The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF

JOURNALS.

No public communication of the proposed new Mi-
nisterial arrangements can be made ; and, indeed, we
may state that they are not definitively fixed, though
they will probably be known this evening or to-mor-
row. We cannot conceal our deep anxiety on the
subject. The present crisis is peculiar and imminent
with regard to party men and the public interests.
Successive changes in the Cabinet have unquestion-
ably very much weakened it, although we admit that it
has been somewhat purified. The original Cabinet of
Lord Grey was collectively powerful. It united the
entire strength of the Whigs ; it comprehended the
remnant of the " Canning Party"—Lord Melbourne,
the Marquis of Anglesea, the Grants, and Lord Pal-
merston ; it comprised Mr. Stanley, Lord Ripon, and
the Duke of Richmond; it honourably brought for-
ward, in subordinate official departments, Sir John
Cam Hobhouse, Sir Henry Parnell, and many other
highly-intelligent and instructed men, from the ranks
of the Reformers ; but, above all, by a bold
and decisive measure of Parliamentary Reform, the
Administration of Lord Grey obtained the support of
the great body of the constituency (under the old
system of representation), and secured the affection of
the people at large. We must not, however, deceive
ourselves. Successive changes and subtractions have
impaired the force of the " Reform Ministry." In
the spring of last year it was deprived of the name and
mind of Lord Durham. Sir Henry Parnell was sum-
marily cashiered. Sir John Cam Hobliouse surren-
dered his place and his seat, and the electors of
Westminster withdrew their confidence from an old
and tried Reformer. The measures of the Ministry
did not satisfy the expectations of the people. Pledges
on great public questions were not redeemed. The
nation was partially disappointed of the fruit of a Re-
formed Representation which we think they had a
right to exact from such a maeasure and such
a Cabinet. Faith in the wisdom or integrity
of public men—whether justly or not we will
not now inquire—was indisputably weakened. The
popular party was divided—one section receding too
much from their principles—the other perhaps march-
ing, and naturally, under such disappointment, too far
In advance of rational expectation. The Press, re-
flecting the state of public opinion, was partly arrayed
against the Government. Ireland resumed its old sys-
tem of agitation in hostility to an alien Church Esta-
blishment. The Coercion Bill--a fatal and desperate
legislative experiment—quickly followed. Divisions
among the liberal party in the House of Commons
-were the inevitable consequence, and impeded the
policy of the Ministry. In the meanwhile the, motley
composition of the Cabinet soon displayed its various
party colours, and the Councils of Ministers were di-
vided. The common enemy, the Tories, took advan-
tage of circumstances so favourable to an Opposition.
The Tory Peers lowered over Lord Grey, and, by the
terror of their numerical power, cramped his poli-
tical measures ; they set themselves across the door-
way of Reform, and allowed him not to pass the
threshold. The Burgh Reform of Scotland is in fact
the only substantial measure of an amended institution
which has resulted from the Reform Bills ; the other
legislative acts of reformation, though numerous and
valuable, have been rather the result of the " spirit of
the age " than the consequence of the new distribution
of political power. We are yet without many impor-
tant organic and remedial measures. The sinecure
and tottering Church of Ireland yet remains the Upas
tree of that ill-fated country. We admit that many
measures are in progress and contemplation for the re-
duction of this grievous national evil ; but the difficul-
ties of a final settlement of the Protestant Hierarchy
in Ireland are most fearful, and yet to be overcome.
This odious grievance has recently shattered the
Cabinet. The Duke of Richmond, Lord Ripon, Mr.
Stanley, and Sir James Graham, have seceded from
the Ministry and cast their weight (excepting Sir
James Graham, who has none to transfer) into the
scale of the Anti-Church Reformers. Lastly, the
head and chieftain of the cabinet, Lord Grey, has
retired from his eminent station. Whatever may have
been the reluctance of Lord Grey to work out with
