The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-05 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

COVENTRY RACES AND STEEPLECHASES.
TUESDAY.—Tbe Handicap (fiat race) of 5 sous. each,
and 25 added. One mile and a half. (8 Subs.)
Mr. Cowley's Heart of Oak, sst 41b ... 1
Mr. Hamp's Bacton's, 7st 31b ... 2
The following also ran:—Cuptain Cunningham's The
Mease, 7st—Mr. Pitcher's Hazy, 4mt 121 b—and Mr.
Minor's Modestina, 63t 101 b. Betting—Even on Heart
of Oak. Won easy.

The Annual Steeplechaqe Handicap of 20 sovs. each,
10 ft, and ,5 only if declared, with 100 added; the
second to save his stake. Four miles.
Mr. W. Palmer's The Victim, lOst 121 b (Miser) 1
Mr. J. Osborne's Abd-el-Kader, l lst
The following also started:—Mr. Vevers's Vainhope,
list 71b—Mr. BarnaN's Sir Peter Laurie, list 51b—
Mr. Hughes's Miss Collingwood, lOst 71b—Mr. Elmore's
Mulligan, lOst 21b—Mr. John Tollitt's Tipperary Boy,
lOst 21b—Lord Lurgan's Fugitive, lOst 121 b. Betting
—3 to 1 agst Victim, 4 to 1 agst Abd-el-Kader, 5 to 1
agst Vainhope, 5 to 1 agst Sir Peter Laurie, sto 1 agst
Fugitive. Won cleverly by a length and a half.
The Free Handicap (hurdle race), of 10 sovs. cach, and
50 added. Two miles.
Mr. Land's The General, lOst 6lb
Mr. Oake's Half and-half, 10st 12Ib ... -
Mr. Vevers's Venice, 9st bib
Mr. Gain's Seignor of Holderness, Est 81b 0
Ge-
neral, and 5 to 2 apt Seignor of Holderness. Won
2 to 1 agst The
cleverly.ing—Even on Half-aud-halt,
, and 20 added, one
BT ehtet
mils, 7 Subs., were won easily by Mr. Pitcher's Hasty,
Selling Stakes of' 5 sovs. each
3 yrs, sst 111 b, besting Captain Cunningham's The
Airas, Bat Brother to Eldon, 5 yrs,
Land',
Passion Flower, 6
y
Blistr.lllllubm—ptirry. anosLd
Bst 91b --Mr. / Mr. Harvey's Sampler, 4 yrs, 7st 111b—Mr.
Morris's Peter the Great, 3 yrs, Est 61b, and Mr. Smith's
ess'
Emma, 3 yrs, 6st 31b. Betting—. 2 to 1 agst Emma, 4
to 1 each agst The Mease and Passion Flower, and 5 to 1
agst Brother to Eldon.

(Frisby) 1

adjoininghav e
MONSTER CORN STORES rot NT
~,OTTINGHAM.
Teounties who
been subject to
great inconvenience, trouble, and expense,
athteend the agriculturistsniarket ofs
a this
through not find-
ing proper and convenient warehouses wherein to place the
t Nottingham,andthe
produce of their farms until suitable purchasers might be
found for it at a fair market price, and, consequently, many
farmers have been driven to sell at less than the ruling price
for want of such store•rooms to place their corn in until the
next or some future market day. The Midland Railway
Company, seeing the necessity for a building of sufficient
magnitude, have, therefore, resolved to build a warehouse
large enough to contain 14,000 quarters of corn. They ad-
vertised for a builder to erect a warehouse of eight storeys
high, with room underneath to allow laden waggons to enter
under cover with their freight, and Mr. George Thompson,
the respectable builder, of Derby, has obtained the contract
to carry up such warehouses, 110 feet in length, by 75 feet
in width, the foundations to be formed of stone and concrete,
the walls of brick, &c. The buildings are now in progress,
to be finished by July next, when one of the largest corn
stores in the north will be found standing on the ground be-
longing and contiguous to the Nottingham railway station.
Nearly 1 millions of bricks, besides other building mate-
rials, will be consumed in the erection and finish of these
great corn stores. The farmers will, by this gigantic enter-
prise of the railway company, have a greater chance of selling
i
without submitting to a reduction n price, or running the
risk of disposing of their grain to a needy
or doubtful buyer.
Instead of offering by sample, the bulk will be at hand ; -the
bargain struck will enable many a
.needy man to take home
with him the money, instead of waiting two, three, four, or
even more weeks before he is paid; in fact, ere long, Not-
tingham sample and credit corn market will become a pitch
and cash one. —Derby Mercury.
