The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-17 00:00:00

TIIE FUNDS.

Consols, which left off heavy yesterday at 871 for the
Account, opened at the same price; soon after they were
done at 87; at present they are 87i. This decline is
attributed to great lots of money stock coming to Market.
HALF-PAST ONE.
We again repeat that the despatches received from
Holland are of a favourable description, and it is expected
that the affairs of the Scheldt will soon be settled. The
letters from Lisbon of the 9th inst. state that the Carron
steamer was despatched suddenly. A French brig of war
entering the Tagus was fired upon from the Castle. Don
%god was expected from the army.
It is stated that letters are in town from Oporto of the
12th, and that the English, French, and Spanish Consuls
had received orders to propose an armistice to Don Mi-
guel, and were waiting his return, as the affairs between
the two brothers were to be settled by negotiation; but
General Solignac was determined to give Don Aligner.
General battle, previous to their taking place.
Consols continue at 87j for the Account, and for next
time 87,i A-, with little doing.

THREE 0' CL 0 CK.
Consols for the Account, 874.
CLOSING PRICES.—FOUR O'CLOCK.
Consols
Ditto for Account 871 i Greek
Brazilian Bonds 481 Mexican ...
'''''''' 22!
Buenos Ayres... Peruvian ... •••• •• • 10
Chili= Ditto.... 16i Russian.. •
Columbian 1824 Spanish

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MEETING OF PA ALIAMEN T.—Letters were
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month to elect a Speaker, and stating that the Muse will
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_Dublin Freeman's JOurnal.
their attendance eyterdha

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some of the Tory evening papers of yester-
day contained a report that " Ministers had de-
termined to- arrest Mr. O'Connell." Judging
from the sort of authority given for this rus
moured intention of his Majesty's Government,
we should be inclined to say that the report is
utterly false and groundless. What end would
be answered by the arrest of Mr. O'Connell,
unaccompanied by other measures ? It might
produce a momentary lull—the lull of astonish-
ment, of intense curiosity, of bridled frenzy, of
silent preparation for desperate revenge,--but
would the calm be that of contentment, or ac-
quiescence, of satisfaction with the measures of
Government, of resignation under the presumed
fate of a popular chief whose rise to the most
extraordinary influence over his countrymen that
ever was exercised by a private citizen within
these kingdoms, has been caused by oppres-
sion, and by that alone, by a system of enor-
mous folly or iniquity, which has for ages
directed the powers of the State, and
the most elaborate institutions of the reigning
Government, to the production of anarchy and
ruin. Look at Ireland the day after O'Connell
shall have been imprisoned,—forget his history,
his ambition, and his name ; examine only the
still prominent circumstances of the island, those
which have not been occasioned by O'Connell's
turbulence, because they flourished before his
father was born— those which would still remain
unaltered by his capture, or his death, and then
let any .honest man answer us the question, is it
possible for a community where such things exist
to be kepi—we do not say at peace, fiir that
were extravagant—but in subjection to the Bri
tish Crown, otherwise than by the constant
and irresistible force of arms ? Lord Chat-
ham, contemning the servile prejudices of his
age, "rejoiced that America had resisted,"
although it was the same Lord Chatham
who declared that he would " ever main-
tain the supremacy of the British Parliament
over the western coldnies." Are these two
sentiments, then, irreconcilable ? No. The
great and wise man who thus expressed him-
self would have upheld the supremacy of Par-
liament by justice, not by brutal persecution.
