The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-12 00:00:00

NOVEMBER 1 1851.,)
N°.lB 4521
LONDON WEDNESDAY k- .
:
'41••
7
S - v 7

- .
This day is published, the Second Edition, greatly enlarged, price
Half-a-Crown.
HOW to EMPLOY CAPITAL in WESTERN
IRELAND : being Answers to few Practical Questicon-
on
upon the Manufacture of Beet Sugar, Fla sx, and Chicory, in s
nexion with a Land Investment in the West of Ireland.
By WILLIAM DIGBY SEYMOUR, Esq.,
of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law.
London: John Hearne, 81, Straw. ; James Ridgway, 169, Picc,,-
dilly; and Effingham Wilson, 11, Royal Exchange. Dublin: Hodges
and Smith, Grafton-strcet.

THE ARTISAN CLUB ON THE STEAM ENGINE.
The Third Edition, in One Volume, 4to, with 30 Steel Plates and 349
Wood Engravings, prtce 275. cloth,
ATREATISE on the STEAM ENGINE, in
its Application to Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, and Rail-
ways. By tha Artisan Club. Edited by JOHN BOURNE, C.E.
" The great merit of the present work is the vast quantity of in-
formation which it affords as to details of construction. In
store this ref
e-
spect it seems unrivalled. . • . . It contains a vast
Invalua bl e facts."—Civit Engineer and Architect's Journal.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.

CCAUTION.—In consequence of several parties
selling a Sauce under the appellation of "RELISH," A.
SO Ell respectfully acquaints the nobility and public, that the only
Relish ade by him has his Portrait on the Bottle, and also the
names ofm his wholsale agents, CROSSE and BLACKWELL.
Gore House, Kensington, April 22, 1831.

AT HALF-PAST FIVE, instead of SIX,
TABLE D'HOTE at the NELL GWYNNE TAVERN
Bull-in-court, Strand. Fish mid Joints, 2s. Hot Joints until Eight,
Suppers until One o'clock. Messrs. ARCHER and HOLT guarantee
a Good Dinner with Comfort and Economy.
Visitors to the Metropolis, Citizens, and Gentlemen in Public
Offices, as well as the Legal Profession, will find the hostiery
of
Nelly to be the most convenient Tavern in London, being in the very
centre of it, and sell urrounded by all places of public amusement.
Gwyn ne's Punch in perfection.

LAURENT'S CASINO.
ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Wind mill-street,
St. James's, is OPEN every Evening for the Winter Season.
Llurent's well-known and celebrates Band, principal Cornet-ii-
Piston, M. Boulcourt.
During the recess the Rooms have been re-decorated, and many
improvements made, under the sole (Ili ection of Mr. Bryer.
Doors open at Half-Past Eight, to commence at Nine o'clock.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.

BRITISH COLLEGE of HEALTH,
NEW-ROAD, LONDON.
MORISON'S VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINE.
None are genuine unless they come direct from the College, as
above, with the words " Morison's Universal Medicines," engraved
on the Government Stamp.
See List of duly authorised Agents. This caution is highly neces-
sary. No chemists or druggists are authorised to sell Morison's
Pills.

MORISON and CO., llygeists.

(Signed)

----------
TIIE SILENT FRIEND.
IN SIX LANGUAGES—FORTIETH EDITION.
CO CTAINING THE REMEDY FOR PREVENTION OF DISEASE.
astrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings.
)S PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVII LNC,A-
PACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE.
Now Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, price 22. 6d. by post, from
A.
the Establishment, 3s. 6d. In stamps.
grim SILENT FRIEND, a Medicaml Workduced by
on
the exhaustion and physical decay of the syste, pro
sacessive Indulgence, the consequences of infection, or the abuse of
mercury, with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fol-
lowed by observations on Marriage, ana the disvaliiica which
prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. Bytions R. and L.
PERRY and CO., Consulting, Surgeons, 19, Berners-street, Oxford-
street, London. Sold by Strange, 21, Paternoster-row ; Hannay,
63, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street ; Gordon,l46,Leadonhall-street; d
;
Barclay, 95, Farringdon-strect ; W. Sutton, 10, Bow Chu
Chea rch-yar
W. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's Chirch-yard ;
Butler, 4, pside ; R.
Johnson, 68, Cornhill ; and Simptin, Stationer? mace Hurt.Hurt.
ct lye
rAla treats of the anatomy and physiology of e-prodn
Organ, and is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings.
PAnT 11. treats of the consequences resulting from excessiv
ue
cin in-
in!rence, and their lamentable effects on the system, prodg
mental and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative
hicapacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings.
PAST M. treats of the diseases resulting from inention, either In
Inc primary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions for
their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 Coloured Engrav-
nge.
PAST nr. containg a Reined for the Prevention of Disease by a
simple application, by he danger of infection is obviated.
PAx V. is devoted to the consideration of marriego, and its du-
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Tits CoxulAL BALI! SitIIIMIUM is exclusively employed in
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per bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, an anti-syhilitic
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oer box, a certain remedy for gonorrhoea, gleet, stricture, and
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if by ,
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1/. A. minute detail of the case is required: age, habits posi-
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Surgeons, are in attendance, daily, at 19, Berners-street, Oxford-
street, Louden. from Eleven till Two, and Five to Eight ; on Sun-
d gy3 from Eleven to One.

