The Sun.
London, England, 1851-07-09 00:00:00

to his name, he would spell it to the House. The gen-
tleman's name was Handel Cossham. It appeared that
he was a warm advocate of the defeated candidate at
the last election. He had, however, lately joined a
Total Abstinence Society, and at a meeting held in
Bristol on the 10th of February last it was stated in II
report which appeared in the Bristol Mercury, that
this gentleman had made a speech which was remark:
able for good sense, moral courage, and a penitential
tone. He said that mat)), political as well as other
crimes were connected with the use of strong drink
—he had a great deal to do with the last Wie!t,
Gloucestershire election, but that he repented of it
now, and ever should repent of it—that the drinking 01
that election was enough to corrupt all England, bat
more particularly the county of Gloucester. The rea-
son why they had not better men to represent them 05
because the drinking was so extensive. The best Mein
could not come forward under such circumstances;
those who wore successful at the election woud take
very good care to make the electors pay afterwards for
the expense they were put to on their account during 01
contest. Such were the reported opinions of Mr. Handel
Cossham. He (Mr. Berkeley) found that the same sell'
timents were uttered by old Daniel Defoe. Tho coinci-
dence was somewhat remarkable. In 1708 Defoe pub'
lished a review, in which he lashed the electoral system
of that day. Mr. Ward had quoted with good effect
from this work, when lie had brought this question in
1842 before the House. in 1710, about a year after the
publication of this review, a Bill to give the electors the
protection of the ballot had passed through the Route
of Commons, but was rejected by the House of Lords:
The House of Lords of that day very much resemblill
r!
the House of Lords of the present day. They
and
held in their grasp the constituencies of the country, an
they knew that they must relax their grasp the Ine"
ment that the ballot was adopted by Parliament. Defoe
followed this work up by the puplication, in 17104
of another, entitled ‘, Thoughts on Public Spirit.
The coincidence between Daniel Defoe and Handel
Cossham was here most remarkable. Cossham, for in'
stance, strongly deprecates the political evils arising
from the use of strong drink, and has given penitential
testimony of the effects. Defoe said that the frequent
orders of the House as to treating electors to strong
drink, and as to bribery and corruption, had little effect,
for most people thought that they might be easily
t
evaded; that it was a great fault with electors to Bell
their votes at elections for a small sum, or what Wag
worse, for a pot of ale.—(Laughter.) Mr. Cossham
again said he believed that the great expense incurred
by the candidates at these elections they would contrive
to pay themselves back when they got into Parliament'
Defoe said that many went to great expense in order to
be returned for some pitiful borough; but it must not
be supposed that they were influenced by public spirit;
they seek for the salaries of office, and show a strong
inclination for its perquisites also. As a last word be'
fore he sat down, he (Mr. Berkley) would appeal to the
Noble Lord at the head of the Government who stood
pledged to further reforms, not to turn aside from the
consideration of this great question. Mr. Grote, N hell
speaking in support of the Retorm Bill, said that the pro'
tection of the ballot was necessary. He did not nuout
how many Hon. Members would vote for his present ino•
tion, but he did know that there were 150 Gentlemen in
that House who concurred in the opinions expressed hi
Mr. Grote. Amongst them were the names of those who
bore great names, and who were remarkable for the'''
talent and wisdom, and with whom the Noble Lord was
in daily communication. He found there the revered
name of Romilly, a gentleman in whom were combiner'
high position, great talent, and unbounded popularity!,
(Hear, hear.) Ho was also supported by her Majesty 6
Attorney-General, than whom there was no one better
acquainted with the electoral system and working'
There was also the Solicitor-General, whose sound isdg-
ment and eloquence went hand in hand, and whose brit'
tiant defence of this question could not easily be for'
gotten when it was pressed through that House. He was
also strong in ancient legal authority. Chief Justice
Holt said he considered it a great privilege to have the
power of electing those who were required to
make laws for the country. Sir W. Blackstone
laid it down that the House of Commas
should b© elected by the people to make law,
for the people, and to counteract the encroaching ten*:
dency of the laws sometimes framed by the House or
Lords. He asked the Noble Lord, in all sincerity, te,
reconsider this question for the sake of the people n'
England. If the Noble Lord would give them any pledge
upon the subject, he would cheerfully withdraw the pre-
sent motion. If, however, he declined to give any such
pledge, he had only to ask the leave of the House to
bring in a Bill to give protection to the electors of Great
Britain and Ireland, in the discharge of a solemn duty,
an important right, and a great privilege.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ELLIS bore testimony to the extreme intimida-
tion and coercion which were exercised upon all descrip'
tions of voters at elections. Both sides of the House
were equally chargeable with this practice. He believed
it was impossible to adopt any sound system of election
without the shield of the ballot. In the name, then, 01
the people of England, he asked the Noble Lord to ad'
vance, by his great power and wisdom, the important
question which had been just submitted to their tonsil
deration.—(Hear.) He asked the Noble Lord to recon-
sider the question, and give the constituencies the shield
of the ballot, of which Gentlemen invariably availed
themselves in their clubs, and in every situation in which
they themselves were called to vote. But the present
system could not last much longer. The day was
coming when the people would demand the ballot, and
whoever happened to be sitting on the bench now °cell,
pied by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
would be compelled to grant it. He therefore urged the
Noble Lord nod the House to take this time of peace
and tranquillity for the extension of the franchise and
granting the shield of the ballot.