A BULL TERRIER ROASTED IN THE ASH-PAN or
A Locoaturiym.—On Wednesday evening last, as the mail
train was passing that portion of the Eastern Union line near
Ipswich which divides Lady Harland's grounds, known as
the " Wherstead Cutting," the driver became aware, by the
unmistakeable evidence of his olfactory organs, that some-
thing much more savoury than coke was being con-
sumed by the fire of his engine ; and knowing that
hares are frequently cooked in a similar manner, he yielded
to the fond anticipation of a game supper at the end of his
journey. On arriving at the terminus, however, great was
his surpthe, equalled only by disappointment, on discovering
that the self-immolated victim was not a hare, but a large
dog of the bull terrier breed, which, having strayed on the
line, and doubtless attracted by the glare of the fire in the
ash-pan of the engine, bad heedlessly rushed on its destruc-
tion, the poor animal being completely roasted.—lpswich
Express.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TIMES.—The Ministerial alternative is very simple
but very strange. The Whig Cabinet will be either im-
becile or despotic—imbecile if it receives no increase of
support, despotic if it is mantained at all hazards, in
sheer despair of successors. Lord John gave a faint
foreshadow of this predicament last session, when, on
the question of the African blockade, he peremptorily'
commanded the votes of his party finder threat of im-
mediate resignation. But if the menace was so effectual
when the contingent disorder of the State was only pre-
sumptive, what would it be after the experience of the
last twelve days? Assuming that politicians of all parties
acknowledge the absolute necessity of carrying on the
Queen's Government, what is to be the limit of Lord
John's authority while it is notorious that none but he
can be found to carry it on? On the other hand, if these
conditions of
.his official existence procure him no extra-
ordinary consideration, he must either relapse into weekly
minorities or he must abstain from introducing any mea-
sures likely to create a debate or incur a division. And
all this because Parliament is deprived of a constitutional
Opposition. The theory of our government presumes
that the successors of a, Minister shall be supplied ipso
facto by the conditions of his defeat. The party
by which he is outnumbered proves itself to be the
more legitimate representative of national opinion, and
an exchange of characters terminates an act of the po-
litical drama. In past times these two parties were
Whig and Tory, and their respective proceedings, in so
far as they extend beyond a reparation of the sweets of
office, could be easily anticipated. At present there are
no Tories, and, in some sense, it- would be quite as well
if there were no Whigs. There are signs, indeed, abroad
which almost suggest a doubt whether the antagonist
principles which have animated English parties for two
centuries, and which have been traced even to the im-
mutable instincts of nature—the principles of progress
on one side, and conservatism on the other—are not
casting their ancient skin for some new complexion. No
party can now disclaim resolutions of progress; the
question is scarcely one of route—only of speed. Yet it
is in the full blaze of this truth that the Protec-
tionists abdicate their political functions,for theesake
of what can hardly be termed a principle, for what
more nearly resembles a privilege, but' which is at any
rate absolutely exploded and gone. They speculate on
a signal stroke at the next election, apparently reckoning
that the people who fought successfully for a theory wilt
surrender a fact; that they who wrested cheap bread
from the hands of their opponents will now, after four
years' experience of the blesiing, permit it to be taken
out of their mouths. Omitting, however, these anticipa-
tions, have they no eyes for what has just been demon-
strated in broad daylight? Something has been shown
beyond the impossibility of a Protectionist Cabinet. The
points on which Sir James Graham and his friends dif-
fered from Lord John Russell are explicitly stated to
have no bearing whatever on the question of free trade.
No single person to whom Lord Stanley applied would
give his assent or sanction even to that morsel
of sham protection by which his Lordship
sought to save conscience and credit together.
