The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-20 00:00:00

[The following appeared in our Third Edition of
Saturday :—]

FRAN CE.

There was a grand reception at the Elysee on
Thursday evening, and never had the salons of the
President of the Republic been no crowded ; upwards
of 5,000 persons presented their respects to him in the
course of the evening.—M. De Lamartine and M.
Horace Vernet were present when the debate in the
Assembly was resumed yesterday. M. Baroche as-
cended the tribune, for the purpose of replying to
the attacks made upon the Government by MM. Jules
de Leysterie and Berryer. Having given explana-
tions on the subject of the constitution of the Society
of the 10th December, and of the riots at Havre, M.
Baroche commented on the declarations of M. Berryer
in the following terms :
" M. Berryer stated that the Cabinet had dissolved
the majority—no, it was M. Berryer and his friends,
who by openly proclaiming their aspirations and hopes
had broken up that majority, formed, at a moment of
danger, against the common enemy. General Changar-
nier had become, unknowingly, he believed, and in
spite of himself, the hope of those parties. ( You
adopted that measure too late,' exclaimed General
Leflo. It is never too late to adopt a good measure,'
replied the Minister.)
" M. Baroche then arrived at the journeys to Clare-
mont and Wiesbaden. He conceived that men who owed
so much to a fallen monarch should not abandon him in
misfortune. The President of the Republic felt it him-
self, and told his Ambassador that, although he was
the representative of the Republic in London, he . found
it quite natural that he should visit in affliction an
august family, who had admitted him into their inti-
macy. The President had likewise completely ap-
proved the conduct of a distiuguished member (M.
Thiers) of the Assembly, who had repaired to Clare-
mont to present his homages to the august exiles. That
member had told him (M. Baroche), I hope I may
have an opportunity to explain that journey. I went to
Claremont to salute a king I had dearly loved. After
his death, I seated myself between the Duchess of Or-
leans and the Count of Paris. There was no King of
France nor King of the French at Claremont. If such
a title had been given in my presence I should have re-
tired, for I never will recognize a title that is not sanc-
tioned by the laws of my country.' (' He said an ab-
surdity,' exclaimed M. de Mornay.—Agitation.) At
Wiesbaden the case was widely different. There was a
Sovereign who, to use the expression of M. Berryer,
bore in him the principle of public sovereignty as the
heir el a long series of royal ancestors, and who could
only return to France as her kieg. The Legitimatists had
alone broken up that majority. The Cabinet, however,
disdained and did not fear manifestations having for
their object the restoration of either the eider or younger
branch of the Bourbons. The Government had remained
on the ground of the Constitution, well knowing that
the country desired no royal or imperial restoration.
The people were tired of those revolutions which de-
stroyed each other and created fresh enemies. He knew
not what form of government Providence reserved to
France, but he trusted, with the President of the Re-
public, that neither passion, surprise, nor violence, should
dispose of the fate of this great nation. There was no
salvation but in the maintenance of the republican form,
which least divided the country, sad he hoped that the
majority would frankly adopt the policy of the Message
of the 12th of November.—(Loud applause.)
" General Changarnier next rose and said, that when
he was invested with the supremehommand of the army of
Paris five parties divided the country—the Legitimatists,
Orleanists, the Moderate Republicans, the Demagogues,
and men desirous of establishing an Imperial dictatorship
without either glory or genius. He had favoured none
of those parties, nor been the instrument of any conspi-
racy. or conspirator. He had proved himself the de-
fender of the laws and order ; the promoter of that
tranquillity indispensable to commercial traasactions, and
he prided in having been accessary to the re-establish-
meet of the peace which the capital and the whole of
France now enjoyed. He had, he repeated, favoured no
faction nor conspirators, and he was certain that the Mi-
nisters would not deny that his presence at the Tuileries
had been ueeful•to them. His sword had been replaced
in its scabbard, but was not broken, and would ever be
found at the service of his country.
" After some explanations given by M. de Mornay, re-
lative to his interruption, M. Thiers ascended the tribune.
" M. Thiers said, that he reluctantly appeared at the
tribune on such an occasion, and proclaimed with the
deepest chagrin his secession from the ranks of the sup-
porters of the Cabinet. Ever since his election he had
voted, first for M. Lamartine, afterwards for General
