The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The avowals made in Parliament seine weelcs ago
537 more than one of his Majesty's Ministers, as to
'he existence of dissensions in the Cabinet, and
upon a question of the highest importaiice to the
State, must have prepared the public mind for that
result which is now apparently on the eve of com-
pletion. Had the subject of difference been merely
an unimportant one, it might with management have
been suffered to sleep during the session, and the
Government have staggered on for a while without
altogether losing its equilibrium: but the Church
question was one of extreme urgency, as well as
magnitude. The country would not sacrifice or
postpone its adjustment for the convenience of per-
sons who had shown themselves but half disposed,
and not half qualified, to encounter it. The great
bulk of the community called aloud for a decision
indispensable to tile peace of the United Kingdom,
and tnsistee, that such decision should be not only
final; 'out immediate. This all but unanimity of the
',cation has brought on the crisis in which we now
are placed. The issue of it, if all portions of the Mi-
nistry he honest, will be, as indeed it ought to be, a
breaking up, either partial, so as to admit of re-
pair, or total, demanding an absolute reconstruction
of the Cabinet. There are reasons, perhaps, which
uvula make the latter alternative the most to be
desired. The point in dispute with regard to the
Irish March question is pretty nearly this, whether
the whole revenue of the Irish Church shall, in its
nee form of a land-tax, be appropriated in perpe-
tuum to the Protestant established clergy, adminis-
tering to the spiritual wants of about one-sixth of
the gross population of Ireland, or whether Parlia-
ment shall assert the right of determining the reve-
nue to be bestowed upon the clergy, according to
the portion of the people who appertain to the com-
munion of the Established Church ? It were a
fruitless task at this time of day to argue such a
question in detail. He who denies the right of
Parliameiat to deal with revenues so circum-
stanced, as with national property, must hold
that the temporalities of the Church were esta-
blished exclusively for the personal enjoyment
of the clergy, that a Christian laity constitutes no
necessary member of a Christian church, and that
a province, nay a kingdom, which contains not a
single Protestant congregation, is bound neverthe-
less to throw away for ever an enormous mass of
property upon Protestant ministers who have no
souls under their spiritual guidance, or, in other
words, who discharge no clerical functions ; while
the demands of charity, of moral education, and of
spiritual instruction for the great body of the people,
are left altogether unprovided for. But here we
take leave of a topic on which the country most
deeply interested has with one voice declared itself.
Ireland—episcopalian and Protestant dissenter,
Catholic Ireland—these three forming the entire
nation—have resolved on the readjustment of the
whole system of Church property, and reduced the
Legislature to a single course. The very abstract
argument whereon the Church of England
has ever been defended as a national church
—namely, that of its embracing the ma-
jority of the nation that argument, when
applied to Ireland, cuts away the nationality of
the Irish Church, and reprobates the everlasting
and total absorption of the only fund which has at
any time been appropriated to religious ends and
uses in that country, by a clergy administering to
one-sixth of the people, as utterly justifiable and
revolting. Of this opinion, held in common with
19-20ths of the Irish nation, are, we believe we
may say, without rashness, the majority likewise of
his Majesty's present Ministers. A minority, a
small minority, are of an opposite creed ; and yet
the world has seen with amazement, that in the
framing of the Irish Tithe Bill there are clauses
pledging the Legislature to perpetuate the vicious
appropriation of the Irish Church revenues, as it
now exists—an arrangement known to be con-
demned by the majority of the Cabinet, and form-
ing part and parcel of the bill, from no conceivable
motive but a weak and most reprehensible submis-
