The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-05 00:00:00

OPENING

THE REFORM
PARLIAMENT.

From an early hour in the forenoon, every
house between the King's Palace and the House
of Lords was thronged with fashionably•dressed

company.
A body of New Police was stationed on the
line of road through which the KING was to
pass, and detachments of troops were placed
at their usual posts on such occasions as the
present.

Shortly before one o'clock the crowd in the
immediate vicinity of the House of Lords pre-
sented a very animated sight.
The Russian, Prussian, and Turkish Am-
bassadors were present, together with several
others of the Corps Diplonzatique.

At two o'clock his MAJESTY entered his
state carriage, drawn by eight cream-coloured
horses, and accompanied by his usual suite. He
was received with loud acclamations by the people.

After the usual forms, and when his MAJESTY
had taken his seat on the throne, he commanded
the Usher of the Black Rod to summon the
House of Commons to the Bar of the Lords,
and in a few minutes the SPEAKER attended,
accompanied by a great number of Members.
His MAJESTY then delivered the following

most gracious
SPEECH :_

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" The period being now arrived at which the
business of Parliament is usually resumed, I have
called you together, for the discharge of the important
duties with which you will be entrusted. Never at
any time did subjects of greater interest and
magnitude call for your attention. I have

to lament the continuance of the
civil war in Portugal, which has for some
months existed between the Princes of the House
of Braganza. From the commencement of this contest

I have abstained from all interference, except such
as has been required for the preservation of British
subjects. But you may rest assured I shall
not fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may
be offered me to assist in restoring peace to a country

with which the interests of my dominions are so in.
timately connected.
"I have also to regret that my anxious endea-
vours to effect a definitive arrangement between
Holland and Belgium have hitherto been without
success, and I found myself at length compelled, in
connexion with the King of the French, to take
measures for the execution of the Treaty of the 15th
of November, 1831.
" The capture of the citadel of Antwerp has in
part accomplished that object. But the Dutch
Government still refusing to evacuate the lest of
the territories assigned to Belgium by that treaty,
the embargo which I had directed to be imposed on
the Dutch commerce has been continued.

" Negotiations are again commenced, and you may
rely on their being continued on my part, as they
have uniformly been, with the single view of in-
suring to Holland and Belgium a separate existence,
on principles of mutual security and independence.
" The good faith and honour with which the
French Government has acted in these trans.
actions, aad the assurances which I continue
to receive from the chief Powers of Europe,
of their friendly disposition, give me confidence in
the success of my endeavours to preserve the general
peace.

" I have given directions that the various papers
which are necessary for your information, on the
affairs of Holland and Belgium, should be laid

before you.
" The approaching termination of the Charters of
the Bank of England and the East India Com-
pany will require a revision of those establish-
ments, and I rely on your wisdom for
making such provisions for the important interests
connected with them, as may appear from expe-
rience, and full consideration, to be best calcu-
lated to secure public credit, to improve and
extend our commerce, and to promote the general
prosperity and power of the British empire.
" Your attention will also be directed to the
state of the Church; more particularly as regards
its temporalities, and the maintenance of the
Clergy. The complaints which have arisen
from the collection of tithes, appear to require
a change of system, which, without diminishing the
means of maintaining the Established Clergy in re-
spectability and usefulness, may prevent the collision
of interests and the consequent disagreements and
dissatisfactions which have too frequently prevailed
between the Ministers of the Church and their
parishioners.

" It may be also necessary for you to consider
what remedies may be applied for the correction of
acknowledged abuses, and whether the revenues of
the Church may not admit of more equitable and
judicious disposition.
" In your deliberations on these important sub-
jects, it cannot be necessary for me to impress upon
you the duty of carefully attending to the security
of the Church established by law in these realms,
and to the true interest of religion.
" In relation to Ireland, with a view of
removing the causes of complaint which have
been so generally felt, and which have been
attended with such unfortunate consequences,
an Act was passed during the last Session of
Parliament for carrying into effect a general
composition for tithes. To complete that
salutary work, I recommend to you
in conjunction with such other amendments of the
law as may be found applicable to that part of my do-
minions, the adoption of measures by which upon the
principles of a just commutation, the possessors
of land may be enabled to free themselves from the
burden of an annual payment.
" In the further reform that may be necessary,
you will probably find that although the Esta-
blished Church of Ireland is by law permanently
united with that of England, the peculiarity of their
circumstances will require a separate consideration.
" There are other subjects, hardly less important
to the genera! peace and welfare of Ireland,
as effecting the administration of justice and the
local taxation of that country, to which your atten-
tion will also be required.
" GENTLEMEN OF TILE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
" I have directed the Estimates for the service of
the year to be laid before you. They will be
framed with the most anxious attention to all useful

economy.
" Notwithstanding the large reduction in the es-
timates of the last year, I am happy to inform you
that all the extraordinary services which the
exigencies of the times required have been amply
provided for.
" The state of the Revenue, as compared with
the public expenditure, has hitherto fully realized
the expectations entertained at the close of the last
Session.
" My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" In this part of the United Kingdom, with very few
exceptions, the public peace has been preserved,and
it will be your anxious but grateful duty to promote,
by all practicable means, habits of industryand good
order among the labouring classes of the community.
For my part, I shall be ready to co-operate to the
utmost of my power in obviating all just causes of
complaint, and in promoting all well-considered
measures of improvement.
" But it is my painful duty to observe, that the
disturbances in Ireland, to which I bad adverted at
the close of the last Session, have greatly increased.
The spirit of insubordination and violence
has risen to the most fearful height—rendering
life and property insecure—defying the autho-
rity of the law, and threatening the most fatal
consequences if not promptly and effectually re-
pressed. I feel confident that to your patriotism I
shall not resort in vain for assistance in these al'•
flicting circumstances, and that you will be
ready to adopt such measures of salutary precaution,
and intrust to me such additionai powers as may
be found necessary for controlling and punishing the
disturbers of the public peace, and for preserving
in safety the Legislative Union between the two
countries, which, with your support, and under the
blessing of Divine Providence, I am determined to
maintain, by all the means in my power, as indis-
solubly connected with the pecice, security, and wel-
fare of my dominions."
His MAJESTY delivered the last passages
with very marked emphasis.