Cavaignac, and finally for the Government of M. Louis
Napoleon. He had cordially co-operated in every mea-
sure calculated to strengthen his authority, and assist
him in the accomplishment of his mission, with the firm
determination the moment he put forward any preten-
sions to oppose them. He then explained the part he had
taken in the election of the lada December. Had the
Moderate party adopted another candidate the current
of the masses favouring Louis Napoleon, it would
have been divided, and General Cavaignac raised
to the Presidency. After his elevation the President
had done him the honour of consulting him. M. Thiers
had recommended him to call into his councils men who
had not been long in office, because they would be ex-
posed to the attacks of parties. The President having
long resided out of France wits not aware of her wants.
lie was frightened at the ardour of the public mind, and
be wished to occupy it by some enterprise or war abroad,
or some great popular creation, calculated to seduce the
imagination of the masses. M. Thiers combated the first,
as one of those immense faults committed, under more
excusable circumstances, by Napoleon. Ho advised him
to do everything to re-establish security, and he now
claimed for the,Legislative as well as the Executive power
a share in the prosperity which the country enjoyed.
The dismissal of the Cabinet of M. Odilen Barrot, by
the message of the 31st of October, 1849, proved that if
the Bonapartist family had become familiar with Repub-
lican ideas, it had not become so with those of the Re-
presentative Government. The majority, which had
supported that Cabinet, had not seceded from its suc-
cessors; and yet, under such a system, it was indispen-
sable that an Administration should possess the confi-
dence of the Assembly. M. Thiers and his friends had
drawn no unfavourable comparisons, and continued the
staunch supporters of the Government. Some agitation
having manifested itself, in consequence of the Socialist
elections of Paris, the President had again done him
the honour of consulting him. M. Thiers had recom-
mended a modification in the Electoral Law, and a Com-
mittee had been appointed to amend it. The Government
wished the Committee to assume the responsibility of
the presentation of the law. (` You are in errror,'
observed M. Baroche, the Government was anxious to
present the law itself.') M. Thiers denied it, at the same
time that he consented to share the responsibility of a law
which had restored security to the Republic: It was
feared that its promulgation would have been the signal
of an insurrection. This apprehension, however, was not
realised, thanks to the energetic attitude of the army of
Paris and of its intrepid chief, and also to the prudence of
the demagogical party, who renounced attacking public
order by arms. A few days afterwards, the Ministry pre-
sented the Dotation Bill. He frankly admitted that he
had granted it with reluctanee, because it tended to per-
vert the institution of the Presidency. The majority
voted the dotatioa, and thus proved that it was dis-
posed to subscribe to any sacrifice for the sake of union,
for had they rejected it it would have destroyed the good
harmony between the Legislative and Executive Powers,
and divided the great party of order. He and his friends,
he repeated, had given the President sound adviee• they
refaced to accept portfolios, but invariably supported
those who were In possession of them. M. Thiers then
related the circumstances of his journey to Claremont,
in the terms mentioned by M. Baroche. He had gone
to visit on a dying bed a Monarch whose policy he had
combated, at the same time that he cherished his person.
lie could not suffer him to die without paying him a
last homage. He had apprised the President of his in-
tention, who left him the liberty of his affections. The
Count de Paris was called before him by no other title,
for it was the sole title conferred upon him by France.
ner'e M. Segur d'Agueseenu interrupted M. Tillers,
and asked what he thought of the Pilgrimage to Wies-
baden.—(Laughter.)
M. Thiers —" I leave you and the Ministers the task
of disclving the majority."—(Applause on the Right,
and cries of n
" -rder, order.") M. Thiers then proceeded
to examine the Procia-verbaux of the Permanent Com-
mittee, and expressed deep affliction, nay indignation, at
the cries of " Vire l'Enapereur" uttered in the Plain of
Sa'tory, whether they were. encouraged or not b" the
Government.
reminded him of the era of tf.e Caesars,
when the legions
proc:aimed the Emperors. It was po-
shire that Genera! Nenmayer had been superseded in
his command because he prohibited those cries. A Mi-
nisterial journal said, aliumg to General Changarnier,
"The Sphinx does not speak. He was right. He
should not speak, but act. When he heard of the dis-
ire missal the act,
of General Neumayer
published his order of the day of the 2d Nov., and on
that day signed his own dismissal.—(Left speaking.)