The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-30 00:00:00

C OURT OF KING'S BENCH, Dusux, N0v.517.

(Abridged from the Dublin Morning Register.)
[We give the following report of the concluding portion
of Mr. O'Connell's speech. and the Solicitor• General's
reply from the Dublin Morning Register of Tours-
day.l
Mr. o.Co)(semen—What is manifestly tle object of the
writer ? Is it not to put down Whitefeet crimes, and
every species of outrage? Is it not manifest that he
wishes to combine all repealer. of the Union for teat
desirable object—the removing of the causes that lead to
Whitefeet outrages? It is my opinion that the man who
has an estate in Leland should be bound to live on it. One
of the old Irish statutes required residence upon property
in this country, or they inflicted a penalty of 75 per cent.
upon the absentee proprietor. Nine tenths of the eetates
in Ireland were, I can tell you, granted upon that condi-
tion. This is what we make a subject of discussion. This
is all that has been discussed in the letter that has been
prosecuted. God forbid that the object of the writer
should be to instigate to the committal of crimes ! How
can such an object be imputed to him ? Are they not
spoken of with horror, and denounced with the strongest
terms of execration ? And yet this is called, by the law I,
officer of the crown, a seditious libel ! Gentlemen, this
day is an important one—this day will be marked as most
momentous in the sad story of our common country, and
will be a bright and shining spot, illumining the page of
Irish history—the first dawn of the opening day of light
awl heat, bringing with it the genuine glow of kindliness,
mutual attachment to each other, and general pros-
perity to this long-divided and unfortunate land.
How does the fancy of realising such a scene
cheer awl animate me ! I feel lam not gifted with any
thing of poetical inspirations; but I am urged on by the
ardent desire to see my country a nation. My heart feels
and my tongue utters but one sentiment. Some of us
were born when Ireland was a nation, and I trust that I
shall not go to my grave until I see Ireland a nation again.
The second preliminary is one of more easy attainment
—it is to conciliate all classes and persuasions of Irishmen
towards each other. I have the liveli.st happiness in
being able to state that the approximation of Irishmen
(Protestants, Orangemen, and Catholics) towards each
o her is progrensit, with, a rapidity which exceeds my ex-
pectations, and almost equals my ardent wi-het for entire
and universal conciliation." This, gentlemen, this is the
laneumee which the Attorney-General decl tree, and calls
upon you to say, inspires hatred b tween different clan-es
of
his Majesty's subjects ! It is not one partial phrase you are
to found your verdict upon—it is upon tie whole publi-
cation—look at it from the beginning to the end, and
you will see that the inculcation of charity is the burden
of the song, and is the spirit of the entire composition
Stand, then, between us, honest Protestant jurors—stand
between us—stand between the people of Leland and this
Whig prosecution ; let them obtain from you protection,
and when the Whigs call upon you for a verdict, point to
the North, the South, and the West, and ask them what
compensation are they about to give for the sacrifice they
ask of you this day. To the political salvation of my
native country every wish of toy heart, every exertion is
devoted, and they shall be used to secute her independence.
is by the spirit of conciliation I wish to be guided.
It is by Protestants and Catholics being conciliattet—it is
by uniting tweether that we shall become too strong
lOr the oppressions of those who are our common t n emits.
We hare a country—we had a country once, and we
oneht to have one. There is not a more lovely land on
the face of time earth. There is none in which the annual
rolls taken from the soil are so great. God has blessed
her with a soil teeming with uncounted millions—her
fields arc covered with plenty—in them the green stalk
leans wider its iiverloried ear—the granaries are filled—
the stores for corn are bursting their lofts—the land give-
to man its choicest treasures, and yet, oh ! yet, famine
ihreatens with its blighting aspect to assail us—the
wretched putat.e crop is one-third deficient. That miser-
able food on which the poptilation depend is Idling—the
season Las been plentiful, and still starvation is coming.
Why is this? B-eau-e the abundance of the land is of 110
avail to its people—the poor man yields it all up to the
foollord, to be collected in rents, which are expended in
England, Fiance, in any other courrry but Ireland.
Wi•y ? Because Ireland is a prov.nce instead of being a
nation. Tt,in is the language of the barrister that ad.
dresses you. There was another banister, and bus name
will lung live in the memory of h s country. How dot
he speak of the Union? Mark what he says of i .
" I see nothing in the Union but one question—will
you give up the ceuntry ? I for get for a mument the
unprincipled means by which the Union has been prompt,
ed, and I look on it simply as England reclaiming in a
moment of weakness that doiniuion which we extorted
front her in a moment of our virtue." Who was it said
that ? Time metutter for Callan—Chailes Kendal 13iiehe.