However disguised, transformed, or diluted, they
would have none of it. Of the qualifications of his own
clients for State concerns the Noble Lord has himself
given a description; and if to these data we add those
unmistakeable convictions which gleam through the
speeches of the two chiefs themselves, and which have
already evoked the suspicious resentments of their fol-
lowers, we shall arrive at the incontestable conclusion
that there exists not in the kingdom one single indivi-
dual of political knowledge or experience who consi-
ders protection recoverable at the expense of free trade
—not one man with common competence for office who
does not repudiate the desires for which a great party
has already sacrificed itself, and is prepared to sacrifice
more. But, though we hold that on the great question
of free trade, and indeed on others to, there is no longer
room for two opinions among those pretending to the
government of this country, it requires no arguments of
ours to show that in matters of general policy an infinite
sphere is opened to competition and rivalry. Under such
circumstances as have been now disclosed, it would have
been justifiable even for political dissentients to
have kept terms with a Cabinet for which no suc-
cessor could be discovered. We own, however. to
more positive sympathies than these. We gave Lord
John Russell's Government our independent 'support,
because we conceived that on many important points it
was deserving well of the country. We acknowledge,
too, that as far as party symbols admit of translation
into that language to which alone pliusanation will now
listen, there is more to approve iii the Whigs than in
the Conservatives, though this—to such anomalies have
we comel—is a point on which independent Liberals are
by no means agreed. But how many subjects are there
on which, but for this deadly and stupifying dogma of
protection," a Parliamentary Opposition well led and
well instructed might have recently built up a repute-
Lion! Above all, there is that crying sin of party
bigotry of which our present Premier gives such an un-
disguised example. Lord John is enveloped in his
" party;" nay, he glories in the fact, and proclaims his
adherence to " traditions of government" at every
crisis of his fortunes. But what are " traditions of
government?" They are broad rules of policy which
in difficulties or temptations of State may suggest a true
course, and which varied with contending parties accord-
ing to the principles they inherited. It, was a Tory tra-
dition that monarchical right was divine; it was a Whig
tradition that such right flowed from the people. It was
a Tory tradition to look to France; it was a Whig tradi-
tion to look to Holland. These maxims did good in
their day, but the age has outgrown them. They are of
no more avail than the secret receipts by which chymis-
try was handed from adept to novice or than the myste-
ries which passed from masters to apprentices in the
guilds of trade. On these points Lord John's constitu-
ents are now just as wise as himself. As far as " traditions
of Government" mean certain Whig observances, the
sooner they are forgotten the better; as far as they
imply broad principles of legislation, they are known to
every elector in the kingdom. Education has here
placed the scot and lot voter on a level with the Mi-
nister of State. It is a " tradition of Government" that
the Pope shall have no authority in this realm of Eng-
land, and Lord John correctly enunciated tho maxim.
But this everybody else knew too, and what they wanted
was a statesman to put the maxim judiciously in force.
It is a tradition of driving that you take the left hand
when you meet and the right when you pass, but a man
whose reliance was confined to this tradition would
hardly find his way to Epsom. We cannot, unhappily,
dispense with " parties," and with this conviction we
must recognize the claims of partisans. But the more
effectually this disagreeable element of constitutional
Government" can be repressed the better will it be both
for Ministers and people. It was not by " traditions of
government that Peel won his monuments and his re-
nown. His greatest and most enduring achievement
utterly dislocated a "party.' If statesmen will look not
only to traditions, but to the age and its exigencies, they
will never want supporters, nor shall we risk any recur-
rence of the present perplexities when once an honest
rivalry has been established in Parliament on the. com-
mon principles of rational progress and public good:
CHRONICLE.—A meeting of considerably less than
two hundred of the former supporters of the Govern-
ment, divided within itself by the determined resistance
of a large number of Members to the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill, can scarcely have been reassuring to a Pre-
mier tottering in his seat. The temporary success of a
similar manoeuvre last year, in securing the maintenance
of the slave squadron, may, perhaps, have inspired Lord
John Russell with a confidence in the influence of an ap-
peal to his adherents, which has not been justified by the
result. There can be no doubt that he concurs in the
desire which his few but faithful advocates have re-
peatedly expressed for the reconstitution of a thorough-
going Opposition—or, as an alternative, for the discon-
tinuance of all hostile criticism and independent political
action. It is no small convenience to a Minister to know
that every measure which he proposes will be censured
by a minority sufficiently considerable to secure him the
support, right or wrong, of a still more trustworthy ma-
jority. The fatal moment when the balance of numbers
may turn is seen with only occasional and remote alarm:
and in the meantime the daily conflict presents a source
of constant excitement, secured against excess
by the comfortable certainty that the result will
be an inevitable victory. With a small Ministe-
rial majority, every division turns more on
the question of men than on that of mea-
sures; and a politician brought up in exclusive devotion
to his party finds it a labour of love to concentrate his
energies on the duty of keeping his friends and himself
in office. Lord John Russell has had long experience
in such contests, and in the midst of the security afforded
by the absence of rivalry he must often have regretted
the days when a Prime Minister had always a leader of
Opposition to meet. The recent condition of the House
of Commons, with its independent sections of voters,
subdivided even among themselves in their opinions on
particular questions, undoubtedly involves disadvantages.
