The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

opinions which I entertained on the introduction of that

' Bill. Is is my opinion that the assumption of these
titles was an assumption of po ecr on the
part of a foreign prince which it was impos-
sible nor us to pass by unnoticed ; but, Sire I
will say this, that I thought and still think
that the main object to be attained. by that
Bill was the vindication of our national iadependence
and the assertion of the supremacy of the Crown and
kingdom of England as against any foreign power what-
ever.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, with respect to the
Bill we had introduced, looking to the past proceedings
in the Irish courts of law, there are some of ;its clauses
which ought not to be pressed to the fullest extent.
It was not our intention so to interfere with anything
which belongs to the regular order of RomaniCatholic
worship. So far we were anxious to maintain the re-
ligious liberty which exists in this country. Therefore, if
that Bill were proceeded with, I should be ready to make
all such alterations as should prevent any of the inter-
ference which seems to be dreaded. I own that when I
see a man of such moderation as Archbishop Murray ob-
jecting to the provisions of that Bill, I will say I am quite
ready, to examine and go into the provisions of the
Bill, and see whether the objections which have been
stated really do exist.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
My persuasion was, and I was induced to believe
so by information which I received from a very
high authority, that on these two points which I have
stated this Bill was not calculated to make any inter-
ference. Therefore I am quite ready to carry into
effect the original intentions of the Bill, not
to depart from them, and not to go beyond them,
There is !molter question of very great importance,"upon
which, on the occasion of a late debate, on the 20th
instant, I made a statement to the House on the
subject of extending the franchise. It is fit
that I should state to the House that :that
subject has been under the consideration of the Cabinet
during the late recess, but myself and my colleagues
came to the unanimous determination that it
would not be right to introduce a measure
on that subject in the present session. As, howevers
a general election must take place in 1853, we deter-
mined that 1552 would be the latest time that such a,
measure could be introduced. With respect to the
question itself. I have to say that having
for ten years before the Reform Bill was introduced
devoted my attention to the subject, and having made
many motions between the years 1821 and 1831, having
had a great share in framing the Reform Bill, I
am perfectly satisfied with the general working
of that Bill. I do not see that it has
produced any of the consequences of overturning the
Constitution which were prophecied of it. But in re-
spect, however, of any future measure which may be
introduced upon the subject, I think you must proceed
with the greatest caution. I think the general disposition
of the Reform Parliament has produced a fair represen-
Wien of the intelligence, the wishes, and the industry
of the people. I should dread any change which might
be introduced in the representation which deprived
the House of Cpmmons of that conservative element
which ought to belong to it. I cannot conceive that a
House of Commons merely representing numbers would
act in harmony with a monarchy, an hereditary
House of Peers, and an Established Church. I
think tt ought to be the object of any
one who approaches this subject not to create a
House of Commons, which should be a separate
power, but it should be his object to do as we
did in 1831, to endeavour to give to the people
a greater interest in their institutions, and at the
same time to improve the general representation.
These are the views that I venture to bring
before the House upon these three topics. It
is at the present time a matter of doubt into
whose hands the Government of the country
may be committed, but I feel that on great subjects,
like those I have referred of Parliamentary interference,
it is not for Ministers alone to look to the solution of such
great questions.—(Hrar, hear.) They interest us and our
own posterity.—(Hear, hear.) Sir I have consi-
dered, in the course of my Parliamentary conduct,
whether on the day I was proposing reform
to a small minority, and amidst the apathy
of the country, or whether I was proposing
a Bill that was receiving the enthusiasm of the
nation—l felt that my great comfort was that I was
acting with those on whom I had the greatest
confidence, and on whose judgment I could rely-
- (Hear, hear) —and on whose integrity I could place
the greatest faitb.—(Hear, hear.) Perhaps the House
will allow me to quote a few sentences from a great
statesman, who used frequently to be quoted in this
House, and who was often referred to as a guide to our
deliberations. He is certainly much less referred to
now, but his sentiments nevertheless are pregnant with
much wisdom. I allude to Edmund Burke.—(Hear )
Burke says—
" The only method which has ever been found effec-
tual to preserve any man against the corruption of na-
ture and example is a habit of life and communication of
counsels with the most virtuous and public-spirited men
of the age you live in. Such a society cannot be kept
without advantage, or deserted without shame. For this
rule of conduct I may be called in reproach a party
man; but lam little affected with such aspersions. In
the way which they call party, I worship the constitu-
tion of your fathers; an l I shall never blush for my p
Han' company. All reverence to honour, all idea ( f
what it is, will be lost out of the world, before it can be
imputed as a fault to any man that he has been closely
connected with those incomparable persons, living and
dead, with whom for eleven years I have constantly
thought and acted."
