The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-19 00:00:00

be pursued by the new administration, which the pub-
lic were anxiously looking for, and had some little
right to expect, they find at last a multitude of words
so artfully arranged, that they convey no distinct im-
pression, but are capable of supporting, equally well,
the most opposite conclusions. In perusing it, we
sometimes think we are coming to a tangible point—
we seem to perceive a glimmering of light, but we are
soon undeceived; no light appears,. but rather " dark-.
ness visible." Of professions of frankness there is
enough, and more than enough ; but for the frankness
itself we look in vain. On the contrary, we never re-
collect seeing a state paper of so jesuitical a complexion.
Sir ROBERT will find that the people of England are
not to be deceived by his speciousness. They wanted to
know whether he was to carry on the Government on Re-
form or Anti-Reform principles. He does not tell them,
but attempts to " palter in a double sense." His object
is evident : it is to influence the elections. A disso-
lution is to take place in a day or two—a measure
which we have always known and stated to have been
contemplated by the " Duke :" and Sir ROBERT thinks
that as a good prologue predisposes the audience
in favour of the new piece, his address may gain some
sweet voic,','s in the polling booths. He will, we ap-
Pre,lrencl, find himself in the wrong box. No Reformer
will trust him. He has woven his web like " a
cunning workman:" but the texture, like that of some
other webs, is too fine to catch any but the smallest
flies.

The Paris Papers of Wednesday, which we have
received this morning, are filled with reports of the
trial of M. ROUEN, the responsible Editor of the
National, for a libel on the Chamber of Peers. It
will be remembered by our readers that we before took
notice of the citation of M. ROUEN before the Chamber
on Friday last, and of his obtaining permission to be as-
sisted by M. ARMAND CARREL in defending himself
at the bar four days subsequently. The trial came on at
an early hour on Tuesday, and such was the anxiety
to witness the proceedings, that long before the PRE-
SIDENT had taken his seat, every avenue leading to
the Chamber was choked up with claimants for admis-
sion. Several foreigners of high rank were present ;
among others, Lord BROUGIIAAI and the Duke of
ARGYLE. After some preliminary business had been
gone through, the President (Baron PASQULER) corn -
manded the officers of the Chamber to admit M.
ROUEN and his Counsel. The libellous article was
then put in and read ; and as it must be interesting to
the British public to learn the exact cause of such com-
motion in the capital of Republican France, we give
the article at length. Here it is :
" A fine chapter might be written upon the reasons in support
of the theory of the incompetence of the Chamber of Peers. These
reasons would be specially based upon the presumed resent-
ment which a Chamber that had been treated as a culpable
body by the revolution of July, must entertain against the opi-
nion to which the April prisoners—who are all men of July_
belong. A Chamber, which the revolution la:ts despoiled c
its hereditary privileges, deprived of its most important
prerogatives; which has been summoned by the revo-
lution before the bar of democracy ; and been dis-
missed, half-convicted, of having been an accomplice of the
Restoration. A Chamber, which the revolution causes still to
tremble, daily, by demanding vengeance for Marshal Ney, who
was judicially assassinated by its emigrants, its men of Ghent,
and its renegadoes of the revolution—the parvenus of the civil
and military orders.
" No; in the eyes of eternal justice—in the eyes of poste-
rity—by the testimony of their own consciences, the old sena-
tors of Buonaparte, his corrupt marshals ; the Procurcurs-
Genereaux, and the created nobility of the restoration; the
three or four generations of Ministers who succumbed under
the public hatred and contempt, and who are covered with our
blood : the whole furbished up with some notabilites, scattered
here and there by the royalty of the ith of August, on condi-
tion that they should never speak but in approval of Govern-
ment ; • all this mass of servilities, of so many different origins,
is not competent to pronounce upon the culpability of men
who are accused of having wished to force forward the conse-
quences of the revolution of July."
Immediately after the reading of the article, M.
CARREL rose and addressed the Chamber in one of
the ablest and boldest speeches we ever remember to
have read. We do not believe that the records of
ancient or modern eloquence, contain anything at all
equal to his exordium. Compare the circumstances of
the cases, and the celebrated exordiums of Cicero in
his orations against Cataline are tame when contrasted
with the proud contempt, the bitter scorn of M.
CARREL for the authority claimed by the Judges of
his client. We are sorry that we cannot afford space
for the whole of this admirable speech. It commences
thus :

"M. Carrel—l wish to say a few words. The President
may forbid me to develop what has just escaped me very ex-
cusably ; but he cannot forbid me to speak on M. Rouen's be-
half; that gentleman ought not to suffer for what I have said.
I hope the President will allow me to continue at least my
written defence of M. Rouen. It does not contain any
further allusion to the event which I thought it my duty to
characterize, since it fell, as it were, under my pen.
" Several Peers—Continue, continue !