He saw that the hearts of unprincipled cour-
tiers could not be turned but by fear alone,
and therefore it was that he rejoiced at that
" resistance" of the sufferers, which he deemed
essential to the reformation of the Government
and the final integrity of the empire. So do
we,—strong in our conviction that the Impe-
rial Parliament ought to be supreme to all acts
and intents of upright legislation, and resolute
in our desire to see the United Kingdom
rescued from the imminent peril of dissolu-
tion,—so do we, in our humble sphere, " re-
joice that Ireland" has loosened the rivets of
her chains, and warned her task-masters that
the future principle of their dominion must
be something more powerful than terror. Of
all the staple grievances of Ireland, since Ireland
ceased to be a subject province, one only has
yet been redressed. Catholic emancipation has
removed the political distinction between the
laities of the two communions. The Protestant
Established Church remains behind, in form a
temple, but in truth a fortress; built from the
ruins of the old national hierarchy, drawing sup-
plies for its ample garrison from the conquered
and impoverished territory over which it frowns,
but yielding no succour nor protection to its
vassals. This -Church has been fed by forced
contributions upon industry, progressive with the
produce of the soil. It has wrung them from a
people whom it could not as a religious establish-
ment, indemnify for the tax which it extorted.
It has Sung back the natural teachers of the
Catholic community upon the spontaneous
bounty of their half-starved flocks for support,
thereby imposing on them a second and
no inconsiderable burden. The Church of
Ireland is, finally, one which has for centu-
turies, in every measure of severity, of exaction,
of oppression, signalized itself by more than
concurrence with the tyrannical spirit of the
civil government. It is felt to be at once a
weight upon the country and a degradation.
The Catholic priesthood, as is infallible, have
fostered and inflamed the discontent. The
Ministers of the Crown have at length convinced
themselves that such a system cannot go on
without an extinction of all government, and an
immediate reform of the Irish Church is pro-
claimed. Now, a simple " reform" of the
Church of Ireland, in the same sense in which
the term is applied to that of England, will fall
far short of its intended purpose. It is not
merely that there are abuses in the Irish Church,
such as pluralities, exorbitant livings, ill-be-
stowed bishoprics, with every shape and cha-
racter of perverted patronage ; nor is it altogether,
though it is greatly, the incorrigible nature of
the tythe system ; but the mischief is one of bulk
as well as kind. There is in Ireland too much
church, for any legitimate object which a Church
cap there contemplate. The whole mass is too high
and ponderous for its narrow groundwork. The
number, of Bishops ought to be reduced by two-
thirds ; half-a-dozen Diocesans, with one Arch-
bishop, would be staff in abundance for the
small Protestant army. The number, likewise,
instances,
be parochial ministers may, in many
be diminished, and the 15,0001. per annum
bishoprics ought no longer to disgrace the pro-
fessed Christianity of the realm. But one main
branch of Irish ecclesiastical abuse is the
eriesnopoly of all provision for the clergy by
those of the Church of England. Really,
looking at these matters with an impar-
tial retrospect of the last 40 years, one
wonders at the insanity of the Legislature and
Government, in not at the very outset binding
the Catholic ministers to the state by consulting
their just title to a share of its resources in their
gi:pacity of moral and religious instructors of
the people. All .ministers of religion, where
the denomination • of Christians, to which they
belong, can be so well defined and recog-
pised as is that of Protestant Dissenter and
Catholic, ought, for the sake of religion and
morality, to enjoy a decent maintenance
from the public. The question of an
" Established" Church is in no manner affected
by that proposition, there being grave argu•
ments of justice and sound policy connected, we
may say incorporated, with its merits. But
there can be no Church Reform deserving the
name in Ireland which embraces not, and does
not permanently provide for, the temporal com-
forts of the R omen Catholic clergy.We have stated
first in our list of Irish grievances the actual
condition of the Established Church relatively
to the Catholic people. We have not consi-
dered the Church in relation to the wants and
interests of the Protestant community itself, be-
cause our design was to limit such remarks as
we might offer to points connected with the
tranquillity of the country, now so dreadfully

broken up by the diseased, but justly exaspe-
rated, spirit of the Catholic body. But if
mentioned first in the series, the Church
is far from being at the bottom of Irish
anarchy. There are three other grievances
which we now have only space to glance at,
but to the consideration of which we shall,
without loss of time, return ; and one and all
of which, but above all, the last, contain enough
of positive injustice to drive any nation to fury
or despair. The first of these is the Grand
Jury tyranny ; 2d, the Vestry Act tyranny ; 3d,
the master, the giant grief, the atrocious treat-
ment of the lower class of tenantry by their
landlords. This last is, indeed, the true key to
the recent history and intolerable state of Ire-
land. This is the pervading poison of the
system. The want of sympathy, ripened into
an all but general antipathy, between rich and
poor, where a middle class exists not in suffi-
cient force to•restrain the others, or in sufficient
mass to mingle with and blend them, that is the
fact ; its cause has been in the principle of a
military and at the same time a jealous Govern-
ment, which, that it might have the upper class
for its instruments, was content to make victims
of the lower, but that, we say, is the one main,
fundamental fact ; it is a consequence, and a
frightful one, but as a cause it is also frightful—
it has caused the agitation—it has served as
the pabulum for all descriptions of political vio-
lence, villainy, and folly. O'Connell may be
the champion of agitation with some people—
on the contrary, he is but its eldest-born child.