MEDICAL ADVICE ON THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
YOUT il AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVING ON
ch, STE
SP Wish,
anish, and
L.
Just published, in French, English, GermanS , Dut
Italian, in a Sealed Envelope, 2s. 6d., or post-free from the Author
for Forty-two Stamps,
SE 1.11
Medical -PRE SEE, V A TION; a
Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on the
Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Maturity, usually ac-
quired at an early period of life, which destroy the physical and
mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural feelings, and ex-
haust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical Observations on
the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of Nervous Debill-
lity, Local and Constitutional Weakness,
Syphilis, Str
Diseases and derangements resulting from Indiscretion, as adopted
by Lallemand, Ricord, and other eminent members of the faculty of
France. With Fifty coloured Engravings, illustrating the Anatomy,
Physiology, and Diseases of the Reproductive Organs, explaining
their structures, uses, and functions, and the various injuries that
arc produced in them SAMUEL L solityA'MEßT, Id.D. habits, excesses, aml infection.
By,
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON.
Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Edin-
burgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society,
Licentiate of Apothecaries' ladeondon, Member of the Hunterlan
Medical Society of Edinburg,. &C.
This work contains a plain and complete description of the ana-
tomy and physiology of the reproductive orgaert,ns, awho hasnd of thetaken the
ir relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'M
highest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man
who has exclusively, amid for mammy years, devoted his studies to the
treatment of these complaints. Ile may be consulted with advati-
tege by all those whose constitutions may have become debilitated
through secret practices acquired in youth, or by the excesses of
later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, tha objects of
marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered a term of unceas-
ing misery and regret.
Pater-
Pub-}shedl lily the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49,
nesterrow; Hannay, 6:3, Oxford-street ; Starie, Titchborne-street,
Haymarket Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street; Mann, 23, Cornhill ;
or free by post for firty-two stamps, from the author's residence,
who may be consulted bn these disorders personally, or by letter,
daily, from Ten till Two• and from Six till Eight. .
' - --------' '''-'^".--'''''—'---•t---. -"-'—"---------"'"- ' - ---'--------------

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.
DORCRESTER AND EXETER COAST EX-
TENSION.
We noticed some days ago the numerous and influen-
tial meeting of landowners at Aiminster, at which a very
cordial feeling was expressed in further4nce of this
undertaking.
We understand that the committee of landowners and
other locally interested is now formed for the purpose of
brings
ing n before Parliament i the coming session a Bill
to authorise the construction of the line; and we are
informed that the support of the Lords of the Admiralty
and of another leading department of G
moter the overnment has
be
been already intimated to the pros as ready to
given when they come before the Legislature.
This line, it is proposed, shall extend from Dor-
chester to Exeter, and it will complete the connexion
by railway between the various ports on the south
coat from Dover to Plymouth, including Folk-
stone, Newhaven; Brighton, Shoreham, Portsmouth,
Southampton, Poole, Weymouth, and Bridport.
The telegraphic communication of Portsmouth and
Plymouth will thus become instantaneous, and in
a national point of view we know of no more im-
portant link in our southern railway chain than that
which will be thus completed. The fact, as it is stated
to be, that the line from Southampton to Dorchester
having been found, after the experience of four years, to
pay a return of between 5 and 6 per cent. upon the ca-
pital authorised for its construction, has been a leading
feature in the calculation of the promoters of the exten-
sion line. The statement of the promoters of the line is,
that the connexion of the large termini of Southampton
and Exeter will produce a larged between Southamp-
e than that
which has been already
and exeriencd
orchester,the provisional contracts into
ton an D
which they have entered with well-known and respon-
sible contractors assure them, as they state, of a limited
expenditure not exceeding 500,0001., and of a secure in-
come of 4i per cent. upon that outlay, with a sufficient
margin of profit to the cont to lors to secscalure t
forhe etli-
the
; cient working of the line upon liberal e
public.
The promoters of this measure have reFeived, wo are I
informed, the approval of the board o! directors of the
South-
Western Railway, in consequence of the large
accession to the revenue of that company which the ex-
tension of their Dorsetshiro line will necessarily involve,
and which it is calcniated will increase the dividend of
the South-Western Railway Company by about 9s. per
1001. share of the Consolidated Stock.
We understand that Lord de Mauloy ho has recently
, w
conducted the negotiations with the French Govern-
ment with such success for the public establOiment of
the inter-national electric telegraph, has taken the lead
in the committee of this coast railway; and wo have no
doubt that the mercantile community will show their
confidence in the measure which the promoters of this
railway, under his Lordship's guidance, appear to have
so judiciously commenced.

r A
DvERTISEMEFT J.—_ T
HE
I powerful waistcoat-
A valuable newly. invented very Mel.a person can be
pocket glass, the size of a walnut, theywhie r every pur-
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tr scenery,
on the race-course, at the opera-housei, coun
ROYAL
and ships, are clearly seen at 12 to 14. miles,y atchetyingar,e in,
valuable for Shooting, Deer Stalking,
Sportsmen, Gentlemen, Game Keepers, and Tourists— To be
had at Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians, 39, Al
berrnarle:
street, Piccadilly, opposite the' York Hotel. . Telese6Pes
ime in g
new and most important invention in telescopes han
such extraordinary powers, that some, 3i inches, vnt ,
extra eye piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn s
Ring. and the double stars, with the same Telescope, weighingi
only three ounces, can be seen a person's countenance, 33/4 pies
distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles, they supersede
every other kind for the Waistcoat pocket, and are of larger,
and all sizes with increasing powers accordingly. Opera and
Race-course glasses, with wonderful powers ;an object can be
clearly seen from 14 to 16 miles distant. Messrs. S. and 13.
Sozoluolis Opticians, have invented invaluable preserving
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Per-
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its youthful, natural and original state. The Invisible Or-
ganic Vibrator, and all kinds of acoustic instruments for relief
of extreme deafness. 39, Albemarle-street, Picc4dilly, oppo-
ai44 the York Hotel.

