The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-07 00:00:00

EVENING,

The Ell.] of Carlisle did not think it desirable to open
an e'se invo!v;.r.g, 77- epoi.^
.tf
Mr. E.tn understood the Learned Gentleman co bay
that Mr. Ramshay might have given such and such de-
cisions as would have made him enemies.
Mr. Monk replied in the affirmative, and intimated
that ho would act on the suggestion of the Court.
Mr. Sergeant Wilkins sail that Mr. Ramsbay had
desired him to ask the names cf the cases referred to.
Mr. Ramsbay observed, that he was anxious that an
inquiry should be instituted into every part of his conduct.
Mr. Monk resumed—The only offence with which Mr.
Whitty was charged was the publication of the line in
the placard to which he had already referred. That was
the offence for which the fine had been imposed, and for
the non-payment of which he was afterwards committed
to Lancaster Castle. Now, if Mr. Ramshay possessed
the power which he had exercised, it must bo under the
statute, and it would rest with his Learned Friend to
show how far his client was justified in the course he
had pursued.
Mr. Ellis—You say the common law recognises no
such :powers. You mean, I suppose, as to inferior
courts?

Mr. Monk apprehended that such power was not pos-
sessed by either inferior or superior courts. If a man
committed a disrespectful act while the court was sitting
he was amenable to its powers. If, however, ho should
do something out of court at which the court might
feel aggrieved, but which had no reference to the matter
sub judice, the tribunals of the country were open. The
Learned Gentleman then adverted to the committa of
other parties for the display of feeling which they mani-
fested during the hearing of the case of Mr. Whitty,
particularly referring to the cases of Brown and Cald-
well, the former of whom was committed seven days for
contempt, and the latter fined 5/., Mr. Ramshay re-
marking that as he seemed a more respectable person
than the other he would give him the option of paying
the fine instead of committing him at once. Such a
course of proceeding was not at all likely to maintain
the dignity or honour of the court over which Mr. Ram-
shay presided. The next cased adduced by the Learned
Counsel was that of a person who was fined 10s. for
putting his hat on in an outer room adjoining the county
court, where Mr. Ramshay was sitting. The fine was
afterwards reduced to 55., but the poor man being un-
able to pay it was committed for two days to Lancaster
Castle. In pronouncing his decision in the case of Mr.
Whitty, the language of Mr. Ramshay was most ex-
traordinary, for in imposing the fine upon that gentle-
man, he observed that he looked like a man in whose
eyes and face the worst passione and the worst feelings
of human nature were depicted. Another instance of
the unfortunate temper of Mr. Ramshay was displayed
in the case of young Whitty two days afterwards, who
was charged with having committed an assault on a per-
son named Joyce, who accompanied the bailiff to the
house of Mr. Whitty. In pronouncing judgment in
that case, Mr. Ramshay said he was not certain what
was to be done about Joyce, who had been attacked in
such a manner, but if he should bring an action, and
lay his damages at 501., he (Mr. Ramshay) did not think
he should be able to cut those damages down. Such a
remark as that was actually prejudging the case. The
Learned Gentleman here observed that he was desirous
of consulting the convenience of the Court, as far as
possible, and suggested the propriety of calling wit-
nesses to complete that part of the case which he had
already opened, severing it altogether from the case of
young Whitty.
The Earl of Carlisle thought the better course to be
to go regularly through the whole case.
After a short adjournment of the Court, the inquiry
was resumed, and Mr. T. Atkinson proceeded to read
the short-hand writer's notes of what transpired on the
occasion when Mr. Whitty, jun., was brought before
Mr. Ramshay. The Learned Gentleman had not con-
cluded when our report left.

KOSSUT H.
(From the Daily News.)
Louis Kossuth has opened a battery against Russia
and absolutism, which the champions or that power
and this principle know not how to meet, or what
kind of entrenchments to raise against it. Our abso-
lutists were evidently prepared for an outburst of
democracy, an onslaught of republicanism. They
expected appeals to popular passions or demands of
armed intervention, to be attended by the dangers and
expenses of war. The Hungarian orator has em-
ployed none of these missiles, and had recourse to
none of these hackneyed and alarming means of agi-
tation. He comes forward as a philosopher, to utter
the simple complaints of humanity, and plead as a
supplicant, not as a tribune, for its rights.
What Kossuth comes to ask is not armies, is not
subsidies, is not the demonstrations which provoke,
or the vapourings which either end in smoke or in
the kindling of war—all he asks for, is a just, an
awakened, an enlightened, and informed state
of public opinion. The great Hungarian
orator declared his determination not to
touch upon the internal politics of this
country. And yet, unwittingly, he laid his finger
upon one of our most marked peculiarities and de-
fects. No minister or party could raise or spend one
penny without the light and force of public opinion
being directed towards it to prohibit or approve. Yet
in their weightier decisions, by which the influence
of England was brought to bear upon the principles
and parties which agitated and divided the continent,
for these public opinion in England was blind, was
ignorant, was apathetic. Diplomatic agency with us
is a mystery, and the speech of a Minister of Foreign
.
Affairs, even full Parliament, a mere flinging of
dust in people's eyes. Let the public into the secret,
saith Kossuth, let public information and public
sympathy be thereby excited, and a Minister will be
as powerful for good as he is now almost powerless.
Never were words spoken more full of truth and
meaning, or more conducive to the grand purpose of
a great and popular league of constitutionalism and ci-
tizenship, against the absolutism and soldierdom of the
west.