" The President (with impatience)—You may proceed."
After a good deal of subsequent interruption, M.
CARREL concluded his luminous address. M. ROUEN
was then called upon to know if he wished to say any-
thing, but declined, alleging that after the treatment
which his learned friend had received, he would not
expose himself to insult, though previously prepared
to speak. There was a long discussion in the Chain-

ber with regard to the sentence, when it was resolvel

that M. ROUEN should be incarcerated for two years,
and pay a Ene of 10,000 francs
Thus terminated the trial of M. ROUEN. The
Peers have triumphed ; but the act by which they oh-

tamed it was certainly a suicidal one. This state of
things cannot go on much longer. The intoxication
of power is the deadliest of all pestilences among the
members of a Government ; and from all that is now
taking place in France, a child might prophecy the
fate of the Orleans dynasty.

It seems evident that THE CHURCH is to be mane
the great stalking-horse behind which Tory aspirations
may be best concealed. To address the piety of the
people—to alarm their religious appprehensions—to
denounce the infamy of back-sliding—and to paint the
disgrace, present and eternal, in forsaking their GOD
and insulting his appointed ministers, will, therefore,
be the prime agents to be used for effectuating the
ambitious hopes of the infatuated Tories.
The blending of earthly politics with the name of
the DEITY is, of all blasphemies, the most disgusting—

You must be astonished, Messieurs les Pairs, to find
yourselves our judges. Most certainly we are so; and we ash
by what strange overthrow of principle, or by what series of
changes we have become subject to your jurisdiction. Four
years have ssarcely elapsed since this very assembly, Wore
which I stand, was itself called to stand at the bar of the
country."
Such are the opening sentences. Well might the
Chamber show symptoms of surprise and alarm at
being so addressed. The orator continued—
" The aristocratic Peerage, the instrument and accomplice
of the restoration, shared naturally the defeat suffered by the
counter-revolution in three days. At that. epoch, the journal
now inculpated called France to arms against the Bourbons,
raised Paris in insurrection, proposed a new King, and de-
n-) anted the expulsion from the Chamber of all the Peers
created by Charles X. Then the provocations of the National
were not crimes; they were laws, written under the dictation
of a victorious revolution. lam not foolish enough to wish to
see that state of things perpetuated, in which a country
is governed by its journals. But I consider that the crisis
had proceeded, not from the want of docility of the people,
but from incorrigibility in the Government. Unfortunately,
it is this incorrigibility that is perpetual. Sonic months
have passed since the great catastrophe ; and already events
are rapidly taking their course toward, a similar catastrophe,
though inevitably a more sanguinary one. The old partisans of
liberty quit their principles, disgusted with the little fruit they
have borne. They rally from self-interest to the new power
of the day, whilst the more timid shrink back into the crowd,
determined to put up with the abuses which they rebelled
against before. On its side the new Government enters com-
pletely into the track of the old. And the true, the constant
friends of liberty, are left to ask, has all this blood been spilt—
this heroism been spilt in vain ? Have they been lost for the
the cause of civilization and for the country ? Such is the
doubt, Messrs. les Pairs, that brings us to this bar 1"
This is, indeed, the language of a patriot.
Government have need to watch well the particulars o
the warning here given them by M. CARREL :
" Already events are rapidly taking their course to.
wards a similar catastrophe (the Revolution of July),
though inevitably a snore sanguinary one I" This
very trial, and the sentence consequent upon it, will
accelerate that catastrophe, more than anything that
happened in France since the accession of Lours

a blasphemy not the less sinful because committed by
fools at the instigation of the daring. Are man's cor-
ruptions to be supported by an appeal to Heaven, and
its anger threateningly held forth by the shallow or
the impious, in order to accomplish their own proud
purposes ? To every really religious mind this revolt-

