The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-17 00:00:00

amendment was, not that which bad been stated by the
Hon. Member for Oxford (Sir R. Inglis), in order to
stifle the discussion ; but it was because he considered that
the Hon. Baronet, in postponing his motion, was consult.
ing his own convenience, rather than that of the House.
Sir ANDREW AGNEW—I am perfectly ready to go
on immediately.—(Cries of " Go on," from all parts of
the House.)
Mr. SHAW said that, in common courtesy, the Hon.
Baronet ought to be allowed to postpone his motion, with.
out being involved in a discussion.
An HoN. MEMBER made a few remarks which were
not heard.
Mr. FOWELL BUXTON thought it desirable to post-
pone the debate.
Sir ANDREW AGNEW proceeded at great length to
detail his views on the subject, but the indistinctness and
the peculiar tone with which he spoke rendered it utterly
impossible to catch a sentence. The idea of the Bill had
not originated with himself, but with a number of humble
individuals, tradesmen in the metropolis and elsewhere.
There was no provision in it which had not been prayed
for by the parties to whom it was applicable. The Hon. Ba-
ronet concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill.
Mr. LEFROY seconded the motion.
Mr. PLUAITRE had great satisfaction in supporting
the Bill, conformable as it was to the wishes of so nume-
rous a body of his constituents and others; and trusted
that the House would, at least, allow it to go into a Com-
mittee, where it might receive any modifications that
should seem desirable. There were three classes of people
to whom the Bill would be beneficial ; two immediately,
and one indirectly. The first was the large class of per-
sons to whom the Sabbath was a day of bodily rest ; a
class not to be discarded from the attention of the House,
even if the Bill had no other object in view. Another
class that would be immediately affected by the Bill was
that composed of persons who did not so much require
the Sabbath for bodily rest, as for receiving religious in-
struction, and discharging religious duties. The third
dais, which would be indirectly affected by the Bill, con-
sisted of persons velio,e feelings and desires ought not to be
outraged; and who thought that the profanation of the
Sabbath was a national disgrace, and must lead to na
tional calamity; and that, as Christians, they could not
tolerate the profanation of that holy day, without incurring
the Divine displeasure.
Mr. POULTER said that the Bill would do neither
more nor less than hand over all classes of society to the
mercy of common informers. He was quite willing to set
apart a day for the solemn worship of God, and that tb tt
worship should be accompanied by becoming sanctity;
but he must protest against compulsory regulations, op-
posed to the sentiments and liberties of a large portion of
society. He wished to see the hearts and the affections of
the people improved ; be did not wish to see them exposed
to onerous penalties.
Mr. ROEBUCK had read with great pleasure a pain
phler, by a dignitary of the Choral), the object of
which was to endeavour to break down unimportant
religious distinctions, and to make all Christians bre
thren. The tendency of this Bill, on the contrary,
would be further to divide and narrow sects ; and to set
up the means of discord among the people. What be de-
sired was, that the people should have rest and refresh-
ment on the seventh day. Let them look at the Bill, and
see if it had that object in view. It set out with
observing, that all work ought to be prohibited on the
Sabbath Day. The only exclusion was " the man servant
and the maid servant ;" so that although the Honour.
