The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-14 00:00:00

Mr. FALL proposed the following resolution :

" That we deem the coercive measures preparing for Ire-
land at once unjust, unnecessary, impolitic, cruel, and inappli-
cable to the professed purpose. Unjust, forasmuch as the
grievances are acknowledged out of which the alleged disorders
arise, their redress ought to be the antidote. Unnecessary,
because it hath not been proved that the existing laws are in-
sufficient for their correction, nay their sufficiency has been
established by the numerous apprehensions, convictions, and
executions. Impolitic, because Ireland can never cordially
submit to British rule if deprived of her beneficent laws by the
substitution of the bayonet for the Statute Book. Cruel, be-
cause the surpliced tithe grasper of yesterday, as magistrate to-
day, commands the military to enforce his claim on the people,
and the one-epauletted stripling of that day may be their
judge tomorrow. Inapplicable to the professed purpose, be-
cause the people are deprived of their right to petition, which
right the alleged perpetrators of disorders do not require, and
therefore only punishes the well-disposed, closing to explosion
the valves by which discontents evaporate—violates the sanc-
tity of every man's home, under the pretence of searching for
those lawless bands called " Whitefeel," who, for the most
part, are miserable outcasts, destitute of house and home—and
places the whole Catholic population, which it professes to
conciliate; out of the pale of the law, and lays them at the
mercy of their sworn enemies. That we, therefore, will ear-
nestly implore the Commons' House of Parliament to reject
coercive, until remedial, measures have been tried without
success."
•A GENTLEMAN having seconded the resolution,

Mr. O'CoNx ELL came forward amidst loud cheers, and
addressed the meeting at very considerable length. He
appealed to the generosity and justice of Englishmen,
and reminded them of the assistance that had been ten-
dered to them by the Members for Ireland. On the
second reading of the Reform Bill, in 1831, there was
a majority of English and Scotch Members against it ;
but it passed the second reading, there being a majority
of Irish Members in favour of it. The other day, on
Mr. Home's motion on sinecures, there was a majority of
seven English Members against it, and of fifteen Scotch
Members against it, hilt there was a majority of eighteen
Irish Members in favour of it.—(Cheers ) He only
mentioned these facts to show that Irishmen appreciated
liberty, and were ready to stand foot to foot with English-
tnen.—(Cheers.) He cared not what caste or colour the
slave bore, but he would rally with Englishmen, and put
the oppressor down.—(Loud cheers.) The Honourable
and Leatned Gentleman proceeded at considerable
length to comment on the Bill now before the
House, and to detail various oppressive acts which
had been before committed on occasions of the passing of
the Insurrection Act, which he anticipated would be re-
petted by the passing of the present Bill. The whole of
his arguments were so nearly the same as those which be
had addressed in another Oder, that it is unnecessary to
repeat them. He was loudly cheered throughout his
speech, and at the conclusion, the meeting, which was
very numerous, gave three distinct rounds of applause.
During Mr. O'Connell's address, some person behind
him t,ceasioned frequent interruptions by denying his state-
ments, and the meeting expressed great indignation at
that person's conduct. After Mr. O'Connell had retired,
Mr. Powell appealed to the meeting to give the person
who had caused the interruptions fair play if he wished to
address them, but he refused to come forward.

