The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-19 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

A letter of the 11th inst. from Geneva says,
" Orders have been sent to all points of the Swiss
frontier to refuse entrance to every Frenchman who is
not the bearer of a regular passport. The existing
concordat for the expulsion of refugees does not in-
clude persons pursued for political offences."
The Sentinelle des Pyrenees of Bayonne, of the
13th inst., has the following :—" Between 600 and 800
Carlists, commanded by Sugastibelza, appeared on the
9.h before Irun, which was defended by only 60 Chris-
tinos. This weak but bold band immediately closed
their gates, intrenched themselves behind the walls,
and for nearly twelve hours kept the besiegers in
check by a constant and well-directed fire.
he rebels were finally, after long and useless
effnrts, compelled to abandon their object, and they
raised the siege at four in the morning of the 11th,
with a loss of 2 men killed and 12 seriously wounded.
The Queen's troops sustained no loss whatever, but we
have to deplore the cruel fate of the nephew of M.
Iparaguirre, late Spanish Consul at Bayonne. He was
Rcgidor of Irun, but at the time of the arrival of the
rebels was at a country house at a short distance from
the town. The Carlists required him to furnish them
with 2,000 rations, and on his replying that it was im-
},c=sible for him to comply immediately with their de-
mand, they shot him."
the i:ucpbury Gazette of the 13th instant con-
tains the following extract of a letter of the 7th from
Vienna :—" The Prussian Minister, M. Ancillon, will
return to Berlin to-morrow; he has had an audience
of leave of the Emperor. Count Alvensleben will
supply his place until the Congress ends. Prince
Schcenburg has arrived here from Stutgard. The
young King of Hungary is gone to Shcenbrunn for the
summer. The Court will leave Vienna next week, to
pass some time at that palace, and afterwards proceed
to Baden ( Austria), where Prince Metternich and
nearly all the diplomatists have engaged apartments
for the period of the Emperor's stay. The alliance
formed between France and England for the removal
of the pretenders from Spain and Portugal may prove
a great concession to the movement party. Many are
of opinion that the introduction of the representative
system in the Peninusla can only tend to perpetuate
civil war, and inquire why changes are to be introduced
into countries that have no taste for innovation, it be-
ing evident, not only from the recent history of Srain,
but also from the confession of Canning, who cannot be
suspected by the friends ofthe representative system, that
the Spaniards and the Portuguese love their chains ?
The relations of France may encounter new difficul-
ties, when a Parliamentary tribune is opened at
Madrid, and the democratic press can labour unre-
strained. The new Hospodars, who are now on their
way to Constantinople, are expected to return at the
end of May, to take upon them office for life. Re-
joicings will then take place at Jassy and Bucharest.
Prince Caradja received from the Emperor a very
friendly letter for King Otho, and a snuff-box, orna-
mented with his Majesty's portrait, for himself. Our
Ambassador at the Court of Madrid, Count Brunette,
has arrived here on a visit. The Spanish Ambassador
:t our Court, Don Campuzano, will return to Madrid
in a few days on leave of absence. We hear from
Leghorn that 6e King of \Virtemberg will pass apart
of the summer there for the purpose of sea-bathing, at
which time his Queen will visit the baths of Carlsbad,
in Bohemia."

The Berlin State Gazette of the 11th inst. quotes
Prussian 4 per Cents., 99a 98k.
A French sloop of war, arrived from Parekia, in
Greece, which place she left on the 15th ultimo, has
brought the following intelligence :—" The store-
ihip La Meuse, while lying alongside the wreck of
the Superbe, struck on the rocks with all her sails set,
but, by throwing a part of her stores overboard, she was
got off. She, however, sprung a leak, which made
three feet of water an hour, and it is feared that it
will be necessary for her to be hove down, in order to
be repaired. The salvage of the Superbe goes on very
&lowly, and many of her guns still remain to be got
up. Scarcely any part of her hull is to be seen above
water.';

The Anti de la Charte of Nantes says—" We are
assured that several rich legitimatists have resolved to
Wrest their children with parts of their inheritance, in
order to qualify them for voters at the next election,
and thus increase the number of their party."