sion of the many, including rank, age, and wisdom,
to the few, of the most conspicuous of whom
no more can be said than that he is a prompt,
spirited, and successful debater—we are bound to
add likewise, a man of unquestioned honour. Now,
on a Cabinet so composed—on a Cabinet numeri-
cally liberal, hut morally and effectually, in relation
to this - vital question, Conservative of a glaring
abuse in the national policy, it is not possible that
the people of the United Kingdom should place the
smallest reliance. We respect unfeignedly the
head of the Administration, as much as we have
often differed from that distinguished nobleman, for
the consistency of his professions throughout a long
life—for his talents, integrity, and unblemished cha-
racter. But we must say, that, possibly from no
fault of Earl Grey's, he has called into public ser-
vice same refractory and uncongenial spirits,—others
who might, with equal justice and public benefit,
have been left in their mediocrity undisturbed.
It was not, perhaps, foreseen at the formation
of this Ministry, that the same cordial and
vigorous concurrence which enabled them to
carry through the first grand measure of Reform,
would be no less necessary towards the accom-
plishment of all reforms collateral to, and derivative
from, the first. It had not been foreseen with what
rapidity each separate fountain of corruption would,
by public impatience, be drained of its foulness,
through that main channel which was destined to
receive and sweep away all political impurities.
Much of the future was, unfortunately—though,
we doubt not, unavoidably—left to be resolved by
chance. Chance appears to have decided against
the contimiance of harmony (at least of sentiment)
in the Cabinet; and thence must come—there is no
one who now disputes the event—its dissolution.
In fact, the course already pursued on many occa-
sions, in the face of Parliament, has not been such,
to speak mildly of it, as the friends of Ministers
could approve. What could be less creditable than
on the pension list Lord Althorp's acknowledgment
of opinions which it required no straining, and as
little casuistry, to . construe into an open con-
demnation of his lordship's succeeding vote ?
What could be less dignified in the eyes of the coun-
try, or less fitted to obtain its confidence, than the
numberless examples of hesitation, indecision, aban-
donMent of measures boldly brought forward, and
metammphosis of others which had been described
as unalterable—one and all marking a want of unity,
an absence, as we said once before, of will, than
which no defect can be more fatal, whether in indi-
viduals or public bodies ? From all these and other
symptoms which, wishing to avoid offence, we for-
bear to mention, the conclusion ought to be,—and
it is one of which the most valuable portion of the
present Cabinet will have nothing hereafter to corn-
plain,—that for their own sakes, and from a regard
to the better security of the public interests in the
re-composition of the Cabinet, the Ministers ought
to take the opportunity afforded by Mr. Ward's
motion this evening- to declare the existing Govern-
ment at an end. If they reject this mode of extri-
cating themselves from a difficulty which ought never
to have bee:i suffered to occur more than once, Lords
Althorp and John Russell will be compelled
a second time to speak and vote in Opposite direc-
tions—as seamen say, " to look one way and pull
another." Is that respectable ? How came they,
how came the majority of which they are members, we
once more ask, to succumb to the minority of 3 or
4, and to lay on the table those obnoxious clauses
which these noble lords in the bottom of their
hearts condemn ? We can guess for their lordships
what will happen if Lord Althorp should meet the
motion of • Mr. Ward by that evasive expedient
called the " previous question :" for by a direct ne-
gative it is not supposed that Lord Althorp will
venture to resist it. He will be left in a minority
—we can tell him that. What next ? The
high church minority in the Cabinet must
resign. If not, they must, and we hope will,
immediately be left exclusive tenants of the
Treasury Bench. There is every reason why
the liberal Ministers and their friends should
desire a total breaking up of the Cal* et