On the other hand, a vigorous and efficient Minister
would find his account in the floating and empledged
character of the majority through which he must carry
his policy into operation. Large and popular schemes,
recommended by a prudent forethought, and enforced
by a determined will, would produce union among those
who are open to reason, and in that large por-
tion which naturally inclines to the strongest.
The late resignation was prompted by the un-
easiness of a position which could only have been unde-
sirable to a Minister who had no definite policy to fol-
low. In the last four years there has been time to effect
many reforms which would have met the general wishes
of the country; and the Parliamentary support which the
Government could have commanded would have been
more than sufficient to achieve them. But as none of
these had been attained or attempted, the House of Com-
mons
became daily more unmanageable. The junction
of some of the Roman Catholic Members with
and
Mr. Dis-
raeli,te the majority on Mr. Locke King's motion, the
impending rejection of the Budget, were strong intima-
tions
that the House considered the merits of the Minis-
ters no longer sufficient to compensate for theshort-
comings of their policy. Lord John Russell, in accord-
ance with the traditions of his school, either misunder-
stood the nature of the warning, or at least affected to
misunderstand it. The defeat on the fronehise question
by a small part of his habitual . supporters, and
the tereporury junction of the huh section with

the Protectionists, were treated as deliberate ex-
pressions of Parliamentary opinion against the
existing Administration. It was notorious that, for
the time, the official Whigs represented that party
in the House which most nearly resembled the working
majority of former days. But the casual resemblance of
a narrowly-matched division and an incidental defeat to
the great party struggles of the past, served as an ex-
cuse for advertising the necessity of the actual Ministry
to the country, by successive displays of the compara-
tive weakness of all available rivals. It was hoped that
wavering adherents would be united by a semblance of a
defeat, a rally, and a recovery of office. In case of
failure in the prospect of au immediate return to power,
the same object might, it was imagined, be still more
effectually secured by cementing in Opposition the ties
which had been loosened by the official indisposition of
a safe-seated Ministry to concur in the policy of their
more eager followers. The experiment has failed, not
from want of ingenuity in its contrivers, but because
they misapprehended the circumstances with which they
had to deal. The impossibility of stepping twice into
the same current has been a proverb from the days
of Heraclitus, and it is a mistake to identify the
present condition of politica even with experiences
so recent as the time of Lord Melbourne. Lord
John Russell returns, as he anticipated, to office—
but without an additional resource, and without a diffi-
culty the less. The impassive and intangible Opposi-
tion has become less definite and palpable than before,
from the inconvenient proof which it has afforded that at
present it cannot form a Government. The Ministry is
still protected by independent friends, who will, as they
have hitherto done, take the liberty of resisting its er-
rors; and the absence of direct hostilities will only weaken
still further the allegiance of wavering and' dissatisfied
supporters. A Ministry of transition is a modern French
invention; and it will not succeed in England. Lord
John Russell must consider his Administration as sub-
stantial and permanent, if he would secure the assent of
the country even to its temporary continuance. The
less credit or confidence it can claim for itself, the more
necessary will it be to secure support by wise and useful
political and financial measures. All sections of the
House are ready to give a fair trial to a Government
placed in so peculiar a position; bat none will take its
measures on trust. A judicious Budget, and a well-con-
trived series of law reforms, including a measure re-
specting the Court of Chancery, might go far to oblite-
rate the memory of recent blumders and failures.
HERALD.—We may well leave the rival manifestoes
of Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham to produce
their natural effect upon the public mind. They will not
fail to do their work throughout the country. It is now
ascertained beyond a doubt that the followers of the late
Sir Robert Peel are committed to a Puseyite policy and
to every unhappy measure which such policy involves,
whilst the adherents of Lord Stanley are ready, for the
sake of the Throne and the institutions of the land, to
make every personal and party sacrifice consistently with
the maintenance of convictions under the influence of
which they have pursued their opposition to her Ma-
jesty's Government from the year 1846 until the present
hour. It is in no spirit of triumph or party rejoicing
that we receive from the lips of Lord Aberdeen and his
friends the melancholy announcement, that, happen
what may, they will be no parties to the vindication of
the Protestant character of the country; that they will
take no steps to put an end to treachery, however
flagrant, within the Church, and to aggression, how-
ever insolent and unjustifiable, from Rome. The
confession, coming from public men in whose
hands the destinies of the empire have already been, and
who still prefer their claim to office, is sufficiently dis-
astrous. But the other day and the union between
Conservatism and Protestantism was complete. What-
ever the difference of opinion respecting the propriety
of tolerating the professors of a creed that glories in
nothing so much as its own intolerance, with respect to
the one vital point, of upholding the Protestant rights of
the people and of securing the foundations upon which
the Throne itself is based, unity of sentiment was per-
fect. We have waited until this moment to learn the
full extent of the disruption of 1846. Had every fol-
lower of Sir Robert Peel without exception consented
five years ago to the commercial legislation against
which they conscientiously protested, it would have been
impossible to continue the connexion now. The terms of
union between the two sections demand a renunciation of
principle and an acquiescence in a policy from which
Liberals themselves recoil in fear and trembling. The
disciples ofSir Robert Peel, revelling in apostacy, refuse to.