—Times.

We give another extract to-day from the
evidence on the Factories' Bill. If ever there
was a case made out against any system, it is
the case which Mr. Sadler has made out against
the cruel system ofover-working infant children in
the factories. Some of the country papers,
hough they do not venture to defend the system,
have alluded to the evidence as if it were entirely
exparte. But an investigation by a Committee
of the House of Commons is not an exparte
proceeding. The Committee is appointed not
to manage a case, but to investigate a subject,
and the truth or falsehood of the allegation
upon which the Committee was granted, becomes
not only a necessary and primary consi-
deration, but the paramount consideration,
to which all others are subordinate. If it be
said that the evidence in the present case is
incomplete, the labours of the Committee
having been abruptly terminated by the dissolu-
tion of the Parliament which had called it into
existence, still there is nothing, either in the
form of the proceeding or upon the face of the
evidence—for it would be absurd to impute its
overwhelming strength to a general conspiracy
against the truth—there is nothing, we repeat,
in the form or substance of the proceeding—.
nothing in the mass of details composing the
report which lies before us, to give that evi-
deuce the exparte character which some of our
contemporaries have thought proper to insinuate.
Let us take, as an instance, the evidence of the
medical men ;—can any thing in the nature of
evidence be more likely, prima facie, to be im-
partial ? They have no interest one way or an-
other in the question ; or if they have any, it is
surely on the side of the wealthy manufacturer,
who can pay them—not of the poor destitute
workpeople, including children, who can bring
them nothing but trouble for their pains. Yet
the testimony of the medical men, so far as we
have examined it, goes all as directly against the
system, and in favour of Parliamentary inter-
ference, as that of the workpeople themselves.
It is unfair, therefore it is unjust, to ascribe
that consistency, both of statement and in-
ference, which distinguishes the report,
to any other cause than the uniformity of
truth, producing upon all minds the same in-
variable impression. Even the evidence of the
workpeople— of those unhappy beings, who
were brought from the mills, and the work-
houses, and the hospitals, and the other abodes
of wretchedness into which they had been flung
from the mills—even their evidence, if it stood
alone, rests upon too strong a foundation to be
overturned, or even shaken. The story of their
past sufferings is too well attested by what they
still suffer. We may doubt their recollection—
we may dispute their statements—we may dis-
trust and deny their veracity ; but there they
stand before us, the victims of the system,
withered in life and limb, appealing to the corro-
boration of their unimpeachable deformi-
ties for the truth of the horrors they re-
count. And, good God ! what horrors do they
bring before us ! One of the witnesses, a wo-
man—she was speaking of her childhood—
stated, in a portion of the evidence which we
published some days ago;that, in consequence of
the hardship which she suffered when a child,
one of her legs had become useless, " the mar-
row having dried up within it." If this were a
solitary case it would be bad enough, we could
not refuse our compassion to a fellow-creature
so afflicted; but what shall we say of the sys-
tem which dried up the marrow in her young
bones, and smote with premature decay the pro-
mise of her blighted womanhood! Another
witness—another NS oman—her evidence appears
to-day, spoke also of her own deformity. What
a subject for a female tongue. " I have an
iron on my right leg," said she ; " my knee is
contracted." On being asked whether she had
been straight till the age of thirteen—" I was
as straight a little girl," said she, " as ever went
up and down the town." There was something
of pride, the pride of beauty, in this reply, though
it burst from .a heart that was almost broken.
