The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-07 00:00:00

~~

but as a member of a body of one of whom a particular
question had been asked and answered.
Mr. O'CONNELL regretted that the House would not,
as it had advanced so fr, advance a step further in this
business. The obscurity in which the affair was left in-
creased the difficulty in which the affair was involved.
It was most painful to have to stand forward there to
vindicate a gentleman fret a charge which was in itself
so vague. Some time, some place, some circumstance
might have been ,ointed out, which would have enabled
the House to tee a little way further into the misty haze of
uncertair:ey in which it had been enveloped. It certainly
couht not be said of the Noble Lord, dnlosus versatur in
peneralibus. for there was no man on whom such a charge
could with l,ss propriety rest, but the truth of the proverb
could not be denied, and perhaps the best way not to be
candid was to be general. More Irish Members than one
had been implicated by the Noble Lord ; he must have
known to uftat Members he alluded when he made a spe-
cific: charge, and who were the individuals to be ,pscified.
No other Hon. Member rose, therefore the ccnvet cation
droved.
Mr. O'CONNELL said Le would now do no more than
give notice that on 31anday he would bring a breach of
privilege before the notice of the House.
TURNPIKE ROADS.

On the motion of Lord HOWICK, leave was given to
bring in a Bill to continue to the end of the next session
of Parliament certain Acts for regulating the tolls on
turnpike-roads, &e.
Mr. AGLIONBY moved for leave to bring in a Bill to
facilitate and render less expensive the recovery of the pos-
session of lands and tenements, after notice given to quit.
Mr. HUME hoped that whatever was done urn the
subject would not require patching and patching up again.
As the law now stood, no one well knew what it was.
The question was one of great importance, and particu-
larly to the email householders in the eastern part of the
metropolk Surely sufficient attention was paid to the
subject to secure it proper discussion. He was glad to hear
that the Solicitor- General had taken the matter into his
hands.

The SOLICITOR GENERAL said, to make use of a
trite expression, he considered he had already too many
irons in the fire. He had devoted, and w,:s devoting,
much of his time to other imptovements in civil law, and
he was glad the Hon. Member for Cockerniouth had t,k n
this subject under his care. The law respecting tjectments
had lately been improved, and on notice being given to
quit, security should be given.
Mr. O'CONNELL—The evil sought to be remedied
existed in Ireland, and the excessive poverty of tenants
there prevented them from being able to specify any exe-
cation whatsoever. Poor tenants there could no snore file
a hill than remove a mountain. A tenant there might be
ruined for the sum of 7s. 6d., and he knew a late case of
an absentee landlord ejecting 200 families, consisting of
1,000 persons.
Mr. MART was obliged to the Hon. Memb,r for
Cockermou b for introducing suet a Bill, since it was one
much wanted in large tow•ne.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL had no authority to
state anything official upon the matter; yet he hoped the
snhj et would, during the present session, he brought for •
ward.

Mr. AGLIONBY said (as we understood) that he had
no objection to let the matter stand over for tw•o or three
nnehs, to see whether any Bill on the subject would be
introduced into the other House of Parliament. -Hard-
ships upon tenants ought to be prevented, and their rights
maintained, as well as those of landlords.

Leave given to bring in the Bill.
FACTORY BILL.

Mr. P. THOMSON moved for leave to bring in a Bill
to amend the 3d and 4th Wm. IV., e. 103 (Factory
BM), Tie Right Hon. Gentleman said the object of his
motion was to amend a portion of thi 4 Bill, or rather a
clerical error which had crept into it, by the correcti9n of
which the Bill would be amended. The error was in the
clause respecting the limiration of children's labour to
nine hours, which. as introduced into the Committee, was
weekly instead of being daily. Great inconvenience would
arise if the clause were allowed to remain as it then stood.
There ,vas also another error, respecting the word months,
as applied to children's ag•s. He trusted that the House
would allow him to c'tmmis the Bill.
Mr. BROTHERTON wished that the hours for all
ages were limited to eleven, as he considered that space of
time suffieient for men, women, and children.

Mr. HUME the that as leave was asked to bring
in a Bill to amend the Factory Bill, he was justified in
asking how it had worked. He had heard that it was
impossible to carry several clauses of it into effect. The
Right Hon. Gentleman would do well to slate whether
such was or was nit the fact.

Mr. P. THOMSON said it was impossible to answer
the question distinctly, since the Bill would not come into
full operation till the Ist of March. Where it had been
tried—m the cotton manufactories for insance—it had
clearly succeed, d.— Leave given.
BOROUGH OF WARWICK.