KOSSUTH IN THE PROVINCES.
MANCHESTER, TUESDAY AFTERNOON.
Kossuth, accompanied by M. Puisky and M. Hijnick,
left Birmingham by the half-past eight o'clock train this
morning, but owing to the early hour, and it not being
generally known when he would leave Birmingham,
very few persons were assembled to see him. No de-
monstration was made along the line, until the arrival
of the train at Stafford, where some forty or fifty indi-
viduals, assembled on the platform, did their best to get
up a chefs, and two or three persons whilst the train
was stopping, entered into conversation with Kossuth,
inquiring after the state of his health, asking him when
he would return, in order that they might bring their
friends to welcome hire, and expressing a hope that ere
long he would favour Stafford with a specimen of his
eloquence. One little red-headed individual made him-
self particularly conspicuous by the number of questions
which he asked, and appeared highly delighted at
being honoured with an answer, rubbing his hands and
skipping about the platform in a very extraordinary
manner. From Stafford to Crewe no manifestation of
feeling took place at any of the stations, with the
exception of the staring of a few rustics; but at the
latter station, where the train stopped for nearly ten
minutes, a large number of persons were assembled, who
loudly cheered Kossuth, many of the people clinging to
the compartment of the carriage in which he was sitting,
and forcing their heads and hands in at the window in a
most unseemly manner, which seemed highly disagree-
able to the illustrious foreigner and his companions. Fe-
male curiosity was particularly developed at this station,
the train starting with a lady standing on the step, and
clinging to the window of the off side of the carriage—.
a position which might have been attended with dange-
rous if not fatal consequences, but for her being per-
ceived by one of the porters, who crossed the line, and
helped her down before the train was got into speed. At
Sandbach there was a cheer by some dozen people for
„Kossuth and liberty." The various small stations be-
tween this point and Stockton were passed with very
little notion appearing to bo entertained that such a per-
son as Kossuth was in existence, but at Stockport a
large number of people were assembled, who received
him with the utmost enthusiasm ; a similar scene being
repeated at Heaton Norris, the next station. At Levens-
hohne, where only three or four persons were assem-
bled, a gentleman in private costume stepped up to
Kossuth'a carriage, and, holding out his hand, said,
" Will you allow an English colonel to shako hands with
you?" a request which was cordially responded to. At
the ticket station, Manchester, Mr. George Wilson, the
chairman of the committee, Mr. Henry, M.P., Mr. Ker-
shaw, M.P., Mr. Heywood, M.P., and other members of
the committee, joined the train, which proceeded slowly
down to the station, where a large number of persons
were assembled to receive Kossuth, which they did with
bowl cheers. and other demontrations of delight.
Upon Kossuth alighting from the train, Madame de
Meree, an Hungarian lady, rushed from the crowd, and,
throwing her arms around his neck, minted him with
greet fervour. She afterwards held up her child, whom
Kossuth kissed. As soon as Kossuth could be freed from
the crowd who pressed around him, shaking him warmly
the hand, he was handed into an open carriage, drawn
by four gray horses. Mr. Wilson, Mr. Henry, and Mr.
Kershaw accompanied him; and the other members of
the committee, with Mr. Mandersberg, followed him in
other carriages. Upon emerging from the station,
which it did at ten minutes to one, the cortege was met
by a procession of working men, with banners and a
band of music, who accompanied it through Picca-
dilly, Market-street, Victoria-street, Hunts-bank,
and B. idge-street, to Cheetham-end-road, the
whole line of route from this point being com-
pletely 'packed with people, who loudly cheered
Kossuth, as his carriage proceeded towards its destina-
tion. Here the carriages were separated from the pro—
cession, and proceeded at a brisk trot to Woodlands, near
Crumpsell Hall, at the summit of Cheetham Hill, about
four miles from Manchester, where it arrived shortly
before three o'clock. The lawn in front of Mr. Henry's ,
house, and various parts of the road from Manchester, ,
were also occupied with large numbers of the people,
who were incessant in their cheering. Some few, but
only a few, houses on the lino of procession were deco- ,
rated with flags and evergreens, but we did not see a
single Hungarian colour.
Large numbers of people have come into the town to-
day, by trains from Sheffield, Leeds, Preston, Ashton,
Bradford, Liverpool, and other places, and it is stated
that very many applicants have been disappointed in
obtaining tickets for the Free Trade Hall to-night--the
committee having limited the issue to 8,000, the number
which it is estimated it will hold without causing any
great inconvenience to those attending.
It is also stated that the demonstration of the working
classes, this morning, would have been much greater but
for the shortness of the notice which they received as to
the time when Kossuth might be expected—no person
being aware of it until Mr. Geech telegraphed that that
gentleman had loft Birmingham by the 8.30 train.
MANCHESTER, TUESDAY NIGHT.
A most extraordinary scene presented itself in the
Free Trade Hall, Peter-street, this evening. The build-
ing, which is the largest in Manchester, and calculated
to hold between 7,000 and 8,000 people, was densely