When we remember that these poor matures,
in describing the treatment they experienced in
the mills, working the long hours, being beaten
by the overlooker, and suffering the thousand
tortures of the place—when we remember that it
is a history of their childhood they are giving us,
our blood curdles; we ask ourselves if man is
the only monster upon earth, or if there be
another creature in whose bosom nature has
neglected to make provision for the protection
ofinfancy ? Neither let it be forgotten that the
cruelties practised on the children are not prac-
tised in wantonness. No, they are necessary to
the system—they are necessary to keep them
awake 1 They are necessary to extort from
childhood more than ought to be required from
maturity—ay, from the maturity of manhood.
Oh ! Luxury, think of fifteen, sixteen—ay, and
seventeen hours out of the twenty-four, devoted
to any pursuit—devoted too by children ! No
wonder the strap should be busy, and the billy-
roller and the other instruments of torture.
They rise before day-light ; they work after dark.
Their minds and frames become enfeebled—
night closes in upon the wretched group, and
and then begins a general struggle against the
blessed visitation of sleep, in which even gross
and indecent language is resorted to, amongst
other stimulants, to conquer the drowsiness of
exhausted nature. Such is the system—such

are its effects. Oh this deep, deep traeay o f
the factories, how it searches the heart ! --2110 r
ing Herald.

The manoeuvres of the Russian Government
hare at length proved too severe a trial for
French patience, and little quarter is now shown
to the mercenary journalists of Germany, who
have been the humble tools of the Caar in cir-
culating paragraphs calculated to impress Eu-
rope with a vast idea of his power. We may
expect to find the acuteness of our Gallic neigh-
bours employed for some time in exposing the
weak points of Russia. The Journal du Com-
merce, alluding to an absurd paragraph which
we extracted horn the Journal de Frankfort,
importing that the Emperor of Russia was
about to place 150,000 men at the disposal of
the King of Prussia, with reference to the ques-
tion between Holland and Belgium, observes,
that at the late review, which did not take place
at the usual spot at St. Petersburgh, that the
French Colony there might not discover the
weakness of the land, there were not 20,000
troops, including several thousand Town Guards
—the only troops remaining in Russia during
the war with Poland—which could be found to
accompany the entrance of the remains of Con-
stantine into St. Petersburgh.
" It is quite natural (says that Journal) that Russia
should not tell her Orangeist and Prussian Journalists that
Poland causes her strong apprehensions; that the roads
there being completely destroyed, a partisan warfare would
now be to the disadvantage of Russia ; that it requires at
least 50 or 60,000 men to occupy the country ; but when
she orders them to speak of 150,000 men in Poland, the
absurdity is glaring, as there are not so many organized
troops in the whole empire. The whole frontier of the
Kuguises is bare of troops ; the remains of the Military
Colonies were destroyed by the cholera, and the war of
Poland ; the Imperial Guard has been reduced to 12,000
wen, completely trained ; the place of the 1,000 officers
massacred in Oc ober, 1831, at Novogorod, has been
supplied by boys, who have no troops under their orders;
in short, nothing has been restored, for everything is want-
ing, men and money. We ought to translate the Gazette
of Frankfort thus—' Russia would be happy to see Prussia,
which is not inclined to war, involved in one. She avails
herself of the old Prussian Nobility who surround the old
King, who resists them as well as he can. Russia could
place some 20,000 men at the disposition of Prussia, and
sav ige bands. of Cossacks, amounting to from 15 to
20,000 men ; but only on the condition of Prussia main-
taining, lodging, and paying them, furnishing all their
transports, and supplying them with artillery; for Russia
has not a sous—not the smallest materiel of transport--
no artillery, and not the slightest store. Without sup•
plies of corn from the Duchy of Posen, the Russian ar-
mies, which have exhausted what little remained in the
country (Poland) would be absolutely destitute.' This is
the way in which the Parisian Journals, which are so
acute and satirical, will interpret the Journal de Frank-
furt, which will probably be somewhat more prudent
hereafter in its insertions."