Sir R. FERGUSON moved for the suvension of the
issuing of a wt it for this b rough until the 17th of March.
Th- Hon. and Gallant Member spoke in a very low tone;
but we understood him to say that a similar motion vvas
agreed to last session, in order to give him time to bring
in a Rill for the suspension of the writ altog,e,her ; but
that in consequence of the prorogation of Parliament, he
had not time to bring in the Bill, and therefore consented
to allow his notice thereupon to stand over to the first day
of the present session. His notice for leave to introduce
the Bill was fixed for that day se'nnight. He begged to
ask the Speaker whether his motion was not according to
the rules of the House ?

The SPEAKER—The motion was ft r having the writ
postponed to the 17th of March. In this case the writ was
postponed last session, with a view to prosecute a Bill for
the disfranchisement of the borough, which Bill was cut
short in the progress of its discussion, in consequence of
the prorogation of Parliament. Then notice was given of
renewing the Bill, and thstt notice still stood. The titres.
lion now asked was whether the issuing of the writ could
be postponed until the matter was decided one way or the
other. He knew of no instance in which such a motion
as the present was refused, and therefore the issuing of the
writ might be postponed until they saw whether a Bill
would he granted or not.
Mr. HALCOMB said that he owed it to himself to ob-
jeet to the introduction of any such Bill. He complained
that the report of the Committee had not been printed,
and there was not sufficient evidence to cause them to al- '
low a Bill to be brought in.

Sir R. FERGUSON—There was sufficient evidence for
him to bring in a Bill.
Mr. HALCOMB—Even if the whole of the accusation
of bribery brought against tht borough had been proved, it
could only be brought home in 21 cases. He did not
mean to accuse the Committee of wilful partiality; they
Lad, no doubt, acted according to the best of their judg-
ment; but he could not help quarrelling with the conclu-
sions they bad come to. When he considered that there
.)vixe but 1,300 electors in the borough, and that a requi-
aitim; bad been signed by 600 of them addressed to Sir C.
Greville, even before he entered the town, there could he
little doubt that his election, by that fact alone, w•is se-
cured. Besides, the final state of the poll was, for Sir C.
Greville 701 votes, for Mr. King 550, thus leaving the
latter candidate 151 votes behind, and this even when the
third candidate, Mr. Todd, bad resigned, and given plump-
ars for Mr. King. He thought that the Chairmrin of the
Committee had Leen influenced by the agent or attorney
who had conducted the case.

Sir R. FERGUSON requested the Hon. and Learned
Member not to speak of absent persons, and not to men.
tion any names.
Mr. HALCOIIII3—The whole affair was got up by Mr.
Joseph Ruk,s, of Birmingham, the legal adviser of the
p.oliticat Union of that town, and the secretary to the
tltitaicipal Corporation Cotnmission.—(Loud exclamations
." Oh, oh.'') He had known that gentleman from early
life, and he did not mention this through any disrespect
towards him. The riots that had taken place—and which
had been made a matter of complaint before the Committee,
were in consequence of certain members of the Birmingham
Political Union marching into Warwick by night, and en.
deavouring to overtur❑ the !egal authorities there. The
recommendation of the Committee was not that the writ
.abould be suspended, but that the boundaries of the borough
.thouid be enlarged. And he submitted to the House, that
Li suspending the writ, as was asked by the Hon. and
!Gallant Member, they should be acting not only in an
unusual holt an unconstitutional manner. But he would
ask, what the evidence was on which the Committee came
to the resolution that the borough of Warwick was guilty
of bribery and corruption? On the examination of the
private accounts kept by the agents of the Earl of Warwick
'with the hankers.
Sir R. FERGUSON could not allow that statement to
be made without contradiction. There was not one word
of the last sentence spoken by the Hen. Member fact. He
could state, as Chairman of the Committee, that they
never tack any notice of private accounts, nor examined
into them.—(Hear.)
Mr. HALCOUB did not wish to state anything hut
what he found i❑ the evidence. By the evidence of Mr.
Reeves before the Conamittee, it appeared that he was
compelled to produce the private accounts of Mr. Brown,
Lord Warwick's agent ; and the Committee asked him,
whether or not 5,0001., which appeared in his books, bad
been transmitted to the Earl, who was then in London ?