It is stated that the debate on the Address
in the Lords will take three days. Lord LYND.•
11URST, it is reported,will move an amendment.

BERLIN, JAN. 23.—1 t is now in contem-
plation to introduce into the whole Prussian monarchy
a uniform system, founded on the most liberal principleF,
for determining the civil rights of the Jews, which are at
present on a very different footing in the several provinces
of the monarchy. It is said that some of the most dis-
tinguished members of the Jewish community here have
been consulted on the subject.—Hamburg Papers, Jan. 29.
Sir J. F. HERSCHELL, having terminated his
series of calculations on the subject of the double stars, is
on the point of embarking for the Cape of Good Elope,
with the intention of continuing his observations on those
stark

Paris Papers contain the official announce-
tnent of the abrogation of the law of the 9th of
January, and state, on the authority of letters
from Madrid, that the Infant Don CARLOS is
under arrest in his apartments. The same let-
ters complain of the deplorable weakness of the
Spanish Cabinet.

German Papers contain no news of any mo-
ment. They are chiefly filled with rumours
respecting the progress of the discussions between
IBRAHIM PACHA and the PORTE. The
former, it seems, insists on the entire cession of
Syria, and refuses to retreat until the promise of
such cession is made, which is now the sub-
ject of deep, anxious discussion by the Divan.
The Russian Governor, Prince MlLoscu, in
Servia, adheres warmly to the cause of the
SULTAN.

We direct attention to an article in another
column from the Lichfield Mercury, by which
it will be seen that the question of the ballot,
so far from being " a Plausible and hollow no-
velty—un- English, &c." actually passed through
the House of commons 120 years ago, and
was lost in the Lords!

Galignani's Messenger, in copying an article
7 from The Sun, on the attempt of the Dutch
Government to create dissension between the
British and French Cabinets, by holding out the
prospect of terms on the Belgian question, which
it would be more to the interest of the English
than of the French to accept, observes, that it is
not aware of the slightest misunderstanding be-
tween the two Cabinets, on any one point, con-
nected with the treaty by which they bound
themselves, to co-operate cordially against Hol-
land, and on behalf of Belgium. As our Pari-
sian contemporary does not profess to have any
authority for his statement, he will not be offended
at our again declaring, that both Holland and
Russia have been actively at work in endeavour-
ing to create dissension between the Bristish and
French Governments, in the way to which we
alluded. We did not say, however, that the
endeavour had been successful. Our object in
noticing the circumstance was merely to remind
Lord PALMERSTON of the policy which he was
bound to observe, lest in his anxiety to have it
thought that he is not a fly in the Talleyrand
web, he should get entangled in the equally
well-spun web of the Russian and Dutch politi-
cal spiders, Pozzo DI BoRGo and Van ZUYLEN.
It is, we believe, an almost general opinion,
that there never before existed so good an under-
standing between France and England as at the
present time ; but we have it ascribed by the
representatives and partisans of the Despotic
Powers to a cause very different from that which
the friends of rational freedom would wish to
exist. " The Doctrinnaires in France, and the
Conservative Whigs in England," say the persons
in question, "being equally desirous of retaining
power, and, consequently, of keeping down
ultra-liberalism, have resolved on uniting their
strength against the mouvenzent party in both
countries, and in convincing the despotic Sove-
reigns that they have nothing to fear from the
existence of comparatively free institutions in
France and England." If this be the way in
which the alliance between the two nations is to
be kept up, it can matter very little to the
Sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
whether the English and French be governed
by Whigs or Tories, Doctrinnaires, or Abso-
lutists ; and Lord PALMERSTON will be as
welcome to our Court faction leading in M. DE
TALLEYRAND, as he would be hanging on the
arm of the Prince DE POLIGNAC. But we can
tell the Duke DE BROGLIE and Lord PAL-
MERSTON, that if they expect to prostrate the
energies of the two nations before their own
ambition or views of convenience, they will find
themselves woefully mistaken. The alliance
between the two Governments must be bound
upon the interests and wishes of the people, or
it will be of short duration. If the French and
the English see the propriety of a cordial alli-
ance between persons whose political princi-
ples and habits are so similar ; and if they are
convinced of the necessity of maintaining that
alliance in all its force and purity, they do so
without the slightest reference to the individuals
whom chance may have intrusted with the reins
of Government. They will give to the Sove-
reigns and Ministers of the time being all the

fair advantages arising from their own union,
but they will not be made the instruments of
Court or Cabinet convenience.
A celebrated French writer has observed that

the world is divided into two parties—those who
possess, and those who wish to possess—the
former caring little as to the justice of their te-
nure or the means by which they can secure it—
the latter, indiffnent to the means by which they
may be able to dispossess the possessor. This
is, we believe, quite true, in a general sense,
and therefore we are not surprised that men in
power, whether Whigs or Tories, should attempt
to retain it without regard to the welfare of the
mass of the population ; but in these enlightened
times there is a third party, alike adverse to the
snug contrivances by which the Governors of
different countries support each other against

the people ; and the wild doctrines which are
broached by a portion of the people in the hope
of being able to destroy the power of their go-
vernors. The Carlists in France, and the Tories
in England, were able for many years to main-
tain their ascendancy by continually crying out,
Beware of the Revolutionists," and making
all who had anything to lose believe that the
only security for property lay in the stability of
the Ministry. The cheat, however, was exposed
at last, and the Revolution came ; but with it
came not destruction of property. " Beware of
the Destructives," is the cry of the new Conser-
vatives, and it seems to be as efficacious in
France and in this country as the former cry of
the Tories and the Carlists. Our cry is, " Be-
ware of the Humbugs, and look to your own
interests." Trust no man further than you can
see him, and above all, beware of trading politi-
cians. As regards the union between the two
nations, we would advise that it should be main-
tained by all possible means, and that the people

of England should uphold the constitutional
throne of Louis PHILIP as strenuously as they
would their own monarchy, for that throne is
identified with the great principle of rational
liberty ; but they should despise the alarm cry
of the Doctrinnaires and Conservatives, and in-
dignantly protest against every species of com-
promise between the rulers of two free States,
and the Chiefs of absolute Governments.