crowded by hall-past five o'clock, although the time
for meeting Kossuth was fixed for seven o'clock, and
parties were only admitted by ticket; indeed, the doors
had not been opened five minutes before every spot in
the body of the hall was filled, the overflow from which
almost as speedily crowded the galleries. The time
prior to the meeting commencing was occupied with nu-
merous fights and oneutes, occasioned by the attempts of
various parties to secure better seats than they had ori-
ginally obtained; indeed, at one time this hall, which
stands on the site where what is generally known as the
battle of Peterloo took place in August, 1819, in conse-
quence of the late Mr, Hunt holding one of his Radical
meetings in Manchester, bid fair to become the scene of
almost as disastrous results as those which distinguished
that unfortunate rencontre.
At ten minutes past • seven o'clock Mr. G. Wilson
took the chair—the platform being decorated with the
Hungarian colours and the Union Jack. Mr. Wilson
was accompanied by Kossuth, who was received with the
most deafening cheers we ever beard. M. Pulzky, M.
Llijnick, Mr. Ker Shaw, M.P., Mr. Ileyworth, M.P., Mr.
BrighteM.P., Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P.,. Mr, Perfect,
M.P., .Mr. Henry, M.P., Mr. Pilltington Sac..
When silence had been somewhat restored,
Mr. WILSON took his place in the chair, and pro-
ceeded to say—Ladies and gentlemen, we are met.tro-
night for the purpose of presenting an address, .to be
passed at this meeting, and addresses passed 'eliewhor.e
to Louis Kossuth—(Fleur, hear)—late
a prisoner in
Asia---(Hear)—now an illustrious visitor in England,
and shortly to became a welcome patriot and sacred
guest in the United States.—(Loud cheers.) 'Notwith-
standing this magnificent meeting—this great assemb-
lage--I do not doubt that there are in this town some
few individuals in whom this meeting has excited some.
anxiety, and who regard it with no feelings of admire-
tion.—(flear, hear, and hisses. Three grr
loans for Pot-
ter.) They are few, very few indeed, fo can appeal
to every man and woman present, whether within the
whole range of their experience they ever know
an. oc-
casion so devoid of discord—(Hear, hear)—where on-
cord reigned so universally—(llear, her)—where men
of all shades—men of all parties—men of all opinions
in politics and in religion—(Hear, hear)—united as they
have done on this occasion in welcoming our iltustrleas
visitor.—(Cheers.) And if it be only for one moment
replied, that because—whether wisely or not I shall not
take upon myself to discuss—if it be for one moment
supposed that because the head of the corporation of
Itlsnchester—(Hisses)—thought it inexpedient to invite
Kossuth, acting in all probability prudently, or in all
probability discreetly—if it be replied for one moment,
as it has been stated in the papers, that because the
invitation proceeded not from the Town Hall,
the merchants of Manchester, the traders of
Manchester, ay, every man, from the merchant
in his counting-house
,to the weaver at his
looom—(Hear, hear)—that he is not the welcome
guest of the people of Manchester in consequence of the
invitation not having proceeded from the Town-hall—
then I call en you as my witnesses to the contrary—
(llear, hear.) I ask you if ever visitor was more wet-
come?—(No, never)—was ever guest more solicited to
be present?—(Hear, hear.) If ever man could treat—
I
will not say with contempt—but could smile at the
impotent attempts to disconnect his acceptation of our
invitation, to disconnect it from the opinion of the people
cif Manchester—if ever man could smile at that, it is my
illustrious friend near me.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, we
will not for one moment stop to ask the question how
it is that this illustrious individual, scarcely three weeks
in this country, has contrived, within that time, to
draw around him sympathy of men who never before, by
the merest chance, directed their attention to foreign
politics. How is it that in all our houses, in every do-
mestic circle in the kingdom, his name is familiar in
their mouths as household words, familiar topics of dis-
course, ay, in those circles by the domestic firesides of
England, from which, beyond all, politics are excluded.
Why, how is it that an enthusiasm has accompanied
him wherever he has appeared, greater than all the
crowned heads of Europe—more enthusiasm—more
spontaneous than all the monarchs of England save
our own could command--(Loud cheers)—and
all their appliances to boot, if they attempted
it ? How is this? Why the answer is this,
I grant you may fill our streets with numbers—crowds;
you may for a time surround any object of celebrity with
multitudes of admirers; but you can no more create the
deep-toned enthusiasm which we have had to-day than
you can control the winds of heaven—(Cheers)—unless
the object of interest has been closely identified with the
interests of humanity. And on the long roll of those
whose illustrious deeds have immortalised them in all
ages, what greater name do you find than that of the
illustrious gentleman near me? A more reasoning and
reasonable admiration, a better regulated enthusiasm
than this, I never knew. We are all familiar with what
be has done in Hungary—we all know the condition of
the internal affairs of Hungary before he applied the
renserces of his powerful mine and its natural develop-
rasnt, and the position it occupied during the period
when he became its governor. He found a nation op-
pressed, bowed down under tie hand of oppression, he