FRENCH FUNDS.—Pmais, MAY 16,

Five per s. v. t+., 1061. 10c. 35c. 30c.
Four and a Half per Cent, ICOf.
Four per Cents., 9tf. 40c.
Three per Cents , 7!lf. 75c. 80c. 85c.
Bank Actions, 1,825 f.
Rentz de Naples, 97f. 10c. Inc.
Roman Five per Cents., 974.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 28%.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 44%.
Bova Spanish Loan, 8441.
Bente PO pet. d' Fspague Five per Cents., 7454.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 99%.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
tme month, paper, 25f. 35c. ; money, 25f. 35c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money, 25f. 25c.
Authentique.
rit E N Cl-1 FUNDS.-Pakts,:MaT 17.
Fite per Cents., 10fif. Mc 15c. I.oc.
Four per Cents., 94f. 40c.
Thr-e per Cents., 79f. 95c. 90c. Mc.
Bank Acttnns, 1,825 f.
Bente de Naples, 63. GOc. 40c. 45c.
Roman Five per Cents.,
Bente d'Espai,,,ne, Five per Cents., 2814.
Rented' Espagne, l'itree per Cents., 44N 54 %.
!loyal Spanish Loan, 54%.6.
Matte Per pet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 744%.
posian Loan, leas, Five per Cents , 99;2.
ExcissNua ON LONDON.
One rni;ntli. paper, 25f. 3.5 e. ; money, 25f. 35c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 2.5 c. ; money, 25f. 25c.
-Coals Autheutique.

.mong the indications of the rapid improve-
ment going on in the internal state of Spain, may be
mentioned with honour the formation of an establish-
ment called the Royal Institution of Isabella 11.,
with the objects of affording to the different towns the
means required for the furtherance of all public works
of utility ; of advancing to industrious persons, on
proper security, the funds they may require to carry
into effect positive improvements ; and of carrying on,
under its own management, the construction of roads,
earitxls, and other public works, which, from their mag-
nitude, exceed the means of individuals or of towns.
Of the benefit to be attained by such an institution
under judicious management, some idea may be formed
from the fact, that in the interior of Spain roads, in
many places, are quite unknown, and the cultivation
of extensive distncts is abandoned on account of the
expense, or the impracticability of conveying the pro-
duce to any market to be disposed of. In periods of
scarcity, from this cause, the maritime provinces fre-
quently purchase grain of foreigners at three times the
price it bears in the interior. By the means devised,
this inconvenience will be obviated, and the other rich
produce of the interior, its wines and oil, will find
their way to the coast. The benefits which this coun-
try may derive from such improvements are also not to
be lost sight of, and the time is evidently near at hand
when a commercial union between the two countries
may be formed on the best and strongest basis--that
of mutual advantage.

LONDON,
MONDAY EVENING, MAY 19, 1834.

The German Papers mention that the town
of Brandeis (three miles from Prague) is fixed
on as the residence of the Duchess of BERRY.
It seems that Ch ARLES X. did not wish to
have her husband nearer. They state from
Dresden, that the introduction of the new duty
on brandy has reduced the number of dis-

tillers from 6,000 to 800. The abolition of
the malt duty (whenever such a measure is found
practicable), and an increased duty on spirits,
would, we doubt not, have a similar effect
in England. This being effected—the tithes
commuted, and the burden of the poor's rates
lessened, there can be no reason for not open-
ing the ports to foreign corn, by which means
we shall have a vastly increased demand for
manufactures, and consequently a general re-
vival of commerce.

The Holy Alliance policy is union amongst
despots, and disunion amongst freemen. The
policy of the English Government is union
amongst freemen, which, and which only, can
make them more than a match for their enemies.
The Quadruple Alliance mortifies the latter,
but it assures the English people that the
peace of Europe will be maintained. And
what is equally important to the triumph
of a Reform Government at home, over
their Tory adversaries, who are the natural
enemies of freedom? A similar union between
all the friends of civil and religious liberty.
The remarks of Lord DURHAM and Mr.
ABERCROMBIE at the meeting we reported on
Saturday, and continue to day, seem directed
to this end. The Tories are disappointed.
They had hoped for an open rupture between
the government and the dissenters. The latter
have more wisdom than they have obtained
credit for. Their grievances must and will be
redressed ; they will be reunited to their friends ;
and they will have to advance their speculative
opinions by full, fair, and free discussion.

The Tories, by their organ, the Post, are
endeavouring to make it appear that a great
difference of opinion prevails between Lord
JOHN RUSSELL and Mr. STANLEY respect-
ing the disposal of church revenues, and wish
it to be understood that the hopes of the church
rest on the triumph of the latter. Poor
church I if her existence depends upon the opi-
nions or conduct of men, however splendid their
talents or favourable their position ! There
is no desire to apply the revenues of the
Church to any private purpose. They belong
to the nation, and no appropriation of them,
under the proposed Tithe Commutation Bill,
will prevent Parliament from applying them to
any purpose which may seem to the Legislature
most likely to advance the public interests.
Nor will the Clergy be permitted, in any case,
to hold the property of the Church without
discharging the duties of christian instructors.
The two bills, to which we have adverted
elsewhere were prepared, we believe, a long
time ago, and they have only waited a favour-
able opportunity for their introduction. They
will satisfy the country that the control which the
State exercises over the Church is an advanta-
geous control, and that the present Government
is determined to reform the Church as effectively
as they have reformed the Parliament. We are
glad that they have at length made a begin-
ning. Now is the time for making such a
spirited and energetic movement as will satisfy
the country that they will have no longer to
wait for the tardy movements of the bishops.