Mr. POWELL hoped it would not be said that any person
had been refused a hearing, but that the present proceed-
ings would be taken as the proceedings of the borough of
Lambeth.—(Cheers.) The Bill now before the House of
Commons he declared to be wholly uncalled for, and
brought forward merely for the purpose of intimidation,
and in order to pave the way for a similar step as regarded
England.—(" Shame," " Yes," and eheers ) It was
intended to put down the expression of public opinion,
and to silence the press if it dared to censure the acts of
the Government.—(Cheers.) It was in fact not intended
merely to effect the object it professed to aim at, but to be
extended to other objects, which he hoped Englishmen
would never suffer to be accomplished.—(Cheers.) It
would on the face of it establish a despotism for a short
time, but when once established who knew how long it
would continue ? He called on his country fur the sake
of humanity—for the sake of every generous feeling—to
step forward and preserve freedom to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
A person named Goon or GUDE, dressed in a smock-
frock, then addressed the meeting in a strain which called
forth repeated laughter and cheers. He contended that the
Coercive Bill was much wanted—("No, no")—but it was
wanted for these who introduced and supported it.—
(Clieers.) He should like to see those persons tried under
it.— (Laughter and cheers.) Ministers, in order to
endeavour to get it passed, introduced the measure of
Church Reform, knowing full well that the Church Re-
form Bill would be kicked out of the House of Lords.—
(Cheers.) He that could eat tithes, forgot the Command-
ment, " Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife, or
anything that is his."—(Laughter.) If such a law were
to pass, he would propose that the supplies be stopped,
when they would soon see the military officers with their
coats out at elbow, and the King begging for ways and
means.—(L iughter.) He (Mr. Gude) was once a soldier
himself, and he never heard of such barbarity as was prat.
tised in the at my.
Mr. O'GRADY wished to wipe off from his country a
stain of blood that had been incorrectly related by Sir R.
Peel in the House of Commons, and which, according to
the newspaper reports, hail occasioned a thrill of horror
among those who bad beard it. He (Mr. 0 Grady) was
present when the last man accused of that crime was exe-
cuted, and lie knew all the particulars of the transaction.
Instead of that murder taking place in the county of
Clare, as stated by Sir R. Peel, it took place in the county
of Limerick, about a quarter of a mile from the village of
Pall.skenrie (we believe). Eleven men were executed for
the murder, of whom, as was subsequently admitted by the
Government, only two were actually guilty, so that there
were nine legal murders committed by a Government, of
which Sir Robert Peel was the Secretary.—(Shame.)
The murdered man, Deland, had come into that part of
the country a pauper, and was placed in a cabin with his
wife, who, instead of being the person Sir Robert Peel
had staied, was " a woman at large." It was soon seen
that D. land improved in his circumstances, and had plenty
of money. At that time there was a scarcity of milk and
potatoes, and threatening notices were posted, to deter
persons from selling those articles above certain prices.
Deland and his wile attended as witnesses at the assizes,
and prosecuted several persons, who were convicted and
transported. Deland was taken care of by the Govern.
nient, but his wife, who was known to be deeply impli-
cated, continued to live in the same place unmolested for
seven months, even among the families of persons whom
she had caused to be transported. Deland then thought
proper to return, when he went about exhibiting
qu Intities of money; for five weeks he was unmo-
lested, but then he and his wife went openly into the
village, exhibiting money, declaring that it was blood
money, and defying any one to touch it. That
night some of the country people went to his house,
dragged him out into the road, and murdered him, but
not in his wife's presence ; they afterwards dragged his
wife out, knowing she was as deeply implicated as her
husband, and murdered her in the highway, but not in
the sight of the child, as stated by Sir R. Peel. The
Speaker was frequently interrupted by cries of " Ques-
tion," and at length retired.
Mr. TENNYSON came forward amidst loud cheering.
He felt a pleasure at all times in meeting his constituents,
and he hoped
.to be able to prove that he had done his
duty towards them.—(Cheers.) No man, with fifty
times his wisdom, could have foreseen that the first act of
the present Government would have been to propose, in a
reformed House of Commons, to suspend those public
laws which were at once the parents and the offspring of
our liberty.—(Great cheering.) He was ready to ad-
mit, that in Irel aid or in England there might
exist such a state of things which might call on
the representatives of the people for the sake of the people
themselves, and to avoid an overwhelming catastrophe, to
concur in the suspension of trial by jury.—(Loud cries of
" No.") He had come before his constituents to receive
their censure or their approbation as they thought fit,
but nothing had prevented him and nothing should prevent
him stating his opinions, either to his constituents or
in Parliament. He repeated that it was possible such a
state of things might arise when one man's hand was at
another's throat, that it would be mercy to mankind to
.tospend the laws, in order to prevent one portion of man-
from exterminating the other. He said it was pos-
sible, but he denied that any case at all approaching
or shadowing towards that state of things existed at
the present period.—(Loud cheering.) He could not hive
imagined that a Government—that Government which
had come into power on the shoulders of the people, and
which had obtained the confidence of the people by pass-
ing the Reform B.ll—would, after so many days' debate,
be able to develop only such a miserable, paltry pretext,
for one of the most abominable and unconstitutional, and,
to use their own words, one of the most despotic measures
that any Ministers or despots ever dared to propose.—
(Loud cheering.) The meeting would hear his Hon.
Colleague's (Mr. Hawes') defence of their conduct.—
(Laughter.) He was sure the meeting would award his

