The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-19 00:00:00

(No. 12,773.)

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 19, 1833.

FRANCE.

to the Prefects to keep the " memorable days"
most worthily, have been replied to by the
" Marseillaise"—the " Parisienne," and the
" Chant du,Depart." The Ambassadors of the
Northern Courts will not forget or forgive M.
Thiers, and his Tuileries Concert, and the
thrice repeated Marseillaise in the garden of
the palace of the Citizen King will tend to in-
fluence, in no small degree, the decisions of the
Congress of Toeplits. M. Thiers made a false
calculation when he reasoned that by calling up
the souvenirs of the three days, he should be
strengthening his system and his Ministry
His calculation was made from a false estimate
of human nature and human society—and the
reports of the Prefects have taught him his error.
As then the reports of the Prefects have
proved that France is still " revolutionary"—.
that the Doctrinnaires are loathed—that the
" Juste milieu" is detested—that the cause of
the republic is advancing with incredible rapi-
dity—and that a Chamber now elected would
overthrow in a week the Ministry, its system,
and its Budget—the majority of the Council,
after a long and animated discussion, in the pre-
sence of Louis Philip, have resolved on not dis-
solving the Chamber of Deputies.
This decision has greatly annoyed M. Guizot,
the Duke de Broglie, and M. Humann. They
do not conceal their mortification, nor make a
secret of their annoyance. The Doctrinnaires
know that the spirit of the revolution of 1830 is
more alive, active, and ardent in the depart.
ments than ever it was ; and they know that in
a year hence (if we get to the end of another
year without a revolution), public opinion
will be yet more pronounced—and that a disso-
lution of the Chamber then will be sure to be
followed by the parliamentary overthrow of all
the obstacles which have been set up during the
last three years, to the march of the revolution.
Thus the Doctrinnaires are at daggers drawn—
and that in the Cabinet too—with the " juste-
milieu" party, as France is at daggers drawn
both with the one and the other. For the mo-
ment the " juste-milieu" has triumphed ;—but
" a house divided against itself cannot stand"—
and from this moment we may look at the fate
of the present Ministry as sealed ! ! But what
next ? Why, have patience ! and you shall be
satisfied—for rely on it, the revolution of 1830
is making most rapid progress !! I !
The affairs of Portugal wear a merry aspect.
Although we know only for a certainty that
Lisbon is taken by the army of the young
Queen, and that the word " Charta" has been
already pronounced in the capital—although
the fate of Oporto is yet uncertain, and the
4,000 police troops, headed by Cadaval, may
arrive in time on the banks of the Douro, to
prolong the state of misery in which that city
has so long been placed—although we do not
yet know whether the English and French Go.
vernments have sent troops to the Tagus and
Ambassadors to Lisbon—nor whether Spain
has remained tranquil, or has directed her Corps
of Observation on the frontiers to march into
Portugal; yet we know that Don Miguel is
without money—that his chiefs and partisans
have deserted him—that the people are not for
him—that when left alone and unawed as in
Lisbon, they have pronounced the word
" Liberty and cried, " Down with the
Despot !' and therefore that the destinies of
Portugal are at least safe from absolute Mo-
narchy and monkish domination. But this is
not enough. Don Pedro is incapable of go-
verning. He is disliked in Portugal—disliked
by Palmella, Villa Flor, Napier, and Saldanha.
He is incapable, obstinate, weak, and unfit to
be placed at the head of such a movement as
that now making in the Peninsula. His daugh-
ter is young, uninstructed—a child both in mind
and manners—and she cannot govern, except
nominally. To whom, then, should be intrusted