co-operate with Lord John Russell, because the liberal
notions of the Whig Prime Minister do not degenerate
into licence. Lord John, with all his Whiggism, would
still vindicate the national faith. Sir James Graham
repudiates any religious supremacy whatsoever. The
former, tolerant enough in all conscience, would stand
between the Queen and a foreign priest, daring enough
to usurp her sacred rights: the latter knows no such
rights, and discerns no reason for Ministerial interpo-
sition. A Government might have been formed a week
ago—the Queen need not have been left one day in the
anxiety of her unparalleled position, had the lineralism
of Sir James Graham been less wanton—had his en-
mity for Protestant institutions been less vehement and
decided. Let the people of England take cognizance of
the fact. If there is to be fusion of parties, the fusion
must be at the expense of the nation's faith. If we are
to have the great advantage of Sir James Graham's
public services, it must be at the sacrifice of all that
Lord John Russell has told us to bo essential to the
nation's independence and the people's safety. We
know the price of the Peelite faction. Are we ready to
pay it? Are we ready to take the first great step in
tbo downward path that leads inevitably to moral,
social, and spiritual destruction? Let us not blind our
eyes to the tearful peril that surrounds us. Once con-
fess that we have neither power nor inclination to op-
pose the designs of Rome—designs that know no limit,
and take no account of difficulty or obstacle—that what-
ever may be the amount of the Pope's demands, and the
extent of popular resistance, yet no hand shall be put
forward by the Executive to check the advance of the
insolent intruder, and who shall define the bounds of
this country's great humiliation? With free hands,
God knows it is difficult enough to preserve spiritual
liberty in the presence of an institution which acknow-
ledges no obligations that clash with the advancement
of its prime objects. Let our hands be fettered by our
rulers, who, in loyalty and duty, should rather arm and
strengthen them, and the glorious privileges of intel-
lect and soul, which it took ages to secure, and the
blood of the best men to hallow, are gone from that
hour. What shall save the country from the curse
of priestcraft when its governors proclaim the dismal
fact, that, against the insidious attempts of even a
foreign and an inimical priest, England has no remedy
and can demand no protection? Are we, with respect
to our own ecclesiastical governors, in so satisfactory a
state that such a statement can be put forth with safety?
Is it not evident that it but requires legislative sanction
to so fearful an announcement in order to stimulate once
more into disastrous action the avowed enemies of Pro-
testantism, who wait within the pale of the Church, eat-
ing of her substance and partaking of her blessings, only
the more effectually to betray her into the hands of that
very power which Sir James Graham and his friends
are sworn to defend in its most glaring and unwarrant-
able attacks against the liberty of the people and the
rights of the Crown? Can we invest the Pope of Rome
with authority and influence over British subjects, and
deny the same prerogatives to our own parish priests?
Can we abet Popery and disavow Puseyism? Dare we
sanction the audacious intrusion of Dr. Wiseman and put
limits to the priestly domination of Mr. Bennett?
The thing is impossible. Because it is impossible
the scandalous attempt to put down the Protestant
feeling of the nation is made by the Puseyite faction.
The greater crime includes the lesser; the patronage of
Pope Pius involves toleration and approval of innova-
tion at home and at our own doors. With this fact before
their eyes, let Englishmen accept the services of Sir
James Graham and his abettors if they will. They will
perpetrate the folly, at least, without reason for com-
plaint. Nothing can be plainer than the manieesto of
the Peelites. Whether they accept office as a party, or
in conjunction with the Whigs, they are for the Pope
abroad and for Puseyites at home. They condemn the
letter of Lord John Russell in all its parts. They will
bring Rome hither, and they will carry us to Rome.