ig mockery must be abominable. Shame to its abet

tors !---for thus is true religion brought into contempt,
and in the end subverted.
Undisputed domination, secular or clerical, is sure,
sooner or later, to merge into despotism : when the
yoke becomes too galling, men enquire—and then
comes truth. In political tyranny the people soon
comprehend the worst—the abridgment of liberty,
and the imposition of some unpleasant burthens ;
these constitute a lanauaffe that the wisest and the
b
dullest can equally well interpret ; and, if in perilling
resistance they stumble,
.why they know and are con
' tent to abide the consequences, quietly awaiting a more
auspicious season for renewing the attack. But in
ecclesiastical tyranny, the penal consequences are not
quite so clear to the multitude ; doubt and superstition
bring a terror more mysterious, less accurately defined,
than ally they could image forth in the other case. In
all communities of men there exists a large measure of
ignorance, prejudice, timidity, and fear ; and it is to
the passions of persons so influenced that the suppor-
ters of clerical despotism address themselves, in endea-
vouring to maintain its sway unimpaired.
It is only when a nation arrives at a certain point
of intelligence, that the errors and corruptions of Church
Government arc sought to be corrected by those who
have the cause of pure religion most closely at heart :
they then begin to see that its true interests do not ne-

The

PHILIPPE, except the rejection of the amnesty. "VI.
CARREL then proceeded to denounce the conduct of
the Chamber, in removing the trial of his client out of
the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals. He showed
that such unconstitutional proceedings hadled to the first
Revolution—that a repetition of them paved the way
for a similar catastrophe—and in a strain of searing, self-
accusing bitterness, pointed out the fruits which France
now enjoyed, after saturating her soil with the blood of
tyrants. Speaking of the Revolution of 1830, M.
CARREL said--

cessarily need the meddlings in secular matters of a

priesthood whose offices would seem to be solely and
essentially of a spiritual character: that those interests
arc not best served by upholding the pomps and vani-
ties of earthly power and personal aggrandisement,
which all good men are schooled to eschew. The
weakest minded and the humblest will sometimes
ponder upon that enormous difficulty, why the Minis-
ters of a religion, which interdicts these lusting:; of the
flesh—earthly power and earthly glory—should them-
selves so eagerly covet them ? With an exhortation to
humility of heart ringing in their ears, they cannot con-
ceive why my Lord Bishop should keep a carriage, and
serving men in purple and fine linen ; they never-heard
that any of the Apostles, not even St. Paul himself,
kept a lacquey ; they think it strange, and it is strange.
it seems to their unsophisticated minds something
eery much like an act of self-falsffict:tion.

" We knew how to re-conquer lost liberty, but not how to
gunrantee ourselves from losing
.it again after it was found.
And lo ! the fruits of our simplicity and ignorance. Of all
our conquests in July there remains--what? A mere emblem,
the tri-colour flag—an empty word, the sovereignty of the na-
tion ; but with these there still survives the immortal example,
telling us never to despair of a great and sacred cause."
* • • * a * a* •
" Thus we have lived to see the capital in a state of siege,
writers handed over for judgment to sergeants of infantry, in-
dividual liberty at the mercy of the meanest agent, the sacred-
ness of Frenchmen's home violated universally, nay, even
stained with blood; the stolen secrets of private correspond-
ence made the basis of public prosecution, the simpl, fa.et of

When we begin to discover that wickedness is not

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1834.

citizens associating together transformed into the crime of
treason : ourselves, we have been deprived of liberty and for-
tune for seeking to preserve the existence of that Journal
which made the first public appeal in favour of the dynasty of
Orleans (for my part in which I crave pardon of freedom and
of my country !")
After this burst of feeling; which created a murmur
and a buzz in every part of the chamber, M. CARREL
proceeded to justify the article, by comparing it with
others which appeared in the same journal in 1830,
written by M. THIERS, the present Minister of the
Interior, and M. MIGNET, now a member of the
Council of State. In the articles written by these

gentlemen, the Peers were designated " Poltroons ;"
the Peerage was said to be gone ; and the
people were called upon to bid them—
" March—begone !" with an assurance that they
would be obeyed. The Chamber evinced the greatest
uneasiness during the reading of these articles. It was

not, however, till the name of Marshal NEY was men.
tioned, that the Chamber broke out into a scene oi

i►►describable confusion. M. CARREL baying said,
in reference to the execution of Marshal NEY, " at
the present period the Judge has more need of being
reinstated in public opinion than the victim." The
following scene took place

The President here rose and said—Defender You are
speaking before the Chamber of Peers. There arc in this as-
sembly some of the Judges of Marshal Ney. To say that
those judges have more need of being reinstated than the vic-
tim, is, I warn you, an expression which might be considered
as an offence. I beg to remind you, that the article of the
law which I have had the honour to read to you, is as appli-
cable to your words as to the article which M. Rouen is called
upon to answer for.

