The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-14 00:00:00

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

Monday, John Duggin, an athletic Irish labourer,
was charged by Peter Molloy with having assaulted
him, assisted by several other persons, because he
would not join the trades' union.
The complainant stated to Messrs. CHAMBERS and
HALLS, the sitting magistrates, that on Sunday even-
ing, about ten o'clock, he was in the Golden Lion,
St. James's, when the defendant came in, and entered
into conversation with him, asking him if he would
join the unions. Previous to this, the defendant with
others, had been at him, asking him to join their so-
cieties, but complainant had always refused. On Sun-
day evening, when the request was again made to him,
he answered that he had no wish to join the unions,
because he had plenty of work, and he did not wish to
plunge his wife and family into distress. The defen-
dant said if he did not he would find some means to
make him, and the 'other persons who were in the
company of the defendant also said if he still held out
it would be the worse for him. Complainant still re-
fused, and in order to maintain peace, asked the de-
fendant to drink with him ; the defendant answered
that he would rather drink his heart's blood, and then
raised his fist to strike him. Complainant answered,
" Talk as much as you please, but don't ill use me ;"
upon which the defendant struck him in the face a
violent blow, which knocked him down. Complainant
was then attacked by the other persons, and had his
wife not at that moment entered the room, he would
have been very badly used.
Mr. CHAMBERS asked the complainant if he could
identify any other persons who had assaulted him ?
The complainant mentioned one of them.
Mr. CHAMBERS immediately directed that he should
be furnished with a warrant against that individual.
Mr. HALLs--What is the defendant ? Complainant,
he is a labouring man, a stonemason.
Mr. HALLS—And what are you? Complainant—l
am a porter, in the employ of Mr. Nash, a floorcloth-
manufacturer. I have been in my situation more than
seventeen years, and I did not want to have any thing
to do with the unions.

Mr. CHAMBERS—Are you positive that the defen-
dant was one of the men who assaulted you ? Com-
plainant—Yes, I am. He said to me, rather than
drink with a " blackleg" like me, he would have my
heart's blood.

Mr. CHAMBERS—He meant by a " blackleg," that
you would not become a unionist, I suppose ? Com-
plainant—Yes, he did. lam afraid to go about my
work, because I have been threatened by several men
who belong to the unions that I should be served out
if I don't join them.
Mr. CHAMBERS assured the complainant that be
should be protected to the extent of the law against
any person or persons who should attempt to intimidate
him, and then called on the defendant for his answer
to the charge.

The defendant denied that he had made any obser-
vations to the complainant about joining the unions.
The quarrel began between their wives, and when the
complainant implied an improper expression of his
(defendant's) wife, he struck him.
The defendant proceeded to call several witnesses
to corroborate his statement, but all of them admitted
they were not present at the "commencement of the
disturbance.

Inspector Abraham, of the C division, said when he
went into the house where the disturbance was going'
on, the defendant made great resistance, and attempted
to excite the other persons who were in the room to
make a rescue.

Upon the defendant engaging not to hold out any
further threat, or to molest him on the subject of the
unions again, the Bench decided upon dealing with
the matter summarily, and accordingly inflicted a fine

of 205., or 21 days' imprisonment.

ANCIENT GOLD COINS.--A Sa poor man
was recently turning over some rubbish dug from the
mound of earth near the rampart at Booth Bar,
York,. he found a half-florin, or noble, of Edward
This is one of the finest specimens ever discovered,
being as beautiful and perfect as it was the day it was
coined. It is now in the possession of Messrs. Wat-
son and Bell, goldsmiths and jewellers, of that city.

In consequence of a fortunate discovery,
Greece is likely to make a much greater and more
rapid improvement than it could otherwise have done.
Very rich coal mines have been discovered. One of
these mines is situated at Cumi, in the island of
Negropont. Captain Fortenbrach has just received
orders to procecd to the spot with a detachment of
miners, to commence immediately the working of the
mines. The wl ole mountain abounds in coal, which'
is so near the su face that the. working of the mine ,
will be neither difficult nor expensive. Two other
beds of coal have been found, one near Cape Sunium,
and the other near Gastrini.

4)V 1:4..7... :At *AM.

