The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-20 00:00:00

Loud applause.) He said thus much on this head, be-
cause he had been subjected to much misrepresentation—
. ---becauese it had been put forward that he wished to go too far,
and that he was a destructive—misrepresentations on the fact
his expressing himself strongly and energetically whenever
he had to urge the advancement of public rights, or the redress
of public wrongs. It was in his nature to feel warmly a:,l
enthusiastically, and to express himself strongly and energote
cally ; indeed, he thought that it was t chareeet-alstic of
every Englishman who felt sincerely and anelously.—( Hear.)
Those who could not understand such earnestness--because,
perhaps, they were not themselves over sincere—(a laugh)—
held it forth as a proof that he wished to go much further than
in his professions he had declared they ought to go—that he
was for overleaping the great landmarks prescribed by the
Constitution. If they thought he was actuated by any revolu-
tionary notions, it would be their duty to rejeet him :—if he
had them, he would be deservedly rejected, and driven into
private life--(hear); but he had nothing of the kind, and their
enemies knew it.—( Cheers.) Though he felt great gratitude to
Earl Grey for carrying through the Reform Bill, he would
state to them confidently that he W7S grateful, not on his own
account only—he was'grateful because they, the Grey Ministry,
had carried a measure beneficial to the people; and though
he supported that Ministry, he did not do so merely for the
purpose of supporting them, but for protecting and preserving
the rights and privileges of the people. But for that Noble
Earl they would not have obtained that Bill, which enabled
them freely to return two Members.—( Hear.) Though he
held that opinion, he was not the pledged supporter of any
Administration. He recollected that at the last election be
was asked whether he would support Earl Grey's Government.
He replied then as he would answer now,—he went into Par-
liament not to support any particular Administration, but to
represent them.---( Loud cheers.) He had frequently found
that he could not support the Government, and represent
them ; but throughout he had acted conscientiously—( Loud
cheers)—and it would be impossible for them to assign any
unworthy motives for the votes he had given--(Hear)---and
certainly not any mercenary motives.—( Cheers.) He had
acted independently, and if he had diff:red from them it was
on independent grounds. Now that the Reform Bill had
passed, and that the Reform Administrations had been re-
moved, he might say that they little knew and could still less
imagine what difficulties the Ministers had had to contend
with.--( Hear, hear.) Even the Cabinets afterwards exist-
ing—after the passing of the Reform Bill--had contained
no common obstacles. There were among the members high,
eminent, talented, and influential members--men anxious to
advance the public cause, yet who, 411 great occasions or mea-
sures, " held back," and thus impeded the proceedings and
views of the Government.—(Hear.) It was for the purpcse of
driving out those menthers that he and others, particularly an
Hon. Friend near him, Major Beauclerk, had exerted them-
selves on a particular occasion.—( Cheers.) They had effected
that object--and then Lord Melbourne's Administration was
formed. To that Administration many liberal, elements were
imparted • and that Administration, so liberalized, he and his
Hon. Colleague had been prepared to support. In proof of
the liberal additions, he had only occasion to refer to the names
of Lord Duncannon, Sir J. C. Hobhouse, Mr. Ellice, Lord
Mulgrave, and Mr. Abercrombie. —( Loud cheers.) They re-
placed the five who seceded—and such an accession had
given him grounds of increased confidence that the Admi-
nistration would zealously and in good earnest set itself to
effect the working out of the ends and objects of the Re-
form Bill—a Bill that was only a means to mighty ends.
—( Loud cheers.) With such an Administration it was
quite clear that there must soon have been decided mea-
sures, and that they would have brought the Commons into
collision with the Lords. To avert that crisis, the Adminis-
tration was set aside--and by those who had reforee in their
mouths, and treason to the people in their hearts,—( Immense
cheering.) He had seen the address of a worthy Alderman—
(Laughter)—but he was quite sure they were not to be de-
luded by it; and yet there was nothing in that address that he
(Mr. T.) might not have said all imaginable inno-
cence. The worthy Alderman was ready to abate all abuses
in Church and State—so was he ; only perhaps he and the
Alderman differed a little a., to what constituted abuses.—
( Hear and laughter.) What the worthy Alderman termed
abuses he was afraid was what they deemed to be their rights
and privileges.—( Hear.) He was sorry that the worthy Al-
derman was not there, because, perhaps, they would have
shown him that he had not much chance in his attempts upon
Lambeth—(;dear)—that they were fixed in their determina-
tion to stand by their principles, and to return two liberal
Members, as the best means of securing the working of the
Reform Bill.--( Cheers.) He, however, would only speak for
himself, for he would never coalesce with any candidate—but
he must say that he would rather have a liberal colleague than
one hostile to their interests and opinions.--( Hear.) With
respect to the question now at issue, if the people would re-
turn a House of Commons that would-support the present ad-
ministration, why the Lords would have their own way, and
the people then could have nothing to say.--( Hear, hear. )
The late Administration were prepared to bring forward
bold and great measures, and being once brought for-
ward the Lords would not have dared to resist, there-
fore was it no small object to unseat that Administra-
tion. And now was the question to be raised whether
the people Nvere to have an effective voice in the Legis-
lature, or whether they were to be subservient to the Lords,
which they must be if there were a House of Commons to sup-
port the present Administration.—( Hear, hear.) What were
some of the abuses alluded to in Sir R. Peel's epistle ? There
was the Irish Church : that was not to be reformed—a great
grievance that ought to be entirely swept away.—( Hear. )