" General Excelmans (a Peer)--I demand to be allowed
to speak.

"The President—l cannot comply with that demand.
" M. Carrel (with a gesture and accent which it is impos-
sible to describe)—lf among the members who voted for the
death of Marshal Nev, and who sit in this assembly, there be
one who feels himself hurt by my expressions, let him make a
proposition against me—let him summon me to this bar : I
should glory in being the first man of the geuerati"n of 1830
who came here to pretest, in the name of indignant France,
against that abominable assassination.—(Movement in the
Chamber. In the tribunes—" Bravo, bravo !" General en-
thusiasm among the spectators. Stupefaction in the assembly.)
The President (raising his voice so as to be heard in the
midst of the applauses)—Defender 1 I withdraw your privilege
of addressing the Assembly.
" General Excelmans here rese, and carried away, as it were,
by the force of a deep conviction, cried,—" I join in opinion
with the defender. Yes, the condemnation of Marshal Ney
was a judicial assassination ; I say it. I—" (In the tri-
bunes—" Bravo, bravo I" It is impossible to describe the agi-
tation among the Peers. The applauses continued in the tri..
banes.)
"M. de Tascher (in an agitated voice)—l demand that the
public tribunes be evacuated.
" Several Members—No, no !
" The President to M. Rouen—M. Rouen, is your defence
completed ?—( In the Tribunes--" No, no 1")
"M. Rouen—My defence is not completed. I demand that it
may be continued by M. Carrel.
" The President—lt cannot be continued by M. Carrel,
who has placed himself in such a position that I cannot allow
him to speak. _ . _

the less corrupt, for being perpetrated by men clothed
in peat names and sounding titles, nor made less
detestable by reason of precedent or the antiquity of
practice, it is hard to understand upon what grounds
there should be an immunity for corruption, because
countenanced by holy and devout men. Is corruption
sanctified by age ? Then let but our gin palaces
have tini to endure, and lo I age shall consecrate their
corruptions. It cannot be that the " Church Establish -
ment," by having been associated with the religious
services of a nation, for a long period of time, should
therefore and necessarily be essential to the cause of
christianity ; or that because of its name, no abuses and
corruptions can have defiled the " Establishment."
Surely not. The church of GOD is in the hearts of
his people—not in the pride of prelacy, its misapplied
revenues, or its earthly ostentation.

We will yield to none in reverence to the Christian
Church ; we heartily desire to extend its blessings to
all mankind. But it is against the glaring abuses
which beset, the corruptions which have polluted the
" Establishment," that we exclaim ; and every true
friend of the church will join us in the work of
expurgat►on. The cunning Tories, in the ap-
proaching struggle, will appeal to the people's
religious prejudices and apprehensions ; they will
depict the awful consequences -of the " down-
fall of the Church, and our venerable institutions ;"
and denounce in good set phrase, the rabble plunderers
who seek to encompass their ruin. Alarmists and
waverers may be caught by the sophistry ; but all who
really love the Church, and sincerely desire to main-
tain its purity unimpaired, by the corruptions " that
may have crept into" the Establishment, will disdain
the hollow mouthings of those deceivers who, in igno-
rance, bigotry, or ambition, would disturb their righ-
teous resolutions to reform Church abuses.