We learn by the Paris express, that for the
last few days Paris has been in a state of no little
excitement, in consequence of a duel that took
place between M. CAREL, the principal editor
of the Nationnel, and M. Roux LA BORIE,
editor of a Carlist Journal, called Le Revenant,
and formerly an officer in the Body Guards of
CHARLES X. The subject of the dispute was
the Duchess of BERRY, of whom the editor
of the Nationnel declared, that he would reserve
to himself the right of saying what he thought
proper. This declaration, brought out many of
the old Carlists, who took it up as a sort of
insult on their fraternity, which insult, however,
the men of the Mouvement defended ; and thus a
" very pretty quarrel," as Sir Lucius 0' Trigger
would phrase it, has been got up between the two
parties, on the termination of which it is impossible,
in a capital like Paris, where party spirit runs so
high, to speculate with any certainty. One im-
portant circumstance has grown out of this
affair (to which, at present, from our imperfect
knowledge of particulars, we can but briefly
allude), which portends a curious result. We
allude to a manifesto drawn up by " two hun-
dred decor& de Juillet," in which they expressly
mention, that as Government seems inclined to
tolerate Carlism, they (the two hundred men of
July) will take upon themselves to do " what Go-
vernment should have done long ago," i.e. dispose
the Carlists by force, on the very next occasion
that they are guilty " of the insolence of calling
a public meeting of Legitimatists." It is ma-
nifest that if these threats be executed, the
juste milieu will be placed in a most disagreeable
dilemma, and must espouse decidedly either the
cause of Carlism, or the Mouvement party.

The importance of the subject will, we hope,
justify us to our readers for again making some
remarks upon Mr. POULETT SCROPE'S plan
of a National Bank, as also upon his letter,
given in another part of The Sun, upon the ob-
servations we have already made. We will, in
the first instance, notice, as briefly as possihle,
the points he has put to us in the order and
form into which they are thrown in his letter :-
1. We take Scotland to offer us: the
example of a country having a banking system

almost perfect, and Mr. SC ROPE himself re-
peatedly admits its excellence. There, as
we said before, it is of very little conse-
quence whether gold or silver be the standard
of value, because little of either is made
use of, the unshaken and unshakeable credit of
the banks, with the plan of exchange established
amongst themselves, completely superseding its
necessity either with regard to the public or
each other, as long as they do not over-issue,
which their own interest prevents them doing.
The amount of Scotch notes issued, then, being
exactly apportioned to the demand, and such
a thing as a " run upon a Scotch bank being
unknown," we cannot conceive of what practical
consequence the difference in the variation of
the values of gold and silver, which with them
are nothing but mere commodities, can
possibly be. We may be quite willing
to agree with Mr. SCROPE that silver is
less variable in value than gold, and the
reason of its being so we take to be, that it
possesses less facility of transport ; for, being
equally an object of desire all over the world,
with gold, we see no other reason, except that of
the latter metal being chosen to adjust the

balance of financial dealings between nations,
If this be a correct position, it is clear that the
difference in the variations of the values of gold
and silver—taking, of course, the supplies of
both to continue equal—cannot much exceed
the difference of the cost (using the word in the
Jar Zest sense) of transport. We did not, and
do not, however, give any opinion upon the re-
lati 'e merits of the two metals, that question not
coning within the main object of the inquiry
we instituted, viz., on the feasibility of Mr.
SC LOPE'S plan of a National Bank.

2. Does Mr. SCROPE mean to make all
men give security for the payment of their bills
of exchange ? Unless he answer this question
in the affirmative, we submit that it is needless
to enter upon the many other points raised by

this part of his letter.
3. We fear that private and public robbery
cannot be assimilated. Experience has proved
that shops like Mr. RUNDELL'S may be pro-
tected against thieves; but we never yet heard
of any Government having the power of plun-
dering the people, that did not at some time cr
other exercise its power. But then Mr. SCROPE
says, in defence of his inconvertible notes, that
those of the Bank of England are only
nominally convertible into gold, for\ that
there is not in the country gold enough
to pay a third part of the bank notes in
circulation. Very true ; and if the Scotch sys-

tern were established throughout the country, the
quantity of gold in it would be still less, and
the quantity of notes still more; but the reason
of this not being likely to be attended with any
mischief is, that, although the Bank of England
has not gold enough, any more than the Scotch
banks have gold enough, to pay all their notes
on demand, they have property and securities
sufficient to meet all the demands which can
by possibility be made upon them. Their
notes represent the credit they derive from the
possession of large property. Let a man as honest
and just as ARISTIDES, set up a bank, and, f
he be poor, lie will find that the public will not
give credit enough to his notes to enable him
to pay his rent. The fact, therefore, of the
notes of the Bank of England only being nomi-
nally convertible on demand into gold, proves
nothing but the amount of the credit, arising
from the possession of property, represented by
its paper. Now, the misfortune of Mr.
SCROPe3 inconvertible notes would be, that