This is sharp firing ; and we are mistaken if
Russian consequence gain by this sort of war-
fare. We suspect, at all events, that the eager-
ness to invest money in the New Russian Loan
would be not at all increased by correct reports
of the state of things in Russia. It is quite
clear that the ambition of Russia is altogether
disproportionate to her means ; and that
wars in the East, and wars in the West
can only be maintained at the expense of
Dutch and English credulity. However, like
all spendthrifts, she will soon find herself at the
end of resources derived from such means. We
would fain hope that the affairs of the west of
Europe will soon be settled, and that the Powers
of the west will have too much sense to involve
themselves in hostilities without any intelligible
object. Prussia has too much at stake to be
disposed to war. Prussia, is the reverse of
Russia ; she is strong for offence, but weak for
defence ; and a war could not be continued long
without affording a proof of this—for Prussia is,
of all the Powers of Europe, the most interested
in the continuance of peace. The Prussia
Statesmen, too, are clever, and we believe upright,
and too well acquainted with the resources of
Russia to allow themselves to place any reliance
on them. The Statesmen of this country, too,
must see the necessity of dispelling those exagge-
rated notions of Russian power, which Lord
Castlereagh contributed so much to instil into
the nation. Russia is not a first-rate Power, and
must not be allowed to act the part of a first-rate
Power in Europe. Let her keep to her own in-
hospitable corner of the world, and employ her-
self in preserving order among her barbarous
tribes ; but she must not pretend to interfere in
the affairs of civilized nations. The Scheidt
must be forthwith opened to commerce, and the
affair of Holland and Belgium settled by the
Powers most interested in the tranquillity of this
part of Europe.—Morning Chronicle.
The near approach of the period for the as•
sembling of Earl Grey's monster Parliament
naturally excites considerable anxiety in the
mind of reflecting men of all parties, and parti-
cularly among the supporters of Ministers.
That the firm but temperate opposition of the
Conservative party was dictated by sound con-
stitutional principles, as well as by just views of
the practical business of Government, is now
sufficiently apparent, and this deepens the re-
sponsibility of the Whigs for the " perilous
experiment" which they have made. Earl Grey
had his option to effect a moderate Reform by
constitutional means, or a violent radical Reform
by revolutionary ones, and he preferred the latter,
at the expense of countless pledges, and in de-
fiance of the remonstrating intelligence of the
empire. He must now gird himself to meet
what we fear will prove the bitter and deplorable
consequences of his misconduct—bitter to him-
self, and deplorable to his country. During
many centuries of glory and safety this country
had been governed (excepting a few casual
revolutionary epochs) by a Constitution consist-
ing of three balanced powers, the free consent
of each of which was essential to any legislative
change. The empirical scheme proposed by
Earl Grey was in the first instance indignantly
rejected, and it was only at last forced through
the Legislature by an act of revolutionary vio-
lence, which attacked the independence of one
estate, and practically overthrew the whole Con-
stitution. This is not a case of ordinary mis-
government, but of flagrant conspiracy, render-
ing the parties engaged in it personally respon-
sible to the country for the whole amount of the
good destroyed and the mischief inflicted. In
this as in other cases we are quite sure that
justice will be, sooner or later, vindicated ; but
the mode of the vindication is at present uncer-
tain. " He that breaketh a hedge a serpent shall
bite him" is a sentence uniformly carried into
severe execution in the history of revolution-
ists; and Earl Grey already knows something
of the fascinating eye and pestilential breath
of the Jacobin hydra which seems about
to undertake the office of avenging the in-
sulted laws and outraged Constitution of Great
Britain. It adds little, we presume, to his
present comfort to reflect that this loathsome
monster is of his own creation. Till the tunes
of his execrable Ministry, there was no jaco-
hinism in England or Ireland, that a resolute
Government might not have overcome in a single
month ; but years of difficulty, and perhaps
bloodshed, must now be expected to elapse

More the malignant poison which has been
diffused through 'the nation can be finally extir-
pated. We believe that no single section of the
discordant and paralysed Ministry contemplate
with satisfaction the meeting of Parliament.
