The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-26 00:00:00

system, we have at least this advamage...that the
)t-esent state of things is acceptable to no one.
It is, in fact, a confessed anomaly, at once weal:
and unpopular, and has come to such a pitch ol
actual dissolution, that it has been made a clues
tion what the government of the Church oi
England is." He goes on to show that, in•
stead of there being too much inequality in the
Church, there is not inequality enough for it•
good government or efficiency,—that the Scotch
Church does not reach the level of the aristo•
cracv,—that the English Church " fails ill
reaching down to the poor ;" and that, there-
fore, the scale of ascent and descent should
be altered so as to suit all classes of so-
ciety. To remedy the evils complained of.
and to give greater efficiency to the esta-
blishment, Dr. Arnold proposes to admit the
laity to a greater share in Church govern
ment, to allow them to be elected as part of the
council of the dioceses, and of the parish eccle-
siastical organization. He likewise proposes that
the Bishops shall be multiplied, so as that every
large town shall have its Bishop, who can be
maintained out of the present deaneries,—tha
the present dioceses shall be considered as pro-
vinces, having provincial councils to assist their
prelates, and, if it should be thought desirable
to diminish the number of the Bishops in the
House of Lords, that those retained might cor-
respond to the number of provinces, so that
" metropolitan Bishops alone would have seats
in Parliament." With regard to the appoint.
ment of parish clergymen, all patronage, except
what is merely recommenda►ory, should cease ;
and as to livings, the present ecclesiastical reve-
nues of the establishment not being sufficient for
all its newly-admitted members, he proposes that
the latter shall be supported as at present

" As the Dissenting ministers," says be, " are actually
maint.ined by voluntary contributions, so the assistant
ministers of a more comprehensive system, whether their
opinions were in exact agreement with the present article,
or not, would be easily, and I believe most cheerfu ly,
lanintained by Easter offerings, levied upon all the mem-
bers of the Church, and divided according to the quali-
fications and labours of the respective ministers ; and as
they would all be equally ministers of the national Church
they would have their share in the election of the clerical
nsenibers of the Bishop's council, and would be effectual!)
secured against any spirit of sectarian hostility which
might be supposed to survive the overthrow of the present
sectarian system."

It would be superfluous to enter into the
changes which the Rev. Doctor is willing tt.
admit into the ritual of the Church, the manner
in which he disposes of the question of the Li
turgy, and several other details of his plan. The
whole pamphlet deserves to be perused for the
good sense of many of its remarks, and for the
'liberal and charitable spirit which breathes
through the whole, but we have great doubts
whether it will at present gain a single influential
proselyte or inspire a single legislative Church
Reformer.— Times.

The Globe has noticed the strictures we passed
on its articles on the ballot. Our contemporar)
assumed that the ballot would be destructive of
the influence of the rich. We contended that
at would not. Our contemporary, instead of
meeting the question broadly, meets us some-
thing in the-way of a special pleader, by direct-
ing all his argument to one point. He says that
we referred him in proof of our assertion—
" To an observation in the Westminster Review, in
which it was observed, that ' when the rich were depen
dent on the opinion of their inferiors, they wouid be fur-
nished with a strong motive for enabling them to form
an enlightened opinion.' The application of this remark
to the question, whether or no ballot should now be intro
duc,d, is much of a piece with the assumptions on which
many of the schemes for further changes in the Cenatitu-
tion proceed. It is assumed that to give men a motive,
or assumed motive, to do something, is equivalent to the
actual accomplishment of the event wished for ; and that,
baring made this provision for realizing a benefit at some
future time, we are ca'led on to act as if this castle in
the air were already guilt and inhabitable on the firm
ground.
" The Westminster Review would allow, that to en•
able men to form enligbn ned opinions on any political
quertions is a work of time—and to give a man a right n
vote in the elections of 1833 on the credit of the illurui
nation which is to be shed on them or their descendants in
1883, might be attended with very inconvenient conse-
quences. A whole nation cannot be educated in a day or
a year—strive the rich as they may ; but in one year or
one month irreparable mischief may be done by making a
law foe this generation which may be very well suited to
the next.

" The rich have now powerful motives to instruct ti-
poor. and the work of inettuction is going on simultane-
ou-ly with political ameliorations. The mat, of the peo-
ple are obtaining and have obtained power in proportion
to their intell ctual improvement."
In all this, our contemporary, who is admi-
rable at begging the question, takes it for granted.
that at present the rich are all in the right, and
the dependents on them in the wrong, when the\
have a different opinion ; and that intimidation
has biassed those to vote properly, who, if left
to themselves, would have voted otherwise.
The general impression is very different. That
impression is, that those against whom intimida-
tion was resorted to, were inclined to take the
wiser and more enlightened course, and that the
rich were for the most part in the wrong. Had,
for instance, the landholders had their way in
the late election, what has taken place at the
election of Scoth Peers would have been almost
universal—the county elections would have been
almost everywhere Tory. The gentry in gene-
ral at present are Tory, i. e., hostile to good go-
vernment and to the improvement of the people;
and the hopes of their becoming otherwise rest
on their finding their power dependent on the
hold they have of public opinion. The joke
that "to give men a right to vote in the elec-
tions of 1833 on the credit of the illumination
which is to be shed on them or their descendants
in 1883, might be attended with very inconve-
nient consequences,"_is altogether out of place.
We had observed, " that we believed there
was hardly an instance of a man in affluent cir-
cumstances acting in such a way as to merit the
good opinion of his neighbours, who does not suc-
ceed in gaining their good opinion." If rich men
do not act in such a way as to deserve the good
opinion of their neighbours, they ought not to
be allowed to call in intimidation to their aid.
That power of intimidation diminishes the mo-
tive of the rich man to endeavour to gain the
good opinion of his neighbours by deserving it,
and in so far it is an obstacle to the growth of
the only fair and legitimte influence which the
rich ought to possess. It is notorious that the
misgovernment of this country for a great length
of tune, and in particular the facilities which bo-
roughmongering gave to the stripping of the
many for the sake of the few, has led to a most
unequal distribution of property, and to the un-
due subjection of property in the aggregate to
individual possessors of property. The intimi-
dation has been resorted to, not in defence i.t
property, but to enable individual proprietors
to strive to perpetuate the system of rendering
property, in the aggregate, tributary to them. The
influence favourable to such an endeavour,• is the
only influence which has occasion to dread the
ballot. Why,
without a power to resort to in-
timidation to secure such an influence, we shoulu
he introducing " a democracy very clumsily con-
!titute(l," we are at a loss to discover. Our