The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-27 00:00:00

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LONDON. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 185

LAMARTINE, the founder of the French Republic,
has pronounced his views in reference to the Presi-
dency. Addressing his countrymen through the
columns of his journal the Pays, he has weighed in
the balance of his judgment the merits of the dif-
ferent candidates. Notwithstanding, moreover, his
acknowledged " repugnance" to the name, he has as-
serted his preference for BONAPARTE! Among all
those whose claims have hitherto been advanced, he
considers the present Chief Magistrate the aspirant
best entitled to the suffrages of the population. LA"
MARTINE, of course, in avowing thus much, accom.
panies the avowal with two or three provisos. The
re-election of Louis NAPOLEON he considers advisa-
ble only conditionally. For example, he regards as
a matter of course essential, that prior to his re-elec-
tion the Prince should be capable of being constitu-
tionally nominated by the previous revision
.of the
44th article of the Constitution, regarding it also as
absolutely necessary that he should restore universal
suffrage to the nation, that he should give additional
pledges of loyalty to the Republic, and that he
should not be opposed by some other citizen more
entitled to the general esteem and the national con-
fidence. For the founder of the present democratic
institutions of France, the once chivalrous supporter
of the BOURBON, the panygerist of the Girondists, and
the caricaturist of NAPOLEON, confesses at once with
all imaginable bluntness that he would prefer simple
citizens, instead of Princes, as the candidates for the
Presidency.
LAMARTINE'S enumeration of those names which
have recently been brought under public consideration
by their respective supporters is admirable to a high
degree fur its succinctness. ".The Prince DE JOIN•
VILLE ?" he asks—replying instantly and emphatically
"No !" Because, he argues, if the Prince DE JOIN..
VILLE is a Republican, the consequence of his election
would be worse than war, for under those circum-
stances there would be a war with his own family.
Whereas if he is a monarchist, his election would be
a treason to the Republic. " A candidate of the So-
cialist party ?" he inquires—exclaiming at once
with impassioned earnestness " No. " Because,
according to him, society would inevitably
recoil before a name filling it with hor-
ror and trepidation. " A military candidate ?" he
continues—adding , " No." Because, in his view of
French history, the sword has already played too
conspicuous a part, ever since the memorable lath
Brumaire. Besides he insists, with no little truth in
his argument, "a soldier finding himself embarrassed
in the difficulties of liberty would throw us into a
war "—observing very admirably, and as it were
sotto voce, "and the Republic cannot become firmly
founded except in peace." "A Republican of, restricted
sentiments ?" he demands next, implying is the in-
quiry some candidate such as has been recently in-
sinuated in the columns of the Siècle—adding there-
upon, distinctly and explicitly, and as it were with a
redoubled emphasis, arising out of a feeling of abso-
lute indignation—" No! " Because, remarks the
distinguished publicist, in explanation of his rejection
of that, as well as the preceding candidateships, " an
intolerant Republican, tracing a circle round him the
length of his own shadow, and saying to a
great nation, All that does not think with
me must not think at all,' would speedily
disgust the proper pride of France, for
France," says LAMARTINE, with a beautiful mingling
of truth and simplicity, " France is proud—she may
endure what oppresses her, n?ver what humiliates
her." With that brilliant sentence—which affords

may be an unintentional explanation of the downfal
of the last dynasty—the founder of the French Re

public arrives at the completion of the present list of
candidates. Each of these personages, as we have
seen, he n-jects with scorn—he regards their accept-
ance by the cation as destructive to Republicanism,
and therefore it is that in preference to their names he
declares himself in favour of BONAPARTE, much as
that great name is calculated to excite in his bosom
feelings of suspicion and repugnance. BONAPARTE
he considers to be the worthiest candidate yet before
the electors of France, " because," says he, " with
that name constitutionally re-elected on pledges given,
we should have a chance at least of preserving the Re-

public, and with the others we should not have any."
" Therefore," says he, " BONAPARTE." Nevertheless,
though acknowledging himself thus far predisposed in
favour of the Presidential preten pion of the Prince Louis
NAPOLEON, M. DE LAMARTINE does not by any means
despair of seeing some yet more deserving candidate
for the position of Chief Magistrate rise into public
notice before tho period for the election has arrived.

In that event, of course, be would abandon the in-
terests of " BONAPARTE" and advocate the cause of
his rival for the national acceptance. Sanguine, even

now, that some such personage as the one he has here
dimly foreshadowed may spring into general consi-

deration, be closes his arguments in regard to the

Presidency with an ejaculation decidedly oriental in

its character, but still of course not the less patriotic,
exclaiming, " France is rich and GOD 16 great !"

Why not himself? If the Republic is to have a

simple citizen for PRESIDENT, why not its Founder
Can this be the deduction intended by LAMARTINE ?

The men of Manchester have ever assumed a pro-
minent position in every national movement. They
have generally, we believe we might say invariably,
occupied the van in every contest for liberal principles
and the enforcement of the people's rights. It is
unnecessary to say how much they have accomplished
even within the last twenty years. To their efficient
and indefatigable exertions may be ascribed the suc-
cess of the Reform Bill, the modern charter of the
national liberties, which admitted the democratic
element to a certain constitutional position in the
State. That position was not, perhaps, as elevated as
might have been desired, but it was a step in the
right direction, and was thankfully received, not as a
final arrangement, but as a reasonable instalment of
justice. Although the suffrage was not sufficiently
extended, or nomination boroughs completely annihi-
lated, the popular power was clearly recognised by
the different branches of the Legislature, and the
voice of public opinion listened to with respectful at-
tention. It constituted a new era in British history,
and the proceedings of the men of Manchester, while
the question was yet in suspense, will attract no ordi-
nary share of the attention of any impartial histo-
rian as being the most zealous, active, and determined
of any of the popular cohorts.
Some time afterwards the public attention was
prominently directed to a practical grievance of the
most iniquitous and intolerable character. The food
of the entire people was heavily taxed for the benefit
of a particular party. The overtoiled operative found
that the daily bread which he was enabled to provide
for his children was reduced in quantity and deterio-
rated in quality through the operation of the infamous
corn-laws. All groaned under the burden, but the
men of Manchester were the first to resolve upon an
organized opposition to the unholy impost. In a
small beck room in Manchester the Anti-Corn-law
League sprang into existence. Seven men met to-
gether to consider the steps that should be adopted for
the purpose of abating the nuisance. They had no
extraordinary political influence—could not command
the return of a single Member to the House of Corn.
mons—nor were they decorated with titles of honour ;
but, firm in the justice of their cause, confident that
truth must ultimately prevail, they fearlessly
arranged their plans, and within seven years they had
achieved a political triumph unparalleled in the an-
any nation of the world. " The Seven" were I
Dais of