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 14, 1834.

The monopoly of the road to the bar, so long
enjoyed by the Benchers of the Inns of Court,
is now in a fair way for abolition. With the ex-
ception of two members (Sir J. SCARLETT and
Dr. LUSHINGTON) there appeared to be an
unanimous feeling in the House of Commons
last night, as to the impolicy and injustice of
granting such a power to any irresponsible body.
We do not at all wonder at the view which
these learned gentlemen took of the
question. The Judges have generally been
behind the rest of the community in every thing
relating to improvement and liberality of senti-
ment, and the senior barristers have hitherto as
they approached the judicial bench proportion-
ally acquired those peculiar habits which some
how or other they think becoming the dignity
of a Judge. That day, however, is gone by.
The public mind, from the searching power of
the Press, is now turned towards these
secret conclaves the Inns of Court, and at no dis-
tant period, we confidently trust their proceed-
ings will be laid open to all. That they should
have been kept secret, and their tyrannical
power admitted so long, can be attributed only
to the great length of the Tory reign. In the
senate, in the church, and at the bar, the
Tories carried everything their own way ; they
used their vast influence in checking every at-
tempt at change, and denounced any reform in
church and state as little better than sedition
and rebellion. The great reply to those who
complained of their exclusive right of admitting
persons to the Inns of Court or to the Bar, was
always given in the form of a question and an-
swer. How few have been rejected ! Only
two. But if these two were excluded unjustly,
or if they were objectionable, and others
equally objectionable in point of character were
admitted, these instances would warrant the legis-
lature in depriving them of such uncontrolled and
arbitrary power. The very circumstance that the
two persons they have excluded have been always
their bitterest political opponents, would cast
strong suspicions on their decisions, and these
suspicions are much strengthened by a circum-
stance stated by Mr. HILL last night, that an
individual convicted of a political libel, after
becoming a convert to Tory doctrines, had
been admitted without a whisper. Such power
ought not to be intrusted to any body
of men. It is totally at variance with
the institutions of the country to allow a junta
sitting in secret conclave to pronounce a deci-
sion on the character of any individual, without
an appeal to the public or a court of law. The
appeal to the Court of King's Bench, as Mr.
WooLEa's case proves, is a mere mockery. One
of the greatest safeguards of the life and liberty of
the subject is trial in open court, yet, in the 19th
century, it appears, a young man's character
may be ruined, and his prospects blasted for
ever by the dictum of a self-elected and irrespon-
siblb By the appointment of the com-

mittee, Mr. HARVEY will now have a fair
tr!al, and we confidently hope from the report
that steps will be taken to prevent such an oc-
currence for the future.

Mr. W. BROUGHAM introduced his Regis-
tration Bill last night. It was well received by
the Government and the house, and we are told
that it will be perfectly satisfactory to the Dis-
senters. Upon it will be grafted a Marriage
Bill, making marriage a civil contract. Now,
we do not understand why the dissenters should
not, in the first instance, have prepared such a
bill for themselves. They surely understood
the grievance and the means of relief, and they
also knew that there was no want of disposition
on the part of their friends to have intro-
duced or supported any practicable measure
for the redress of real grievances. It can
hardly be supposed that any of them wished to
perpetuate the grievances until a hue and cry
was raised, and a political party formed.
Neither could any respectable man desire that
the dissenters should mistrust, much less
alienate themselves from, those distinguished
persons who fought their battles, both zea-
lously and successfully, in times when friends
were wanted, and more scarce than now.
Be this, however, as it may, we rejoice
that one measure has been proposed, to which
we cannot learn that there is any disposition to
object. And now, then, we urge the Dissenters
to cease from unworthy, because unjust, reflec-
tions on that Government, to the exertions of
whose members, more than to any others, they
owe the repeal of the Sacramental Test, Par-
liamentary Reform, and the Abolition of
Slavery. Let them not seek to embarrass, but
to help, the King's Ministers, and encourage
them in the prosecution of those other re-
forms which are not the less important
because they affect the immediate interests, not
alone of a class or denomination, but of the
country and the world.
The most important of all these to England,
is the preservation of the peace of Europe. Let
not that be risked. Let every concern of less
importance be made to give way, or, at all events,
let it be suspended, if its prosecution should
endanger the permanence of this inestimable
blessing. The return of the Tories even for six
-months to power would endanger it. If we had no
ground but this alone we should urge the dissenters
and we urge considerate churchmen, too, to
manifest a spirit of conciliation, to endeavour
to remove, and not increase and render inter-
minable, their differences. Let neither party
ask for a triumph over the other ; and, above
all things, let no friend to freedom seek to
achieve a triumph over those whose power has
always been exerted in behalf of the great and
sacred cause of civil and religious liberty.