This he (Mr. Halcomb) conceived to he an examination of
private accounts, and he hoped that the House would give
him credit for not having stated anything which was not
established by the evidence. But he would ask if the House
would venture to say, that the Earl of Warwick should
not be allowed to assist his brother on the occasion of the
approach of an expensive and doubtful election, such as
this was admitted to have been.—(Hear.) Then, with
regard to bribery, it had been proved that Mr. King, who
was opponent to Sir C. Greville, had put 1,500/. into the
hands of Mr. Thorns, for the purpose of carrying on the
e'ection, and that every penny of that sum was spent on the
election, yet no charge of bribery was brought against him,
while the only case of bribery brcught home to the agents
of Sir C. Greville, was that of Mr. Tibbets, and it was
under a pound. Still the Committee, on that evidence
alone, found Sir Charles Greville's agerits guilty of bri-
bery and corruption. Then, with regard to corruption,
it was; not proved that any of the money hail come out of
the Earl's funds, but allowing, by way of argument, that
it did come out of his Lordship's funds, he would ask if
the Noble Earl had nit a right to lend money for the ex•
pense of the contest, if he chose to do so ? If he did ad-
vance funds on that occasion (which had not been
proved), and justification were necessary for such an
act, was it not some justification that his brother, who
had represented the borough in Parlianient for sixteen
years, was about to enter into a contest for his seat—not
with an inhabitant of the tonsin, but with a person who
was a total stranger to the voters, and whose only recom-
mendation was, that he came fUrward with 1,500/. ? Ile
a 'mitred that treating did exist previous to the issuing of
the writ; but it was in evidence that the Committee had
given notice that they could not treat after the writ was
issued, and that they us-d every exertion to stop it when
it came to their knowledge. Now, it was pertectly allow-
able by law to treat before the writ was issued, though not
after; and so far was it from being proved that the agents
of Sir Charles Greville had been guilty of treating, that
• the evidence established precisely the contrary. He,
therefore, submitted that neither S,r Charles Greville,
nor his agents, were liable for acts of treating, which, so
far from encouraging, they had expressly forbidden. If
innkeepers chose to treat after the writ was issued, and after
the committee had given them notice not to do so, the
committee was not liable by law to pay them their bibs.
The innkeepers must have known this, and it was there-
fore most probable they had other persons to back them. '
He (Mr. ifilcomb) knew that partisans were often ready
to treat when it ought not to be done. Such a circum-
stance had occasionally happened in the comae of his own
electioneering exp,rience (but Geri knew I e never paid
any part of the bills)—(Hear, and a laugh)—and the
same might, and must probably did, happen at War-
wick. He questioned much—seeing that the re•
commendation of the Committee was to extend the

limits of the borough, and include Leamington—
if the House hail the legitimate right to punish the
innocent inhabitants for the misdeeds of a few, by
suspending the writ; and he called on the Chairman
of the Committee to give real and substantial reason why it
should be suspended ; he saw no reason why Warwick
should not have two Members in Parliament to de.
fend its interests now that they were assailed ; at least, till
such time as a case was made out against it ; and if the
electors were not guilty as a body, trot merely a few in-
dividuals were guilty of bribery and corruption, the com•
mon and proper course ought to he pursued regarding
them, as they were open to prosecution in the ordinary
course of law; but for the guilt of a few, an innocent
town should not be punished by the srspension i,f one of
its dearest rights. He itould ask the House whither it
would allow itself to be led away by the report of the
Committte? He would ask Hon. Members as reformers,
and as liberal men, whether they would deprive the
borough of Warwick of i►s privilegezi? He (Mr. Holcomb)
would move as an amendrueat that the Speaker's writ be
forthwith issued.

An Hos. MEMBER, whose name we did not learn, hire
made an observation, which was inaudible in the gallery,
on which

Mr. HA1.00318 rose, and begged mcst dictinerly to say
that be had had no communication with the Noh'e Earl
(Earl Warwick), either directly or indirectly, relative to
the Fuhject before the Flcuse.

Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY sail that he would net
enter into the discussion cf the subject at present, hilt
when the question came regularly before the House he
would be prepared to offer to it a detail of the plan which
had been adopted in making the inquiry. The Committee
had given to the House the result of their investigations,
and that result was that gross bribery had been practised
by the friends of the Noble Earl at the last election for
the borough of Warwick. He (Sir Samuel Whalley)did
not feel it necessary to refer to the evidence now, but this
he would say, that if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman
(Mr. Ha'com,,) had not stated that he appeared for the
electors, he would have concluded that he appeared for
the Noble Earl.—(A laugh.) The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman had fairly thrown the electors overboard. It
was proved that the friends of the Noble Earl bad used
threats and promises to secure the return of their candi-
date. Tee admis-ion of the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man went to prove that gross bribery hail been practised.
It also now appeared that 1,500/. had been spent in the
same way by the opposite party. If the electors of War-
wick hod not a more judicious advocate, they would have
too much reason to exclaim, " Rescue us from our
friends." He thought the writ should be stayed.
After a few words from Mr. HALCOMB,
Mr. HARDY said, he could not refrain from express-
ing his surprise at the admissions made by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, he !aging a lawyer. It had been ad-
mitted by him that the electors had been extensively
treated, both before and atter the issuing of the writ.
Were they to be told, that because the money for this
treatment was not paid until after the election, that it
was not bribery ? Was it not bribery, when the friends
of the Noble Earl filled every elector who chose, with
meat and drink, though there was no occasion for it? The
statute of 1678, relative to the proceedings at elections,
prohibited the candidates or their friends giving eren a
cup of cold water to the electors. It hail been proved
that 3,000/. had been given by the friends of the NoWe
Earl, for the expenses incurred for eating and drinking ;
and it appeared from the admission of the Hon. and
Lsareed Gentleman, that 1,5001. hail been spent in the
same way by the friends of the unsuccessful candidate. If
this was not bribery, he (Mr. Hardy) rid not know what
bribery was. That species of influence was of all others
most calculated to make its way into the hearts of the
e'ectors. By admitting this treatment, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman admitted all that was necessary to
establish bribery. The object of the statute prohibiting
treatment at elections was not to prevent influence, but to
prevent expense. He (Mr. Hardy) anxiously hoped that
the decision of the House would be, that electors were not
to go to the poll to eat and drink like beasts, but to act
and conduct themselves in a manner similar to what they
would do, were they going to choose trustees for their
children. If it was wished to enlarge the borough, let it
he done immediately, in order that a recurrence of such
disgraceful scenes might be prevented at any future time.
H,. hoped it would be resolved by the House that War-
wick be married to the adjoining borough of Leamington.
Mr. RYLE made a few remarks, which were very in_
distinctly heard its the gallery. We understood the Hon,
Gentleman to say, that the admission's of the lion. ana
Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Halcomb), relative in
the spending 1,500/. by the unsuccessful candidate, in
treating the electors, was a proof of bribery to tan exten t
sufficient to justify the House in depriving the borough of
its franchise.

The original motion was then put and carried without
a division.

A motion was then made and agreed to, that the Ses-
sional Orders relative to the admission of strangers into
the gallery be enforced, and a Commi tee was appointed
for the purpose.
Au HON. AIEMBEIt gave notice of a motio❑ respecting
the law relative to pat ish apprentices, which he intended
to make on the 14th March.

Mr. PRYME moved for in account of the amount o
duties levied on Brandy, Holland, and Tobacco, in 1830
1831, 1832, and 1833.—Agreed to.

Lord PALMERSTON presented a petition from the
Protestant Dissenters of Rumsey, relative to the grievance
under which they labour.
Mr. ORD obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend
the Bill passed last session respecting factory children.
—Read a first time, and ortlered to be printed.
Mr. SPRING RICE brought up the report relative to
the Lanibetii water %yolks.
The HON. GENTLEMAN then moved for certain returns
relative to lititisli trade and navigation last year.—
Oi tiered.

The House then adjourned at half-past eight o'clock.

ACTUAL STRENGTH CF THE ANGLO-IN-
DIAN ARMY AT TILE THREE PERIODS.---.." Is3l3—Euro-
;ueans, 34,171 ; Natives, 165,900 ; both, 200,071. 1820
—Europeans, 28,645 ; Natives, 228,650 ; both, 257,295.
1831—European,, 44,409 ; Nstives, 187,067 ; both,
223,476. Ou the comptpation of reductions now ordered
—Europeans, 34,40; Nativ,5,146,500 ; hoth, 190,980."
—Montyornery Martin's History of the British Colonies,

GERMAN PAPERS.

Nunamaufte, JAN. 28.—The great Commercial Union now
includes the following German States : _

A. By the general treaties that have been published.
1. The kingdom of Prussia.
2. The kingdom of Bavaria.
3. The kingdom of Saxony.
4. The kingdom of Wirtemberg.
3. The Electorate of Hesse, with the temporary exception of
the Count of Schaumburg.
6. The Grand Duchy of Hesse Darmstadt.
7. Ditto of Saxe Weimar Gisenach.
8. The Duchy of Saxe Meiningen Hildburghausen.
9. Ditto of Saxe Coburg Gotha.
10. Ditto of Saxe Altenburg.
11. The Principality of Schwarzburg Sudershaum.
12. Ditto of Schwarzburg Rudolstadt.
13. Ditto of Reuss Schleitz.
14. Ditto of Reuss Greitz.
15. Ditto of Reuss Lohenetein and Ebersdorf.
B. By virtue of treaties of accession.
1. The principality of Hohenzeltcrn Sigmaungen, by a
convention with Wirtemberg, of 28th July, 1824.
2. Ditto of Hohenzeltem Stechingen, by a convention with