found a race of exacting nobles, tad by his peaceful in-
fluenco, his persuasive powers, he induced them to relax
their grasp ou two thirds of the land of the country,
and to confer on 500,000 of their population the right of
freedom. He found class legislation prevailing—class
legislation was abolished; one of ;he greatest acts of his
life was to induce his Government to make taxes equally
to be) paid in proportion to the moms of the individual.
He induced a large extension of tie franchise, civil dis-
abilities were done away with, internal tranquillity
reigned, the Diet of Hungary and r:ranst Ivania united—
the whole signed end sealed and csefirmed in 1848. He
liberated the industry of his country, and ono of his
mandates had issued from this hall—ho decreed the
trade of Hungary free.—(Elear.) Now this has been
called revolution. I ask whether those measures which
he passed, considering the opportunities for passing
them, considering the means at his command—whether
those measures would not have made the reputation of
half-a-dozen Cabinets in our oen country ?—(Eicar.)
Well, ho did more—ho roused his countrymen by his
unrivalled eloquence. The Emperor of Austria was his
king, and he acknowledged the; he never wished to
throw di' his allegiance; the Emperor of Austria vio-
lated all his sworn pledges, and tit threw off his allegi-
ance.—(Cheers.) And will you tell me that Louis Kos-
suth, whether in prison at We'd—whether by his humble
labours as a journalist—whether as the head of the ex-
ecutive government of his country, or as the governor
of the country—proved himself a seeker for personal
aggrandizement, but only of the great interests of hu-
manity? He resisted the asteressions on Hungary as
long as it was in his power. He fell under the influence
of treachery and Russian despotism, and if ho was
magnanimous in his success, so he Allorious in his mis-
fortunes.—(Hear, hear.) And if you will tell me that,
contrasting his life and history with shat of all great
men whose names have been before you, you cannot
accord to him the highest honour, I would say to the
gentlemen here from America to-night, Go home by
the next packet, pull down the monument to Washing-
ton, burn your pictures of the declaration of indepen-
dence in America, for you may then declare that Rus-
sian interference is a dispensation of Providence, and
Austrian murders aro the decisions of Heaven.
Mr. ROBINSON. the secretary of the committee of ma-
nagement, proceeded to read the following address from
the people of Manchester:—
" It is with no common feelings of congratulation that
th© people of Manchester hail your presence amongst
them on this occasion. We tender you a hearty wel-
come in earnest thankfulness, that you have survived the
perils of a long imprisonment, and are now beyond the
reach of that despotism which, in the inveteracy of its
hatred to your person, only testifies how deeply it has
been made to feel the terror of your name. That name
is now historically identified with the most memorable)
struggle which modern times have witnessed, to vindi-
cate the constitutional rights and freedom of a great and
brave people. With the cause of Hungary we have sym-
pathised through every phase of her fortunes. We
watched with intense interest the commencement
and saw with profound grief the sad termina-
tion of her heroic conflict with oppressors. To
you, air, as the champion of your country's in-
dependence—as the statesman who, through long years of
self-devotion, sustained with unrivalled energy and elo-
quence, a patriotic and constitutional resistance to the
encroachments of despotism, we tender the expression
of our warmest admiration. The present state of the
continent of Europe, where the brutceforce combination
of military armaments threatens to overwhelm every
vestige of liberty, renders it the imperative duty of
every free state to manifest their abhorrence of the
tyrrany that would usurp all rights and ignore all du-
ties, in blind defiance of the sacred obligations that
reason and justice proclaim as the first conditions of
civilized governments. In your person we recognise a
living protest against those principles of despotism
which have ever teen most abhorrent to the national
sense and traditional aspirations of the people of this
country. We would, through you, make known to
Europe and the world our inextinguishable hatred of
oppression; and uniting our voices with the great ver-
dict which history will hereafter pronounce on the mo-
mentous events in which you have played so distin-
guished a part, we would invoke for Hungary, as we now
pray Heaven to accord to yourself, a future worthy of
the lofty aims which have been the guiding star of your
great career."
MY. BRIGHT, M.P., then rose amidst loud cheers to
propose the adoption of the address just read and pre-
sented to Louis Koasuth. lie felt the utmost confidence
ha should have the unanimous and enthusiastic support
of the meeting.—(Cheers.) Whatever any person
without the walls cf this 'meeting might say, he had no
doubt the guiding sentiment which bad collected that
meeting, together was the true and sincere) love of liberty
of every nation, of every name, of every colour.—(Loud
cheers.) They were there to acknowledge the justice of
those principles which, in this country, luckily, for ages
they had not to contend for.—(Cheers.) Ile looked
upon their illustrious guest as the greatest champion of
liberty of this or any age.—(Cheers.) He had excited
in this and other countries an admiration greater than
that felt for any crowned head of continental Europe.—
(Cheers.) By his speeches since he bad come to this