they would represent nothing. This is the
• grand distinction between his notes and those
at present in circulation ; the distinction which
1 makes all his arguments as to the risk from
political alarms not being greater than it now
is, quite inapplicable. Indeed Mr. SCROPE'S
saying that we should be no worse off as to po-
litical alarms, and his not having explained how
he would have extricated himself from the di-
lemma in which he would have been placed with
his notes on the occasion of the Duke of WEL..
LINGTON'S resignation, amount to admissions
that his currency would be open to the objections
we pointed out. Such being the case, we are
surprised that Mr. SCROPE should sum up
the advantages of a non-convertible currency to
be, the impossibility of panics, runs, and their
attendant evils, the saving of the expense of a
bullion reserve,and the prevention offluctuation in
the amount of the circulation. The amount
must fluctuate, or there must be depreciation in
all such cases as that we put ; and if so, we
should have all the evils of panics and runs mul-
tiplied tenfold. With respect to saving the ex-
pense of a bullion reserve, it is to a great extent
saved by the Scotch system of banking, and
what little could not be saved would he well
worth incurring for the sake of the stability it
would insure. The only argument we believe
we have passed over is, that during the operation
of the Bank Restriction Act, Britain made greater
strides in wealth and productive industry than
she had for the preceding century. That may
be, and we are ready to admit that it is for the
advantage of the nation to use a paper cur-
rency, such as it had at the commencement of
the French restoration, and such would be the
effect of the establishment of a sound system of
banking ; but we are not willing, for the sake
of a few years' prosperity, to incur the certain
damage which must ultimately result from any
forced currency. Besides, we are far from ad-
mitting that the prosperity of England was
solely, or even in the greater part, caused by the
Bank restriction ; for, independently of all other
arguments against such a supposition, we have
before us the fact of similar progression since
the resumption of the cash payments.
THE MARKE IS.—(THIS DAY.)

HAY MARKETS.-lAlper Load of 38 Trusses.)
CUMBERLAND (LATE ST. JAMES'S.)
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £2 0 to £2 5
tklew Meadow Hay 0 0 0 0
Useful Old Ditto 2 15 3 10
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye.grass Hay 3 15 4 0
clover Hay 4 0 5 0
Oat Straw £1 6to £1 8 I Wheat straw... 110 113
Supply moderate, trade rather dull, and prices about stationary

SMITHFIELD.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay
New Meadow Hay.......... ....... .."......... ....... .....£2 5 to i'.2 10
00 0 0
Useful Old Ditt0................ ....... .............. .....
Fine Upland Meadow and ?Eye-grass Hay 4 0 4 r
Clover Hay (extra fine)...£s O... Generally
Oat Straw ... £1 4to X 1 8 I Wheat Straw 1 8 I 13
A moderate supply, and a sluggish trade; prices stationary.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCL. (THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S,
DEAL, Fus. 4.—Wind moderate. Arrived the Demerara
Planter, Willer, from Demerara. The Catherina Elizabeth,
from Batavia to Amsterdam, was detained in the North Sea, by
his Majesty's ship Conway ; seven of the crew were taken out,
and landed here, but the Catherina Elizabeth has not yet
arrived. Sailed his Majesty's ship Satellite to the eastward,
and the Castor for Sheerness. The rest of the combined squa-
dron remain.

PORTSMOUTH, FEB. 4.—W. N.W., squally. Arrived
the Emma, Daris ; and Mary Ann, Budd, from St. Michael's.
FALMOUTH, FEB, 3.—N. W. by W., strong gales, with
violent squalls.

MARGATE, Fmk 4.—Arrived oft' port the Fame, Davies,
from Galway.

STANDGATE CREEK, FEB. 4.—Arrived the Mary, Wil.
liamson, from Trieste.

RAMSGATE, Fun. 4.—Arrived the Bostey Wood, Woot.
ten, from St. Michael's.

LIVERPOOL, Fes. 3.—Arrived the Queen Adelaide,
Boland, from New Orleans ; Virginia, Turner, and Havre,
Pearce, from Charleston; Citizen, Newcomb, from Savannah ;
Charlotte, Logan, from St. John's, New Brunswick ; J. IL
Albony, Freeman, from Halifax ; Two Brothers, Florence,
from St. Michael's ; Amelia, Fry, from Smyrna; and Frede.
rice, from Lisbon. Off port, the Philomela from Pernambuco;
and Gardiner, from Charleston.

BRIGHTON, FEB. 4.—Arrived off port the Royal William,
Livesay, from Madras, sailed the 6th October.

COWES, FEB. 4.—Arrived the Rio packet, Dena), front
Pernambuco.

DARTMOUTH, FEB. 3.—Arrived off port the Louisa,
Cumming, from St. Michael's.

GLOUCESTER, FEB. a—Arrived the Ann, Wcotton,
from St. Michael's.

GREENOCK, FEB. 2.—Arrived the Love, Glare, from
Lecata.

The Mountaineer, Valentine, bound to Aberdeen, was
driven on Seaton Rock the 241 instant, and it was feared would
be wrecked; crew saved.

The Parkfield is on shore in Douglas Bay, and full of water.
The Ashburton, Benest, was on shore on Shoreham Bar
yesterday.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK
Madras Papers to the 7th of October have been received
at the North and South American Coffee-house,
(From the Paper of the 6th of Oct.)
We understand, from good authority, that the Siamese autho.
cities have sent five war boats to Tringanu, demanding the per.
son of the son of the Rajah of that State, and that of another
relative. On what pretext we have not heard. It is generally
believed that the Siamese having succeeded in extorting a large
sum of money from the people of Calatain, are endeavouring
to effect the same object with Tringanu.
We are glad to learn that the Chief Authorities here have re.
presented the subject to a higher power, and it is expected that
remonstrances will be made by means of a man-of-war. We
learn likewise that the Siamese have a large army in Calatain,
ready to proceed towards Tringanu.