sufficient fullness and quickness the objects of Reform,
none can deny that his experience, personal character,
discretion, and reputation, cannot easily be supplied.
Such is the situation under which Lord Melbourne
has been selected by the King to form a Ministry.
Now, whence and how is this heavy and undeniable
loss to be supplied ? Can the State Omnibus be car-
ried on without new horses ? When the leaders are
taken off; will the wheelers drag the heavy machine ?
But figure aside, Lord Melbourne must be allowed to
construct his own machine, and we do not doubt that the
Sovereign, trusting in his discretion and political mode-
ration, will enable him to do justice to the country. A
new Premier, himself a member of the decapitated and
fractured cabinet, has hardly fair play. An honourable
andfriendly alliance, in common council, with men re-
maining in office, scarcely allows Lord Melbourne liberty
to cast his parts as he might otherwise desire to do. We
should have wished to have seen the iemains of the
Government turn out, and submit to re-election and
the fair estimate of the new Premier. We much ques-
tion whether the Cabinet is not too numerous for per-
fection ; unquestionably it contained members not es-
sential to its public repute or utility. We are confi-
dent that the great majority of the liberal portion of
the country would not miss some, who might retire
with advantage, or in any event will look for new life
and blood. The Tories have circulated a sinister and
injurious report against the King—that he has fa-
shioned the popular character of the new Cabinet
after a Court measure; but we cannot believe a rumour
so derogatory to the good sense and sagacity of His
Majesty. We feel that the independence and rigid
truths of these observations may be unpalatable, and
perhaps misinterpreted. But these are not times in
which, from any motives, we ought to palter with the
public interest and confidence. No administration
can survive its infancy which does not now erect itself
on the sure foundation of measures. The country is
sick of discussions on the comparative merits of public
men. But, at the same time, Statesmen of character
and decisive minds are the guarantees of measures.
Lord Melbourne must form a comprehensive Cabinet,
and enlist into his service the whole strength of the
popular party. He cannot stand between two oppos-
ing fires. If he has repudiated and wisely refused to
compound a temporary " Coalition," on the same
principle he must determine to construct a powerful
and effective Ministry. Such an Administration is,
indeed, our sole security against extreme changes, the
.best interest of the Crown at the present critical junc-
ture, and the only safeguard of our national institu-
tions. If the House of Commons is not better united
in favour of his forthcoming Cabinet—if it is not
upheld by public opinion—if it is vacillating, divided,
intriguing, and shuffling,—miserable and speedy will
be its exit, and certain the extinction of the Mo-
derate Party. The next political contest will be
that of the two extremes--the Aristocracy and the
Democracy—who, after alternate success, will as-
suredly destroy the Constitution of the British Go-
vernment. We are not alarmists ; we have no fears
of the good sense of our countrymen. But all reflect-
ing men see in the determinations of the present mo-
ment the solution of the problem of the future politi-
cal state of this nation. A Cabinet exclusively com-
posed of weak and bad materials—wanting in vigour
of intellect and perception of the times—blind to its
own interest—part leaning for support on the Tories,
part standing out in the offing for the convoy of other
and stronger vessels, can only come to an untimely and
disgraceful end. We had far rather have a Ministry
of Tories than a Cabinet of mummies and cyphers.
Give Lord Melbourne fair play—leave Mm to his own
characteristic integrity and sagacity of mind, and we
do not doubt that he will satisfy himself and the na-
tion, and extricate the King and the, country from a
position of unexampled difficulty.
1 here must be an
end of considerations of mere party and family connec-
tions. New men are called for by new times, and to
decisive and substantial measures alone will the Here-
ditary Peers yield up their stubborn opposition. We
had better not fear treading on the heels of truth.—
Morning Chronicle.