Wirtemberg, of 28th July, 1824.
3. Ditto of Lippe Detmold, for the districts of Kappel and
Grevenhagen, which are surrounded by the Prussian territory,
by convention with Prussia, of 9th and 17th June, 1826.
4. The Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg Schwerin, for the dis-
tricts of Rossson, Netzebaud, and Schonberg, by a convention
with Prussia, of 2d December, 1826.
5. The Duchy of Anhalt Dessau, for the districts of Sau-
dersleben and Grossalsleben, by a convention with Prussia, of
30th March and sth April, 1827.
6. The Duchy of Anhalt Coethen.
7. The Duchy of Anhalt Dessau, by a convention with
Prussia of 17th July, 1828.
8. The Landgraviete of Hesse Homburg for the eight High
Bailliwicks of Meissenheim, by a convocation with Prussia of
31st December, 1829.
9. The Duchy of Oldenburg for the Principality of Birken-
feld, by a convention with Prussia of 24th February, 1830.
10. The Grand Duchy of Baden for the districts of Schluch.
tern and Ruchsen, which are enclosed by a territory of Wir.
temberg, and for Widdem and Ruchsen, by a convention with
Wirtemberg of 12th April, 1831.
11. The Principality of Waldeck, by a convention with
Prussia of 16th April, 1831. •
12. The Duchy of Anhalt Bomberg, by a convention with
Prussia of 17th May, 1831.—Nuremburg Correspondent, Jan.
29.

DARMSTADT, JAN. 28.—The Ministerial Congress at Vienna
is the general subject of conversation in the capital. One of

the measures that may be expected from it, is said to be the
reorganisation of the Universities, which it is thought will be
removed to the capital cities of the countries to which they re-
spectively belong. This would be very advantageous to this city.
BERLIN, JAN. 26.—What has happened concerning the
Poles at Havre is very singular, and has already been noticed
in our journals. It is positively known that our Govern-
ment did not compel one of them; that it has, on the
contrary, with the greatest liberality, spared neither expense
nor means to alleviate the distress of those unfortunate persons;

that thousands of them are indebted solely to the intercession
of the King for being permitted to return to their country ;
that only those most deeply implicated in the late revolution
have found an asylum in Prussia, where they have been
generally supported and protected.

Many Poles are still scattered in the provinces, where they
support themselves by useful occupations, and nobody obliges
them to quit the country.—Frankfort Papers, Feb. 1.
CONSTANTINOPLE, JAN. 7.—Several conferences have lately

taken place between the Ambassadors and the Porte, relative to
Greece. There is some difficulty as to the reception of a
Greek plenipotentiary. The Porte will not allow a Greek ship
of war to enter the Dardanelles. Our ambassador from the
Greek Government can only be allowed to approach Constan.

tinople on board a merchant vessel, which, perhaps, will not
be well understood at Nauplia. Besides this, the Porte is
urgent for the fulfilment of the treaty of 1832, and demands the
indemnity that was then promised. But if the Porte is anxious
to enforce its claims it should address itself to those powers who
mediated in the name of Greece, and who have given certain
guarantees for her, Greece herself having but this moment
saved herself from the storms of political anarchy. Osman
Pacha is still the constant theme of conversation. The con-
duct of this favourite of Mehemet Ali is so extraordinary as
naturally to awaken distrust. No answer has yet been given
to his request to be sent by the Sultan to the army. The
Porte, from the beginning, has placed no confidence in
this apostate, fearing he may be the secret adversary,
wearing the mask of deceit at this moment to throw it off at a
later period for conduct more atrocious. It is also worthy of
remark that the well known Frenchman, Colonel de Luis, is
about to leave, or has already left, the service of Mehemet, and
is now in negotiation with the Porte.
Our news from Candia is terrible. Executions take place
daily. Upwards of 800 unfortunate creatures have already
been condemned.

SMYRNA, DEC. 7.—By the latest news from Samos we learn
that the Samians were constantly looking out for the arrival of
a Turkish Squadron to deliver them from the yoke of the
Logotheti.

CANEA, Nov. 24.—The Egyptians have the ascendancy at
Candia. It is 'Mehemet's intention to have a garrison every
where. Communications are carried on by Egyptian troops ;
yet the Greeks are apprised of every thing. Executions con
tinue—every one trembles for his life. The French Consul
has interested himself, interceding with the Pacha, in the name
of his colleagues. The answer given was, that right had been
re-established, and that the inhabitants might now remain in
peace ; yet another execution has since taken place.
VIENNA, JAN. 27.—Metalliques, Five per Cents., 95 2-5;
Ditto, Four per Cents., 83 31-32 ; Bank Actions, 1,215 2-5.
Allgemeine Zeitung, Feb. 1.

HEAVENS AND HELLS OF THE BUDHISTS.