country ho had excited universal admiration.—(Cheers.)
Bat even this great man, he regretted to say, had been
assailed day by day by the breath of slander.---(Loud
groans for the Times.) Ho had escaped the prison
—he had escaped the executioner—yet morning after
morning columns of slander had been published to order
—(Cheers)--paid for, he supposed, at about 51. ss. a
column.—(Cheers and laughter.) The last attack of
that journal accused Kossuth of being a republican and
an advocate of universal suffrage.—(Cheers and laugh-
ter.) Now, imperfect as the government of this country
was, they still enjoyed liberty; and across the Atlantic,
under another form of government, they also enjoyed
liberty.—(Cheers.) They were not there to acknow-
ledge Kossuth as a monarchist or republican, but as the
friend of liberty—(Cheers)—and the attacks of male-
volence would have no effect upon him.—(Cheers.) But
other persons were also slandered for taking part in these
demonstrations; the friends of peace, of non-interven-
tion, were accused of inconsistency.—(Cheers.) He yet
hoped to see the cause of Hungary free, 'nape would be
the last to take part in any movement :for fanning the
spark of war into a flame.—(Cheers.) But was there no
force in opinion. Let them recollect what had been
done through that hall, for what it had been built, and
that the result had been the making a landed aristo-
cracy, greater than in anyo thor country, succumb, and
a giant felony broken down.—(Cheers.) If war was
inevitable and the good problematical, the evil
was aways certain. Since the peace of 1814 all
royal promises and constitutions of continental 'coun-
tries lead been broken or trampled under foot.—(Hear.)
Yet kings and emperors had not gained strength, but
the people had. The year 1348 had shown them the
hand-writing on the wall. They had lately seen some
revelations by a talented Member of Parliament relative
to Naples—(Cheers)---and although it was not admitted,
the Governments of Naples and Italy feared the name
of Mazzini.—(Cheers.) Go to Hungary, go to Vienna,
and see how the young Emperor, surrounded by 500,000
troops, occasionally turned pale, and what was the cause?
--(Hear, hoar.) Why, he feared the name of their noble
guest.—(Cheers,) The old Governments of Europe- wore
now mouldering to dust, and the Emperor of Austria
could not raise so much money as any Manchester mer-
chant could lend him.—(Cheers.) The principle of
liberty was advancing fast, and Mr. Cobden had done
more good by calling the meeting in London against
foreign loans than over was done by armies or navies.—
(Cheers.) All the tyranny in the world would not pre-
vent the record of these meetings reaching Hungary, by
moans of the newspapers and railways spreading through
tho world, which were the greatesteiviliaers that could be
imagined. Hungary demanded their sympathy—and so
did Sicily—so did Rome—so did Piedmont. But their
own hands were sailed. In 1836 they had a fleet on
the coast of Spain to interfere between rival intestine
parties—in 1837 they had a fleet on the coast
of Syria intervening between the Sultan of Turkey and
the Pacha of Egypt; and in 1847 they intervened to sup-
port the dynasty of Portugal against the people. Then,
again, the Government of this country had not only not
protested against the infamous intervention of France
with Rome, but supported it—and even in the House of
Commons the intervention of Russia in Hungary had
been defended.—(Cheers.) What they wanted was, that
the Foreign-office should be swept out with no friendly
hand—the secret system of diplomacy, in which the
peeple had no power, and know nothing of what was 1
eavlelrwbaesencoemonpilmetiettde,dhiandthdeonwooralldl—thtehomugisi;
cgthhoeiienFtg.ct)horenaitguinitia-todilflice was as well conducted now as it ever
was _(Cheers.) This cplosutnitturyti,oltrs:etvoerra,ihseadthtehireemoliossniioens
to complete their own - ,,
so as to make them fit for greittt and free nations,—
(Cheers)—and to go into Europe= with clean hands to
dateraimarnsdotfhaatnoontheecro.f(hotcryeehros.)nld itot interfere with the
The Hon. Gentleman
concluded by expressing his sy achy with Hungary,
tlii
and wishing that she might yet r cover from her ashes,
and become one of the greatest a d most glorious na-
tions on the face of the earth.—( eers.)
Aix., seconds, the resolution, which
Mr. KERSHAW,
was carried amidst the greatest as most uproarious ap-
plause.
The CHAIRMAN then presente the address to Kos-
suth, amidst applause which last several minutes.
The address having been again ead,
tLeytnep,resented, amidst loud cheers,
Bury, Burnley, Denton, its.c.;
fGroeAmmdAdarnsehgatsiens:weuenesrdeferrnOm the German refugees, Halifax,
Heywood, Liverpool,
hgeeseter Co
sadm-
o r dittok tp
classes Hungarian
Tvlttaonftet
mittee, Manchester W g,
Salford Temperance
chdale, Society Potteries , Oldham,(from Polish a
meetin Refugeg
e
held at Hanley), Stockport, ,
Wrexham and the students
of the Independent College, Manchester.
Legion, Preston, Ro
The following is the address of the Manchester Work-
ing Men's Association, presented by a deputation:—
" TO HIS EXCELLENCY LOUIS KOSSUTH, LATE GOVER-
NOR OF HUNGARY.
ng classes of Manchester, bid you
welcyour restoration to comparative freedom. The noble
Womee ttobE knwgloarndi, and hail with joy and gratitude
conduct of the llungarien people, who were aided by
the brave Poles,
and guided by your wisdom and ex-
erience, has won an imperishable fame for their
noble country. Ia testifying the delight that
your presence amongst us occasions, we would
express the gratitude and admiration which the con-