able Baronet took the Jewish law as the foundation of
the measure, he departed from that law in this essential
particular. He was sure that the House could not have
read the Bill, if they did not at once reject it. He would
read only one of its enactments, and from that the House
would see the spirit of the measure. It ran as follows:
" And be it further enacted, that every one who shall be
present at any meeting, assembly, or concou• Ise of people,
upon any part of the Lord's Day, for any purpose of gaining,
wagering, er betting, or fir any wake, fair, baiting, or
hunting any animal, cock-fighting, dog-fighting, shoot-
ing, or any pastime of public indecorum, inconvenience,
or nuisance." Now, let the House fancy a whole coin
munity obliged to agree with what any magistrate might
think proper to understand by the words, " public indeco•
rum, inconvenience, or nuisance The enactment pro-
ceeded, " or for public debating upon or discussing any
subject,"----•urely it was difficult to conceive any mode of
passing a day more unobjectionably, than in calm and
rational discussion---" or for public lecture, address, or
speech, or who shall be present at say news-room, or
club-room, shill forfeit for the first offence any sum
not less than five shillings, nor more than ten shillings;
for the second offence, not less than ten shillings, nor
more than twenty shillings; and for every subse-
(Latent offence, not less than twenty shillings, nor more
than five pounds." So no man was to be allowed
to ask a neighbour the news, or go to a room and
quietly read the papers without incurring a penalty of
from ss. to M.! A penalty of 501. was likewise to be
imposed upon the keeper of any news-room who opened
it on Sunday ! All the common conveniences of life, all
social intercourse of human beings with one another on
Sundays, was interdicted by the Bill. Nay, more than
that. It was well known that persons confined in towns
were frequently compelled to breathe a fetid an unwhole-
some atmosphere; and that many of those persons could
not go to a distance which would enable them to breathe
fresh air, without hiring horses for that purpose. He,
himself, was compelled to be in London eix days out of
the seven. He was an invalid ; but by this Bill he should
be incapacitated from breathing fresh air on the seventh
day. If, indeed, he were so rich as to have a carriage of
his own—(Loud cries of ".Hear, hear")—he might re-
pair to the environs of the town ; but as it was, if the
Bill were to pass, he must breathe the noxious air of the
metropolis on the seventh, as well es on the other days of
the week. To him that would be a great evil ; and was
not that the feeling equally of all classes ? One provision
of the Bill was to shut up baking-houses on Sundays.
The consequence would be, that every poor mart's wife
must dress his meat fur dinner, while at present she was
allowed to spend the day in peace and quiet; and a small
number of persons performed that necessary labour. By
this enactment, therefore, labour on the Sunday was mul-
tiplied a hundred fold. Females, of all persons, ought to
be exempted from labour on the Sunday, and should take
that recreation which was calculated to bring them round,
and fit them fir the toil of the approaching week. But
this Bill would prevent them from doing so. He had gone
last Sunday down to Greenwich, on purpose to see how
the population of the metropolis ammo] themselves on that
day. Nothing could be a more pleasing sight, or more
consonant to every good feeling. The people came out
for air ; they were walking quietly in the park ; enjoying
the pure atmosphere ; breaking no commandment, and
violating no law.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would oppose
the Hon. Baronet on religious grounds, and tell him that
true religion was not so cold and narrow a system as be
represented it to be. God required no such painful and
absurd sacrifices. He required that we should perform
our duties to one another; without one particle of asceti-
cism. By this Bill, one set of people, having peculiar
ideas respecting a particular day, wished to compell all
other persons to conform to their creed, and to worship
God after their manner.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Lord MORPETH strongly doubted the possibility of
carrying into effect the various provisions of so compli-
cated a Bill, though he acknowledged the:propriety of the
principle. He should vote for the second reading, in the
hope that it would receive in the Committee all the modi•
fications requisite for making it a useful and a desirable
enactment.

Mr. ESTCOURT took the same view as the Hon.
Gentleman-who had last addressed the House.
Lord ALTHORP believed there was no man in that
House who would quarrel with the principle of the Bill ;
but the details were in his opinion of so extraordinary a
character, that he considered they could not depart from
the usual Parliamentary course of opposing it at once.
Nothing in fact could be done with the Bill, but what
would necessitate the introduction of some 'new measure.
The Bill could not be so altered as to retain anything like
its present form. For his own part, he was most anxious
to support any measure which would in practice be one
of protection, and not of coercion. —(Cheers. ) But this
was a Bill of Pains and Penalties, uncalled for and
impolitic, not desired by the public, and not deserved
by them ; and he could not do otherwise than oppose
it in its present stage.—(Cheers.) He wished for a
measure, not to compel men to be religious, but
to allow and enable them to be so.—(Loud cheers.)
It was neither consistent with religion, with morality, or
with sound policy, to interfere with the old recreations of
the people.—(Loud cheers.) Nothing would be more
unfair, impolitic, or uncalled for. He really believed than.
the Sabbath Day was, after all, better observed in these
realms, than it had bt en for the last thirty years; but he
was willing, from regard to those who were interested in
such pow • ts— especially the tradesmen of large towns, to
forward any measure which would really be one of pro-
tection, but would not consent to a Bill, whose details
could not but be worked as one of unjust restrictions, and
unmeriied penalties.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. LEFROY considered they ought not to hesitate in
going into Committee.
Mr. WYNN said, the present Bill, at all events, wont
much too far, and he recommended that it should be
withdrawn.
Mr. R. GRANT should vote for the second reading.
Lord DALMENEY did not approve of the Bill in its