Protestantism, the sanctifying principle of their fathers,
is to them a fable. When Sir James Graham proposed
the Maynooth grant, he tells us that he looked forward
to this moment, and he rejoices that it has finally ar-
rived. The case for the nation to settle is not a difficult
one. Protestants of every church and sect will do
well to consider it whilst there is yet time. Aware
of the universal danger, we should take shame to
ourselves if we permitted considerations of a political
character to militate against the duty incumbent at such
a juncture upon every Protestant in the empire. We
entreat our fellow-subjects, whatever may be their Po-
litical prepossessions, to forget them now, when strug-
glesteer
becomes inevitable for the preservation of 1.1.5
dearer to us far than our lives. What is meant
_by
.tatoll
Popish aggression, if not to take us once moret back
the gloom and degradation of a time wholies
ofb a
men were mere objects of traffic in the
hansupremacy, and
priest-
hood careful for nothing but their o souls of
the annihilation of intejlectual
lieve and hope that during
the present
to do violence to
independence? We
aetbe7ll
events, no rash attempt will
and fortunate
what we know to be the
convictions. Eager as
t
then sPtieteenilnisdteess:Perwm:Pnnagy be to serve
they are tax too discreet to
their Puseyite con federa
desperate undertaking until the
venture upon their
sense of the whole country is taken
when t hour for collecting
be doubts
and difficulties surrounding questions There
o f ram
se
ry e
the nation's suffrages shall come.
commer-
cial and political import. Upon the question of pre-
Eervinir our national faith inviolate, Protestant men can-
not entertain two opinions. We muy love toleration, and
yet cherish our own spiritual freedom. Even Free-
trader e may not be anxious to secure the favour of a
free-trade Government by the renunciation of their Pro-
testant institutions. Let the point by all means be as-
certained with all convenient speed. Lord Stanley has
wisely declared that if the next Parliament shall decide
against the financial and commercial policy which he
now holds to be essential to the well-buiog of the country,
he will at once acquiesce in its verdict, and protest no
longer against the measures of his political foes. If a
getteral Election shall also pronounce in favour of Sir
James Graham—Popery and Puseyism—we shall be the
last to murmur against the Te/dict, however much we

may question its wisdom. We eat, however, afford to
wait, without alarm, for the sentence of the jury.
ADVERTISER.—We know not that England was ever
placed in a more humiliating position than she is at this
moment. Though confessedly the greatest country on
the face of the earth--" the envy of surrounding nations,
and the admiration of the world"—Eogland is at this
hour plunged into a state of utter confusion by a puppet
located in Rome, who is made to move in whatever
way seems best to the person in Golden-square who
draws the wires. Who is tho puppet ? Who is the
party by whom that puppet is moved ? The Pope is
the former. Dr. Wiseman is the latter. What are the
Pope and Dr. Wiseman ? What is the Roman Pontiff?
A man intellectually imbecile—a person who cannot be
said to be in his second childhood, because he never
emerged from his first. PioNionno,t
Rome,w iwllhbene rheinsielmife-
bwearse di
n p
, escapederiifr fromfrom
s t h
e hisse who know not what it is to palace
re-
spect the persons of Popes, by assuming the character,
and donning the habiliments of one of his own lacqueys.
His costume would have beenmuch more in keeping with
his real character, had he attired himself in the apparel of
an aged person of the opposite sex. He would then have
looked what be is, an old woman. And yet this drivelling,
senile :individual, who is contemned by those who are
conventionally called his subjects—this Pius the Ninth,
who is kept on his throne by the bayonets of the French
—this poor half-witted person—this apology for a Pope
—this abortion of a Roman Pontiff—can be made the
means, through the craft and cunning, the ambition and
arrogance, of a Spanish priest, naturalised in this coun-
try, of upsetting one Ministry, and preventing the for-
mation of another. He is found to be a fitting instru-
ment for suspending the sittings of the British Parlia-
ment, interrupting the business of this great country,
causing infinite mortification and profound anxiety to
the Sovereign, and setting at nought that extraordinary
exhibition of sound Protestant feeling which lately filled
Europe with amazement. Such are the two men who
have created all the confusion which we have lately wit-
nessed in this country, and from the effects of which we
have not recovered. Is it not humiliating in the
extreme, that a country like ours should thus by
accidental circumstances be placed within the power
of two such men? The strings are pulled in London,
and the puppet in Rome faithfully responds to the
wishes of the party performing the operation. Dr.
