The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-13 00:00:00

He was not in the habit of doing so, and had never laid
himself open to the charge.
The Earl of HARROWBY said, as it was impossible
to induce the NAL. Marquis to make a speech which he
W• 18 determined not to make, they must go on with the
Bill. The better way would be for the Government to
explain the nature of the measure, and leave the details
to the Committee.
Lord BELNIORE said, greatly as he wished to see
slavery abolished, he was fully convinced that the proper
period had not yet arrived. He was afraid that the pro-
posed plan would not serve any interest, and the loss
which the planter was likely to suffer by it was attested
by the large grant of 20 millions, inadequate as it was to
compensate the planters—a grant, too, made at a time
when the burdens of the country were almost insupport-
able. And what was to be gained by the measure? Net
the freedom or happiness of the negro, but merely the
assent of the Legislature to an abstract principle. In proof
of these assertions it would be only necessary to refer to
the evidence in the report relative to British Guiana,
where free labour had been tried, and it would be found
that the new system, instead of diminishing the hardships
of slavery, had increased them, and brought on a system of
coercion far more severe and oppressive than that which
existed in the West India colonies. The new system too was
decidedly opposed to the increase of population. Now if
such coercion as that resorted to in Guiana was necessary
to obtain labour, either the productions of the country must
fail, or there would be merely a change of the name of slavery,
and be introduced in its place a legalized tyranny.—
(Hear.) The advocates of emancipation contended that
there would be no difficulty of obtaining free labour. But
if chat were the case, why impose the tax of 40s. the acre
for the purpose of compelling the negro to work ? But
even if the plan were to succeed as to the male popula-
tion, it would afford no relief to the other sex, because ihe
miles would always make the females their slaves. But
putting all these objections out of view, he would contend,
that in such an Wand as Jamaica, if the 300,000 slaves
were deported, and labourers from this country were sub-
stituted in their place, they would not work any more
than the ~laves, and for reasons he would state. That
Wand was 160 miles long by 45 miles bread, and contained
a population of 400.000 ; of these 40,000 were Europeans,
60.000 free persons of colour, and 300,0. 0 were slaves.
N. if they r, fleeted on the population of the island at
the time of the diseovery by Columbus, when it was said
to amount to a million, and also on the capabi ities which
it possessed for production—he would ask, bow it was to
be expected that men would work for hire when they
could gain much more by cultivating the soil for them-
selves? The island was cap .ble of na iintaining a pnpula-
titer of three millions—there was, he would suppose,
three-fourths of it in bush and wood, and nearly all
capable of cultivation, and was it to be supposed that if
free labourers were to go from this country, they would
not prefer cultivating bush land to receiving scanty
wages for labour? The island of Jamaica supported
c nsiderahle herds of cattle; it bad rivers abounding in
fish, and vast quantities of swine and poultry, and he
would therefore ask what inducement men would have to
I :boor for wages, when by cultivating the land for themselves
they could thus raise all the necessaries of life? At present
all the provisions raised for the market were chiefly raised
by the slaves during the 26 days they had to them-
selves throughout the year, and there was even a super.
abundance. Daring the insurrection, which lasted for
two months, when he held the situation of Governor,
notwithstanding all the loss by wiiful mischief, by war,
and other casu .Itiee, there was still a sufficient supply of
provisions raised by the slaves in the half days they had
to themselves. If that were the case then, and living
were so cheap, how could it be expected that the slaves
would wok for wages? But it had been said that if the
slaves were not emancipated, they would emancipate them-
selves. That he denied. The slaves were the most
feeble beings on earth. Respecting cempulsory labour—
be meant that labour which the Migistrate would be
called on to enforce--he would only ask their Lordships
what redress they could get from a Magistrate in most of
the cases in which servants neglected their duty? The
authority of a Magistrate was very well when the negli-
gence amounted to the nature of an offence or crime, but
there were a hundred civet in which it was not possible
for the Magistrate to interfere, and which neverthe-
less caused the greatest annoyance to the master. In
this country a maser could turn his servant off, but
that was not the case with the apprenticed negroes.
He might get sulky, he might spoil a dinner, and do
many other things which could not well come under
the cognizance of a Magistrate; and if even the master
did appeal to the magistrate, he could not get rid of the
incorrigible apprentice, and both must return home to
resume their usual occupations. And who were these
magistrates ? Why, half. pay officers. How could they
know anything about agricultural labour ? Ho-v could
they sit as judges on matters of which they were compa-
ratively ignorant? The only persons that could possibly
be acquainted with the duties which the apprentice ought
to perform were the white inhabitants, but they were
excluded from all magisterial power, and all authority
was to be given to foreigners. Thee, however, were but
a few of the objections he had to the Bill. If his Ma-
jesty's Government were determined to pass the no,-asure,
it would be needless for him to argue against it, but he
would only warn them of the danger which they incurred,
and call on them to bear in mind what might be the
sprteorsieltar,flyuilfdniwse,
jeigibilnsebsoouitjolrd,t waagkhaein be engaged in hostilities with a
oadwvauntwagaetcohfintgheomu.r_e(rtiroerasr,.)and
Lord SUFFIELD did not consider that the grant of
20 millions was necessary, but as it had been awreed to by
the Commons he would not oppose it. He thought the
salary of 3001. to the stipendiary magistrates too small,
and should move an. amendment in Committee on that
clause. The Noble Lord then went on to state some cases
fir the purpose of proving that in several places—such as
Liberia in Africa, Bengal, Java, Ice., sugar was raised
abundantly by free labour. He thought it could not he
denied that the slaves would labour if they were induced
by the prospect of fair wages, and the hope of being able
to
Lorpdrocutethe co
could
no 4aufrt
after
ris whichthey l
isong desired. T
residence
in Jamaica,
cN
,obblee
ignorant of the fact that the slaves there were in the
habit of employing each other. It was n torious that
now
n Londonthey did so, and that those who were so employed work.-d
v
fiwftheeonc(pmer i cepraovedasyh.e
fact.T There were
personsry industriously
regard to the cruelties practised under this system, the
Noble Lord would naturally be the very last to hear of them
r