Hon. Colleague a fair hearing—(Yea, and Hear)—for be
hail come forward in a moat manly manner, and be (Mr.
Tennyson) was confident that his Hon. Colleague would
el Jim, as he claimed for himself, credit for hiving eon.
scientiouely discharged his duty. to his constituents.—
(Hear, hear, and No, no.) In former times, when Ire.
land was in a state of open rebellion, and similar
measures to the present were resorted to, they
were continued after the rebellion had ceased,
and that was one of the objections to the present measure;
for when once begun bow did they know when it would
terminate?—(Hear, hear.) There was a time when
Ministers took upon themselves the personal responsibility
of going beyond the existing law, and adnainiatering
military law ; let Ministers do that again, and risk their
heads upon It—(Cheers)—hut when be, as a representa-
tive of the people, was asked to concur in at, was he not at
least entitled to call for evidence of its necessity ?
(Cheers.) Was he, like his Hon. Colleague, hound to
place implicit confidence in the Crown or in Ministers?
For that he supposed was his Hon. Colleague's defence,
and tie defence of the vast majority of the House of Com-
mons, who had overpowered those who felt for the great
body of the people.—(Cite rs ) It was his duty to call
fir evidence before he agreed to place a great and generous
people in the power of Ministers.--(Laud cheers.)
With respect to his own conduct he had thought it best
to take a mild course. He had perceived in the King's
speech—which was in fact the speech of the Ministry—
that a new blow was threa'ened at Ireland, which he
would not assent to without good reason ; and he thought
he was fulfilling the wishes of his constituents in moving
an amendment to which no reasonable man could object,
and which no person could oppose, unless actuated by a
blind confidence in Ministers. He had therefere moved
an amendment for a delay of a fortnight. It had been
said that his reason for that was to ascertain the results.of
the trials at the several assizes, and to see bow the
existing laws were carried into effect but that was not
his motive ;—it was a delicacy towards the Government.
He might have moved for a delay of six weeks, or two
months; but if he had, and Ireland had broken out in
rebellion, there would have been no immediate remedy
to meet the evil. But after so many days' debate, no
case of necessity to justify such a measure
had been established.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
No Bill that went to introduce military law should be
allowed to pass, until it had been found that the ordinary
laws had - been pushed to their extreme limits and had
failed—(Cheers)—and be challenged even his Hen. Friend
to prove that such had been shown to have been done.
Hari they attempted trial by jury under special commis-
sions? Or, when special commissions bad been issued,
had they ever been proved to have failed ? Why had not
Ministers issued any special commissions since May last ?
They had taken no step to endeavour to execute justice by
the just and constitutional laws. He would impute no
motives to any one ; but, instead of introducing the pre-
sent Bill, a Bill should be brought in to remove the
Secretary for Ireland, who had done more to foment and
excite he feelings of the people of that country than any
other person.—(Cheers.) Ministers declared the measure
to be absolutely necessary, and called upon the representatives
of the people to adopt its necessil from their mere asser-
tions. That was the pretext of every despot —(Cheers.)
It was the pretext or the Autocrat of Russia, for his
inhuman treatment of the PA s.—(Ct,eers.) The Right
Hon. Gentleman then went into various details of the
Bill, commenting on and condemning the various provi-
sions contained in it. As to those offences that were
made capital by the ordinary laws, and punished with
d ath—such as murder, burning, rape, &e.—even the
courtsmartial, whatever might be the opinions of the po-
licy of capital punishments, were not allowed to punish
by more than transportation ; and they could not even
deal with those crimes, except by order of the Lord
Lieutenant. One power to be intrusted to the courts-
martial was to coerce the press, and prevent it and the
people from expressing their opinions. Courtsmartial to
judge of libels ! It there was any one subject more than
another in which there was a difference of opinion,
among professional men, it was the law of libel, and yet
that was now to be left to the judgment of military men.
—(Shame.) He explessed hie anxiety to let the peo-
ple of Ireland know that there was a band of English
Members who desired to consider and remove their griev-
ances.—(Cheers.) He bad believed that remedial mea-
sures were to be introduced, and he believed the people
of Ireland were grateful for the Irish Church Reform
Bill ; he, for one, believed that the whole of the Esta-
blished Church in Ireland was one vast nuisance.—(Loud
cheering.) But, at the same time, he thought it only
due to Ministers to say that, in his opinion, they
could not have gone further at present in Church
Br form than proposed by the Bill, because, circum-
stanced as they were, they could only proceed step by
step, and see how public opinion followed them.—
(He a-, hear, hear.) He had not altogether withdrawn
his good opinion of Ministers, and he trusted they would be
found to act on those principles in which his Honourable
Colleague confided.—(Hear and laughter.) For the sake
of the country he trusted his Hon. Colleague's confidence
would be justified.—(Cheers.) He (Mr Tennyson)
still adhered to those principles which Unisters had at
first professed, but which he feared they ext,ibited a dis-
position to disregard—(Cheers)—and be trusted, that he
should never depart from the principles which first ob-
tained him the confidence of th- constituency of the borough
of Lambeth. Toe Right Hon. Gentleman sat down
amidst the most enthusiastic cheering.
There were now loud cries for Mr. Hawes and Mr.
Hunt, who both attempted to address the meeting, but the
uproar was so great that neither could proceed. The
Chairman decided that Mr. Hawes should take prece-
dence, but the noise rendered it impossible for him to be
heard. The Chairman tried to obtain him a hearing, but
without effect, and Mr. Tennyson made strenuous efforts,
but with only a partial effect. The following is the sub-
stance of his address, which did not reach beyond those
nearest to him.