duct of the Sultan of Turkey has excited in the minds
of the English people, in common with the enlightened
of all nations; may he live long in happiness and dio
in peace. We thank you for the avowal of your ap-
proval of the principles of universal suffrage, and for
your declaration that nothing shall separate you from
the cause of the people. We consider you the just and
impartial friend of those free institutions whin equally
protect the rights of property and of labour. Experience
has already convinced us that the just cause of Hungary
has no geographical limits, and we trust time will shortly
prove that despotic boundaries cannot permanently bur-
round that cause. We are thus confident in your
country's cause, and of its ultimate success, from a con-
viction that it is the struggle of European civilizstion—
the struggle of knowledge against ignorance—of moral
and intellectual power against brute force and des-
potism. We regret, Sir, that tyranny has for a
time, impeded the efforts of your country; but
thanks to the devoted heroism of her brave
sous, it has not, and we believe cannot, finally
conquer her. The sword and the pen have been alike
nobly employed in the defence of your country, by the
power of which she has entitled herself to rank her battle
grounds in history with Marathon and Runnymede;
and, by your fearless use of the more peaceful weapon,
you have done all that man could do, in the absence of a
free press, to awaken in your nation an enthusiestie de-
sire for the blessings of a free constitution. We desire,
Sir, to express our opinion that the manifest treasons of
the perjured house of Hapsburg have for over deprived
that 'louse of all title to the loyalty and obedience
which Hungary has so long and so faithfully rendered;
and we rejoice to know that your nation has determined
to resume its national independence, and assure you
that our prayers and hopes are for the succors of your
cause. We thank you, Sir, that by your example and
glorious exertions, you have raised the drooping hopes
and strengthened the brotherhood of struggling people,
and have enlisted for your country's cause the sympathy
of all nations, making your honoured name the watch-
word of liberty. We regard the Russo-Austrian war
against the liberty of your nation as a violation of its
independent constitution, and a disgrace to those de-
spotic Governments; and wo believe there can be no
lasting peace in Europe, no progression of free institu-
tions, no real freedom of commerce, no true contentment
of the people, so long as Hungary, Poland, or Italy
shall remain under the tyranny of the Governments
who now enslave those struggling countries, and retard
the progress of European civilisation. The falling
despots of Europe have obtained the aid and protection
of Russia; we warn them to pause in time; the progress
of knowledge will prove invincible against their
machinations, and if they will not listen to the voice
of reason, they must, ere long, submit to the sword of
justice. We are gratified to hear from you that your
nation regards the sympathy of our country as the hope
of oppressed nations; but while we beg you to believe
that our sympathy shall never be denied the oppressed,
permit us to assure you that we, in common with the
people of the civilized world, rest our hopes for the free-
dom of your people, and ultimately of the other nations
suffering under like tyranny, in you, noble Kossuth, and
in your self-sacrificing and patriotic exertions. We cor-
dially bid you hope on—struggle on—remembering that
' to him who wills nothing is impossible.' In conclusion,
we beg to express our hope that you and your amiable
family may shortly be restored to your country, and
there enjoy that contentment and happiness which can
alone be secured through the influence of the tree and
enlightened institutions of your native land.
" MICHAEL PAKTOH, Chairman.
" Committee-room, Cotton Tree Inn,
Nov. 10th, 1851."
Kossuez rose, and was received with long and loud
cheering. With the view of being more distinctly heard,
he took his place in front of the table instead of at the
chairman's right, After the usual introductory re-
marks, he proceeded to say that, since his
arrival on England's happy shores he had had
many opportunities for the pronunciation of public
opinion in respect of a question, the solution of
which was evidently marked out by Providence to be
the test of our time—a question which must decide the
fate of mankind for centuries to come. The question
was of no scanty interest. It did not involve the fate
of indie iduals, or of particular countries. It was
of universal interest, and ho held that every country
and every individual were interested in its solu-
tion. He would repeat that all were equally interested
in the question. There may be differences as to the
succession of time in which one or other of the nations
may be affected, but affected they must be. One nation
may be affected a day sooner than another; that was a
mere question of time, but no country or nation, how-
ever proud, could escape from the consequences. He
need scarcely say, that the question was whether
Europe should be ruled by the principles of freedom or
of despotism, or to bring home, in a more practical way
to their generous hearts the idea of freedom and of
despotism, he would ask whether England should be
ruled by the principle of centralisation or the prin-
ciple of self-government, because self-government was
freedom, centralisation was absolutism.—(Cheers.) Shall
freedom die away for centuries, and mankind become
nothing more than a blind instrument of ambition, or
shall servitude be wiped away from their brows? He
would say a thousand times—No 1 It was a mythical
struggle between heaven and hell. There could be no
middle course. Tu be blessed or to be damned was the
alternative. Death may reach us; but either fate was
inevitable. Like en object which gradually loomed
through the mist the spirit of the future began to be
dimly seen. There were some persons who endeavoured
to make it appear that the demonstrations of sympathy
which had been drawn forth were merely in honour of
himself. That was putting the question upon the nar-
row basis of personalty. They would make it appear
that it was nothing more than a matter of fashion, a
transitory ebullition of personal feeling like a mo-
mentary bubble, or at the utmost a tribute of
admiration to a gallant people, who had suffered
in a just cause. It was not so, but he would repeat
that, humble as ho was, no nation could disregard his
words with safety. He would assert that the demon-
strations which had taken place originated in the in-
stinctive feeling of the people, that the destinies of man-
kind were coming to a turning-point for centuries. It
was the cry of alarm at the approach of danger. It was
the instinct of self-preservation, under the conviction
that the struggle of Europe was drawing near. That
was the real state of the case. It was not he, a humble
individual,tthat was endeavouring to raise a new feeling
on the subject. He was nothing bet the opportunity
which had brought out the hidden spark, the pro-ex-
isting apprehension of danger. All nations bad burst
forth in a common cry of alarm. Else how explain tho
universality of these demonstrations, not restricted to a
single people or state, but spreading through the world,
like the pulsation of ono heart—like the shock of an
electric battery. Were these addresses the result of his
coming to England? Was he entitled to claim to himself
the merit of these demonstration which had not been re-
stricted even to England, not even to the glorious re-
public of the United States, but from Italy and France, the
noble-minded garrison of Gibraltar, the warm-hearted
Portuguese, from Belgium, and even from Sweden. Was
this accident—was it fashion—was it personal? What
was he that he should call forth such demonstrations of
opinion? Neither his past, his present, nor his probable
future conduct could account for the phenorneuon. He
stood there not to justify, but to explain. In no other
way could the demonstrations be accounted for than by
the knowledge that he was the friend of liberty—
(Cheers)—friend of the people. No! It was merely
because ho afforded the opportunity of manifesting the
instinctive feelings of the nations, that the dragons which
oppressed thorn was destined to be destroyed by the
St. George of England.—(Cheers.) Why did ho state
that the struggle was so near? He said so because he
knew it to be the case. Every man know it; every man
saw it. A philosopher was once asked chow he knew
there was a God. His answer was, by opening his
eyes.—(Loud cheers.) God was seen in every thing—
in the growth of the grass, in the movement of the
stars, in the warbling of the lark, and in the thunder of
heaven. How blind were these men who affected to
I believe that, were it not for certain men who inflamed
the minds of the people, they would be quiet and
contented. Contented !—(Loud cheers.) With whet ?
—(Continued cheers.) With oppression and servitude?
Could any people be contented with a constitution which
had been treated as a pasquinade ? Would Germany
be contented with being treated like a fold of sheep,
pent up to be shorn by a set of petty tyrants ?
(Laughter.) Would the people of Switzerland be con-
tented under the encroachments of neighbouring des-
pots ? Would Italy be contented to remain under the
sway of the King oe Naples, or to be subject to the
priestly god of Rome, the worst god that humanity
ever invented ?—(Cheers.) Austria, Dalmatia, Crotie,
had been driven to desperation and their people but-
chered, after being deceived, plundered, oppressed, and
laughed at as fools. Shall Poland be contented with her
fate ? Should Hungary, poor Hungary, be contented
with being more than murdered, actually buried alive—
because it was alive.—(Cheers.) What he felt was
but a reflection of the feelings which beat in the hearts of
the people through his nation.—(Cheers.) Was Russia
contented with slavery? Was Vienna, Prague, Lombardy,
Milan, Venice, Breschia, and other States contented to
be bombarded, burned, and depopulated? Were they
contented that half their population should suffer by the
hangman, linger in prison, have no political rights, and
pay millions of money for the beneficial purpose of keep-
ing up despotism?—(Cheers.) Whilst Europe was in
webre etloienitrenptuedb—lic
that condition, was it not ridiculous to say that the
people were combining to destroy the Governments of
and
Belgium
convinced
the o
h continent,eers.) EnglandH e
wa s a e
there were no revolutions in England and Belgium—and
why not? because no revolutions were required.—
(Loud
institutions and public spirit, all that was y
required
to be
done for the improvement of their Governments, and no
human institutions were perfect, would donebe
peace-
ably.---(Loud applause.) It was contra- to llh'sPace-
suppose that the continental tyrants ,wyouldaa
aver allow
to
the principles of freedom to existwhilst ;v. r Wie
they could
oppose. it. Lot them look to that ereat struggle which
Napoleon overthrew the government of when the bait
held out to the people tofight was their freedom. Then
came the Congress of Vienna, when the ambitious
masters of the earth '
endeavoured to dispose of mankind
like herds of cattle, but even then the Juterference of