We directed the attention of our readers to
proceedings in Parliament, by giving an extract
from Mr. MUNDELL'S last publication, when it
first appeared. We now beg leave to recur to this
subject, and to illustrate what we wish to con-
vey by adverting to the Select Committee on
the Tea duties.

There is a Committee now sitting upon the

well-being of the favourite and universal beve-
rage of the British people, the result of which
depends upon this, namely, whether the interest
of the traders will overcome the tenaciousness
of the Ministers. It is obvious to every one
who understands the subject, that the Ministers
are wrong, but it does not necessarily follow that
the traders are right. Why are the consumers,
and even the dealers, excluded from this Com-
mittee? Objectionable as the appointment of
private Committees is, and revolting often as
their proceedings are, still they possess one great
advantage over public Committees, namely,
that parties, their agents and counsel, are
allowed to be heard before them, and other per-
sons are not excluded who choose to be present.
How absurd that the public should be admitted
to private Committees, and that the public
should be excluded from public Committees !
What would our Courts of Justice be, what
our proceedings in either House of Parliament,
if they deliberated with shut doors ? Why
should not the same publicity be given to pro-
ceedings in public Committees that is given to
proceedings in Parliament and in our Courts
of justice ? One great advantage would imme-
diately follow from admitting the public to pub-
lic Committees. Fewer members would attend,
but those who did attend would attend closely.
The ciphers would withdraw. The inter-
rupters would be silenced, and the proceed-
ings would assume a regularity, and call
for the exercise of an intelligence which they
much want at present. Why should it not
be open to the public journals to give an
account of proceedings in public commit-
tees, and to observe upon them as they do
of proceedings in both Houses of Parliament ?
Without the consciousness of responsibility
being ever present, and constantly felt by public
men, it is in vain to expect that public men
will act rightly, and as far as publicity goes, we
may at least have this consciousness of respon-
sibility constantly operating in public commit-
tees, by allowing those of the public who take
an interest, or have an interest, in their proceed-
ings, to be present.

Nothing could be better calculated to preserve
and improve the established church ; nothing
more popular with the large mass of the clergy,
and the upright and religious amongst their
hearers, than the two bills relative to the church
—one to enforce residence, the other to abolish
pluralities, brought into the House of Lords
on Friday night by the LORD CHANCEL-
LOR. The CHANCELLOR has no doubt well
considered the subject, and is prepared to fol-
low up his plan with his accustomed Teal,
energy, and perseverance. But what will the
lords bishops say to such a decisive step. ?
How are we to account for their silence ? Does

it give consent ? Lord BEXLEY, who is a true
churchman, made some objections +o the plan,
but neither of the bishops seems to have opened
his mouth. They were perhaps unprepared
for such a movement. It is clear, however,
that Parliament will now see justice done to
the great body of churchmen, who have
long required,—we may say demanded,—
that those who are paid by the state
for the service of the church should not
leave their work to be done by others who are
in most instances worse recompensed for their la-
bour than journeymen mechanics, or excisemen,
whilst their masters are accumulating large for-
tunes, and doing little or nothing for their
revenues. We rejoice that an effectual reform
has now been commenced, and strongly urge
tile LORD CHANCELLOR to persevere through
evil report and through good report, until he has
restored the clergy to that state in which they
may prove of real service to the community.
Their excessive wealth has been almost the ruin
.of their order. Nothing but speedy and effec-
tual reform, and exclusive attention to their
proper business, can restore to them the affec-
tions of the people.

It is quite evident the country begins to look
upon the important question of the Poor Laws'
Amendment with more coolness, and, conse-
quently, with greater chance of arriving at
clearer views of this great moral and financial

question.
The discussion in the House, the unanswer-
able arguments that were adduced in favour of
great and important changes, and the all but
unanimous opinion expressed that there is an
absolute necessity for a new controlling power
to procure the much desired uniformity of ad-
ministration of laws so deeply affecting the
moral and social condition of the poor, have
favourably advanced the Poor Laws' Amend-
ments in public opinion. And we venture to
predict that all the leading members of the
House of Commons, whose opinions are worth
regarding, will be found advocating the neces-
sity of the controlling powers of a Central Board.
Every thing which throws additional light upon
a subject so important is extremely advantageou
at this time.