The enormities of the abuses of the Poor
Laws may be summed up in two sentences.
The sum expended in the relief of the poor in
England and Wales, upon the average of three
years, ending in 1750, was only 689,9761.
Upon the average of the three years, ending in
March, 1832, it was 6,887,2991., and notwith-
standing the continuing fall of general prices, the
annual amount has increased progressively since
1824.
But the abuses are not to be measured by
their amount in money. The increasing de-
moralization of the poor, their profligacy, im-
providence, and recklessness, are among the train
of its consequences. The increasing amount,
however, marks the increasing idleness, which is
the parent of all mischief. The rate is now equal
to about a seventh part of the whole taxes levied
for the- use of the state, and if it is suffered to
continue to increase, as it has done only since
1824, it will absorb the whole of the national
resources. For what purpose do we retrench
the public expenditure, if we are thus to suffer
the poor rate to increase, and to enable the able-
bodied idle to live and press upon the able.
bodied industrious ?

We repeat, we do not see how these abuses
can be put down without a Central Board, and
we think we have removed every possible
ground of objection to the powers absolutely
required for this purpose, by suggesting that
no parish shall become subject to those powers
which shall undertake to put down, and shall
put down the practice of paying wages, or of
making an allowance for children, rent, or
taxes, out of the rate. This is the first object
to be obtained under the bill, and if any parish
will of itself undertake to accomplish it, and
shall perform its undertaking, then there is no
reason why it should come under a superintend-
ence of which it desires to be free ; but on the
other hand, there is no reason why it should
complain of that superintendence being extended
to it, if it fails in keeping its engagement, or of
its being immediately applied to other parishes
that do not think fit to give such an under-
taking.

We anticipate the most extensively whole-
some consequences from putting down the allow-
ance system ; and we consider the other parts of
the bill as of comparatively minor importance.
We say comparatively, for, intrinsically, they
are all important ; but we desire that this lead-
ing object may be always prominent.
The parts of the bill which appear to us to
admit of the greatest amendments are those
which relate to work-houses, for which word we
desire to substitute poor-houses. We have said,
and it must be obvious to everyone, that work
cannot be found in a poor-house for agricultural
labourers, and we think it is hardly less obvious
that work cannot be established in poor-houses
for handicraft or manufacturing labour without
displacing such work elsewhere. Moreover,
the object is to thin the inmates of poor-houses,
and if Mr. WHATELEY'S plan be followed,
this consequence cannot fail to attend this bill.
The same consequence has followed Mr.
BECHER'S plan in the situation and under the
circumstances where it has been applied ; and
availing themselves of a united poor-house, as
Mr. BECHER has availed himself of it, a
united poor-house may be serviceable to the
purposes of the Central Board. But we think

' great caution should be used in this respect,
and the erecting or hiring a building for a
poor-house should be resorted to only when
other means have failed.