The recent management of our foreign affairs
has compromised all our peculiar interests, sul-
lied tha national honour, and subjected us to
general contempt, without bringing us one step
nearer to a practical settlement. We have at
one moment attracted general ridicule by the
imbecility of our policy, and exposed ourselves at
the next to public indignation by abetting France
in the perpetration of an enormous public crime.
We first engaged in a scheme (a dignified scheme,
truly !) to bully the King of the Netherlands,
and when that would not do we were obliged to
let France fight, in order to save appearances,
and amuse the revolutionary canaille of Paris ;
and, whilst all the world wonders at the unac-
countable folly of the British Government,
Russia quietly pursues her projects of eastern and
western aggrandizement at our expense. Mi-
nisters claim credit for paltry dockyard savings,
which will only expose us to additional future
charges, anti squander millions in Russian and
Greek loans, without possessing sufficient in-
fluence to direct their application to objects coin-
patible with the true policy of this country. In
Ireland treason has been tampered with till it has
broken out into rebellion; and another twelvemonth
may witness an armed continental mediation, on
Belgic principles, between William the Fourth
of England and O'Connell the First of Ireland.
England is only calm for the moment, because
the simpletons who raised the cry for Reform are
in eager expectation of some great but unde-
fined changes from the operations of the Bill,
transmuting poverty into wealth, and creating
riches without the trouble of labour. When dis-
appointment shall come, as come it must, the
value will be seen of the insane policy which
has disfranchised property and education, and
conferred the ultimate power of the State upon
a motley multitude of ten-pounders. When did
Minister ever face a Parliament in such a de-
plorable condition of affairs ? Will he attempt
to buy another hollow truce from the Radicals,
by again sacrificing some national interest which
he is bound to protect ? Shall the Church go ?
or Ireland ? or the Peerage, Earl Grey's
" order ?" or will he venture to look once more
towards the insulted and indignant Conserva-
tives ? Without extraneous support, the Whigs,
as usual, cannot stand for an hour, and we
trust that a deep conviction will pervade the
whole country of the necessity of most strenu-
ously resisting the further progress of disorga-
nizing principles.—Morning Post.

A Reform of the Church establishment, as
we announced, some fourteen days ago, will be
the first and greatest of the Government mea-
sures for the Session of 1833 ; and a most im-
portant measure it is in every respect, as well
as, however limited in extent, highly creditable
to the Government with which it will originate.