We shall, therefore, draw from " The Report
of the Poor Law Commissioners," such illustra-
tions of the Poor Laws as are not accessible to
the general reader, and which, independently of
this, we consider in the highest degree valuable.
The subject matter which we shall call the
public attention to at this time will be drawn
from America, a country so dissimilar in
popular estimation to our own—distinguished
as it is by the immense quantity of labour it
affords, with the comparatively few labourers to
perform the various avocations required.
The relative condition of the two countries
being then so directly opposed to each other in
this important particular, we shall be able to
deduce a most material and instructive lesson ;
because it is asserted by many in this country
that the great pressure of the poor rates is oc-
casioned by the vast disproportion between the
labour to be performed, and the great surplus of
labourers to do the work.

It will appear strange, and place the impor-
tant question of the Poor Laws in a new light,
if we discover upon the clearest and best
evidence that the same laws, and the same ad-
ministration of those laws, do produce pre-

cisely the same effects in two countries so
differently circumstanced as England and
America. If so, we must trace the calamity of
pauperism not to the amount of work the
country affords compared with the labouring
population, but to something inherently bad,
either in the principle of the law, or to some
radical defect in the administration of it.

On the 19th of February, 1832, the House
of Representatives appointed five commissioners
to investigate the pauper system of the com-
monwealth of Massachusetts to meet during the
recess, " to prepare, digest, and report to the next
legislature such modifications or changes in the
present pauper system of the commonwealth
as they may deem expedient ; and that the said
commissioners be authorised to appoint an
agent (if they deem such appointment expedi-
ent) to visit as extensively as shall be necessary
to obtain full information on the subject, the
principal establishments in the commonwealth
and elsewhere, for the public charge and sup-
port of the poor to collect the statistics of those

institutions."

The commissioners reported to the House of
Representatives, and the report was printed at
Boston in 1833, and now reprinted in ap-
pendix F., pages 57, &c., of the Poor Law
Commission.

It appears that eight years after the first set-
tlement of the colony and province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, viz., in 1639, the first law was
made to this effect, " that any shire court or
any two magistrates out of court shall have
power to determine all difference about the law-
ful settling and providing for the poor persons,
and to dispose of all unsettled persons into such
towns as they shall judge to be most fit for the
maintenance and employment of such persons
and families for the ease of the country."

The report states that the extraordinary
power here given is to be accounted for in this
way, that the civil fathers of the state had lived
under the earliest operation of the 43d of Eliza-
beth. The parliament of England appropriated
two hundred thousand pounds to carry into effect
the 43d of Elizabeth. The American commis-
sioners then decide against the policy and the
principle of their law, and of the 43d of Eliza-
beth in these words—

" Commendable however in themselves as
were the purposes of the enactments, they were,
as far as the relief of the necessitous and im-
potent were concerned, the proper purposes, not
of legal enactments, but of Christian humanity
and charity."

The acts here referred to were, in truth,
though they seemed not at the time of their
passage to have been, direct violations of great
elementary principles. And the eject of this
interposition of human law, to secure obedience
to a plain and oft repeated law of GOD, was,
and has been to this day, to produce an in-
creased and even frightfully increasing extent
of the beggary and crime which it was intended
to remedy.
The report then states the fact " that 200,0001.
was the commencement of the fund in Eng-
land, which, in 1828, had amounted to
7,784,3561. And this sum was applied in
part to eke out the wages of the poor who re-
ceived it,—thus acting as a bounty UpOlf- the
oppression of their employers ; and in part was
distributed by the vestries or their agents to the
poor, who could not obtain employment, in
weekly instalments, proportioned to the number
of children in the families which applied for
it,—thus acting directly as a bounty upon the
increase of population. These solemn results
are matters of history ; and the consequences of
the substitution of this compulsory process for
the relief of the poor, for that individual and
willing charity which has rarely failed 'to he
efficient where it has been left free, stand
among the records of the two last centuries as
one of the most solemn and admonitory lessons
which the events of those centuries suggest for
the guidance of the legislatures of, all countries
which have either yet to settle the principles on
which they are to act in regard to the poor,
or which have it in their power to modify
any existing laws or institutions by which a
country is threatened with a calamity like that
of English pauperism." The effects of the
poor laws in Massachusetts have been much
aggravated by a most injurious law passed in
1675. " This court, considering the inconve-
nience and damage which may arise to particu-
lar towns by such who being forced from their
habitations by the present calamity of the war
do repair unto them for succour, do order and
declare that such persons being inhabitants of
this jurisdiction, who are so forced from their
habitations, and repair to other plantations for
their relief, shall not, by virtue of their residence
in such plantations they repair unto, be ac-
counted or reputed inhabitants thereof, or im-
posed upon them according to law. But in
such cases, and where necessity requires by
reason of the inability of relations, &c., they
shall be paid out of the public treasury." This
was the first law in America for supplying the
poor from the treasury of the state, and it is
quite apparent from the language of the enact-
ment that it was to meet the exigencies of the
occasion. But THE PRINCIPLE had been ad-
mitted.
In the year 1793 an act was passed, stating
,g that a married woman shall always have and
follow the settlement of her husband if he have
any in this commonwealth,. otherwise her own
at the time of marriage, if she had any, shall
not be lost or suspended by the marriage. And
in case the wife shall be removed to her settle-
ment, and the husband shall want relief from
the state, he shall receive it in the town where
his wife shall have her settlement AT THE EX-
PENSE OF THE COMMONWEALTH."