tt is matter of more, we think, than suspicion,
that much of the feebleness, approaching fre-
quently to a paralysis of the existing Ministry,
has arisen from engagements forced upon it at the
outset in a certain quarter, from the effects of
which, so long as it shall subsist in its actual form
as the Cabinet of 1831, it never can be wholly dis-
embarrassed. Well then, break up—and what fol-
lows ? Break up immediately, and the composition
of the succeeding Cabinet must be that which the
House of Commons shall approve of. In which
case it is perfectly clear, that as the existing Cabi-
net will have been cashiered by a vote of the House
of Commons, because of its too deep and extensive
adulteration with Tory elements, the next Cabinet
must unavoidably receive, together with the liberal
members of the present, a powerful accession of de-
cided friends to every species of wholesome reform,
—men who can take broad views, and comprehend
objects in all their natural relations,—men who can
propose to themselves and others one straight-
forward course of action, and follow it to the
end, and be prepared for its inseparable conse-
quences,—men who have the will to do that
which they have the sense to meditate,—such men,
good, and reflecting, and discriminating Liberals,
may be found, and must be employed in the admi-
nistration of the public interests. If, on the other
hand, that dislocation of the Cabinet, which cannot
by human power be long prevented, should through
any evil influence or machination be retarded until
after the Parliament shall have been prorogued,—
if present differences, for they remain to this hour
unsettled, should be patched up merely to admit of
the Government going on,—so long as there is a
-House of Commons sitting to watch over it, the
manifest consequence is, that (during the proroga-
tion) the Court, not the House of Commons, will
be master of the field. The Court will indulge,
unrestrained, its own predilections. A coalition of
mock Whigs and genuine Tories will, in all human
probability, become for a time the successors of Lord
Grey's Cabinet. There will be no Parliament sitting.l
The administration of the Government will be with
the enemies of reform in Church and State. Knowing
the spirit which necessarily animates the great
majority of the English reformed Parliament, the
oligarch minister will try a dissolution—a dissolu-
tion ! and a new election—a new election with an
exasperated people! with trades' unions organized
throughout Great Britain, and convertible in an
hour to the ends of political violence—moderation
lost sight of every where—the extremes brought
into each other's presence—the spirit of the Six
Acts in conflict with multitudinous anarchy, and
the nation hurled off its centre. Such would be
the intermediate condition of the kingdom under
an illiberal ministry, smuggled into office while Par-
liament was in a state of inaction ; successive throes
of dangerous convulsion, terminating undoubtedly in
the defeat of court politics, and the final prevalence
of right and freedom ; but after what a fearful inter-
val! and at what an immeasurable cost! Yet this, we
say again, is the probable result of a patched-up
quarrel among the members of a Cabinet which, as
a whole, has forfeited a large share of public esteem,
but would speedily regain it after the salutary re-
adjustment following an immediate resignation. We
say, therefore, and conclude with this earnest coun-
sel—Break up the Cabinet this very night ; Lord
Grey would find valuable friends flocking round him
to assist in its re-construction. We purposely ab-
stain from alluding to rumours which were circu-
lated yesterday, that attempts were preparing in
sundry quarters to smooth over the ministerial dis-
pute, or, in other words, to postpone to a moment
less advantageous for the country a crisis which is
now inevitable. Such endeavours may proceed from
honourable motives, but they cannot lead to ho-
nourable results. The question must be fairly met :
it is folly to evade it.—Times.