Lord BELMORE admitted that some cases of cruelty
had come to his own knowledge.
Lord SUFFIELD—The Nob'e Lord's predecessor, the
Duke of Manchester, dia not deny that cruelties were
practised, but he said if such things occii.red, care was
taken not to let him hear of them. Oa the whole,
although there were parts of the Bill to which he could
nut give his ent►re approliation, yet he should support the
measure as the means of putting In end to a system which
could no longe' be continued with just►ce or safety.
The Earl of RIPON had always endeavoured, in
treating tois subject, to look at it as a practical question,
and, instead of suffering his imagination to be heate,l by
the accounts of the cruelties and oppressions of the present
system, to consider only what was really expedient for the
col •niats themselves, and would pr vect the colonies from
being a perpetual scene of agitat►on. The state of society
at present existing there was full of danger, inasmuch as
even an attempt at rebellion must lie most injurious and
de.tructive, even though it might he put down at a very
early period after it had broken out. It was clear, there-
fore, that if the present state of society contained within
it the seeds of that danger, it must be the interest of the
owners of the slaves to seek some means whereby that
state might be changed, and the relations between them•
selves and their slaves altered.—(flear.) He had

always felt that, if wb enacted the freedom of th

.laves, it would be necessary to connect with ii
a code of laws very severe and coercive. It was said that

this was an anomaly. He granted it was an anomaly,
but we were dealing with an anomalous state of society.
The plan which he had proposed to the West Indian body
was based opt's' this principle, and he proposed it under
the impression that if they were anxious to forward the

great object of negro emancipation, it might be a satisfac-
tory mode of accomplishing it. They, however, regarded
it cliff rendy ; ttiey objected to his plan bsth in principle
and detail, and it became necessary to substitute some

other plan which would be less liable to objection. In
he
etebner
ttt
ihbreee
nsyue
concurred.ab sr. t,
iiet
do tcin
ooul d o the
With
broughtl e present
re
regard
tdo plan
to t
labourh feflo hisor levs own e
at
question whether
t was
clear from the evidence that there was no people in the
world more anxious to procure for themselves what they
considered
comforts and luxuries; and accordingly we
round them—titer giving to their master all the labour
Athich he could exact—availing themselves of every leisure
moment to procure tor themselves those comforts which
they could not otherwise possess. With regard to the
~.inplaint of the Noble Eat, 'thrive to the transfer of
'lie power or punishment from the master to the hands of
the magistrate, he (Lord Ripon) considered no regulation
.o desirable. The cases of greatest cruelty had occurred
drecittely in reference to domestic errors of the nature of
hose to which the Nob e Earl alluded. From the peculiar
circumstances in which the colonies were placed, to stand
still would be utterly impossible. It might be said that the
offieulty arose from the unreasonable and unreasoning
.vartnth with which this question had been taken up by a
particular body in this country, and from the too great