PARIS, AUG. 6, 1833.—The Doctrinnaires
are in a state of despair and rage, indignation
and alarm. Little Monsieur Thiers, " who has
forsaken his party," and turned renegade—has
been too powerful in the Council of Ministers
for Guizot, Broglie, and Humann ; and Louis
Philip has decided that the Chamber of Deputies
shall not be dissolved. The terms in which this
decision has been communicated to the public
are sufficiently important to find a place in your
columns. The Moniteur has published the fol-
lowing memorable paragraph, to which I shall
often have occasion to refer in my future history
of the future stages of the French Revolution :
"The pub'ic has discussed for same time past the ques-
tion of the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies. A
great many persons have appeared to believe that such was
the intention of the Government. These rumours are
void of foundation. The Government has no motive
whatever for shortening the legal duration of the Chamtier,
wiich has lent to the Monarchy and to the Charter of
1830, a concurrence so loyal, and so efficacious."
A person uninitiated in the tricks and mysti-
fications of these French " Doctrinnaires and the
Juste-Milieu" school, would, of course, ima-
gine, from the perusal of this paragraph, that
the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies had
never been discussed in the Council—that the
Government had not thought of such a pro-
ceeding—and that the rumours were, as this
paragraph states them to be, " void of
foundation." Just the reverse of all this is
the case. The dissolution was discussed and
decided on in Council six weeks ago. I
know this to be a fact. I pledge myself for
its truth. The Doctrinnaires had triumphed
over Thiers and his party—and when Soult left
Paris for the benefit of the waters, it was a set-
tled point that the dissolution should occur in
the month of October. This much disconcerted
M. Thiers, and he went about everywhere p.o-
claiming that he was opposed to the measure,
and that it would be seen in the long run who
had the most it fluence over the mind of Louis
Philip—the Doctrinnaires or the men of the
Juste-milieu! ! ! When, then, the Moniteur
asserts, in its non-official part, that these rumours
are void of foundation, it asserts an official false-
hood ; and it is not more true that the cathedral
of St. Paul's stands on the top of Ludgate-hill,
than that the question of the dissolution has
been discussed and decided upon in Council.
So much for the " trickery" of this article, and
so much for its awkward attempt to conceal the
tact that " there is something rotten in the state
of Denmark," or, in other words, that Thiers,
Soult, and Barthe, are at daggers drawn with
Guizot, Broglie, and Humann. I say nothing
of De Rigny or Sebastiani, for they are mere
cyphers.
But to the fact announced by the paragraph
'n question, I must now call your attention.
The fact is this, that the Chamber of Deputies
is not to be dissolved—that it is to be allowed
to expire by efflux of time—that it is to crawl
on another year—that having voted four budgets,
it is now to be called on to vote a fifth, and that
then, in 1834 (unless some national movement
shall previously derange all these combinations
and arrangements), the Chamber is to die a na-
tural death, and its successor is to be elected
when there is no way of preventing it.
This is the decision which has been taken.

Why have the Ministers of Louis Philip, or the
majority, so decided ? I will tell you. The
Prefects of the Departments have made their
reports of the recent celebration of the third an-
niversary of the fetes of July, and their reports,
together with the personal influence of M. Thiers
on the mind of the King, have produced a
change in the resolution which was taken prior
to Marshal Soult leaving Paris for his health.
The reports of the Prefects are as unfavour-
able to the present Chamber as they are to the
project of fortifying Paris—and they express the
decided opinion of these sort of Lords Lieute-
nant of counties, that if the dissolution should
now take place, there would be an immense ma-
jority in a new Chamber against the present Go-
vernment. These are the reports of the Pre-
fects. The three days of July have been
everywhere kept popularly. The Marseillaise
has been everywhere sung. " Vive la Liberte"
has been everywhere cried ; and men of all
parties and opinions have joined in condemn-
ing the " Bastiles," which they propose to erect
round Paris. A Chamber now returned, say
the Prefects, would be composed of men charged
to demand the consequences of the Revolution
of 1830—charged to reject the proposed plan
of fortifying Paris by bastiles—and charged, if
necessary, even to refuse a budget, in order to
turn out the present Ministers and their satellites.
All these reports have been examined and con•
,idered by M. d'Argout and M. Thiers—all
have been laid before Louis Philip and M.
Thiers has now the arguments not merely of
himself, and of his partisans, to sustain his opi-
nion, which is so decidedly against the disso-
lution, but he is also backed by the reports of
more than 70 Prefecis, who give the most revo-
lutionary accounts of the progress of the rev,lti•
tion in the departments. In some places the Na-
tional Guards have refused" Crosses of Honour,"
which were offered them. In some places the Na-
tional Guards have refused to obey the orders
of their " Juste-milieu" Commanders. In
some places the National Guards have re-
fused to be reviewed, or to answer to the
call made on them by the Doctrinnaires. Itt
some places the National Guards have planted
or replanted Trees of Liberty. In some places
they have refused to cry " Vive le Roi !" In
some places those who had been dissolved, or
disbanded, or suspended, have appeared in their
uniforms without permission—and have not
singly, but en masse, promenaded in the streets.
In some places the National Guards have cried,
" A bas les Doctrinnaires !" " Vive la Liberte !"
" A bas les Bastiles !" " Down with the Ex-