Mr. HAWES reminded them that he had been sum-
moned to attend the meeting, and he had thought it his
duty to be present. He was ready mid willing to make
his opinions known to his constituents, and humbly to en-
deavour to maintain them. He was not one who could readily
turn his back on those whom he had long known, and
whom he respected.— (A cry "You have.") He de-
clared that he had not ; he had always told them he
would act with perfect independence, and so he had.
Notwithstanding his Right Hon. Colleague had called on
him to defend his Majesty's Ministers, it should be recol-
lected that he had voted against them twice.—(Cheers
and hisses.) He appealed to his Hon. Colleague for the
truth of his assersion.—(A cry, '' But not on this ques-
tion.") He claimed, as an act of justice, by that love of
free discussion, and by that sacred love of truth, by
which Englishmen were distinguished, to be allowed a
fair hearing.—(Cbeers and groans.) He was not to be
put down by clamour.—(Great uproar.)
Mr. TENNYSON again endeavoured to get a patient
hearing for the Hon. Gentleman, who, he said, had been
invited to attend and explain his conduct, and they ought,
therefore, in candour to hear him.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HAWES again proceeded, but amidst great uproar.
He believed in his conscience that, in voting in favour of
the Bill, he acted for the benefit of the empire at large.
He was not one who could throw aside all regard for Eng-
land, and think only of Ireland. The whole of the ques-
tion rested on whether a case of necessity had been made
out. He was prepared to hear the meeting say " No,"
but in voting against their opinion, and of course his in-
terests, he might surely lay claim to honesty and consci-
entiousness. It would have been easier for him, like his
Right Hon. Colleague, to have followed in the stream,
than to have exposed himself to a temporary odium
and unpopularity.—(Hear, hear.) He could show
that Ireland was at this moment in a state of the most
shameful misgovernment ; but, as stated by an Hon.
Member in the House of Commons, if the voice of the
people had been attended to by former Governments, the
present state of things would not have existed—a state of
thin, s which was destructive of life and property, and which
struck at the root of all civilized society. He asked any of
the opponents of the Bill if they could point out any other
remedy which could at the present moment extinguish
such a eta e of things? It was impossible for the poorAt
mall in Ireland tis inhabit a house, or cul ivate a piece of
ground, unless he was permitted so to do by a lawless set
of ruffians called theWniteboys, who went out at nights and
murdered many persons. He would reatess that if the peace
of Ireland could be accomplished by any other mea,ure—and
he was not at all pledged to the details of the present Bill—
he would support it. If special commissions could be proved
to be efficacious the present Bill ought not to be adopted,
hut they had it from the greatest authority in Ireland that
they could not. On the first night of the session the
Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin (Mr. O'Connell)
emphatically proclaimed no confidence in Irish Judges or
Irish Justices, and that they were not to be trusted by the
people of Ireland. Dr. Doyle himself had declared thatthe
Magistrates in Ireland were not to be trusted.—( Hear,
hear). He (Mr. Hawes) entertained a deep and inherent
feeling against courtsmartial ; but let those who opposed
the Bill show hind a tribunal in Ireland competent to
administer justice, and he would indignantly vote against
courtsmartial. lie, therefore, thought the measure ne-
cessary to protect lire and property. In voting Er the
Bill, he only voted in favour of the general principle and
not the details. The clause respecting private imprison-
ment, be could not characterise in language sufficiently
odious. He denied that it had been proved that special

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