Wiseman sits in his house in Goldenssquare, and can at
will set the Vatican in motion.
,Ha can do; more than
those referred to by Shakspere, who could call spirits
from the vasty deep, but could not make them come;
Dr. Wiseman has only to wish or will that a certain
thing shall be dune in Rome, and it will be done forth-
with. Dr. Wiseman is himself practically the Pope, as
far as England is concerned. Pio Nono is a mere crea-
ture in his hands—the veriest slave to his wishes, in all
that appertains to England. And yet though Dr. Wise-
man, operating through the Pope at Rome, has already
caused infinite confusion in this country, there is an un-
conquerable indisposition, on the part of many of our
moat influential statesmen, to adopt the only efft-ctual
means which exist, of hastising the arrogance and
checking the audacity of this Popish priest.
Others undertake to deal with him as the
circumstances require, but afterwards shrink from the
task. Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and
others of the Peel party, belong to the former category.
Lord John Russell and his Whig colleagues in the
Cabinet, are to be classed among the latter. The
Whig Government are obviously backing out of the
solemn engagements they have made, in the face of Par-
liament and the public, to put down the Papal preten-
sions, and to punish the Popish priest by whom
they were instigated. The measure which Lord
John Russell introduced a few weeks ago into the House
of Commons was notoriously inadequate to the exigen-
cies of the case. That we said, when we first were in-
formed of its provisions, and the entire country re-echoed
the opinion we then expressed. But inadequate as it
confessedly is, the Noble Lord is now about to withdraw
the few good provisions which the measure contains. It
is to be rendered so mild and moderate in England, as
to be almost inoperative, while Ireland is to escape
altogether. The world may well stand aghast, as if
incredulous of the fact, when it finds that Lord John
Russell is the man who is acting thus—thus grossly be-
traying the interests of that Protestant religion of which,
in his memorable letter to the Bishop of Durham, he
came forth, purely of his own accord, as the champion.
Nor is the betrayal of Protestantism, so far as the
Prime Minister can betray it, the only unfortunate
circumstance in connexion with this matter. Lord
John Russell has offered an unwarrantable and gratui-
tous outrage to the principles and sensibilities of the
Protestant people of the land. His notable letter to the
Bishop of Durham was regarded by them as an appeal
to the country to rally round the Protestant standard,
which the Prime Minister then erected. Most nobly did
they respond to the appeal. Promptly, energetically,
and universally did they rush, as they hoped and be-
lieved, to the rescue of the Protestantism of the land.
Never in the history of any country was so imposing a
moral spectacle presented, as that which England ex-
hibited a few months ago, when a people rose up, in
their might, as one man, to express their unmeasured
indignation at the insult to the Sovereign, and the out-
rage on the religion of these realms, which had been
offered by the Pope, by the publication of his notable
rescript. Lord John Russell has, in effect, concurred
with Dr. Wiseman in treating the demonstration of
Protestant feeling then made as if had been an idle
unmeaning outburst—a manifestation to be treated
with utter disregard, if not to be laughed at
as a piece of enthusiastic folly. The Noble Lord
seems to forget, that if this display of Protestantism
was weakness, if not folly, no man figured more
prominently than himself in making it. [Jo was the
first to move in the matter. He took the initiative. He
set the example. Let him, then, at least, remember
this—that in treating with disrespect the recent ebulli-
tion of sound Protestant feeling, he is pronouncing a
severe censure on himself. But the Whig Premier will
find that he is doing something more, by ignoring the
manifestations of Protestant feeling which we have lately
witnessed', tt,an censuring himself. He will, before long,
discover, that he has effectually laid the axe at the root
of whatever little prestige still attaches to his character
as a Minister of the Crown. He will sink beneath the
load of popular displeasure which his infidelity to the
great Protestant principles which he enunciated in his
letter to the Bishop of Durham, and to which the country,
since the publication of that document, have given so
striking a proof of its adherence, will draw down upon
him. What is tie at this moment? What is his Minis-
try at this hour? He possesses no moral weight—it has
no prestige. He is but a provisional Premier—it is but
a transition Cabinet. The country pants for a Prime
Minister of high principle; it longs for a Ministry of
elevated character.. It will have both, and it s ill have
them soon.' • The present state of matters can only be of
short duration.