—.The heavens of the Budhaa are twenty.six, placed
one above another. At the end of the =ha calpi, when

the world will be at an end, six of the lower of these
celestial abodes will be destroyed by fire, four by storms,
and six by water. The four superior heavens will escape
destruction ; but what will become of the six intermediate
ones does not so dearly appear. The great hells are
thirty-four ; besides these are a hundred and twenty
smaller hells. Those which are hot lie immediately under
the earth ; which mry possibly account for the many vol-
canoes, whirlpools, and sundry explosive and other turbo-
lest things that it contains. The punishment for sinners
in these hells are as correspondingly degrading, as the
condition of the good is in the heavens transeendarely
happy; with this d fference, that in their amended state
they contrive to forget (so says the learned Hindoo Theo-
logian Mr. Coleman) what they ascended from : whereas,
in their debased situation, their reminiscences are more
perfect.
RELIGION OF THE CHINESE.—Here we
descend to the grossest idolatry among a people who have
nevertheless distinct ideas of a superior invisible Prover,
called Hieh Heaven (as indeed has every nation I have
ever visited down to that last link in the human race the
Aborigines of New Holland). The Chinese worship, with
tercet cost and parade of public processions, the statues of
their deceased Emperors, with such creatures of their
imagination as the following :—the Gods of the Southern,
Northern, Eastern, Western, and Central Mounts; the
God of Furnaces, with a think.off,ring on the day of his
ascension ; the Budhi, on their days of ascent and descent;
the God of Sprint; ; the Gods of Wealth and Wine (in
which, perhaps, a few British Christians may sympathise
with the Chines) ; the Gods of Learning, of Ilappintss,
of Land and Grain, of the Small Pox, of Thunder, War,
and Fire ; also of the Southern and Northern Seas and
of the South Pole; the Queen of Heaven, who is consi-
dered the Goddess of Sailors ; the Goddess of Childbirth,
and the God of Carpenters. These gods are worshipped
on their several days in the Chinese calendar, which is re-
plenished with them; together with the anniversaries of
the airing. of clothes, the exhibition of paper lanterns, and
the births and deaths of their d; ceased Emperors, to which
they add the birth of Confucius and the decease of their
own respective ancestors, whom they commemorate by
offerings at their tombs. Christians discovered in China
ale persecuted somewhat after the manner in which a mad
dog would be in England.
POLITICAL ADVANTAGES OF COLONIES.

—Territ: ry (,nd most especially maritime possessions),
wisely governed, is power. When the nations of Europe,
at the commencemrnt of the seventeenth century, started
into ac;ive competition for dominion, and nearly half the
globe was divided by treaty between two of England's most
religious and political opponents, England must either
have been content to remain as a petty island, or enter into
the strong contest for power which then arose between
Spain, France, Holland, Portugal, Sce. Happily for Eng-
and, the wise Elizabeth then swayed its destinies; her pro-
phetic mind foresaw the coming events of ages, and with
a noble ptriotism rarely equall,d, seldom or never excelled,
the whole energies of this highly gifted woman were turned

to the acquisition of maritime dominion for England. Suf-
fice it here to say, that the first East India Company
charter was not merely granted by Elizabeth, but its suc-
cess promoted by every means in her power; on the de.

mise of one of England's greatest sovereigns—her colonial
policy and principles (with few omissions) were continued
down to the present generation, and as Britain's maritime
empire extended, whether in the east, or in the west, in
the north, or in the south, her power and her glory, and,
I trust, wisdom became wonderfully enlarged. The opdo-
pition of Portugal, of Spain, of Holland, of France, of in-
deed all our enemies successively sunk, diminished, became
to us as nought, as we rose in maritime possessions, the
brlance of power in, as well as the battles (A Europe, were
r, gulated, and fought in our colonies and on the ocean,
and England, after contending against rill Europe single-
banded, nut for pre eminence, but for her very existence as
an independent kingdom, became the arbitress of the des-
cuies of the world

TPl_,s"f

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1834.

The French papers 9f Wednesday mention the
total failure of the attempt to excite insurrection in
Piedmont. General RAMORINO, who commanded
the expedition, together with some of his compa-
nions, had effected his escape b.ick into the canton
of Geneva, where they have all laid down their
arms. In consequence of the death of his relative
DULONG, who fell in the late duel with General
BUGEAUD, M. DUPONT DE L'EURE had expressed
his intention of retiring altogether from public life.
The news from Candia give a deplorable account
of the state of that island.
FRENCH FUNDS.—PABis, FEB. 5
Five per Cents., 105 f. 75c. 65c.
Three per Cents., 75f. 40c.
National Loan, 105 f. 55c.
Bank Actions, 1,720 f
Rente de Naples, 91t. 25c.
Roman Five per Cents., 91y8.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 9.3&,f,
}lento d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 37%.
Royal Spanish Loan, 73
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 59%.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 97%. -
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money, 25f. 25c.
Three months, paper, —f. —c.; money, 2,5 f. 10c.
—Coin's 4uthentiaue.