Nothing additional transpired, in the course of yes-
terday, respecting the Administration. It is supposed,
however, that Lord Duncannon will succeed Lord
Melbourne at the Home Office. We forbear noticing-
the various conjectures which are still afloat, and will

continue to be so until the changes are officially an-
nounced. They denote rather the absence than the
possession of intelligence. It is a matter of curiosity
with all persons and all parties, even with the party
now in power, whether the Administration can_survive
the loss of its most important members. The resigna-
tion of Earl Grey must, as we conceive, produce a
most unfavourable effect upon the Whig Ministry.
If Lord Althorp was its right hand, Lord Grey was its
head, but the House of Commons appear to think the
right hand is everything. A little time, however, will
put the present experiment to the test, and we shall
soon see whether it is destined to last or to disappear
after a short struggle with overwhelming difficulties.
Lord Melbourne's advancement to the head of the Go-
vernment continues to be regarded with feelings of
surprise ; but the important questions still pending in
Parliament, and upon which the views of the Admi-
nistration must be immediately disclosed, will go far to
establish or to shake his influence with the people,
against whose opinion no party can continue to hold
the reins of power with advantage to themselves or to
the country. It is probable that nothing more will be
known as to the official arrangements until the meeting
of the House of Commons on Thursday next.—
Morning Herald.
It was reported, and we believe truly, last night, that
Lord Duncannon is to succeed Lord Melbourne at
the Home Office, and that Lord Ebrington, or Sir
John Hobhouse, will go to the Woods and Forests.
Whether Lord Wellesley will leave Ireland, or Mr.
Littleton, or both, is not yet, we believe, decided.
One thing, however, is certain, and that is, that we
shall have a Cabinet of one mind upon the important
questions of Church Reform, Corporation Reform,
the redress of the grievances of the Dissenters, and the
application of the surplus revenues of the IrisliChurch
to the education of the poor. Those who are satisfied
with things as they are, in respect to all these impor-
tant concerns, will therefore find nothing to congratu-
late themselves upon in the change which their fac-
tious conduct has tended so materially to produce. The
Irish Church Commissioners, the Corporation Com-
missioners, and the Commissioners on Charities, are
all preparing materials on which the new Govern-
ment will go to work in right earnest—and in
good time—for the next Session of Parliament ;
and there may be some advantage in having
men—of great activity and zeal—placed in a
position, in which they must know that the
country expects much from them, and will feel
great disappointment if they do not act with energy
and promptitude, as well as steadiness, in the redress
of those evils which have been allowed to gain a head
during that long period in which the country was
cursed. by Tory misrule. The new Cabinet, although
it will not have Lord Grey for its head, will not want
his counsels or his Parliamentary assistance ; and we
trust that it will also receive the hearty support of the
Parliament and people of England. The Tories will,
of course, oppose it, although they know that it is
out of their power to form a Government themselves ;
but their mortification at not having been applied to
by his Majesty is extreme, and they will lose no op-
portunity of manifesting their aversion to those inqui-
ries and reforms, which are calculated still further to
diminish their influence, and to blast their hopes of
returning, even at a distant period, to place and
power. The recent speeches of the Duke of Welling-
ton and Sir Robert Peel, in reference to Church pro-
perty and the Dissenters, and the unfeeling attack of
the former on Lord Grey, have satisfied the country
that nothing in the way of improvement can ever be
expected from them. Their opinions are irretrievably
fixed.—Morning Advertiser.
We yesterday applied harsh terms to the conduct of
Lord Althorp, supposing him to have resumed office
under Lord Melbourne. When we consider more at-
tentively the extraordinary position in which public
affairs now stand, we feel that we have done but half
our duty. We ought to have applied terms not less
harsh to Lord Melbourne, supposing him to have
offered office to Lord Althorp. The Cabinet of Earl
Grey is broken up in consequence of a dispute regard-
ing three important clauses of the Coercion Act. In
other times we should have scarcely ventured to con-
jecture the particular opinions of individual members
of the Government upon a point like this ; but Lord
Althorp has partially drawn aside the veil. We do
not suppose that we shall be contradicted when we
assume that Lord Melbourne supports the renewal of
these clauses ; we are sure that we cannot be contra-
dicted when we assert that Lord Althorp recommends
the rejection of these clauses. Now the matter in dis-
pute is one of no trivial importance. The decision of the
struggle must determine whether there shall be in Ireland
peace or strife, security or alarm, the dominion of tire law
or the despotism of the demagogue. It is not long since
Lord Melbourne assented silently to the assurance of
Earl Grey, that, however much he might regret the ne-
cessity of proposing " the renewal of an Act which he
admitted to be inconsistent with the general principles
and the ordinary practice ofthe Constitution," still he
should be unworthy of his office as a Minister of the
Crown, and of his rank as a Peer of Parliament, if he
hesitated one moment "in re-proposing a measure
which he conceived to be necessary to the preservation
of the public peace and to the safety and security of
his' Majesty's subjects." Lord Melbourne must have
seen, with Earl Grey, that the Coercion Act is " in-
consistent with the general principles and practice of
the Constitution." He would not have supported the
revival of it if he had not also felt, with Earl Grey,
that the Coercion Act is " necessary to the preserva-
tion of the public peace and to the safety and security
of his Majesty's subjects." With this sense of the
unconstitutional tendency of the measure, and this
opinion of the paramount necessity for its enactment,
Lord Melbourne is called upon to form an Adminis-
tration. It is to be expected that the new Premier
will secure at least a temporary concord among the
followers he musters around him. Differences may
arise in the next session which contrivance may
in the next session compose. But in the measures
actually before the House, surely some appearance
of sympathy is desirable and attainable. " I can only
say," says Lord Melbourne, announcing the com-
mission with which the King has entrusted him, " that
I would not have accepted such a commission unless I
had been assured of the cordial co-operation of my
Noble Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer." To
a mere looker-on this is inexpressibly ridiculous and
infinitely disgraceful. Lord Melbourne must undoubt-
edly be deeply persuaded of the necessity of the enact-
ment of these disputed clauses ; and he must know
that the adoption of them is certain in the House of
Lords,—the rejection of them probable in the House
Commons. With what semblance of honesty does he
deliver the lead of the House of Commons to the very
man by whom in the House of Commons the measure
which he believes necessary will be most powerfully
opposed ? Lord Melbourne will not stand alone in
this shame. Lord Brougham has defended the provi-
sions of the Coercion Act in a very elaborate and for.

