesterday is of much im-
portance. We allude to the proceedings in the
Chamber of Deputies on Tuesday last, on the
discussion of the address. M. Bignon, in com-
menting on paragraph 16 of the address, de-
claring that " France, as one of the parties to
the great European contracts, cannot recognize
in any Power the right of destroying or altering
without her consent, that which had been
created or fixed with her assent," observed, that
" he did not hesitate to declare that it was prin-
cipally Poland the commission had in view
when they penned this passage." M. Bignon
then alluded to the language held by Lord Pal-
merston in the English Parliament, on the oc-
casion of the address of Mr. C. Fergusson,
when the Noble Lord said, " We have done
more than the motion asks for ; for not only
have we refused to sanction the domination
established in Poland by the Russian Govern-
ment, but we have even frequently protested
against the measures which Russia had not the
right to take ;" and he interred from the lan-
guage of the illonitear, in answer to the
Gazette de Petersbargh, that the French
Government thereby sufficiently indicated its
opinion, that all the Governments which signed
the stipulations of 1815 considered themselves
as invested with the right of examining if these
stipulations were constantly and strictly observed.
After these declarations of the English and

French Governments, it was obvious— that the

present state of Poland bore no sanction of in-
ternational law, and was not recognized by either
England or France, and that the occupation of
Poland, as a Russian province, was in contempt
of solemn treaties, and indefensible on any
principle of European right. " The day (said
M. Bignon, emphatically) that the Poles shall
break their chains, or the day that other nations
may emancipate them, on that day alone will it
be that right shall resume its empire." What
gives importance to the speech of M. Bignon
with regard to Poland, is the evidence afforded
by the answer of the Duke de Broglie, Minister
for Foreign Affairs, that he expressed the senti-
ments of the Government. " We concur

in everything that has been said by M. Bignon,
and we feel grateful for the praise he has be-
stowed on several acts of our Administration.
Amongst the ideas put forward in the course
of his speech, there are some which we shall
endeavour to realize, should occasion present
itself." This declaration seems to have been
received with loud approbation. But the con-
duct of Russia with respect to Poland is only
part of a system of invasion of right, and M.
Bignon alluded also to the conduct at present
pursued by that Power with regard to Turkey.
He related what passed between the Emperor
Alexander and Napoleon in 1808, on the sub-
ject of Turkey (for the first time communicated),
when Alexander proposed the partition of Turkey,
and offered to Napoleon, Bosnia, Albania, and
the Alorea, on condition of Russia obtaining
Constantinople and the Straits of the Dardanelles.
Though Napoleon vas then occupied with the
war in Spain, he refused to accede to the
scheme. " Gentlemen (added M. Bignon), I
shall be well pleased that it were in the power
of the Ministers to tell us that our fears are
groundless—that with regard to Turkey, the
Cabinet of St. Petersburgh is nothing more
than a generous friend, a magnanimous pro-
tector—that in Germany, Austria and Prussia

have no wish to increase their direct
influence over the secondary states, or to
encroach upon the rights of the people—that
in Italy, Austria has no intention of perpetuat-
ing her domination defacto." He observed that
Ministers could not give them the assurance he
required. The importance of these declarations,
made in the name of the Chamber of Deputies,
and favourably received by the French Ministry,
must be obvious to every one. We do not en-
tertain a doubt • that the proceedings in France,
backed as they will be by what must take place
in the British Parliament about to re-assemble,
will be productive of the most beneficial effects.
The Governments of France and England not
only have with them the hearts of their own
people, but they speak to the hearts of all the
inhabitants of civilized Europe. This the Go-
vernments of Russia, Austria, and Prussia well
know, and they will not rashly embark on a
course in opposition to the two Powers which
are confessedly at the head of European civilisa-
tion. The first movement of Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, would be the watch-word for gene-
ral insurrection in Italy, Poland, and a large
portion of Germany. Of this no Government
is more aware than Austria ; and hence the at-
tempt which has been made, according to an
article under the head Vienna, in the Allgemeine
Zeitung (under the head German Papers), by the
A ustrian Government to quiet the apprehensions
of France and England with regard to Turkey, by a
treaty, in which Austria, Prussia, and Russia shall
guarantee the integrity of Turkey in all possible
cases. . The proposition of further treaties, by
Austria, Russia, &c., at the very time that the
complaint of France and England is, that the
treaty of 1815 has been violated in the case of
Poland, is somewhat unseasonable. How did
this great and flagrant departure from interna-
tional law in Europe begin ? By Russia ex-
tending her protection to Poland. The troubles
of that country, then, but too much favoured
the projects of Russia, as the distracted state of
Turkey now does. There were treaties in
abundance, if Poland could have been saved by
treaties ; but the three robber Powers chose
their time. In 1772 the first partition took
place. England, at that time had her whole
attention directed to her colonies ; and the Go-
vernment of France was then feeble, and
without influence in Europe. The other par-
titions took place when France, occupied with
her own revolution, was, as Burke said, blotted
out of the map of Europe. But at present
France and England are fully alive to the im-
portance of opposing the ambitious designs of
Russia ; and the three Powers are too well
aware of the ability of France and England, backed
by the moral force of Europe, to give effect
to their views, to dare to move in defiance of

them. We are by no means, therefore, under
any apprehension that peace will be interrupted.
It has long been the policy of Russia to produce
an impression throughout Europe that she is
irresistible. But the Turkish campaign, and
the miserable attempts in Poland, sufficiently
prove that, for aggressive purposes, Russia is
not a first-rate Power. The two other Powers
are too much hampered to think of kindling a
general war, in which they might be worse than
they are now, but could not be better. Austria
can hardly agree with Russia as to the division
of Turkey ; and however anxious we may believe
Austria to be to retain the Italians in subjection,
she must know that that object is more depen-
dent on the good will of France than that of