The public have been aware, for several days,
that the question of Church reform involves the
stability of the present Cabinet. The administra-
tion of Lord Grey, it is notorious, was formed
under extraordinary circumstances, and composed
of public men who had professed and advocated
various political views. Circumstances combined
them together on the great national question of a
reform of the representation, and we believe that
they have hitherto acted in remarkable unison of
political views. But the original differences of
opinion naturally begin to be displayed on the ends
of Parliamentary reform. The collision may occur
on the occasion of the pending discussion of the
Irish Church—probably this evening. We stated
on Saturday that Mr. Ward intended this night,
on proposing that the house do resolve itself into a
committee of the whole house to take into consi-
deration the state of the Irish Church, to move
the following resolution :
" Resolved-That the Protestant Episcopal Esta-
blishment in Ireland exceeds the spiritual wants of
the Protestant population ; and that it being the un-
doubted right of the State to regulate the distribution
of Church property in such manner as Parliament may
determine, it is the opinion of this house that the tem-
poral possessions of the establishment in Ireland should
be reduced."

The details of Mr. Ward's plan for the reduc-
tion of the Irish Church Establishment are embo-
died in a series of resolutions which have been some
time in print. However, the hon. gentleman is
to separate the principle on which he proposes to
go into committee from the details in the resolu-
tions. The following are the resolutions :
Resolutions respecting the Irish Chu.zch, to be pro-
posed by Mr. Ward. on Tuesday, May 27, 1834.
" Resolved, 1. That the property now held by the
Irish Church, whether consisting of Bishops' lands,
glebes, tithes, or any other species of endowment, is
the property of the State. and ought to be preserved
for such purposes as the Legislature may determine.
" 2. That in the opinion of this house the Protes-
tant Establishment in Ireland, as now established by
law, exceeds the spiritual wants of the Protestant po-
pulation, to which standard it ought to be reduced.
" 3. That, with a view to effect this reduction, the
principles of the Irish Church Reform Bill of last
year be extended, and the ecclesiastical commis-
sioners appointed by that bill be empowered to act as
trustees for the whole of the church property in Ire-
land, including Bishops' lands, glebes, tithes, and
every other species of endowment.
" 4. That out of the fund thus created, the commis-
sioners shall issue to every archbishop, bishop, dean,
rector, vicar, &c., the full amount of the sums which
they are now entitled to receive during the term of
their natural lives, they continuing to discharge their
ecclesiastical duties as at present, where required.
" 5. That upon the death of the present incum-
bents, no issue shall be made by the commissioners
for any future incumbent, in any parish where the re-
gistered number of the Protestant inhabitants does
not amount to one
" 6. That upon the death of any bishop whose see
does not contain
testant population consisting of one of the whole
population, no issue shall be made'by the commis-
sioners for any future bishop ; but the see shall be
annexed to that adjoining see by which the duties of
episcopal superintendance can be most conveniently
discharged.
" 7. That out of the fund arising from the bishops'
lands, glebes, and tithes, thus gradually falling in,
the commissioners be empowered to extinguish all
private rights of presentation, by buying up the ad-
vowsons, where they are the property of individuals;
but that the advowsons now in the gift of the sees
shall only be retained by them where the livings arc
retained, and shall drop without compensation where-
ever the living is extinguished by the want of a Pro-
testant congregation.
" 8. That a discretionary power be given to the
commissioners, in cases where the number of resident
Protestants falls short of that proportion of the whole
population fixed by the fifth resolution, to assist such
Protestants in keeping up the performance of divine
service, by an advance from the general fund, not ex-
ceeding 1501. annually, a return being made to Par-
liament of all such cases as may occur.
" 9. That the provisions already made for the sale
of bishops' lands, the repairing of churches, and the
commutation of tithes into a tax upon land, shall not
be affected by the present resolutions.
10. That the surplus fund remaining in the hand;
of the commissioners be applied, either in the promo-
tion of education or in the employment of the poor,
or in making a provision for the religious instruction
of the people, by the ministers of every branch of the