-
When Kossuth had thus disposed of the bugbear
of war, he turned to unmask another of those empty
spectres, with which the reactionists frighten timid
citizens to the slumbers of Toryism. This was social
order.
" Many people," said Kossuth, " when they hear
these words social order, get nervous and excited.
There are many that misuse these sacred words as
a blasphemy. They call social order absolutism ;
they say that it is social order when humanity is put
in prison ; they call social order the silence of the
grave.
And Kossuth then went on to show that the main-
tenance of social order could only be based on the
recognition of popular rights and the establishment of
national freedom. So noble and convincing, so logi-
cal amidst all their sentiment, and so full of common
sense amidst all their enthusiasm, are these arguments
and this language, that anything like reply is im-
possible. The most inveterate of the foes of Kossuth
and of the supporters of Russia can find nothing to
gainsay in them. The nobleness they cannot ques-
tion, the truth they cannot deny. They, therefore,
accuse the man of hypocrisy, and assert, that because
he is rational and right he cannot be sincere, and
that this mild philosopher, who preaches no principle
more warlike than non-intervention, or more extreme
than constitutional liberty, must be a Jacobin in dis-
guise, whilst the citizens who welcome him-are set
down as a band of sans culottes, anxious to disturb
the public tranquillity and feast with the communists
on private property. Mr. Wire is a Denton with
this veracious historian, and Charles Gilpin is nothing
other than a Robespierre in a straight collar and broad
brimmed hat.

Absurdities such as these, which excite a smile, do
not need refutation. It is admitted that Kossuth's
present conduct and attitude belie them. But in order
to stigmatise him, and make a contrast between bis
present mildness and his past energy, the history of
his life is raked up, every event of it misrepresented,
and every act of his distorted. Thus because in his
country, walled up by Austrian custom-houses, he
proposed a league for the non-consumption of the
dear and beggarly manufactures of Austria, while
opening its ports to the cheap produce of England, as
soon as he had poser to do so—for this Kossuth is
stigmatised as a Protectionist.
Another crime is, that to support a war in defence
of his country's independence he employed paper
money. And, pray, what did Pitt, the pilot wbo
weathered the storm ? Paper money includes English
hank-notes and French assignats. If the latter were
worthless, it was owing to the exorbitant quantity so
recklessly issued. Bat the Kossuth notes were issued
in such quantities and for such purposes as to leave
them still of far more value than the paper of bank-
rupt Austria.
A more ludicrous charge to lay at Kossuth's door
is that of his having killed the constitution of his
country. He might as well be accused of shooting
Louis Bathyany or of flogging Mme. Madersbach.
The Austrians wreaked their vengeance on the Hun-
garian constitution by abrogating it. But the final
decree of Schwartzenberg doing so was nothing more
than a continuation of those acts and that policy of
Metternich's which first called forth the opposition of
Hungary and awoke the energies of Kossuth.
The Liberator of Hungary does not, however, re-
gard either the constitution or the freedom of his
country as definitely buried. He considers Austria as
dead, and its Emperor as a mere satellite of the Rus-
sian Czar. Kossuth does not say that he requires
succour against Austria. That would be interven-
tion ; and the Hungarian would be a poor cause if it
feared to meet Austria in arms. All he asks is, that
Russia be compelled to leave Austria to its natural
state of dissolution, of which so many manifest
symptoms appear in the disorder of its finances, the
deep discontent of its citizens, the unmitigated and
insolent, yet silly tyranny of its boy-Emperor, and
the mutinous state of its three principal provinces,
only deterred from insurrection by the presence of ar-
mies almost as numerous as the population whose
liberties they crush, and whose means they devour.

The holders of Venezuela Bonds have just held a
meeting to consider of an agreement with the Govern-
ment of the Republic, and have passed resolutions to the
following effect:-Ist.. affirming the agreement entered
into with Mr, Lord; 2d, urging future, punctuality; 3d,
the duty, if necessary, hereafter of assigning more of
the revenue; 4th, to appoint a commission in London to
receive the funds; and, sth, to give Mr. lierd 2} per
cent. en the dividend to April 1.