The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-14 00:00:00

mitted to them. And while thus resolved to nurture
freedom at home, it is our earnest hope that the
British people may (at all times) be ready to em-
ploy their influence and resources in preventing other
nations (struggling to defend or obtain similar
rights) from being assaulted by foreign despots; for
while we abhor blood.shed, and have no sympathy with
anarehy, or with those revolutions which merely effect a
change in the name of despotism, we feel bound to mani-
fest respect for all national efforts to improve the admi-
nistration of social affairs. Confident that the time will
come,when Hungary and the more enlightened nations of
the world, observant of your career, will again make
strenuous efforts for the recovery or attainment of con-
stibuoonal government, we doubt not that the people of
this country and the United States of America will then
stand forth with strong arms and firm nerves to succour
freedom and resist foreign interference. We cannot
allow this opportunity to pass without applauding the
firm and resolute protection afforded (in defiance of
Austrian and Russian menaces) by the Sublime Porte to
yours.dt and the other noble patriots who took refuge
under Turkish hospitality; end permit us to offer a
passing tribute of unfeigned sorrow for the many glo-
rious victims to your righteous cause who fell in the
field of battle or under the Austrian executioner.
.We
offer these sentiments to you because we are assured that
they will encourage and rejoice your heart, and lend
renewed vigour to the efforts whim you can never cease
to make for the common cause and common weal cf
Huegery.'"
Tne addresses from the other boroughs were echoes
of the sentiments of sympettey with the past, and
hope for the future, which the Westminster address
contains.
The addresses from the metropolitan boroughs
having been presented, the ladies' deputation presented
their address. It was read by Mr. J. B. Smith,
M.P. and was subscribed by 5,000 females. The
members of the ladies' deputation, after having
been presented to Madame Kossuth, retired, when
Louis N.osscru advanced, and addressed the meet-
ing very nearly as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies,
and Gentlemen,—Some weeks ago, if questioned,
perhaps I myself would have shared the opinion of
the correspondent of the Augsburg Gazette, so much
felt I awed at the idea in approaching the glorious
shores of England—that soil which makes
every man free who touches it—that I
should have to speak publicly in your lan-
guage. So much felt I awed by that idea that I
should almost have subscribed to the assertion of the
correspondent of the Augsburg Gazette that I did not
spak English at all.—(Cheers and laughter.) It is
not necessity, but conviction, that makes me say that
I feel the bad terms upon which lam with your lan-
guage. It was not, therefore, my little knowledge of
your language, but your generous sentiments—the
hidden spark which I found ready in your breasts,
and your noble and affectionate indulgence, that made
me not quite entirely fail in speaking your language,
notwithstanding every second word was a fault.
What is the reason of that ?—the holy ghost of free-
dom and liberty breathed upon me. That freedom
and liberty being common to mankind has its pulsa-
tions in all hearts which beat in the breasts of huma-
nity, and therefore the words of freedom and liberty,
though spoken in a faltering and stammering tongue,
are always understood and appreciated.—(Loud
cheers.) But I must confess that standing here to-
day I have double need to invoke that holy ghost,
because the business of the last three days left me
not a moment to think.—(Cheers.) I confess I was
not prepared to see so glorious a meeting. I had an opi-
nion that I should have the honour and glory to receive
addresses of sympathy; but I was not prepared to
receive them in such a place, in such a meeting, and
under such circumstance.—(Cheers ) Therefore if,
on other occasions, I was not prepared with words,
though not unprepared with ideas, here I must be
doubly excused ; for I am unprepared even with respect
to ideas. I will only, therefore, speak to you of the
topics which the addresses presented brought home to
my mind, and I will speak to you some warm words
of gratitude and fervour on this, I may say, the eve of
my, departure to your younger brother in America,
whom you love, and through whom and you I trust
the freedom of mankind will come.—(Great cheer-
ing.) But before all, I suppose it is something more
than a sentiment of common civility that I answer the
ladies first. Ladies, you have a glorious lot assigned
bo you by destiny. The image of the Almighty—
man, whatever be his fate or condition, bears through
life the seal which the angelic hand of a mother im-
prints upon him.— (Cheers.) The women of a coun-
try are the mirror of the character of its sons, and
when the day of adversity comes to those whom you
have conducted by your angelic cares, what is their
noblest consolation ? your sympathy ! I know it,
because I have found it.—(Cheers.) And when the
struggle fur a noble aim has been defeated by the un-
happy circumstances which surround them, where
is the source from which they derive new strength.