Christian Church, or in such other purposes of public
utility, as Parliament in its wisdom may think fit."
It is palpable that Mr. Ward's motion will test-
the sincerity of innisters on the vital question of
the Iri* church. The majority of the cabinet are
understood to be favourable to a bold and decisive
policy as respects Irish grievances ; but Mr.
Stanley, Sir James Graham, if not other members
of the administration inferior in station, are said to
be decidedly and irrevocable disaffected to any
division of the church revenues. In this dilemma
Ministers it is said will endeavour to ward off the
evil day of decision, and will move the " previous
question" on Mr. Ward's resolution. We confess
that we view this procrastination of the important
question of Irish Church Reform with great regret.
The right and expediency of an appropriation of the
surplus of the Irish Church revenue mu'.t ultimately
be determined, and we do not know what is to be
gained by delay except the postponement of a division
of opinion among Ministers. Ministers may succeed
in delaying the consideration of the question—or
they may obtain a majority against it on the amend-
ment of the " previous question"--but the melan-
choly consequences of ruch a result cannot be con-
cealed from the country. What is already the state
of public opinion on the conduct of the Ministerial
majority in the House of Commons ? The Pension
List—the question of the duration of Parliament—
and other popular subjects, have been dealt with by
the reformed House of Commons in a way far
from consonant to the opinion of the country. A
vote upholding the Irish Church would about con-
clude the reputation of the " liberal" part of the
House of Commons. On the natural termination
of Parliament, or in the event of a dissolution,
what would be the result ? A large portion of
the House of Commons has hitherto supported
Ministers from the dread of their retirement
froni office, but these members have lost
favour with their constituents. Will not an
adverse vote on the Irish Church complete their
fall ? Such a triumph might prove a Thermopylae
victory. We might regret the secession of Mr.
Stanley from the administration, but his retirement
could not stay the rapid current of liheral opinions,
and the loss of no other member of the Government
adverse to Church Reform would be felt. On the
other hand, the administration might be greatly
strengthened and liberalised. But whatever may be
the result of these ministerial differences of opinion,
the Tories can reap no advantage from them. Tory
ascendancy is impossible. If this Government and
the House of Commons are condemned for juste-
milieu" policy, what would be the unpopularity and
weakness of a Conservative administration ? The
idea of a Tory Cabinet is abiurd, but irremediable
mischief might accrue from its temporary exist-
ence. We hope, however, that the Government
will open its eyes, and will see the impossibility of
maintaining in Ireland a Protestant church esta-
blishment in a population of eight millions of inha-
bitants, seven millions of whom are Catholics, half
a million Presbyterians, and one-sixteenth portion
only belonging to the State Church! No person
can mistake the nature of the question. Religion
has nothing to do with it. The existence of the
Irish Protestant Church is an abomination in the
eyes of God and man, and the endeavour to con-
tinue to such an establishment the large revenues
now possessed by it admits of no justification. The
common sense of the nation revolts at the bare idea
of the thing ; and they who have the assurance to
advocate such an abuse ought to renounce all claim
to the title of liberal ministers. No Parliament ac-
countable to the nation can-for a moment sanction
the principle of appropriating so large an amount of
public money to the maintenance of a sinecure
I church.—Morning Chronicle.

The resolutions which Mr. Ward is to move to-
night relative to the property of the Irish branch of
the Church of England involve a principle of con-
fiscation which, no doubt, all the O'Connell party
will as eagerly support as if it were the next best
thing for their purposes to the repeal of the legis-
lative union. It is remarkable what virtuous in-
dignation the Irish Roman Catholic members ftf the
House of Commons feel and express against church
property, except when it happens to be in posses-
sion of the Church of Rome. They venerate the
Sovereign Pontiff in his double capacity of head of
the Church and a temporal prince, but they are
quite intolerant of any connection between the
Church. of England and the State. Mr. Ward's
resolutions go the length of constituting the eccle-
siastical commissioners appointed by the Irish
Church Reform Bill of last year trustees for the
whole of the Church property in Ireland, including
bishops' lands, glebes, tithes, and every other
species of endowment. The commissioners are to
be empowered to pay to every archbishop, bishop,
dean, rector, &c.,‘ the full amount of the sums
which they are now entitled to receive during the
term of their natural lives but, upon the death of
the present incumbents, no payment shall be made
by the commissioners for any future incumbent in
any parish where there is not a certain number of
registered Protestants, or, rather, where the number
of the latter does not amount to a certain proportion
in reference to the whole population of the said
parish. This part of Mr. Ward's plan shows pretty
evidently the intention of breaking down the Irish
Church to make way for the ascendancy of that of
Rome. Because if every parish in which the num-
ber of registered ProteStants does not amount to the
required proportion is to be deprived of a Protes-
tant pastor, the resident Protestants must be de-
prived of all religious instruction and spiritual conso-
lation. The consequence will be that they will fall
out of the pale of Christianity altogether, or be
driven to enter that of the Romish communion.
So that the project promises to work well,
either for the cause of irreligion or of Roman
Catholic ascendancy. This alone, without going
into any more of the detail of Mr. Ward's in-
tended resolutions, will throw a clear light upon
the character of the whole measure. We cannot,
however, avoid touching upon what is proposed by
the last resolution. It says " that the surplus fund
remaining in the hands of the commissioners be ap-
plied either in the promotion.of education, or in the
employment of the poor, or in making a provision
for the religious instruction of the people by the
ministers of every branch of the Christian Church,
or in such other purposes of public utility as Par-
liament in its wisdom may think fit ;" so that, in
fact, the Church property may, according to this
resolution, be applied to any other purposes than
those which imply the necessity of keeping up a
church establishment. We are no advocates for
the very unequal distribution of property which now
prevails in both branches of the Church of Eng-
land ; we would take a portion • from the large re-
venues of the dignitaries to pay an adequate in-
come to the working clergy. Until the whole of
the latter be adequately paid, we must look on the
proposed confiscation as no better than an act of
sacrilegious plunder.—Morning Herald.
The Times yesterday announced the :probability
of an immediate change in the Administration.
We give the observations of our contemporary :
" It is generally believed in the best informed
circles, that the difference of opinion entertained in
the Cabinet on the question of appropriation must
lead to some immediate change in the Ministry.
We have not been able to learn how the Cabinet
are divided, but it seems doubtful whether there are
more than two who are opposed to the appropria-
tion. One of them, unfortunately, is the most dis-
tinguished orator of the Government side, who,•
both in the cause of liberty at home and in our
colonies, has shown the greatest ability. The other
an useful administrateur. How they could have
come to these conclusions is extraordinary. Rumours
are afloat, which we cannot credit, that the example
of these seceders will be followed by others, and. the
Government will retire en masse. This is not
The vacant places, if filled up, must necessarily
be occupied by men of principles at least as liberal'
as those who remain. The present administration
certainly has not been too liberal. Any auxiliaries.
from the Tory camp would make it less liberal, and
entirely deprive it of the confidence of the country.
Coalition administrations have always been unfor-