The course proposed by Mr. STANLEY relative to
the charge against Mr, SHELL is judicious. It is a
question of too much importance to be allowed to
drop—of importance not only as regards the charac-
ter of the accused and accuser, but the character of
Members of the House generally. We have it stated
by a Nobleman of the strictest veracity, that not
only one but several of the Irish Members spoke
violently and voted against a Bill which they be-
lieved essential to the peace and security of their
country. If there are men capable of such conduct,
the sooner they are known the better, because the
very suspicion that Members could be so base
as to sacrifice their own fixed opinion, and not
only vote, but make violent harangues, contrary to
evidence and conviction, has the worst effect on the
character of such a deliberative assembly as the
House of Commons. If it is important on that
score, the Metnbers who are implicated in such a
stigma must see that the question now does not in-
volve their own characters only, but. the general
character of the House ; for though only a few may
have been silly enough to make known their private
sentiments, the public have grounds for supposing
that there are others of a similar description, who
not only protest against measures they believe good,
but take every opportunity of thwarting the
plans of Government, to serve their own
private
proved that
ts et lhfiserl purposes.
et
are
ro
o o cSo
ph
aciutjll the charge
ed
of such
he
ho
on-
duct, the public may very naturally distrust other
public
characters, and begin to think that, like vil-
lains of the lowest description, their violence and
fury are only proofs of their want of sincerity. Till
we have better proofs, however, of Mr. SHELL'S
tergiversation, justice forbids that he should be
placed in such a light. He has denied the charge,
and called on his accusers to prove it. An assembly
like the House of Commons, containing some of the
first men in the country, will, on such an occasion,
throw aside all political prejudices, and judge him
by the strictest rules of evidence. They will not
take it for granted that because Lord Ats
THORP has implicit confidence in the statement
of another, that statement is true ; they will
n A adopt a system which, by the universal con-
sent of the public, has been banished from every
British Court of Justice for more than 150 years.
The witness must be brought before the proper
tribunal, and subjected to cross•examination, as in
every other well-regulated Court, before the accused

can be pronounced gull, y. But it is needle:is to
add a word more on that point. The House now
has the question before them in their judicial caps.
city, and we are confident they will tixercise t+►eir
high functions with the most impartial justice. If,
after all, it should turn out that some strong expres-
sion was uttered, in a hasty moment, at a club•
house, when the gentleman in question was
excited by accounts of an attack made on his
own property, but which, on reflection, he did not
consider a sufficient reason for assenting to so severe
a measure as the Coercion Bill,we only wish the
relator joy of his communication. Is it not possible
to suppose that some such peevish expression may
have been used, without impugning the sincerity of
the person who made it ?

The Church is already beginning to sound the
trumpet of alarm, and uplift the oriflamme of ortho-
doxy, in the hopes that all the clergy may enlist
under the sacred banner. A vast congregation of
the ghostly fraternity assembled yesterday at
Lambeth Palace, for the purpose of presenting an
address to the Archbishop of CANTERBURY on the
all-engrossing theme. This address, though drawn
up with evident care, is remarkable for
more than one glorious inconsistency in point of
reasoning. The Clergy who signed it express
themselves " especially anxious" to lay before
Grace, " the assurance of their devoted adherence
to the Apostolical doctrine and polity of the
Church ;" and yet, immediately afterwards, they
" most earnestly deprecate that restless desire of
change which would rashly innovate in spiritual
matters I" Now this last clause is most unfortunate,
and neutralizes the meaning of the first one. For
how are the " Apostolical doctrine and polity of th
Church" to be adhered to, if no " restless desire of
change" is to find favour in ghostly eyes? The present
•ystem is as far removed from that recommended
end enforced by the early Apostles of the Church,
as Bishop PHILLPOTTS from his rectory of Stan-
hope. We have no warrant in PAUL for prelates
clothed " in purple and fine linen, faring sumptuously
every day." LUKE is silent on the subject of golden
prebends. TIMOTHY drops no hint in favour of
pluralities. We look vainly in JOHN for information
respecting Prince Palatines with 15,0001. per annum!
Our early Apostles mention nothing of this sort.lndeed
so far are they from recommending a lazy, extrave.
gant church establishment, that they expressly state
that the Ministers of God should be " seekers only
of the word ;" that they should be meek, chari table,
unostentatious; arid, above all, that they should not
"lay up treasure in this world, which moths and
worms do corrupt, but in the kingdom of heaven,
which fadeth not away." This is our version of the
" apostolical doctrine and polity of the Church."
How, then, is it to be adhered to, if the very men
who profess to maintain such adherence, state at the
same time their abhorrence of anything like
a " restless change ?" To restore the primitive
system, not only an ecclesiastical change, but
an ecclesastical revolution is necessary ! The
Church cannot be of the Apostles and of the
House of Lords, at the same time. It cannot cleave
to PAUL, and yet patronize pluralities. It cannot
follow TIMOTHY, and yet uphold a Prince Bishop
of Durham. The present system is diametrically
at variance with the primitive one. The clergy, of
course, can adhere to either; but as for adhering
to both,—the very idea is an absurdity !
The Archbishop's reply to this Address is well
worthy of it. His Grace says, "By thus coming
forward, you make known to the public the read
dispositions of the clergy ; you place their lore of
order and of ancient principles beyond the reach of
suspicion ; you discourage rash innovation, without
shutting the door against improvements which may
be found sufficiently important to outweigh the evils
incidental to change." It will be observed that
the only portion of this passage which is at all
definite and positive, is where his Grace com-
pliments the clergy on their love of " ancient
principles," meaning, of course, those principles
under which the Church " fructified," and waxed
fat exceedingly in the glorious days of Toryism.
Here the good Archbishop speaks at once to the
point, without reserve or equivocation. But on the
subject of Reform he is singularly indefinite and
mysterious, mixing it up with adroit hints respecting
" rash innovation," and the " evils incidental to
change"—pleasant phrases by which, without com-
mitting himself, his Grace would imply that he has
no fancy for any thing like an efficient Church
Reform.