That it will satisfy every one, is not to be ex-
pected—that it will be as sweeping and search-
ing as the case demands, we do not, consider-
ing all the difficulties with which Ministers have
to contend, anticipate—but that it will uproot
the greater portion of the most glaring of exist-
ing abuses, and pave the way for the abolition
of the remainder, there is not the slightest rea-
, son to doubt. Pray Heaven, therefore, that
they may be successful in their undertaking, and
that the Bill which they will introduce to the
notice of the Legislature on the subject, may
be received in a kindly spirit by those to whom
it will more especially apply! But there is ano-
ther subject, of no less pressing importance,
which not only demands the earnest attention of
the Government, and which must be leak with
by it in a similar spirit, but which causes, at
the present moment, the utmost anxiety in the
minds of all who concern themselves for the
welfare of the country. That subject is Ireland
—lreland and her perpetual grievances, and her
perpetual complaints. Something must be done
for her, and that without delay. The threaten-
ing state of things in that country, eclipsed or
depressed in their legitimate importance by the
engrossing excitement of reform, has been grow-
ing into colossal and overpowering magnitude,
and bringing on a crisis which must be met and
directed with a sagacious and unflinching hand.
She exhibits at the present moment not only
all the characteristics of a country in a state of
general insurrection, but the very worst features
of a country in which there is no law, no mo-
rality, no religion, no government. Not only
are not life and property not safe from the
cruelty of the murderer, and the felon hand of
the depredator ; but a thing called a convention
—a creature of the O'Connell brain—has been
called for the purpose of superseding the ex-
isting law, and substituting a government in
Ireland in lieu of the legal and established go-
vernment of the United Kingdom ! To attempt
to reason with those who have originated such
a notable project—with persons whose only ob-
ject is self-aggrandizement—who care nothing
for their country, and to whom agitation is, in
some measure, a necessity, would not, we fear,
be of much service ; still we may ask them, for
the purpose of shaming them in the estimation
of all reasonable Tersons—would the avowed ob-
ject of their convention, the repeal of the Union,
be beneficial to the ill-consorted parties, Ireland
and England ? Certainly not to Ireland ; or rather
it would be most baneful to her, under whatever
aspect it may be considered—financial, commer-
cial, or political. She would lose many most
vital advantages by separation, whether volun-
tary or forced. At present, England pays the
greater proportion of the expenses necessary for
carrying on the machinery of Government, while
she admits Ireland to an equal proportion of all
the advantages of her predominant commercial
position throughout the world. The first result,
therefore, of the separation would be to Ireland
greatly augmented expenses, with infinitely di-
minished means. At present the English farmer
is driven out of the live stock and provision
market by the inundation of cheap provisions
from Ireland ; while the English labourer is de-
prived of bread—degraded in the comparative
scale of existence, and thrown on the already
intolerably-burdensome poor-rates, by the peren-
nial influx of armies of Irish paupers. Ireland
cannot imagine that in the event of a separation
she would preserve these advantages which are all
in her favour, and at the expense of her contracted
partner. Of course she must expect to be placed
on the same footing in these particulars as fo-
reign nations. England, therefore, would prima
facie have no great cause to regret the change ;
but Ireland would have bitter cause of repen-
tance. And what boon is held out by the agi-
tators as a lure to prompt her to embitter and
aggravate all her present sources of mischief ?
The restoration of her Parliament—the restora-
tion of a foul legislative plague spot—a libel on
representation, which, on the confession of the
agitators themselves, was nothing but a jobbing

warehouse, in which every Member's price was
known and ticketted on his forehead, and where
the country was set up for sale to the highest bidder.
Can any true Irishman—can any one who does
not conceal some ulterior ambitious purpose—
" Some desperate undivulged pretence
Of treasonous malice,"
desire to see this festering mass of legislative
corruption re-communicated, with all the addi-
tional virus of threefold concentration to the
Irish body politic ? In the same degree that
Ireland would lose by the separation, England
would not unquestionably gain ; but it is never-
theless true that to her the connection has always
resulted 'in commercial and financial loss—poli-
tical anxiety—the abortive outlay of enormous
sums to procure a transitory conformity and
tranquillity, through the purchase of friends or
enemies—and the constant necessity of main-
taining a ruinous and unconstitutional standing
army. A divorce, therefore, to her would corn-
tnercially and financially be of obvious and de-
cided benefit. But the benefit would not be
unmixed with evil, and the divorce between the
two countries involves a question common to
both, which no statesman who knows his
duty can overlook in devoting his anxiety to
the common weal of the United Empire. The
question is, shall the integrity of the United
Kingdom be dissolved ? Shall one of the
three limbs of the British empire be forcibly
torn from it ? The condition of the world, too,
must be thrown into the scale of decision—a
condition which demonstrates that, delay it as
we will, the period of the final battle of opinion
between light and darkness, despotism and free-
dom, predicted by Canning, must eventually come.