turiate : they want the unity of purpose indis-
pensable to vigorous measures. Even the talents
of Fox and North availed nothing. The King, we
have no doubt, notwithstanding the rumours to the
contrary, entertains the same salutary horror of
those conspiracies of party by which not only the
dignity of the Crown, but the welfare of the people,
are sacrificed to personal ambition and selfish in-
terests." Of course during the day there were
plenty of rumours upon the subject of the expected
changes, but nothing transpired which we can ven-
ture to communicate to our readers as certain.
The two ministers pointed at by the Times are of
course Mr. Stanley and Sir James Graham ; and it
was pretty generally believed the right hon. gentle-
man and the right hon. baronet had actually ten-
dered their resignations. It was supposed, however,
that other members of the cabinet shared their
sentiments; and Lord Melbourne, Lord Lansdowne,
and the Duke of Richmond were named as likely
to accompany them in their present course. We
believe that it is undoubtedly true that Mr. Stanley
and Sir James Graham have taken up a position on
the question of the Irish Tithe Bill from which
they will not shrink. While Lord Grey receives
with the sullen fretfulness of a whipped child the
affronts of the Chancellor,—while Lord Al-
thorp beholds with meek endurance the House
of Commons deliberately tearing up the
contract which his hand signed and sealed,—Mr.
Stanley and Sir James Graham have resolved that
they will not retain office when their retention of it
ceases to be honourable to themselves and service-
able to their country. We rejoice devoutly at their
determination. Why ? Not because we can see
clearly what may be the event of the changes which
we anticipate ; but because, come what may, we
know that it is good to have redeemed the charac-
ters of these two men. If they had submitted to
the forward impertinence of their noble colleague,
they would have been ridiculous. If they had sacri-
ficed their opinions upon the most solemn subject
that ever Parliament discussed, they -would have
been base. If there was a time in which a
fair fame was the first requisite in a public
man, we live in such a time now.—Since the
above was written we have learned that a
temporary adjustment of the differences in the
Cabinet has taken place. The movement section
are said to have given way, in consequence of the
determined course pursued by Sir James Graham
and Mr. Stanley. How Lord John Russell and
Lord Althorp will reconcile the keeping of their
seats in the Cabinet with their speeches in the House
of Commons, we confess, indeed, we are utterly at
a loss to conceive. It can matter, however, very
little to Mr. Stanley and his friends whether these
noble lords retire or not, as from this time forward
their own influence in the Cabinet must be para-
mount, and Lord John and Ms friends must be con-
tent to occupy the place of ciphers—to receive their
pay and to hold their tongues. We have no
doubt that they will be quite content to do so, and
if the matter be attended with no other result