There were 500,000 Protestants in a population of 8,000,000,
and for that small minority the whole country was to be taxed,
or it was to retain property that belonged to all. He would say
let the spiritual wants of the 500,000 be provided for, and then
let the rest of the Irish Church property be applied to public
purposes--(Cheers)—to charitable and religious purposes if
they pleased, provided they were not at variance with the reli-
gious opinions of the country.—( Hear.) That question, as
well as whether they were to have short Parliaments, extended
suffrage, and ballot, were the three great principles that would
be put in issue, in favour of which principles they had passed a
resolution almost unanimously ; the question would be whether
these principles should proceed. Their example and public spi-
rit would have great influence, it could not fail to have, and the
question to be determined was whether the Irish Church, mili-
tary flogging, and various other evils were to be continued ? He
had carefully read Sir R. Peel's careful production, and he
felt himself bound to declare that he could discover in it no-
thing to impose on the people, except the musical measure in
which it was composed.—( Laughter.) He did not see in it
anything of the slightest promise of any beneficial and substan-
tial change. The epistle, however, was manly and plain—it
could deceive nobody, and for that he thanked him. It could
deceive nobody.—( Hear.) Sir R. Peel told them plainly that
he would not accept office at the -price of apostacy to his prin-
ciples—then Sir Robert's principles were to remain the same,
then what became of the promise of carrying forward the Re-
form measures ? It was hence clear that Sir R. Peel was as
decided and as marked an enemy of popular rights and mea-
sures as ever.—( Hear, hear.) There was nothing in the whole
address to mislead any intelligent man on this subject.—
Sir Robert declared that he should support " prescriptive
institutions." Sir R. Peel seemed to have to learn that all the
institutions belonged to the country, and were not " prescrip-
tive."—( Hear.) There was not anything which was not liable
to revision, and which could not be revised if such were the
will of the country, expressed through its Representatives.
But Sir R. Peel was ready to reform proved abuses and ac-
knowledged defects 1 What was the present state of the Church?
Was there not some proved and acknowledged abuse there ?
What, of flogging—was not that a proved abuse ? What
of Septennial Parliaments—were they not proved abuses ?-
-(Loud cheers.) However, at least even Sir R. Peel found
out that he was somewhat " vague P"—_(A laugh.) So he
came to particulars--but from the particulars nothing very par-
ticular could be learned. The Corporation inquiry he should
not resist—but he should wait for the Report to enable him to
make up his mind—the subject, of course, being rather new.
Then, as to Church Rates, he said he had voted for their
abolition. Yes, how ? By fixing the rate on the country as
a tax.—( Hear.) Even when the measure was brought for-
, ward by Lord Althorp, the country was not to be entrapped
by it ; and though it was voting against that Minister, he (Mr.
Tennyson) had opposed it. The measure was not likely to be
viewed by the Dissenters with more favourable eyes, now that
• it, was taken under the protection of Sir Robert Peel.--
( Hear, hear.) If any such measures were again brought for-
ward, be should again be against it--( Cheers)—beeause those
rates ought to be charged on those funds, and that property
set apart for such purposes, and which ought to pay them.—
' (Cheers.) Then, again, as to the admission of Dissenters
into the Universities, without which the professional career
of many was wholly impeded ; that was not to be conceded,
on the ground that they were established to support the reli-
gion of the country, that the property possessed by them was
not to be distributed, although they were national institu-
tions, and that the benefits could be enjoyed hy those who were
agreeable to, swallow the thirty nine articles.--( Hear, hear.)
As to the Irish Church, how far did Sir Robert Peel go ?
Why he was prepared for a revision of the distribution of the
property of the Church in the Church, namely, a new division
of the spoil.—( Hear.) Though there were 8,000,000 of in-
habitants who ought to derive benefit from that property, it was
limited to 500,000 loyal persons, and that unequal division was
to be continued—all was kept up for the benefit of 500,000.
(Hear, and cries of " Shame.") As to the state of the Church
of England, Sir R. Peel gave that question the complete go-
by. There was not promised the slightest portion of Reform
in it—there was not a word about it. Here again no intelli-
gent man could be deceived. On this part of the question he
would diverge a little, for the sake of mentioning that since
he had entered the room he had received a letter from one of
his constituents of the name of Pugh—a gentleman who had
declared that his (Mr. T.'s) sentiments respecting the Church
were destructive of the establishment. He had asked that
gentleman to point out any sentence or vote that would war-
rant such an inference. That gentleman replied that he bad
not been able to lay his hand on the passage from which he had
drawn such conclusion ; but that he had read what he felt had
justified such opinion respecting his (Mr. T.'s) sentiments.
He (Mr. T.) would here trouble the meeting with a word or
two respecting his views regarding the Church. He was, then,
friendly to the maintenance of a Church establishment--not
because he was a Churchman, and, therefore, in accordance
with its opinions, but because he believed the majority of the
country to be favourable for some establishment. It was there-
fore not on his own opinion that he was favourable to an esta-
blishment, but because he deemed it to be the opinion of the
country, to which he deemed it just to bow. But though he
was favourable to the maintenance of an establishment—he was
ready to acquiesce in the reforms of the establishment, so as to
enable it to effect those objects for which alone it was insti-
tuted, and the effecting of which alone would secure its con-
tinuance ; and if the Church of England were not reformed,
he would not hesitate-to say that " its day's were numbered."
—( Loud cheers.) He would now reply to the questions that