We have elsewhere shown that the return of the Whig
Ministry to power is anything but satisfactory to the
country, and certainly is not calculated to raise modern
statesmen in public estimation. But there is one mem-
ber of the Administration which was, and again is in ex-
istence, whose reinstatement in office has caused some-
thing more than surprise. It is difficult to say whether
we ought to feel most amazement, mingled with another
emotion, at the conduct of Lord John Russell in inviting
Sir Charles Wood to return to the Chancellorhip of the
Exchequer, or at the conduct of the Right Honourable
Gentleman in accepting the invitation. It is, on the
part of both, 'an act of flagrant indecorum. Respect for
public opinion ought to have prevented so great a scan-
dal, as a Minister resuming the functions of an office for
which be had, amid the jeers and scorn of the entire
community, proved himself, by his late Budget, to be
wholly incompetent. And to aggravate the matter, the
Right Hon. Gentleman returns to Downing-street within
little more than a fortbight of the promulgation of a
financial scheme which has been receive d with shouts of
derision in all parts of the land, and which had nor, even
in the house of Commons, where private friendship
will induce persons to go great lengths, one single voice
raised in its favour. We entirely concur with
The Sun, when our contemporary says—" We have,
in common with the great body of the
people of all classes and parties, viewed with regret and
disgust the resumption of office by bir Charles Wood.
At first sight it appears like a deliberate insult to the
community, to restore that most unfortunate and incom-
petent financier to a situation of such importance. It
seems as if the voice of public opinion were slighted and
despised, and that Lord John Russell had obstinately
determined to force that bitter dose, THE PRECIOUS
BUDGET,' on the afflicted and indignant nation. But the
point happily admits of another and more satisfactory
solution, and until we hear the explanations on the sub-
ject of the' financial scheme,' on which the Premier
maintained an unbroken silence, disregarding all the
fishing interrogatories that were addressed to him
. from
all sides of the House, we shall be disposed to give him
't
Noblehe
Lordbenefit
ao
tf
the
ee
head
dboti
rerypeeeplte,mege too far.
the Government weereemtry ingf
It really looks
were
if the
an experiment on public patience. It lindignlidty
nizhats i
he imagined that any
upon the devoted tread of be
well as
to that of an individual. The Noble Lord may not have
distinct perception of this truth at present, but Pre-
tion. Let him take care lest. he carry ppateence o
may receive
as well as persons in private life, are ever learn-
ing,s'hl
s'eihyeaerpr e: are with
li mi tPs
utnoittyhau
m and very probably Lord John Rassell
a little instruction on this point, before many weeks
have elapsed.

NEW STEAM-CARRIAGE FOR THE STREETS.—In
the Avenir Republicain of St. Etienne is given an account of
the appearance in the streets of that town of a new steam-
carriage for ordinary roads, invented by M. Verpilleaux, of
Rive-de-Gier, who represented the Loire in the Constituent
Assembly. The carriage in question went through all the
streets of the town with the greatest facility, under the most
perfect control of the man sitting in front, turning it to the
right or left, or sending it backward or forward as he pleased.
Two cabriolets, filled with some of the friends of the in-
ventor, were attached to the carriage; as was, afterwards,
heavy cart of coals, which it carried from La Croix7d
l'Horne to the lime-kilns of Mr. Jackson. The carriage
rtinon
weighs two tons, and is of four-horse power. t_
an hour. Its
three wheels, and its speed is ten English miles
tt. had
vehicle
n the
Etienne by
consumption of coke is exceedingly ina,laitiewsl
is now in course
Same
ol d morningSOrbie rRS
i e
road,-d
,00 _
_Qgratinornme')sv. e flcut r
is
kept and full of roots.
The carriage, however, did not suffer.e
Rive-de-tier
iasn
badly
adl. arriveds
coal-
waggons with
1 this mode of . .or carry-
ingsameof
construction;principla, but of tw el v e- he ori
ts
ispsoawi
07,
in-
tended shortly
the .Rhone and those c •o, .t Imlay
the coals of Bessege to
to the Lyons Railway.
i. JEWELLERY.—At the Liverpool
ROBBERY 0
• h
taeiwteemwigpihl:otyboefalbl2,o "_ locomotion ,
rbhroiluipghtatinp, the son of a London
diamond-merchant,
thirty
boldin custody charged
- stolen chains, thirty brcquet chains
with having ~ .
twenty-six gold watches, two silver watches, two
and keys, .
mourning rings, and some money, the property of his father,
mourning
Police-office, on Mon,lda,ays,
who was absent in London. Ile was taken into custody on
board the Underwriter, a vessel about to sail for America.
lie stands remanded until the arrival of his father, who is
hourly expected in Liverpool,