Adopting these sentiments, I have to sly that I
have acted for move than eleven years with
such men as Remilly, Mackintosh, and homer, with
Lord Grey and Lord Althorp, and with such men it
has been my pride to act. I will not speak of the living,
but I will say this, that as long as I am a public man
I will act with those men and consort with such men as
adopt my public views —(Hear, hear.) Some men may
think that our standard of publio virtue is
higher than in the times of Burke, others
may think it lower, but as long as I take part in public
affairs I shall ever follow the example of such public
men as I think may best guide my publie life.—(The
Noble Lord sat down amid much cheering.)
Mr. DISRAELI wished to correct some of the mis-
takes into which the Noble Lord appeared to him
to have fallen. It was the opinion of Lord Stanley,
and certainly of ail parties, that no reference
would have been made on Monday to what
had occurred, and that the Noble Lord opposite
would not have considered it necessary under the
circumstances to have made the allusions he did.—
(Hear.) He, however, bed been authorised by Lord
Stanley to state that if it was said he was
not prepared to form an Administration, that
such really was not the case. He had stated the
effect of that to the Noble Lord; he perhaps might
have made that statement to the Noble Lord in phrase-
ology less appropriate than might have been adopted—
(Hear, hesr)—but having reason to believe that the
Noble Lord was then in possession of Lord Stanley's
letter he thought it better not to let that opportunity
slip to state what really was the fact.—(Cries of
"Hear, hear.") He never for one moment meant
to state anything that was to be considered peremptory.
After making this statement it would be unnecessary
for him to make any further remark upon the course
adopted by Lord Stanley, as he believed that Noble
Lord was now in another place making his statement
of what bad really occurred; and be believed that
after that statement Lord Stanley would stand
far higher in the estimation of the country than he had
done before. The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst
loud cries for Sir J. Graham.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who evidently had not
anticipated being so specially called upon, said that he
would not have intruded upon the House had he
not been so peremptorily called upon.—(Hear.) Some
explanation would doubtless be expected from him, and
he would endeavour to make it as succinctly as he could.
Her Majesty had been most graciously pleased, on
Saturday to send for his Noble Friend Lord Aberdeen
and himself, and at an audience with which
they were honoured her Majesty informed them that
Lord Stanley had stated to her Majesty that he
was not prepared to form a Government, and that
she had empowered Lord John Russell to re-
construct; a Government. (Hear, hear.) Her
Majesty expressed her greatest anxie y to his Noble li
Friend and himself that they would do all in
their power to assist him in that undertaking.
With that requisition Lord Aberdeen could not possibly
comply. (Hear, hear, and shears.) As one
who desired to serve her Majesty, and as a faithful
servant of a Sovereign whose continual thought
and greatest wish was for the happiness of her people—
(Cbeers)—he would . truly say that he was
anxious once more to join the Noble Lord
in the formation of a Government.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord in the course of his statement
had said that he and himself (Sir James Graham)
had long held public office together, and that he had
always regretted the dissslution of that connexion by
which they had been bound together.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord had overvalued that connexion in his
(Sir J. Graham's) estimation. Sometimes he had been
associated with, and other times he had been opposed to
the Noble Lord in the conduct of the national affairs.
Sometimes he had been the Noble Lord's willing fol-
lower in that House, and at others his strenuous oppo-
nent; but for many years ho had lived in the closest
intimacy with the N(Ile Lord, and in the enjoyment, f
might say, of the ties of affection.—(Hear, hear.) He
must say that, for his own part, he was ready to express
the same feeling, and he trusted he might be allowed, in
speaking of the Noble Lord, once more to resume the
expression which he had so often used in that
House, and term him his Noble Friend.—(Loud and re—
peated cheers from both sides of the House.) With re-
spect to what might happen to fall from him on that
occasion he did not wish to say anything that might
bring on a hostile discussion. Under the present
circumstances such a proceeding would, in his opinion,
be both unseemly and mischievous. There were,
tl)how-
ever, three points to which he desired to direct _
attention of the House, for when the history of
the last thirty years came to be written, it would b
found that that epoch was marked by three great ques-
tions. The first of these was the repeal of the Tow and
Corporation Acts, sled the emancipat
ass ion of
the the
Reform
Roman
Catholics; the second was the ping
Act, by which a great, and extensive alteration
, was made in the franchise ; and the third
I was Ike filittaiiskasest tit Ow larger and more