Is Ireland, therefore, to be left as a fulcrum
on which foreign enmity may stand, and thrust
aside the fair and beneficent influence of Eng-
land on the future destinies of mankind—is this
our satellite to be forced into such eccentric and
capricious action by the agitation of dema-
gogues, as to threaten the equilibrium arid per-
manence of the whole empire ? Looking to
these matters a statesman has only one course
to pursue—to decide for the common good of
the whole British nation. Taking that view, he
cannot and must not permit the present in-
flamed action and morbid excitement of the so- '
cial frame in Ireland to proceed. The great
object of the agitators, repeal of the Union,
must be thwarted by the exertion of authority.
At the same time it is necessary to have jus-
tice, and even conciliation, on the side of that
authority. Ireland's grievances must be re-
dressed—the Grand Jury cess must be got rid
of—the abuses in the administration of the law
must be expunged—and the iniquitous tithe
system abolished. Redress must accompany or
precede coercion. If it do, then, sure we are that
all Englishmen will rise up as one man in order
to support and reinforce the arm of legitimate
authority in putting down a state of things into-
lerable and scandalous, and in averting the danger
of dislocating or mutilating the British empire.
Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOW-STREET.

ROBBERY.—Yeste.ddy James Jacks, a man of
respectable appearance was charged with stealing
two sovereigns, the property of Mr. Simpson,
landlord of the Albion Tavern, Great Russell-
street, Covent-garden, which fell into his hands in
his capacity of accountant. The prisoner was re-
manded till this day (Thursday).
COINING.—JohIt Griffin and Elizabeth Ellis were
yesterday charged on suspicion of having been con-
cerned in coining counterfeit money. The prisoners
were remanded till Monday.
PETTY FRAUD.—George Bray, a man in the
garb of a sailor, was brought up yesterday evening
on a charge of defrauding David Masters, a shoe-
maker, in Sr. Giles's, of 3s. 6d. Some time since
the son of Masters was transported to New South
Wales, and a few days back the prisoner called at
his house and said he had seen his son at Sydney,
professing at the same time to give a very circum-
stantial account of his situation and health. Masters
was highly rejoiced to hear so good an account of
his " prodigal babe," and began to make more par-
ticular inquiries of his situation, when the prisoner
referred him to Captain Shuttlewood, of the Mi-
nerva, who, he said, would be at the Jerusalem
Coffee-house on the ensuing day, and who had
not only a letter but an especial message from
his son. The prisoner then said that he had come
from the eastern extremity of the town to find him,
and that he unfortunately had no money to get him
a bed, upon which Masters generously gave him
3s. 6d. The neighbours, too, who were equally
glad to hear news from so distant a shore of one of
whom they had some knowledge, contributed their
mite towards his gleanings, and he made a tolerable
successful speculation. On Masters going to the
Jerusalem Coffee-house on the ensuing day, how-
ever, and seeing Captain Shuttlewood, he riot only
discovered that he had no letter for him, but that
lie knew nothing of his son.
The prisoner, in his defence, with great effrontery
denied all knowledge of Masters, and presumed if
he had made the statement described that he must
have been in a state of intoxication, and that he was
willing to make him any compensation in his power.
He added, that he had recently returned from New
South Wales in the Machu:, but had no knowledge
of the son of the complainant.
He was remanded till Friday, and Mr. HALLS
directed inquiry to be made into his character.