The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-13 00:00:00

the consequences, which may be far more serious
than he at present has any adequate conception
of. I

Among minor matters this session we see that
a vigorous attempt is to be made, under the aus-
pices of Lord SHAFTESBURY, Lord CALTHORPB, a
number of other philanthropic laymen, and a
committee composed chiefly of clergymen connected
with the Church Missionary Society, for " the Sup-
pression of the Opium Monopoly in India, and of
the contraband traffic in the drug in China." Every

man of common humanity must wish that the
object of the Society should be accomplished. It
is, therefore, with no hostility to that object that
we invite the attention of the gentlemen concerned

to the facts of the case. Neither do we wish

ror a moment, by exaggerating difficulties, to

deter from an enterprise to which, if practicable,

and if its success would not defeat its own object,
we too should cordially wish success.
The first evil attacked in the prospectus is the
Government Monopoly of Opium in India. The
word itself, in these Says of free trade, is sufficient
to brand the system in public opinion. It would
seem, by employing it,,that the Society does not,
however, contemplate interfering with the large
trade carried on through Bombay, which is no mo-
nopoly, but a fair traffic in the drug. It is pro-
duced in great abundance in Central India,
in the territories of the nominally independent
Princes, and we believe not less than twenty thou-
sands chests are annually shipped through the
port of Bombay. All this, however, is grown

like other agricultural produce—is in no sense
whatever a monopoly ; it merely pays a Custom-
house duty to the Government of four hundred
rupees per chest. The Society, we presume, in-
tends this immense traffic in the drug to remain
untouched—a traffic, too, which must immensely
increase, if the suppression of the "monopoly"
really prevented the cultivation of the drug in
Eastern India.
But will it do so? In the Presidency of Bengal
the cultivation is carried on through Government
agents, who make advances of public money to
the cultivators, and who require, under very
heavy penalties, that the opium poppy shall be
grown for the Government only, and that the
entire produce shall be deposited under the lock
and key of the Treasury. Here the " monopoly"
terminates ; the opium is sold by public competi-
tion, and the Government has nothing further
to do with it. It is of course known, as in all
trade, where the article will find its ultimate
market. Every one is aware that it is
destined for China and the East ; but,
even as a manufacturer, our Government has,
properly speaking, nothing more to do with the
ultimate destination, than Manchester cotton
manufacturers with the destination of the fabrics
which they know will be carried into Spain by
smugglers in defiance of Spanish law.
It is, however, somewhat repugnant to English
feelings that Government should be a manufac-
turer, for profit, at all ; and above all a manu-
facturer of an article in which it is discreditable
to traffic. We tolerate the taxation of spirits
here because we regard it as a check, and the
only possible check on their yet freer use. Were
the Government to make the spirits, and obtain
its profit directly through the sale of them, the
thing would be considered so disgraceful that it
could not survive the discussions of one session.
What it really does is, however, less discreditable
in point of form merely. In either case the object
is just the same—such a tax or such a profit,
shall realise the greatest revenue is the point
aimed at. If too much or too little be added to
the prime cost, the revenue loses ; in one case by
a restricted sale ; in the other by the extent of
sale not compensating for the reduced charge.
No Chancellor of the Exchequer intends to
diminish the sale of spirits, and drunkenness ; he
regards the revenue only. It is only fair to own,
therefore, that, morally, our spirit duties legisla-
tion, and the opium monopoly in India, stand on
the same basis. The appearance only is better
here. •

If the society succeed in abolishing the mono-
poly, of course the cultivation will be free through-
out the provinces of Eastern and Northern India;
and we presume the necessity of the Bombay duty
being paid on all exported from any Indian port
would be at once concurred in. But what would
this do towards lessening the growth of opium ?
It could not lessen the trade to China ; but the
worst is, it would be certain to stimulate its
growth for domestic consumption in India, and,
so far, to demoralise yet more our own subjects ;
for what is now used by the natives, they have to
pay three times the cost of production. Under
free cultivation it is certain that the production
would be indefinitely increased, that China would
be flooded with opium ; and that, on account of
the lower price, the natives of India itself would
consume it to a vastly greater extent. Already in
the province of Assam, to which the opium re-
venue laws do not extend, every peasant grows
his own opium ; and the wretchedness and degra-
dation of the province are justly attributed to this

circumstance.
As to absolute prohibition of the growth of the
opium poppy in a country of the extent of India,
besides the arbitrariness of the act, it appears to
be impossible. As it is an article which each man
could manufacture from the growth of his own
garden, nothing but a system of repression, hardly
to be thought of, could hinder its production.
If, however, it could be accomplished by vigorous
police measures, there is little present prospect of
such an attempt being made, nor do we suppose
that the Society will demand it. Nothing else,
however, would attain their object, not only with
regard to India, but to China also. It would be
impracticable, of course, for us to keep up in
behoof of the Chinese a preventive service along a
coast of eight or nine hundred miles in
length, while Chinese junks visit all the islands
of the Eastern Archipelago. Indeed nothing
could prevent the smuggling of the drug into
China if it were produced anywhere in the world.
The profits would rise in proportion to the diffi-
culty, and would tempt the clever and adven-
turous to risk any danger.
We have penned these remarks, as we have
said, from no hostility to the objects of the so-
ciety, but merely to put the public and the
society on their guard. Unless their plans be
well considered, they may find that by abo-
lishing the only restriction on the growth of
opium ix Bengal—the Government monopoly—
odious as that system appears, they have only
defeated their own object.

A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at
the official residence of tht First Lord of the Treasury,
in Downing-street. The Ministers present were Vis-
count Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Sir George
Grey, the Earl of Clarendon, Mr. Secretary Labonchere,
Lord Pantnnre, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir
Charles Wood, the Right Hon. R. Vernon Smith, and
the Right Hon. M. T. Baines.
Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.B , the
Inspector-General of Infantry, is to have the Army
Works Corps Office, in Whitebalf-yard, for the accom-
modation of the personnel attached to his department.
Colonel Larcom, Irish Under Secretary, has turned
to Dublin and resumed his duties.
The Lcrd Chancellor of Ireland, at the recommenda-
tion of Colonel White, lieutenant of the county, has
been pleased to appoint Capt. Henry Lees a magistrate
-for the county of Longford.