On Thursday a ship came in from China, which she left on
the ISth of July, and we learn that opium was selling at 45(i
dollars a chest, that cotton was in good demand, but every
other branch of trade was on the decline. The select cam.
mittee was pursuing a line of conciliation with the Chinese
authorities, and that the system of concession and cotaciliation
will now become paramount in Canton, is certain.
His Excellency the Commander.in-Chief arrived at the Pre.
sidency on Sunday, from his tour of inspection.
THE MA R KETS.—Cotton arrived a few days ago from the
northward, being, we believe, the first arrival since the rains.
From Guzerat, the accounts state that the rains have been
very heavy, and done much injury to the crops.
Shipping from England is abundant.
Canton bills on London, at six months' sight, have been sell_
ing at 1.9 34', to 1-9 % per rupee.

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t_,-~1

The nature of the proceedings in the two Houses
this day, ►ill of course be determined by the con- i
tents of the speech which his Majesty shall have
been advised to deliver. The perfection of a King's
speech was declared by the late Mr. Canning to
consist in the absence of all definite meaning ; for
in the proportion in which it assumed a definite cha-
racter, it tended to beget controversy. It is confi-
dently affirmed, that the leading Conservatives
mean to propose no amendment to the addresses.
As there are but two descriptions of Peers—Minis-
terialists and Conservatives—the course of the pro-
ceedings in their Lordships' House may be antici-
pated with tolerable certainty. But in the Corn-
rnons there are so many divisions and subdivisions,
that it is impossible to form even a conjecture as to
the turn things may take. Sometimes the Irish
Members have complained that no mention has
been made of Ireland in the speech. If we are not
misinformed, Ireland is to form a very prominent
part in the speech of this day. But we are mis-
taken if all its announcements will prove equally
satisfactory to all the Irish Members. After the
usual congratulations on the friendly state of our re-
lations with most Foreign Powers, the speech,we have
heard, will allude to some of the measures which will
occupy Parliament during the present Session, as the
questions arising out of the expit ation oftheCharters of
the East India Company, and the Bank of Eng-
land. It is, of course, impossible, in a speech, to
say anything from which any inference can be
drawn as to the views of Government in these im-
portant questions. We believe his Majesty will ex-
press his regret that the settlement of the diffe-
rences between the branches of the House of Bra-
ganza cannot yet be announced. He will, probably,
state, that during the contest, he has maintained a
strict neutrality, and confined himself to the protec-
tion necessary to British subjects trading with Por-
tugal, and that he will not fail to avail himself of
every favourable opportunity for contributing to put
an end to t his unfortunate contest. His Majesty
will, of course, allude to the Belgian and Dutch
question. He will, probably, express a regret that
it should have been necessary to have recourse to
forcible means to give effect to the determination of
the Conference. He will allude to the surrender of
the citadel of Antwerp to the army of his ally, the
King of the French, and observe that the objects for
which the s;ege was undertaken have been pal tiallyef-
fscted, but the whole of these objects not having been
accomplished, he has been under the painful necessity
of continuing the embargo on Dutch vessels. But
foreign affairs at present, in point of interest, are as
nothing compared with our domestic affairs. We
have reformed the State, and the Church must fol-
low. His Majesty will, probably, express an op.-
nion, that the time has arrived in which the affairs
of the Church must be taken into consideration,
with the view of removing the complaints which
have been made with regard to the injurious opera-
tion of the present system of tithes, and the unequal
distribution of the Church revenues. His Majesty,
will, at the same time, express a hope that the deli-
berations of Parliament will be directed to the means
by which the advancement of religion and the sup-
port of the Established Church may be most effec-
tually insured. With regard to the Established
Church of Ireland, his Majesty will probably ob-
serve, that although by the Union it was perma-
nently united with the Church of England, the pe-
culiarity of their respective circumstances will
render it expedient that they should be sepa-
rately considered by Parliament. With regard to
the revenue, his Majesty will probably ob-
serve, that although during the past year there
have been extraordinary and inevitable expenses,
yet that the income has been fully adequate to the
current expenses, and that, upon the whole, the
state of the revenue is satisfactory. His Majesty
will no doubt advert to the measure of last Session
for obviating the causes of complaint against tithes
in Ireland, and recommend further Reforms to
enable landlords to commute the tithes for annual
payment. Measures connected with the administra-
tion of justice (perhaps the changing of the venue),
and the local taxation of the country (Grand .Tury
jobbing) will also be announced. There can be no
question that a reform of the Grand July Laws is
loudly called for—the evil of the present system
being admitted by all parties. We now come to a
point, respecting which a diversity of opinion will
probably be manifested. His Majesty will, we be-
lieve, lament that the spirit of disturbance and outrage,
adverted to by him last Session, has increased to a
fearful height, rendering life and property insecure,
and defying the authority of the law. Under such cir-
cumstances, his Majesty confidently relies on the
loyalty and patriotism of Parliament, to afford him
such additional powers as may be deemed necessary
for the repression of outrage, and the putting down
and punishing of the disturbers of the public peace.
With regard to the question so much agitated of
late in Ireland—the Repeal of the Union—his Ma-
jesty, we believe, will express the strongest deter-
mination to preserve inviolate the Legislative Union
of the two countries. Such, we understand, are to
be the chief topics of the speech. We have not
heard that the question which now agitates both the
colonies and this country in no ordinary degree,
and which will be keenly agitated in Parliament, if
any reliance can be placed in election proceedings—
namely, the question of slavery—forms a part of
the speech.—Morning Chronicle.