I shall read the opinion of another upon the Union :
But ii is the muerte cony ction of my mind, that the pro.
posed Union,the inflicting so deep a wound in our national
pride, the death of our Parliament, the reducing a pow
erred, growing kingdom, to a small and petty member of
the empire, will multiply and invigorate the friends of the
French connection, and dieeearten, digust, alienate and
diminish the friends to the Ihitish interest. Who are
they whose pride and conseqiience will be most humbled?
The loyal rind spiiited yeomen arid gentry. who have
finglit and bled in support of our Constitution as it now
-taw's. Woo will leave the country, or swell the list of
absentees (a consequence which the a .vocates for Union
admits), the wretched, corrupted rabble, which the pro.
fligate conspirators—or the loyal and powerful nobility
sod gentry? Five and twenty of the principal nubility,
eighty or ninety of the first gentlemen, necessarily with.
drawn to attend Parliament ; add to these all who will be
attracted by interest, or seduced by pleasure, or sickeeed
at the deserted streets of Dublin." Tide is the
opinion of a gentleman of the Irish bar—this is the
opinion of a gentlemen named Richard Jebb. And if his
prophecy has been realized—if a powerful and growing
kingdom has been transferred into a petty member of the
empire—if it was patriotism and virtue to announce this,
shall it be sedition arid libel to struggle to do away with
i'. There are some mole passages which I shall read for
you. The authority that 1 quote from stands eo high that
you cauuot hut respect it. He s Lys, " You may mate
the Union binding as a law, hut you cannot make it
obligatory on conscience. It will he ulnerved as long as
England is strung ; but resistance to it ,s ill be in the
abstract a duty ; and the exhibition of that resist-
mince will lie a mere question of prudence." Who was
it said that, Gentlemen of the July? Was he an
itinerant, an unenlightened man ? Was he a mere
country gentleman? The gentleman who said this
was the Right Honourable William Saurin !-011,
God ! what a miserable nation has this become! Why
is it that we so long have submitted to this species
of degradation ? Have we not the blond of men amongst
us ? Can we watch the struggles of Poland fur lreedom
—can we look on, and give our empty applause to her
glorious achievements and :nighty sacrifices? Is the
aspiration tout a cold feeling ? Is it a mere theatrical
exhibition ? Are our sorrows and our tears only for the
kings and queens of tragedy, and do we not enter into the
interests of life? Are we men ? Are we Ilishinen ?
Are we so stink in our paltry, pitiful, Raid disgraceful
patty struggles, that we forget we :tee Itishmen—that
we forget we have a country, and that it is the duty of all
to serve her? Should the notes of liberty sound so
strangely in our ears, that tint vet), echo will startle us?
Can we not listen to them ? Are we not even to dare
to talk of freedom? 'We strive not to attain cur ends by
bleed—for Ireland has not been a Poland, nor has it been
subject to a Nicholas; but lung, too tome, has it been
the victim of emaciating and citiel laws. Shall we
not presume to speak of the Union, nor dare to show even
that it has been violated? And as hat is this act which
it is sought to prevent us even from discussing ? It in
an act which has been in repeated instances violated. It
has been violated in reference to the English debt nue in
1800. Th,t debt amounted to 420 millions, and was
subject to an interest of 15,500.000/. a year. The act de-
clan d that with this debt Ireland should have nothing to
ito It declared th at this de..t should be England's debt,
and sh tild be defrayed out of Erigl nd's taxes exclusively.
lreland's taxes are now appropriated to the payment of its
interest, and here is a verlet.on of toe Act in one of its
fundenieutal principles. Then, this Ac, which it is
sought to be made criminal even to discuss, guaranteed to
us the applies ion of our surplus revenue to the lessening
of our debt, the reduction of our tuxes, or the internal
improvement of our country. Is our surplus revenue
appropriated to such a purpose now? Not at all ; it gins
over to pay the interest of the debt which was declared to
be exclusively English. litre again is a viiilatien of Oil
Act. The quit rents are taken fro 0 this unfortunate
country to be eineroyed in beautifying London. It any of
you eboul i have the mistortune to go to London, look to
Charing-rem-, and you will there nee hew the quit rents
of Ireland ate expended; while the pour and paltry suni of
3001, which the mei clout ts of Dublin aught for, to get a
sure y executed f- r a ship carnal, thouge the utility of
such a nation t 1 woi k is beyond all din, ute, wag refused
with as much contempt as they would reiuse a beggar who
a-ked 'nem for alms ! And after all this, they tell us that
we shall not dare to discuss the mea-ure of the Union.
They tyke limn us our property, and, because we are
robbed, they tell us that We must be silent. I beve tune
treat man Waiose opinions I will read for you respeetiuz this