Mr. HUME could not see how any man professing th
desire to promote equal and practical reform could
shrink from giving his support to the motion, though it
would only secure part of the rights to which the
people were entitled. He wanted the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government, who had formerly done
so much to enlighten them on the subject of the British
Constitution, to go back to those days, and act as be
would have acted then it he had had the power. In
1832, as soon as power was placed in his hands, he,
as the organ of a Liberal Administration, brought for-
ward the Reform Bill; and he asked nothing more of
him than the fulfilment of the views which he then ex-
pressed. He said the time was come when the people
would no longer permit Peers to nominate their repre•
eentatives, and expressed a hope that no constituency
would be left with fewer than 300 voters. Since the
passing of the Reform Act, many had asked what advan-
tage had been derived from it? Now, though he con.
fessed that it had not realised all the sanguine hopes
which ho bad entertained of its results, it had un-
doubtedly produced incalculable benefits. No man could
tell what might have happened in times of excitement
if the old system had been persists I in, though some
idea m ght be formed from what had passed elsewhere.
The Noble Lord, in proposing the Reform Bill, re•
served the questions of the ballot and triennial Parlia-
ments, stating that be was anxious to try the effect
of the reforms which he then proposed, and added,
that if these should be found incomplete, it would
be then time enough to bring forward those
questions. The advantages anticipated by the
Noble Lord from the Reform Bill had not been realised,
and he ought therefore to assist, or rather to be foremost
in supporting the motion. For his own part, he con-
fessed be should not be satisfied with that single reforms
for he thought there was another more important still,
the exten=ion of the franchise. He maintained, on the
authority of the greatest constitutional lawyers, that
every man who paid taxes and performed the duties
which the State required from him as an Englishman
was entitled to a voice in the election of representatives
to Parliament. lie was not wedded to any particular
mode of exercising this right, but he certainly held the
protection of the ballot to be essential. He also thought
the duration of Parliaments ought to be shortened to
three years. These reforms he advocated on economical
principles. He was old enough to recollect the struggles
to obtain Parliamentary retotm before the French war,
and what was the result of the efforts then made by the
lauded proprietors and the aristocracy to check the pro-
gress of reform? An addition of 600,000,0001. to our
debt, and 21,000,000/. of charge, ates
e warned them to
profit by sad experience, anal he called on the Noble Lord
at the head of the Government to recur to the Whig
principles of former days. Would peace and content-
ment continue to prevail if they persisted in denying to
six out of every seven
males a voice in the election of
representatives? Would England, who formerly
of the ladder in Europe as regarded her
hadthe their reenpraets
the
top
representative system, consent to remain at the bottom?
Would the artisans of this country consent to remain
behind the artisans of every other country, excep
Emaia? lie, therefore, counselled the Noble Lord, whilst
employment gave wages and wages contentment, to come
forward and grant the boon. Let him not suppose that
the people were ignorant of their rights, nor was there
the least fear that those rights would be abused. New
circumttances had occurred since the question was last
under their consideration. The Noble Lord at the head
of the Government had declared that every colony was
entitled to all the advantages of British institutions and
a responsible government, and the electoral system in
Ireland had underg ne revision. But still he found by
a parliamentary paper that there a ere places, such as
Colne and Reigate, and others, in which there were not
more than from 150 to 250 electors. Could this system
be maitatain. d? Ile called on the Noble Lord to redeem
his pledge. Under the present system five metropolitan
boroughs, with 89.000 electors, returned the same num-
ber of representatives as 12 boroughs with 3,509 electors.
Unless the ballot formed part of the Noble Lord's re-
forms, they would not give satisfaction.—(Hear, hear.)
Why were the benches opposite so empty? Because the
Members who ought to have filled them disregarded the
voice of the people. He hoped the fact would not be lost
upon them. Ile bud given notice of an amendment, but
being anxious that there should be no mistake as to the
division, and wishing to remove all excuse for not coming
to a decided vote, ho would withdraw it. e They had been
too long passive. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government had allowed the powerful reform party, of
which he was the head, to linger from year to year, till
it was almost destroyed. It was now in his power to
restore, reanimate, and unite it; and in making the
effort he might rely on the support of the great body
of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
Captain SCOBELL said ho had entered the House
with no intention of addressing it on the present mo-
tion; but as the city which he had the honour to repre-
sent had been so largely referred to, and a numerously-
signed petition had been presented from that quarter, he
felt that he could not give a silent vote upon the ques-
tion. It was duo to himself to state that, in his recent
election, he had declined to canvass the constituency,
thinking that proceeding not only unnecessary but do-
grading.—(Hfar, hear.) He had taken the more open
course of meeting his constituents in their several wards.
He had thus an opportunity of knowing that great inti-
midation had been resorted to. He might be asked, then,
whesher he FM 14 convert to the ballot? Ile courepood