the destinies of Portugal ? Some say to Pal-
mella, others to Villa Flor, others to Saldanha
—and others to a regency composed of the three.
Perhaps this might be the wisest plan—provided
always the people be first consulted—that they
be assembled in their different Communes and
vote—that all important measures be submitted
to their decision—and that neither England
nor France undertake to interfere in questions
which are purely Portuguese.
But what will Saldanha do ? He made pro-
mises to the Spanish refugees l He belongs to
the party of " the movement." He is a soldier,
it is true, more than a politician—but he is a
Republican—he is a devoted and ardent friend
of liberty--his best friends are proscribed Spa-
niards—he has spent the best years of his life in a
state of foreign emigration—and he has made, over
and over again, the most solemn vows and pro-
mises which he will now he called upon to fulfil.
Will he forget these promises? Will he be so
absorbed in the interests of Portugal as to forget
those of Spain—or will the drapeau of liberty
appear, as it now should do, on the frontiers of
that country ? The Spaniards are more pre-
pared for liberty than the Portuguese—better
understand its principles—and I will add, are
less under the influence of 'nooks and priests.
The Spaniards round Seville are burning to he
be free, and at Leon, Benavente, and Zamora,
there are plenty of Constitutionalists ; so that
either in the south or the north of Spain, the
flag of liberty will be seen on the frontiers with
delight, and hailed with enth isiasm. I know
that some friends to freedom will dissuade Sal-
danha from any such attempt—will say, trust to
time—do not press on a revolution in Spain.
which must sooner or later break out—leave all
to the march of events and to the force of ex-
ample, and do not endanger the security of a
Constitutional Government in Portugal by excit-
ing a revolution in Spain. In this advice I do not
concur. The Spaniards only require a few thousand
troops round which to rally—and in a week
all would be settled. The Spaniards are much
more desirous of liberty than even the Portu-
guese. The success of the Ponuguese cause—
I mean its peiluanent success—depends on the
future condition of Spain ; and rely on it, that
if Spain be not ako now emancipated, the day is
not far distant when Don Miguel, in his tun),
will organize troops in Spain, against the Con-
stitutional Government in Portugal; and when
that tine country will be involved in the horrors
and bloodshed of civil war. Portugal cannot
remain " Constitutional," with Spain at her
side, governed by despotic Princes; and all the
strength of England and France will be unable

cise Duties r " Vive la Pologne !"- and " A
bas les Traitres !" The Government knows all
this officially—has received official notice of all
this movement from its own well paid agents,
the Prefects ; and it has now found out that it is
a very dangerous experiment on the part of an
anti-national Ministry to call to the recollection
of the people, by popular fetes and popular
unions, the remembrance of days of glory, pa-
triotism, and enthusiasm. M. Thiers wished to
prove that himself and his coadjutors were not
counter-tevoluddnists ; but he wished to prove
too much, -and therefore lie has failed. His
cries of " Vive le Roi" are answered by those
of " A bas les Bastiles," and his exhortations

to protect the Government of Donna Maria, or
the Regency from perpetual conspiracies and iu-

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surrections, unless the great work of civilization
shall now be proceeded with ; and the standard
of freedom be also planted in the capital of
Spain. Do n ot, then, counsel the friends of liberty
now in Portugal to refuse their aid to the
Spaniards, who are crying to them from the
frontiers to go over and help them ; but rely on
it, that the only means of preserving a Constitu-
tional Government in Portugal is that of like-
wise establishing it at Madrid. Let not the joy
—the success—the pleasure of the moment,
cause the friends of liberty in Portugal to forget
their " futurity." France, England, Portugal,
and Spain, all possessing Constitutional Govern-
ments, may effect miracles ; but Spain must not
remain despotic, or all will be yet lost.
The Congress at Toeplitz is proceeding, and
the " fall of Lisbon" will supply a sad plateful
of nuts for the legitimate dessert of the Foreign
and Northern Potentates. The alliance of
France and England is to the Governments of
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, a most annoying
and distressing event. They would << sell their
souls to the Devil" to get rid of this al-
liance ! It haunts them, blockades them, and
arrests them everywhere. I much question
whethei they will dare to bite, even though now
at Toeplitz they are showing their teeth for they
are so horribly afraid of France and England.
They know that the emancipation of Portugal
tnust lead to the freedom of Spain, and they
know that Italy must and will follow their ex-
amples. Let, then, England and France stick
close by each other. Let no little jealousies
about French or English influence be allowed to
prevail. Let nothing be suffered to disturb the
perfect understanding which exists between the
two people, and then we may put at defiance all
the Congresses of the universe, and secure the
triumph of civil and religious liberty all over the
world.
—Morning Chronicle. 0. P. Q.