[The following article was written yesterday, but
unavoidably left over, from want of space.]
Whether the present Parliament shall be cashiered
or not, there cannot be a doubt that an immediate
dissolution would be declared, if the Tory Government
thought any thing could be got by it worth the having.
To argue seriously the question of the present Minis-
ters' ability to manage the affairs of the kingdom with
such a House of Commons as now exists, would be a
very ill compliment to the understanding of our readers.
The Duke might as well try to turn the course of the
moon by firing pop-guns at her.
Perhaps it may be determined that the present
House " shall have an opportunity of declaring its
sentiments with regard to the change of Ministers."
This will certainly have the effect of protracting the
existence of the Government, but surely the Govern-
ment has already formed a shrewd suspicion of the
result of such an opportunity. If nothing else is to
be gained by it, the Tories, to be sure, will be allowed
a little further time for manoeuvring, and they are un-
rivalled in electioneering skill.
That a dissolution will take place it would be folly
to doubt, whilst the present Administration continue in
office : it may be now, or it may be a few weeks hence,
but to that pass it must come at last. It will therefore
be necessary for the electors to continue on the alert.
They should prepare themselves with a few wholesome
questions to put to the candidates for their suffrages,
and such az will admit of a clear and intelligible answers
—avoiding generalities for a season, and confining
themselves to particulars : this will be very useful.
It will be well to bear in mind that the represen-
tatives whom they may select, will have a seven years'
existence, unless by accident, or their own desire, that
period shall be lessened ; if, therefore, they have any
thing to desire upon this subject they had better speak
out. In the present state of things the electors and
their representatives may suppose that the movements
of the Duke and his party are chiefly to be the objects
of their watchfulness. This will be an error which
must be guarded against. There are other points of
far greater importance, and they must be strictly at-
tended to.

Great care, also, must be taken by the electors, so to

instruct their representatives, as to the nature of their
wants And wishes, that no mistake may occur for some
time to come. It is possible that another change of
Ministry may seem judicious ere long ; it will be
well, therefore, that no unnecessary trouble be occa-
sioned to the King in the unpleasant exercise of any
of his prerogatives. By making manifest their real
sentiments in distinct and unequivocal language, use-
less pain will be spared to his MAJESTY'S feelings,
and the internal quiet of the country be undisturbed
by needless dissolutions of the Parliament. This will

be both loyal and courteous to the one, and particularly
desirable to the other.

Another point and we have done for to-day. Many
honourable candidates will wince at the word " pledge,"
should it happen to meet their car : so indignant are

they at the idea of being considered shackled " dele-
gates." In any cases of this kind that may occur, we
caution the electors to pay marked attention to the

" ifs" and " buts" with which their harangues or their
promises may abound ; they are dangerous little words,
and mean a great deal more than is generally sup-
posed. The measures-not-men lovers employ the if
and the but with singular felicity ; it will be discreet
to remember this fact when the proper time shall
arrive.

We have received intelligence from Madrid through
the medium of the French Papers, bearing date the
oth inst. They refer chiefly to the report of the
committee on the civil list ; but contain nothing of any
interest to an English reader.

BASSETLAW.—G. H. Vernon, Esq., the present
Member, has been taking a personal canvass, and the Tory
party have got up a requisition to the Hon. Capt. Dun-
combe.—Halifax Express.

The canvass of the three candidates for the re-
presentation of this borough, has been continued during
the past week; and that of the liberal party, ALssrs.
Wood and Protheroe, has been brought to a most
favourable conclusion. These gentlemen addressed a large
meeting of the electors, yesterday evening, in the Old
Assembly Room, and were received in the most flattcring man-
ner. We cannot, at so late an hour, attempt eny report of their
speeches, but they will be distributed amongst the electors in
the course of the day.—Halifax Express.
THREATENING LETTERS.—The inhabitants of
New Cross and Deptford have been thrown into a state of
considerable excitement and alarm in consequence of several
respectable tradesmen there having received threatening letters
of an incendiary nature. One letter was addressed to Mr.
Burgess, baker, of New Cross, apparently in a disguised hand,
threatening to burn his house and himself in it. This threat,
coupled with the late occurrences at Rotherhithe, has induced
many of the inhabitants to remove their beds and furniture
from the upper to the lower part of the house, and the circum-
stance is the general topic of conversation in the neighbour-
hood.

We give the following anecdote from a private source
of undoubted authority, in proof that our excellent Queen
(the bright exemplar of all the domestic virtues) is no dabbler
in politics, as the base Radical press have maliciously asserted.
Her Majesty, a few days ago, remarked to one of her ladies
in attendance, that if a thunderbolt had fallen at her feet she
could not have been more astonished than she was when the
King announced to her a change of Ministers. His Majesty
said that ha hoped she would be well enough to _come down
to dine with them, as the Duke of Wellington would be of
the party that day. " The Duke of Wellington !" answered
the Queen with surprise. " Yes," replied his Majesty, " I
have changed my Ministers."—salopian Journal.