England was regarded as a guarantee for some consti-
tutional freedom in Europe, and even the Cas,lereaghs
of England proved to be wise enough and just' enough
not to abandon Europe to aggression,iuj
i, and the constitu-
tional existence of P s
oland, ofother states
was provided for. Now, where was PYo' andlan d?
the constitutional life of Europe? He
put the questionwherewas
openly before the people of the world to
thoserstatesmen
of England who belonged even to the most
school, what had become of the treaties and eutrograde
garuantees
which were at that time given to the nations of E
—(ilcar, hear.) lie would ask them whether theroppe?r
sent state of Europe was that for which they had shed
torrents of their blood, and spent innumerable million:
of their money, and for which they were even now, and
would long continue to be so heavily taxed, and was
the present state of Europe even that which
England guaranteed in the morally ancient times
of ISls.—(Cheers, and cries of " No.") Op-
pression weut:on, and every promise of the des-
pots turned out to be a perjurious falsehood.—(Cheers.)
France twice bestirred herself—the despots trembled,
and hushed the nations to silence by now promises, new
engagements, and new lies.—(Cheers.) Oh how in
those days ho had seen some of them tremble, and
weighed them in that hand of his.—(Loud cheers, as
Kossuth held forth his right hand.) But the nations
wero again merciful to them. Formerly they only broke
their words, but now they assailed by arms the conse-
quences of their sworn oaths, and every tie was broken,
every sentiment revulsed, every interest hurt, and the
prayers of the people to God were mixed with curses
against the despots. Europe's oppressed nations shook
their chains, and bleeding millions less feared death than
hated their condition.--(Cheers.). That was the present
state of continental Eurqpe, and yet there were men
speaking of their regard for despots, whilst they were
silent of the duties due to nations—speaking of the
danger of offending the tyrants, whilst they were silent
regarding the danger of misregarding the condition of
humanity. But the people of England had not misre-
garded it—the people of England had instinctively felt that
they were on the eve of the day when liberty or despotism
would be crushed for centuries. The people of England
felt that its own liberty was connected with the
,victory
of the principles of liberty in Europe. It felt that it
was the solidarity of nations which could secure unani-
mity against the solidarity of despotism.—(Cheers.)
Aud thence was the source of all these noble manifes-
tations, the instinct of self-preservation, to which he, in
his humble position, was, by an all-ruling Providence,
chosen to furnish an opportunity of their displaying.—
(Loud cheering.) And why he, and no more &eau-
guished nor worthier man was selected was obvious. He
had the honour to be in some degree the representative
of his country's cause. It was the intervention of Russia
in the affairs of Hungary which set the foot of the tyrant
upon the neck of Europe—it was the fall of his country
which brought home to their mind, and to the mind of
every nation, the idea, that if not soon opposed by the
principles of freedom, embodied in energetic action, and
not restrained to mere speculation, the moment drewnear
when Europe would be entirely Cossack.—(Hear, hear.)
They must, therefore, be aware, that, without indepen-
dent Hungary, there could be no bulwark against Rus-
sian ambition—and he begged them to be aware that
the people instinctively felt that the cause of Hungary
was the incarnation of the principle of self-government,
rich had no lasting future in Europe without the inde-
ndence of Hungary. These were the motives why he,
an humble individual, had become an opportunity for
the manifestation of those instincts which felt the ap-
proaching danger, and resolved to meet and manfully op-
pose it. Ho was anxious clearly to establish this point, in
order that he might not be charged with importunity
when he humbly presumed to ask the people of England
what was the practical meaning of their sympathy—
what would be the incarnation in acts of all their nobly
expressed sentiments and noble words.—(Hear, hear.)
He felt so anxious that they should share this feeling,
because the cause of Hungary for which ho humbly
asked their support, was not an object of generous con-
sideration, but a great question of European interest, and
here he could not forbear quoting the opinion of a gentle-
man which was as disinterested as is was important—he
!being one of the candidates of the democratic party for
(the Presidency of the United States—so that his views
(might be considered those of the great political party to
which he belonged—he alluded to the Honourable Mr.
Walker—(Cheers)--who had given his opinions upon the
subject, in the speech which he delivered at the banquet
given to him (Kossuth) at Southampton. (The Hon.
;Gentleman here quoted those passages from the speech
of Mr. Walker, in which he said, that it might become
necessary for England to fight the battle of freedom in
Europe, and that America, if required, would be ready
to assist her.) That opinion came from a gentleman
distinguished in his own country, and the same
sympathy, though not the same support, as that
country would be prepared to give to England, did
he ask from England for Hungary—(Cheers)—and he
the more especially hoped to receive that sympathy
from the city of Manchester,—(Cheers.) in the
first place, he hoped for it because Manchester was but
a young city. In 1720 it was but a small village, with
24,000 inhabitants, and now it was the first manufac-
turing town in the country, with a population of 500,000.
If in old ago it was a glory to have outlived their vices,
how much greater glory was it to have grown a giant in
so short a period, and the people become possessed of
municipal institutions.--(Cheers.) His second reason
was, because Manchester, with Liverpool, was the most
powerful connecting link between England and the
United Stator—(Hear, and cheers) Commerce was the
locomotive of principle.—(Cheers.) it was their
glorious distinction that they had the opportunity of
offering, through their commerce, the hand which would
secure the union of England and the United States, and
thereby lead to the consolidation and freedom of Europe.
—(Cheers.) He felt that it would be the happiest thing
that could possibly occur if this country became so
united with America as to influence the destinies of
Europe, and thereby promote tho great cause of freedom.
—(Cheers.) There was one point upon which ho would
humbly ask the support of the people of Manchester.
As that city was intimately connected with the United
States, when he went there he would consider it one of
his duties to try if he might not be the humble
instrument of bringing about that union, con-
vinced as ho was that the solidarity of nations was
essential to the growth and security of the principle of
liberty; and he hoped, with their assistance, he would
succeed. He entertained this hope from the circum-
stance that there was a great party in the United States
which professed the inclination to unite with England in
maintaining the peace of the world by adopting her
policy, and also because the fate of Hungary had already
contributed to the exchange of brotherly feelings. He
thought he might say that the first link of the connect-
ing chain was made. In the third place, ho believed that
everything depended upon true definitions. The princi-
ple of non-intervention in European affairs was a ruling
principle in the United States. They who established
that principle were very wise, and they were also wise
who followed it, but neither of these parties could con-
sider that the entertainment of that principle involved
indifference to the fate of other nations. The real
principle of non-intervention was the acknowledgment
of the sovereign right in a nation to dispose of its do-
mestic concerns as it thought best, whether the govern-
ment chosen was that of a republic, a monarchy, or a
despotism, should the people of their own free
will prefer it. It was not the principle of non-
intervention to be indifferent to the fate of nations
or the sufferings of humanity. To remain indifferent
to the state of continental countries was not
non-intervention. It was to give letters of mark
to foreign despots, to open an insurance society
to indemnify them against the results of a struggle
under which, if left to themselves, they must succumb.
When Britain and the United States unted he hoped
that without war all the artificial buildings of man's
ambition would be brought low. He looked also with
peculiar hope to Manchester, because in that hall the
principle of free trade germinated and grew. What
Manchester undertook she would carry out.—(Cheers.)
He claimed their indulgence while he made a remark.
It may look strange, still he thought free trade had not
been carried yet. Cheaper bread had been carried, but
free trade had not been carried. Free trade would be
carried, and the produce of England's industry
would in time have free entrance into those markets of
Europe from which they were now excluded by abso-
lutism. When he came into England he made it a rule
not to mix himself up with her internal affairs; but he
hoped he might be excused on the present occasion, as
he found the principle of free trade lawfully established,
and because also it had some connexion with his own
country. He considered that the freedom of England
was mixed up with the freedom of trade. And not only
was the question connected with the free-trade
party,
it was connected also with the interests of the
protec-
tionist party in England. He considered that the battle
of freedom of trade could not be deemed a party ques-
tion in England. If be looked at the measure of free-
dom already carried, he found that it related to the im-
port of corn. If be were u Protectionist, would he
endeavour to overthrow that law? No, he would not,
because he believed it could scarcely be done without
bringing every misfortune to the country ? What would
he do? He would carryileaso,u t, as a Protectionist, if the
definition of the word was, to take care of the agricul-
tural interest. would carry out the principle, is
order that he might create new markets for the industry
of his countrymen. Whatever contributed to increase
markets and augment wages could not fail to promote
the interests of agriculture, which all must allow con-
stituted very important interests in every country. That
would be to carry out the principle of free experts, as
connected with the principle of freedom. lee h
then entered into IA number of figure details to show
that, although Hungary consumed `2,500,0001. worth of
cotton goods, Manchester derived none of f the advan-
tage. Commerce was the great locomotive of political
liberty, and for that reason absolutism prohibited or re-
stricted
free commercial intercourse. During the three
years ending 1549 Britain
.had only exported to Russia
goods to the average value of 6d. and a fraction per
head of the population of that empire; to Austria 4kd.
per head ; white to the United States she exported at
the rate of 10s. per head. From this statement
it was clearly shown of how much importance it
was to England that liberty should prevail. The
wish on the part of Englishman was a national one, to
reduce the armaments—the very existence of which
tended to disturb the countenance of peace. But how
could that be When France was increasing her military