cible harangue. What will be said of Lord Brougham's
sincerity when,—after setting forth the " overruling
necessity" for the renewal of the Act, and declaring
that he " has no longer a choice except that of suffer-
ing great evils to prevail, or of continuing this Act,"—
he shall finish by sitting on theWoolsack as a Member
of a Government whose representative in the House of
Commons wholly denies the " overruling necessity,"
and rather than continue the Act would " suffer the

great evils to prevail ?" These considerations lead us
to attach some weight to the suggestions of some
speculators who explain away the signification of Lord
Althorp's asserted co-operation, and refuse to anti-
cipate any thing so discreditable to all parties as
the return of the Noble Lord to his place.—Morning
Post.

Nothing has occurred, or at least transpired, to shed
any more light upon the progress of the new Ministry,
or on the prospects of the country, than what we have
already communicated. There is no fear of a Coalition
Ministry, because all parties have too much sense to
coalesce, for the mere purpose of flying asunder on the
introduction of the first important public measure. We
are under very little alarm about a Tory Ministry, be-
cause the leading Tories know at length the feeling to-
wards them entertained by the great bulk of their coun-
trymen. The extreme Radicals are as much beyond
the pale of possibility as the Conservatives themselves.
What, then, remains but an Administration of rational

and enlightened, but resolute and energetic Reformers,

who will employ the machinery of the Reform Bill for
the correction of real and sensible evils, in the same
spirit as that which has gradually through the growth
of ages been directing the discoveries of general science
to an improvement of the arts of life, and to a practical
extension of human happiness ? If. the Government
now under process of creation by Lord Melbourne be
not adapted to its end, viz.—the proinotion of tangible
and definite reforms, the people have now in their hands
the power to get rid of it, and they will do so without
hesitation. But let the new Ministers bethink them-
selves what in that case they will compel us to fall back
upon. It is true that men who have the reputation of
sober-minded Statesmen would be now preferred either
to furious Radicals or to frantic Tories. But if mode-
ration and sobriety turn out in the sequel to be but
names for incapacity, weakness, or coldness towards
reform, the nation will be necessitated to try an-
other expedient, and, in utter disgust with those
to whom its interests have, in the hope of better
things, been confided, will take for servants, either
the zealots in democracy, whose rapid course it
must restrain, or even the professors of the opposite
principle, whom it must force, at whatever cost, to
march with the will of the majority. We have
stated over and over the obvious truth, that the per-
sons of the Grey Cabinet, but of which Lord Grey
himself makes one no longer, will not suffice to
.work
up again into an Administration capable of carrying
on the business of the empire. Now is the moment at
which it would be most useful to impress that fact
upon the mind of his Majesty's confidential adviser.
A few weeks later such a conviction, however certain
and unavoidable, may be of little worth. It is surely
much better to avoid the introduction of indifferent
materials into a Government, than to detect their un-
soundness just at the instant when its dissolution be-
comes inevitable. Our readers perhaps will concur
with us in feeling, that after what has already passed,
we do not call upon them for any loud note of exulta-
tion, when we announce the probability that, such as
it is, the Melbourne Cabinet has by this time been
completed,—that the vessel is almost ready for launch-
ing—the last nail having been driven ; would we could
add that the last block has been knocked away from
under her. Lord Melbourne, as will be seen from the
Court Circular, had a long audience of the Sovereign
yesterday at Windsor, and his Majesty comes to St.
James's Palace this day, to receive, as is supposed, the
homage of his new-old-Ministers. What a fright