The question of the Repeal of the Septennial
Act comes on for discussion to-morrow evening
in the House of Commons. It is a most im-
portant question,—the necessary sequel to that
great constitutional measure of reform which
Ministers have introduced into the legislature
with so much honour to themselves and advan-
tage to the community. As such it demands
their most attentive and favourable consider-
ation. Indeed, the repeal of the Septennial
Act is a boon that would come from them
with peculiar grace and propriety. It is
essentially a Whig question,—one of the
most favourite themes for declamation to
be found in the voluminous records of Whig
oratory. Towards the close of the last century,
scarce a day passed but, in some form or other,
either in the house, at public meetings, or
through the medium of pamphlets and journals,
the Whigs insisted on the repeal of the Sep-
tennial Act, as a measure indispensable to the
integrity of the constitution. Even down to the
period of the introduction of the Reform Bill,
they continued from time to time to advocate it
with equal pertinacity. What then has since
occurred to justify them in turning, as they did
last session, a deaf ear to the question ? If
any thing, it is more necessary than ever, for
reform—as any one may see who peruses the
debates with attention—is lame, incomplete,
and deprived of more than half its efficiency,
without it. The very majority that appeared
last year against it, is the strongest possible ar-
gument in its favour, as proving that no
earthly reliance can be placed on promises
made on the hustings, so long as their con-
stituencies have no means of calling hon.
members to a speedy account. Every one
knows the origin of the Septennial Act. It was
passed immediately subsequent to MA RR'S great
rebellion in 1715, in breathless haste, from a not
unnatural apprehension that the partizans of the
STUART dynasty, then very numerous through-
out the kingdom, might by means of their own, or
foreign gold, take advantage of the frequent re-
currence of elections, to smuggle some of the
Pretender's friends into the House. The very
speed with which it was passed, proves that the
measure never was intended to be other than
temporary. It was not the result of calm, deli-
berate, protracted discussion. The whole na=
tion was in a state of ferment at the time, think-
ing but of how they might best continue the throne
in the Hanoverian family ; indeed so extreme
was the popular effervescence, that had Ministers
proposed a seventy, instead of a seven years'
duration of parliament, we think it far from
unlikely it would have been carried. But those
dangers are past now. The Stuarts are ex-
tinct, the Brunswick succession out of all risk,
consequently, it is but just and expedient that,
without loss of time, we icturn to the old form
of election, and substitute triennial parliaments,
which are recognised by the constitution, to
septennial ones which are not only foreign, but
absolutely obnoxious, to it. It is from the
Whigs too, as being the great renovators of the
frame-work of the constitution, that we feel
that we have the most right to look for an im-
provement like this. It is the supplement—
the appendix to their own favourite Reform Bill.

The French Papers of Monday, and some
dated yesterday, have been received. They
state that the good people of Frankfort are very
much interested in the affairs of Switzerland,
and the resistance made to the dictation of the
Holy Alliance with regard to the Poles and
secret societies. A Swiss paper, the Helvetie,
states that information has been given to the
government by the Swiss Charge d'Affaires
in Vienna, that when the time fixed by the
powers has expired, if their demand remain un-
attended to, they will break off all communica-
tions with Switzerland, and exclude Swiss pro-
duce from their states.

The intelligence received at Madrid of the
establishment of the Peaceful Alliance appears
to have given great joy to the Spaniards, and
not to them alone. All the friends of freedom
must rejoice at it as the best security against
the despotism of monarchs on the one hand, or
of mobs on the other. The publication of the
estatuto real had afforded great satisfaction to
the people. The French capital is, we are glad
to learn, tranquil, but some soldiers have been
arrested on account of their republicanism, and
the National Guard of Metz and Vournay, and
the Municipal Council of Chalons, have been
dissolved.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PIrtts, MAY 12.
Five per Cents., 105 f. 55c 5, c.
Three per Cents., 70f 60c. 50c.
National Loan, 105 f 40c.
Bank Actions, I,Bolif.
Renate de Naples, 9' f. 65c.
Roman Five per Cents., 9514.
Rente ti.E.pagne, Five per Cents , 2914.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 44k, .
Royal Spanish Loan, 8.%4 84%.

Brussels Papers of the 12th, and German of
the Bth instant, have been received. The former
state that three camps—two of infantry, and
one of cavalry, are to be formed in the environs
of Diest, Westwezel, and Louvain. It is stated
in the German Papers that Austria will join
the Great German Commercial Convention,
but only for the provinces to the north of the
Danube, including Vienna.

VIENNA, MAY 3.—Metall. Five per Cents., 99 ; Ditto,
Four per Cents., 89 is ; Bank Shares, I,26s.—Allgemeine
Zeitunq, May 8.