We trust that ere long reform will reach the
Ecclesiastical Courts of England. Where such a
case occurs as that of which our readers will find an
account in our Consistory Court report, there can
be no reason why it should not go to the ordinary
tribunals. The question was simply whether the
Rev. Dr. Vivian had the right to remove a poor
blind woman from the situation of organist of the
united parishes of St. Augustine and St. Faith,
which she had filled upwards of twenty years, and for
which, as appears from the certificate of Dr. Crotch
and others, she was eminently qualified, and to elect
another person to succeed her. The parishioners of
St. Augustine wish Mrs. Carter, the blind woman,
to continue to fill the ofiice. The Ecclesiastical
Law must of course be the rule; but there can be
no reason why, in order to ascertain the facts and
'apply the law, there should be a different procedure
iii ecclesiastical matters from the common law pro-
cedure. Dr. Vivian may have a remarkably delicate
ear, but in such a case we cannot help thinking it
would have been better for him if he had had an ear
no better than that of Dr. Crotch ; for in that case
he would not have persisted in an attempt to deprive
ss poor woman of her subsistence, and thus to shock
the feelings of his parishioners. For the sake of a good
understanding with those whose spiritual welfare be
is bound to promote, it would have been better, per-
haps, not to have stood on his extreme right, sup-
posing him to have the right of dismissal.— Morn-
ing Chronicle.

No session of Parliament ever opened with a
greater variety of important questions pressing for
immediate adjustment than the present, and we
believe that at no period of our history was there
more reasonable ground for confidence in the dispo-
sition of those who administered ihe executive go-
vernment to deal with the nation in a spirit of frank-
ness and good faith. A reform in the constitution
of the House of Commons could never have been
accomplished at a time when the value of such a
measure was likely to be brought to the test of more
signal and critical experiment than in the present
condition of the public interests, foreign and do-
mestic. No idle sunbeam plays upon our infant
Hercules; he is cradled on the surge, and rocked
amid the storm, A.den of noxious reptiles have
assailed him from his birth; escaping from these,
toil and difficulty still beset him; but if the early
conflict shall have, as we think it promises, a sate
and prosperous result, what remains is beyond the
reach of evil—the race is virtually won, and the
final triumph certain and immortal. The King
of England's speech to Parliament, as for-
merly concocted, used to illustrate to the letter M.
Talleyrand's exposition of the use for which lan-
guage was given to man—it used to be, indeed, an
instrument for " concealing the thoughts" of its

framers. Generally speaking, " the speech') was
not more interesting than an " old almanack" in re-
lation to the past, and about equally full of instruc-
tion as to the future. But circumstances, we trust,
have changed. If a Government which has, for
the first time, subjected its policy to the full super-
intendence of public opinion, were silly enough to
attempt a concealment from that public of the views
or measures which had been professedly submitted
to its control, so prompt and rough a castigation
would follow that the error must speedily be cor-
rected. We are inclined to apprehend no such in-
consistency on the part of Ministers in the present
instance. They doubtless point the public atten-
tion to what they themselves conceive to be the
most important features in the general situation of
the country, and intimate at the same time their
own sentiments with regard to the best mode of
supplying what may be defective, or remedying
what may be positively wrong. The state of
Ireland must unquestionably form a most pro-
minent, perhaps the foremost place, among the sub-
jects both of regret and of resolution on the part
of the executive Government. Of the evils which
afflict that unfortunate country, those arising out of
the actual relation between the Protestant Esta-
blished Church, and the great Catholic majority of
the Irish population, strike every man, and of course
his Majesty and his confidential servants, as holding
a conspicuous rank. The Established Church of
Ireland does not minister to the intellectual, the
moral, or religious wants of the people, by which it
is, and for which it ought to be, supported. Its
functionaries are not listened to by those who
want instruction, either as Christians or as members
of civil society; both as a religious and a political
engine, therefore, the Irish Protestant Church has
failed. It is deficient in quality, and in quantity re-
dundant. Its union with the Church of England is
nominal only,—it has neither substance, reality, nor
susceptibility of incorporation with a Church which
does in truth represent the religious opinions, and
may be easily rendered applicable to the social and
political benefit of this whole civilized community.
The Irish Church, therefore, may be dealt with and
modified very differently and far more extensively
than it would be wise or safe to proceed towards the
Church of England. Nor is the vicious relation be-
t ween Church and people more manifest in the in-
adequacy of the Church to its proper objects, than in
the system of lawless and brutal outrage, and the
frightful insecurity of property and person, for which
the state of the Church itself has furnished the mo-
tive or the pretext. A Reform of the Church must,
therefore, be accompanied by the strongest mea-
sures for repressing popular violence, and for en-
forcing obedience to the law and the due adminis-
tration of justice. The tithe system, as it now ex-
ists in England, will, we should imagine, be de-
scribed as on the eve of an extensive modification, in
consequence of the extreme di,content and murmur-
ing which it has provoked from all classes of the
people. A favourable anticipation is likely to be
held forth by his Majesty's Government respecting
the improvement of the revenue; and we suppose it
will be announced that the estimates will be framed
on a scale of the strictest economy compatible with
the demands of the public service. No direct pro-
mise, however, we lament to say, is expected by
those who are well informed of a reduction of tax-
ation. It is difficult to suppose that topics of such
grave importance as the renewal of the East India
and Bank charters, and, more than either, the
serious and complex condition of the West India
colonies, would be omitted in this day's speech
from the Throne ; but it would argue reprehen-
sible indiscretion in Ministers to treat them with
a needless and embarrassing minuteness. Our
French neighbours, who so recently discharged
the military duties impesed upon them by their
English alliance with a courage as characteristic and
admirable as their political obligations have been
fulfilled with punctilious and exemplary honour,
deserve, and will, we take for granted, receive the
compliment justly due to them at the hands of his
Britannic Majesty. The negotiations between the
Allied Governments and Holland, for the settle-
ment of the Belgic question, are now presumed to
be going on smoothly, and may therefore, it is
probable, be represented in the speech under
cheering colours, as will, we hope and trust, the
progress of the humane efforts which are making
fir a pacific and equitable termination of the cruel
warfare by which Portugal has long been scourged.
It may be seen from this conjectural prospectus of
the opening speech, that there is a considerable
space to be traversed, and many topics of high
intrinsic interest to be brought under the notice of
the Legislature. The zeal and dexterity of two
well•defined parties will find thus natural employ-
ment in multiplying the subjects of discussion.—
Times.