lL •a,
than this, it will still be beneficial. There is
no doubt whatever, that Mr. Stanley and
Sir James Graham (we believe there were others
also) sent in their resignations, with the peremptory
intimation to Lord Grey that nothing but the un-
qualified submission of their rebellious inferiors
should induce them to withdraw them. Mr. Stan-
ley it was said had been sent for, and had seen the
King. This report, however, we believe to be in-
correct ;—but we understand that the communica-
tions addressed by that right hon. gentleman to his
Majesty, and his Majesty's reply to them, was the
cause of the delay which took place in the arrival of
the King in town yesterday so long after the time
which had been appointed. Meantime the account
has not yet been settled with Lord Brougham. The
indignation of some of the noble lord's colleagues
at his recent conduct is loudly and openly expressed,
and the differences said to be arranged to-day may
give place to new ones to-morrow on this score.—
Morning Post.

COURTMARTIAL ON CAPTAIN HUGH
PIGOTT, R.N.—(ELEVENTH DAY.)
The officers composing the Courtmartial on Cap-
tain Hugh Pigott assembled as usual on board his
Majesty's ship Hastings, at Sheerness.
The court was then opened in the usual manner.
Lieutenant Walker, the prosecutor, addressed the
court, and stated that he had most unexpectedly
received the assistance of another witness, whom he
begged might be sworn and examined relative to the
state of the Alban's boats, with regard to which there
had been some discrepancy. The witness had not
been summoned, but came voluntarily forward.

Alfred Waddelove was then sworn.
Mr. William Costell, formerly clerk in charge of
the Alban, but now of the Flamer steam-packet and a
purser on half pay, another fresh witness, who had
only that morning arrived from Falmouth, was next
sworn and examined upon the first, third, and fourth
charges.
The fifth charge was then entered upon and read
over by the Junoe ADVOCATE as follows :
" For vexatious and oppressive conduct in ordering
on the 26th of April, 1832, the conditional relinquish-
ment of the cabins occupied by the clerk in charge
and pilot, having previously given a verbal order for
their absolute relinquishment ' • and, on the 23th, the
immediate relinquishment of the cabin occupied by
myself as my habitual messplace, under pretence of
their being required for the use of the British Ambas-
sador and his suite, which was not the fact, and for
indecent conduct about this period in inspecting the
bedplaces of myself and the clerk in charge and the
water-closet at the early hour of eight o'clock in the
morning."
Lieut. Walker, upon opening this charge, brought
in a great deal of docdmentary evidence. They were
principally the official orders from Captain Pigett to
Lieut. Walker upon the relinquishment of the cabins,
and a special order from Sir Thomas Foley to Lieut.
Walker, desiring him to appropriate a cabin to Mr.
Cotsell, the clerk ; a very long letter of remonstrance
from the latter gentleman to Captain Pigott, and a
lett( r of Lieut. Walker upon the same subject.
Previous to these letters being-reac Captain Pigott
rose, and, addressing the Court, said, " I beg to call
the attention of the Court to the disrespectful tone and
language of the two letters about to be read."
Sir RICHARD KING—The Court will hear them
read.
The letters were then read.

Lieut. Walker then detailed upon oath his complaint
upon this charge.
Lieut. Walker, First Lieutenant of the Barham.
who accompanied Captain Pigott, was then examined
at immense length, but his recollection upon some of
the questions propounded by Lieut. Walker appeared
to be imperfect.
The usual hour having arrived the Court adjourned.

S FA t) 0 ‘'; R-44
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

THE LONDON GAZETTE

THIS EVENING.

CROWN-OFFICE, MAY 27.

3IEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT

PARLIAMENT.

COUNTY or Moxan HA N. —The Hon. Henry Robert
Westeura, of Rossmore-park, in the county of Monaghan,
in the room of the Hon. Cadwallader Davis Blayney, now
Lord Blayney.
Bonounii or DuNcaavoN.—Ebenezer Jacob, Esq.