In your approbation, in your erniles.—(Cheers.) May
God bless you, ladies, for having given me this ap-
probation and those smiles. And now I swear be-
fore you to Almighty God that you have added
strength to my strength ; and that I will go on to the
last mein: gat of my life boldly and honestly in the
seine course of coeduct which you have honoured
by your sympathy and your approbation,—(Cheers.)
You have mentioned in your address the difference
between the reception given to Hsynau, and that
which hes been given to myself. Now, ladies and
gentlemen, I have such a strong feeling respecting
the elineet union which subsists between duty and
merit, that I cannot quite understand what it is to
have merit, because I consider every good which a
man can do to be a duty ; therefore, having such an
idea of duty, I can say that I feel no pride in any
comparison which is drawn between us ; whatever es-
teem I may have for myself I believe 1 cannot be put
in comparison with such a man.—(Cheers.) So
much for him. This glorious meeting has cheered
the allusion which has been made to the noble-
minded fellows who acted towards the man as you
know.—(Hear, and a laugh.) Now I never wonder
so much in my life as when I see an appearance of
affection among the people to feel sclndalised
when they mark, see, and hear that the thunder-
ing voice of the instinct of the people speaks not the
tone of an molian harpe—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
What I know is, that the thunder of the instinct out
of wnich that deed arose on the part of those brave
men burst forth spontaneously. It was such a noble
instinct as is an honour to humanity and a revelation
of mankind's Divine origin, because it was en instinct
of hatred against cruelty, of hatred against despot-
ism, and of respect for human rights.—(Cheers for
the dray men.) Ladies and gentlemen, I entirely feel
the importance of the present times. At Manchester,
or at Birmingham, whilst speaking of the key to those
demonstrations, I said that it was not my presence
that had elicited those demonstrations, because I had
not before seen or known the English people. Having
bad the high glory of receiving here, in the name of these
electoral bodies, and of some thousands of ladies,
addresses of such a character, representing a city,
the number of whose inhabitants amount to nearly
two! millions, by and by I must come to the idea
that I was correct, and that these are the senti-
ments of the greater part of the people of Eng-
land. Still it is true that it is not my presence which
has elicited these sentiments. I came to receive
them, and not to make thetn.—(Cheers.) If respect
is due to the people of England, the public opinion
of England is pronounced. In every case it has been
the public opinion of England, it has not been me.
—(Renewed cheers.) I say the public opinion of
England is pronounced • and eo sure as it is that
England is a constitutional' country- even so true must
it be that th; public opinion will be and must be
obeyed.—(vehementand hlhleering.) In what this public
opinion should
an unpretending be obeyed, that of course I,
strawinigker, cannot even slightly touch
upon ; but so much
that this public opinion
has pronounced in favour of freedom, and in
of respect for the sovereign tights of the nations to
dispose of their domestic cone and I confidently
hope that the same public opinion will tet
Pe
ill also find out
ideas
result.
the practical means of coming to a
—(Cheers.) These are rather desultoryrse
is which
m
I speak, and you must excuse eif there
nocon-
nexion in the fil.—(ilear.) In one of the addresses
which I have had the honour to receive, I was told that
we, in Hungary, have been fighting for those institu-
tions which you yourselves possess. Without en-
tering further into the matter, I will beg your gene-
rous pardon to allow me a single remark. When I
heard these words I looked on the names of those five
boroughs, and I wondered that those five boroughs,
with a million and a half of inhabitants, have not the
full exercise of their municipal institutions.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear," and "We mean
to have them soon.") Of course it is not
eoavenient for me to speak further upon this, but
only say this much, that I believe that that sentiment
of
t freedom—that sympathy for freedom which the
generous English people have been so kind as to
manifest since I have had the honour to be on Eng-
lish soil, is
sveryatrongly united with municipal
ins'itution3—o mucbi:
some wa
that I, of course, being very
much anxious to see
secure 1 the con-
tinuation, the further developmenyt
become highly
of this public
opinion, whieh promises to
to my country—out of such meet- I believe I say
beneficial
nothing but their due when I thatsayprinciple
of freedom is quite synonyll.lollB wylth til theprinciple of
zgf-oiwernuient"
Yale word
self-government.
‘‘ everyfre freedom."
man
I befiew,. brings hone to the
to eovale
practically what is meant by the word
" Self-government " is so highly interesting
man in the world who will be free, and will not-3
be either a bondsman or a tyrant—every man is so
strongly interested in that word "self-government,"
that I believe from the moment when the people of
England get entirely penetrated by the sentiment of
that truth, that toe principle of freedom, fcr which I
speak and asn the advocate, and humbly entreat your
generous aid, is nothing else but the principle of self-
algVernment, the public opinion of England will not
" alak4ol) after these demonstrations, but go