It used to be a great object with Ministers, in
former Parliaments, so to frame the King's speech
at the opening of the Session as to allow all parties
to vote in its favour, without any compromise of
their different sentiments. If this did not originate
the contrivance, it greatly tended to confirm the
practice of saying nothing in the King's speech ;
for it was only by rendering that document unin-
telligible that an appearance of unanimity could be
preserved, even for one night, in an Assembly so
distracted by contrary objects and impulses. The
present Ministers, we believe, entertain but little
hope of neutralizing opposition by such an expedient
in the reformed Parliament ; and we incline to this
opinion, not merely because of the rumours thai
have reached us of amendment upon amendment„
intended to be tacked to the address, but because
Parliament itself is now so differently constituted
from what it used to be, that the want of meaning
in a King's speech will no longer be a recom-
mendation to those who are bound to answer
and expected to understand it. Plain speaking is
likely to distinguish the present Parliament beyond
most of its predecessors, and we shall not be sur-
prised if the usual compromise at the commencement
of a session, which had grown into a sort of eti-
quette under the old system, should be discarded
from the new, as inconsistent with that straight
forward plain dealing which men of business ought
to adopt. Whether Ministers have resolved to an-
ticipate the tone of Parliament is more than we can
undertake to say ; but it is not very likely that, in
the present temper of the different parties, they can
steer clear of opposition to the address. The days
are gone when the whipper-in could foretell the di-
vision almost to a single man—when, as if he had a
private key to the heart of every Hon. Member, he
could unlock the secret of his conviction even before
the debate had commenced by which he was sup-
posed to be persuaded. That this system will die-
appear may be inferred from the fact that the
whipper-in himself has disappeared from Parliament.
We cannot say that we regret the political extinc-
tion either of the function or the functionary. It
n•as a farce upon deliberation to see them at work.
We hope, therefore, for the credit of the Reform
Act, and the benefit of the country, that the inve-
terate attachment to party which allowed of this
sort of computation, and which was in itself a
proof of the corruption of the times, will never
be revived again. When the distinction of Whigs
and Toi ies, or rather of Ins and Outs, absorbed
every other consideration, it was a plain proof that
pary feelings and party objects superseded the
claims of reason and integrity. We hope to see no
more of this, or as little more as possible. Parlia-
ment has great duties to perform—duties which ne-
ver can he pet formed in the spirit of party or fac-
tion ; and, though it would be vain to expect that
the bare circumstance of having been returned by
the popular voice will banish every unworthy mo-
tive, the fact of being accountable to public opinion
will control such motives where they do exist, and
avert them where they do not.—Morning Herald.
A rumour was circulated yesterday that a serious
difference had taken place between Lords Grey and
Brougham, upon the subject of the measures to be
adopted for the settlement of the slavery question.
It was supposed that Lord Grey had been so far
scared by the manifestation of opinion which the
suggestion of his intentions had called forth as to
tall back from the purpose he had half announced,

Our respectable contemporary (the Albion) is
inclined to agree with the Globe, and to controvert
our assumption, that the reduction of the stamp
duty on newspapers would be equally beneficial to
the Press and the public. We are a little surprised
at this, proceeding as it does from a Conservative
journal. Any man, we think, must see that all the
apprehensions of the Globe have reference to itself
alone. It is in agony at the bare idea that its in-
fluence would be exposed to competition and be
thereby divided; and it cannot endure the thought
that those " respectable Journals" which have at
present the largest circulation, and the greatest hold
upon public opinion, should be curtailed of their fair
proportions, and sink into third or fourth-rate or-
gans. This is the whole secret of the opposition of
the Globe, and it is worthy of the paper and its
party. But how a Conservative should join in this
wail, and lament the very thing which after all is
the consummation most devoutly to be wished, is
extraordinary. Cannot the Albion see that the
principles advocated in the Times and the Globe
are calculated only for a particular class, and that
their whole influence is concentrated in the taverns
and pothouses? There is not a Radical in England
who would not read a Tory paper if he could
have access to it. But this he is denied by
the oligarchy of the taverns. The Times must
be taken in on account of its advertisements.
Every man is more or less interested in these
matters, and where the advertisements are
there the paper must be, no matter what are
its politics—no matter who the Ministers are
whom it supports or opposes--no matter whether it
is Whig, Tory, or Destructive. Tire consequence
of this is, 'that other papers are excluded, not on
account of their politics—not because they advocate
anti-revolutionary principles, but solely on the score
of expense. Mine host declares he can't afford it,
and there is an end to the question. Besides, there
are more Tory papers bought by individuals than of
the other class. Sevenpence a day is a heavy tax—
twice this sum is unbearable. Hence is it that
there are thousands of persons who would support a
Conservative paper who are restrained by the cost,
and yet have not the opportunity of seeing them as
regularly as they do those journals on whom
they set a less value. If the stamp duty were
reduced, the increased consumption of the
Tunes would be trifling ; that of the Standard,
Post, and Albion would be considerable. The ob-
jection on the score of expense would be removed,
and we should see the middle and operative classes
as ready to peruse those papers which they rarely
see at present, as they are to read those journals
which are, in many instances, forced upon them by a
class of men much more ignorant than their customers,
and who exercise a sort of despotic authority over
public opinion. Another thing ought to be borne
in mind. When the price of a newspaper was raised
to sevenpence, this country was in a very different
state to what it is at present. Sevenpence then
was not more than fourpence is now, and there
were no penny publications. The stamp law is
now so openly violated, that there is no security
-whatever for the capital invested in the daily
journals. This was not the case formerly. The
Literary Gazette and one or two other weekly
periodicals, exclusively devoted to literary matters,
were the only papers which were allowed to be
printed on unstamped paper. We ask, therefore,
for nothing but justice. It is hard that newspapers
should be subjected to severer exactions than they
were twelve years ago, at a time too when the cur-
rency was depreciated, and when sevenpence was of
less value than the amount of the stamp duty is at
present. If the price is to be maintained, let us in
fairness be protected against cheap publications, and
the abominable trash which, under the patronage of
Noble arid Learned Lords, is circulated as " useful
knowledge."—Guardian.