Suspicions of abuse and evil in practice soon
became universal, but the facts were wanting
by which these suspicions could have been
made available for any essential improverhents
in the system. The American Commissioners
think they have obtained so many facts, " that
principles of legislation on the subject may now
be recognized, and that measures in regard to
it may now be adopted, which will not only do
much to reconcile interests which the existing
law and practice bring into perpetual conflict,

but ultimately be for the best good and comfort.
both of the whole community and of the poor."
The first remarkable fact adduced is that, in
a population of 264,327 inhabitants, one
in every 21 had, during the last year, been
more or less assisted by the overseers ; that the
number of poor in this population was 12,331;
5,927 were states' poor, and 6,063 were town's
poor, making the excess of town's poor over
the states' poor to have been only 497,—this is
a fact of startling interest.
The states' poor in 1792-3, cost 14,000
dollars ; in 1820 it increased to 72,000 dol-
lars. From this latter date many attempts
have been made to grapple with an evil of
such a magnitude by declaring that 90 cents
per week shall be the maximum given to
an adult pauper, and 50 cents for children. In
1823 it was declared, " no one over 12 and
under 60 years of age, and in good health,
shall be considered a state pauper." The
allowance has since been diminished to 70 cents
for adults and proportionally for children.
The Commissioners then report that even
this diminished allowance has the direct ten-
dency to increase this class of poor.
The next instructive fact is " that this legal
provision in this state does give to these our
unhappy fellow creatures a peculiar attraction
to it in preference to other states in the South."
And the Commissioners ask " would such a
state of things have existed in our common-
wealth, if a specific legal provision had not been
made for this class of the poor ? Or if the
Government had never recognized such a class
as the states' poor, and above all, if compulsory
charity, in any form, had never been established
by our laws, would there have been a twentieth
part of the wandering poor which now exist in
it, or by any means an equal proportion of poor
of any kind with that which is now dependant
upon the taxes which are raised for them?"

There is another most important and instruc-
tive fact established by the inquiry of the
American Commissioners, and which should be
forcibly impressed on the mind of every English-
man at this particular period—it is this, say
they, « We refer to the fact, which is sus-
tained by the concurrent judgment of all the
Overseers, under whose notice these wandering
poor pass, that nearly ALL OF THEM ARE
ABLE, and, V kept from ardent spirits and
compelled to work, would show themselves to be
able, to earn their own subsistence."

The American Commissioners then recom-
mend the legislature TO AUTHORIZE THE
ERECTION OF WORKHOUSES.

GERMAN FUNDS.

DUTCH FUN DS--ANISTF.RDAM, MAY 16.
Actual Debt, •2 y 2 per Cent.
A !curt Syndic' 4% per cent 89% to 9t.4
Ditto, ditto, 34 per cent.
Loan of 1831, 6 per cent
Ditto, 1832 and 18433, 5 per Cent 96N to 974
Exchangt• on London 12 07,, 12 024
BELGIAN FUNDS.—BRUSSELS, MAY 16.
Actual Debt, 2 % per Cent.
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent 9B 16
Loan of the City, 1832, 4 per Cent 94
EXCHANGE ON LONDON, MAY 1 —Three months, 10%.
AUSTRIAN FUNDS.-.VIENNA, MAY 7.
Five per Cent. Metalliques, 994 ; Bank Shares, I,269.—Allge-
twine Zeitung, May 12.