It is not generally known that the George
Canning steamer leaves Jersey for St. Malo every
Monday, returning on the following Wednesday ; and
for Granville every Friday, returning the following
Saturday. Indeed there is every facility to proceed
to France from both Guernsey and Jersey, to which
islands his Majesty's steam-packet proceeds from Wey-
mouth on Wednesday and Saturday evenings. The
south of France lays in a direct route by this line, and
it is but justice to say, the coaches to and from Wey-
mouth afford now the utmost acceleration and oppor-
tunity to passengers via Weymouth.
We feel much pleasure in contradicting
a report which has gone the round of the English
and Irish papers, stating the death of Miss Forde,
which has caused her family and friends an infinite deal
of misery. We are happy to state that this accom-
plished vocalist is not only in the perfect enjoyment of
health, but is re-engaged for the ensuing season at
Vauxhall Gardens.

LINES OCCASIONtro I3Y THE STRIKE,

1834.

844 hick to the strike of the Journeymen Tailors !
Exclaimed Trotter Tom (not the worst of all railers).
Methinks that the shop-board thus makes its complaint :
" No fat no lean buttock of sinner or saint !
" Still silent as death ! not a breath can I hear !
" What can he the cause that no workmen appear !
" Nor master nor man—all the trade at a stop !
" Dry—dusty and cold, are all things in the shop !
" No hot goose is brought us—not one drop of beet ;
" No bouncing of sleeve-boards--of seistort or shear.
" All press-cloths, and holders and bodkins at rest,
" The geese and their hooks, all asleep in their nest.
" No hissing of water—nor smack of wet finger,
" No music of shovel--or whistle or singer.
" Say good Mister Trotter—what can be the reason,
" This dullness and gloom coming thus out of season ?
" Has master no trade ?—Are all the men ill?
" Or are they for riot all sent to the mill ?
" But one day in seven it used to be thus—
" Fourteen days the men have now all kept from us !
" Is the Almanack alter'd ?—Are Sundays all told
" One by one—fifty-two—in succession close roll'd?
" 'Tis well it's not winter, but spring time in May,
" Neither fire nor candle you bring night or day."
Hold ! hold! my good friend, and your Trotter will speak,
I now come to dust you (just once in a week);
But since unto me you have made your complaint,
With questions enough to make any Flint faint
'Tis clear you have not yet been out of the doors,
Nor seen Tailors saunt'ring by squads and by scores.
Nothing know ye at all of the late sad disasters,
The war that is waged between them and their masters ;
The men think their masters no longer should rule,
But bow to the lessons they teach in their school ;
These Knights of the Steel-bar insist on more leisure,
To make or mend matters at their sov'reign pleasure
Trades' Union is now all the talk of the day,
And desfruction is threaten'd to all who say nay.
" But, Trotter, pray tell us—does grey-headed John?
" Old politic Bill, and his man-o'-wax son ?
" Does fifth-size-sharp Jerry, and bright-thimble Burn,
" And Spectacled Bob, the old saint—that way turn?
" Can these and the rest, both single and married,
" By folly and sin be so easily carried
" To join with the mad-headed radical crew,
" Who have their self-emolument only in view ?
0 yes, answer'd Trotter, they all have agreed,
From choice, or through terror, to follow the lead!
But tell you I must, ere I wish you " good night,"
What master has said (and he surely is right)—
" Who revere not the King, and who disregard God,
" Let them pause ere they suffer the weight of his rod?"
ONE OF THE COMMITTEE OF MASTER TAILORS,

KING'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)

BROOKES V. HARPER.

This was an action on a bill of cxehange for 1901., the
defence to which was that the bill was void in consequence
of the date having been altered after it was accepted by a
person named Head.

The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff for 1901. and
11/. ss. interest; also finding specially that the alteration
of the date was made by the consent of all parties.

DOE ON THE DEMISE OF GEEVES V. JONES.

This was an action of ejectment to recover possession of
a small cottage at Hendon, and ,he jury found a verdict
for the plaintiff.

NUGEE V. BROWN AND OTHERS.
This was an action brought by the proprietor of a house
in Jermyn-street, St. James's, and as an hotel by the
tenant, named Bridger, whose assignees the defendants
were, to recover damages for certain delapidations alleged
to have been committed by Mr. Bridger.
After several witnesses had been examined, the learned
judge suggested that a verdict should be given for the
plaintiff for 20/., to which all parties agreed.