We intended to have alluded again this day to
the artiee in the Globe of Saturday last, on which
we expatiated at some length yesterday, respecting
the taxes on newspapers; but,in truth, we are loth
to eater upon it again, and for two reasons ;—the
first, because our contemporary has been already
sufficiently punished in a variety of quarters for the
inconsistency and Conservative character of his
lucubrations ; and, secondly, because it is announced
in well-informed quarters that the Government plan
of reduction wears a very different character from
that which has been ascribed to it. That the re-
duction of the advertisement duty from 3s. 6d. to
Is. would be a great benefit, we are most ready to
proclaim. It would be a great boon, to the com-
mercial world especially, to the public generally, and
to the press also; but it would nevertheless be
an incomplete measure without a corresponding
reduction of the stamp duty—a duty trifling in
amount, and the revenue arising from which, we
are confident, would be greatly increased by a re-
duction of one-half of its present amount. We
shall not be very scrupulous in lending our support
to any measure having this double object in view,
which may emanate from his Majesty's Ministers,
because we are aware of the difficulties with which
they would have to contend in carrying through this
or any other Reform; but we beg to inform them,
at the same time, that nothing short of such a re-
duction will give satisfaction to the public, and that
if they adhere to that which has been announced by

Charles Steven•, on the 28th of November, 1830, in
consequence of having a demand on a person named
"%Mahe, a partner in the concern of St. James's-square,
called at the house at eleven o'clock at night, and was
shown into one of the lower dining rooms, where he sat
down. In about five minutes a door opened behind, and
the defendant entered. He seized witness by the throat,
and kicked him in a brutal manner, dragging him across
the floor into the hall. When in the hall the defendant
held his head against an iron door, and struck him at least
20 time., breaking the bridge of his nose. He was thrust
into the street by the defendant, who used a very dis-
graceful expression.
The Jury found a verdict of Guilty.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, FEB. 4.

PHRENELOGICAL EXAMINATION
OF
THE HEADS OF TWO OF THE CANDIDATES

FOR THE

BOROUGH OF BRIGHTON.

(From Merle's TVeehly Register, of Sunday, Nov. 25.)
We have been favoured with a copy of the result of the
phrenelogical examination of the heads (0 quam cars
capita!) of two of the candidates for the representation of
the borough of Brighton. We understand, from those
who are well acquainted with the parties, that if any proof
had been wanting of the exactness of the science, it would
be found in these examinations—for which the public are
indebted to Mr. Deville, of the Strand, who is now lec-
turing at Brighton.
Mr. W--y--It was observed at first blush, by the
learned Lecturer, that there was an evident disproportion
between the anterior and posterior regions of the cranium ;
the occiput preponderating considerably over the sinciput.
Hence he inferred that it might be predicated generally of
Mr. W y, that his physical passions would hold a
mastery over the impulses of his moral feelings.
At the upper and back part of the head, on each side of
the median line, are two bumps or bosses; these are re-
gions in which the love of approbation resides—a most
useful and excellent faculty, when the objects through which
it may seek to gratify itself, are excellent in themselves ;
but the contrary, when it is exercised on trivial things,
such as an inordinate love of dress, which is apt to dege-
nerate into dandyism. This faculty may induce defects in
various ways, for if misdirected, it becomes a very snare,
to entrap its unfortunate possessor into all manner of vain-
glorious and ridiculous displays. The learned lecturer
would give an instance of its freaks. There is, said he, a
line in Horace, descriptive of the effects of wine in loosing
people's tongues, it runs thus :
gt Fatcundi Calices quern non fecere desertum."

Now self-esteem, or this craving after approbation, will
play the fool with a man in the same way, and make him
fancy, though he be endowed but with moderate talents,
and moderate facundia, that be is little inferior to a
Cicero, and that he has only to open his mouth to astonish
people with hie wisdom.
The lecturer observes, that he had the pleasure of know-
ing Mr. W-y's father, but that the organ of acqui-
sitiveness was much less developed in Mr. W y,
than it had been in his sire.

Mr. G. F--I.—The learned gentleman next pro-
ceeded to examine the bead of this gentleman. Philoso-
phers are now pretty generally agreed that a sure estimate
of the inward feelings and understanding may be gained
from the outward and visible signs manifested on the sur-
face of the brain-box; and we doubt not but the excellent
example set by the Mightonians will be followed through-
out the kingdom wherever a contested election is likely
to take place. Mr. Deville, we hear, has had many ap-
plications, and we are told that his next professional en-
gagement is at the special desire of a large body of the
electors of Westminster, to ascertain the comparative value
of the organ of benevolence, which ought to dictate the
feeling of patriotism, and that of acquisitiveness, which
gives the impulse of self appropriation as they exist in the
head of Sir Joh❑ Cam Hobliouse ; for many of the elec-
tors begin to suspect they have strangely overvalued the
former, or under-rated the latter.