Yet, without such Reform the Church will find
itself ere long placed in a state of hopeless difficulty.
It cannot keep stationary while the world around it
is on the move. It must either march with the
day, or be trampled under foot in its triumphant
progress.
willing
ger
whiiish
nigs tthe alternative
he
Church
which, whether
rchmustnowadopt—an
alternative rendered the more pressing when we meet
with such accounts as those contained in to-day's
Sun, where a clergyman is appointed to an important
metropolitan Rectory, who is already proved to be
Rector of CHISLEHURST!
Rector of ORPINGTON ! !
Prebend of CANTERBURY ! ! !
Sub-dean of CANTERBURY ! ! !!
and now, in addition, holds the Rectory of Allhal-
lows, Lombard-street ! After this, will the Arch-
bishop of CANTERBURY tell us that no vigorous
reform is necessary in the Chnrch? That to insist
on it, is to " encourage rash innovation ?" To open
wide the door to " evils incidental to change ?"
We scout such solemn plausibilities, even though
they fall from the lips of an Archbishop!

Nothing of importance transpired in the House of
Commons last Hight, if we except the desultory
discussion that took place on the subject of Mr.
SHELL'S affair, which was postponed to Monday,
and the reply of the SOLICITOR-GENERAL to an
inquiry fioin Mr. EWART, that the LORD CHAN-
CELLOR had not in the least relaxed in his zeal for the
Local Courts' JuriSdiction Bill.

We rejoice to see the prompt and decisive renewal
of the proceedings against the corrupt boroughs
adopted in the House of Commons. The writ for
the borough of Warwick is further suspended till
the 17th of March, and Sir RONALD FERGUSON
has given notice of the introduction of a Bill, on
Thursday next, founded on the Election Committee
Reports of last session, and moved for returns of
the number and description of late-payers of Lea-
mington Prior, with a view to the enlargement of
the franchise—the'naiural and most specific antidote
to the corruption of a small constituency. Mr,
PETER has given notice of a motion, on the 27th
instant, to "address his Majesty, praying for the
removal of the Earl of WARWICK from the
Lord•Lientenancy of Warwickshire. This in.
portant constitutional question will, t hei e-
fore, be brought to a speedy issue, and the
political Peers who have usurped the rights and
franchises of the Commons, in the result of

motion, will no doubt be taught a useful 100
The writs for Hertford and Carrickfergus are alto
suspended, and notices of Bills are give
illn
noin respect
of those rotten boroughs. Stafford wt e
its long-deserved exemplary punishment, and 1010
BENETT has announced a Bill to disfranchise
habitually corrupt freemen of Liverpool. Thee
are just and practical measures of a further refit,
!nation of the representation; and it is too late Of
the House of Lords to interpose and to prevent
av bl
formal difficulties the punishment and disfr
c:iscment of the corrupt electors of the empire.
Ir. HALCOMB, in his solitary and singular attempt to
:ssue the Warwick writ last night, in the want of ee.
conder, received a suitable reproof for his offico6
and contemptible attack on the Warwick Committee.
We should like to know what connection the
«Honourable Member" has with this partiettler
borough, thus to throw his legal and special Plead'
ing shield over its sinful voters.