they must have been in,—some half dozen of these
Lords and gentlemen I—and what an escape they have
had ! We wish we could say as much for the country.
However, Lord Melbourne is a man of spirit, honour,
and understanding, and it is but a feeble expression of
our good feelings towards him to wish him safe and
well through his arduous task. As the arrangements
cannot be considered complete till they receive to-day
the sanction of the King, who will on coming to town
give his final decision, we shall forbear to state any-
thing beyond our belief that Lord lluncannon is to be
the Secretary for the Home Department.--Times.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Yesterday .7. ic ph Ady appeared according to his pro-
mise at the Justice Room, to answer the complaint of the
,Rev. Mr. Tebbutt, who accused him of having obtained a
sovereign under false pretences.
Mr. Adolphus, who had successfully defended the ac-
cused on a former occasion, attended as his counsel.
Mr. Hammond, Mr. Tebbutt's witness, who paid the
sovereign to Ady, having, however, mistaken the hour of
appointment for the inquiry, and Mr. Adolphus being en-
gaged upon an important inquiry elsowhere before eleven
o'clock, the matter was ordered to stand over till this day.
Ady and his counsel had not left the Justice Room five
minutes when Mr. Hammond entered, and was informed
by the LORD MAYOR that the case was adjourned till to-day.
Mr. Hammond—l understand that the time appointed
was half-past eleven, and certainly if I thought it was
earlier, I should have been as punctual as possible. No-
thing shall prevent my punctuality on Wednesday.
Mr. Tebbutt, who was obliged to leave town, was told
by the Loan MAYOR that his presence was not necessary. I
Mr. Laurie, the barrister (nephew to Sir P. Laurie),
while Ady and his counsel were waiting for Mr. Hammond,
took the opportunity of stating to the Lord Mayor that
he had brought to the Justice-room a witness to prove
that Ady had no ground for the assertion that the per-
son whom he called James Laurie, and represented as the
brother of Sir Peter Laurie, was the brother of that gen-
tleman.
Mr. R. Laurie, of No. 26, Harley-street, nephew to Sir
P. Laurie, swore that Sir Peter had no brother of the
name of James Laurie.
Ady—My Lord Mayor, I sent you information about
the sum of 5001., to which you have a claim. You will do
wrong if you don't look after it. You see I try to return
good for evil. There is not a man in the whole Court of
Aldermen whom I have not served, and this is the way I
am treated for it.

Mr. Laurie, the barrister—There is a gentleman of the
name of James Laurie, of the honse of Phelps and Laurie,
of No. 9, Billiter-square, who feels very great annoyance
at Ady's having adopted the name, and he requested to be
heard.

Mr. James Laurie—l am the only James Laurie in
London, my Lord.
Mr. ADOLPHUS—Ay, to your knowledge.
Mr. James Laurie—l am positive of that fact.

Mr. ADoLrHus—Very well ; all I can say is, that this
here James Laurie a'nt that ere James Laurie.—( Laughter.)
Ady—Bless you, not at all.—(Laughter.)
Mr. James Laurie—There is no such person in Mr.
Ady's house as James Laurie.
The LORD MAYon—The evidence is that the sovereign
was given on the faith of the statement that James Laurie
was the brother of Sir Peter Laurie, the late Lord Mayor.
Mr. ADOLPHUS—ExactIy.

Sir PETER LAURIE here entered the Justice Room, and
going to the side of the room in which Ady was, said, " I
see, Mr. Ady, you are here again, and have resorted to a
new mode of annoyance." _

Ady—l don't know you at all.—(Laughter.)
Sir PETER LAURIE---Not know me, although you say I
am under so many obligations to you?
Ady—No ; don't know you at all ; don't wish to know

you .—(Laughter.)
Sir told the Lord Mayor that he came to
r(r a
LAURIEu gbter.
the Justice Room on the occasion, in order to ascertain
whether his presence might be considered necessary else-
where on the subject. He felt most anxious for the sake
of the public that there should be nothing wanting which it
might be in his power to supply.
The LORD MAYOR—I shall expect the parties to-mor-
row, and shall act to the best of judgment.