The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-27 00:00:00

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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

The proceedings of the meeting which took
place on Monday last at Birmingham have been
sent to us. The report is much too long
for publication, and we are bound to say,
which we do with some regret, that it would
neither indemnify our readers nor ourselves for
the sacrifices of attention bestowed on its perusal,
nor for the time and space which its insertion
would cost us. Mere blind fury serves no ra-
tional cause, and the cause of law and liberty
has oftentimes been deeply injured by it. The
professed objects of the meeting were manifold,
to " consider the address of the House
of Commons in reply to the King's speech, and
the Bill introduced into the House of Lords
establishing arbitrary power in Ireland, and re-
specting the present severe distress of the indus-
trious classes." Here was, undoubtedly, ample
field for complaint, and it must be admitted
that it was not suffered to lie idle. To
judge by the advertised proceedings only,
one might be led to infer • that Irelend
had but little to do with the business of
the meeting. There is a resolution touching the
distress of the industrious classes, and a petition
having reference to the same, where it is affirmed
that property, and not poverty, ought to be
taxed. There is, indeed, a resolution, moved
by the Rev. Mr. M'Donnell, a Catholic cler-
gyman, condemning the Bill proposed for Ire-
land, as. utterly subversive of the principles of
the British Constitution, and threatening Eng-
land and Scotland with similar measures if this
regarding Ireland he carried. But the taxes on
" knowledge," and those on sundry other arti-
cles,—namely, foreign corn, animal food, malt,
hops, tea, tobacco, soap, house and window
tax, &c., constitute apparently, and by no means
unjustly, the main gravamina both of the reso-
lutions and petition. We have said that mere
violence is of little service to any cause which
displays it. The chairman overshot his mark so
much as to assert that a reduction of taxation to
the amount of 25 millions was necessary to the
happiness of the people, being about 5 or 6 millions
more than the whole surplus revenue, after
paying the interest of the debt. In the same
degree in which he abused Ministers the worthy
chairman panegyrized Cobhett, and declared
that the Bill for relieving the overwrought and
auined children in the factories, by a reduction
of their working hours, was founded on a
" mistaken" principle ! There is a philanthro-
pist for you ! We are as far from being friends
to tyrannical measures, either in Ireland or here,
as any man of the thousands who have attended
the several Birmingham meetings, but a one-
sided view of any question must be either stupid
or dishonest, and it is impossible to look at
the proposition of the Bill now before the House
of Commons for Ireland without considering as
well the nature of the justification alleged for it
as that of the remedy recommended. Our sen-
timents have been delivered freely upon most of the
clauses contained in this new Bill no less than on its
principle. The principle is clearly—nay, confess-
edly, as announced by the Ministers themselves,
at variance with the spirit of a free Constitution; and
some of its clauses, besides being ineffective for
their declared object, are an outrage even upon
that harsh and arbitrary principle. But we must
not, with the Rev. Mr. M'Donnell, with Mr.
George Edmonds (who informed the meeting
that Earl Grey " ought to be impeached, and
lose his head,") with Mr. John Lawless, just
arrived from Dublin, and Mr. Shea Lalor, of
Kilburn, in the county of Kerry. We cannot,
in common sense or integrity, shut our eyes to
the fact that there are criminals io be restrained
in Ireland as well as sufferers to be protected.
Mr. De Boscoe Attwood made it a ground of
invective against somebody or other (he did not
say whom) in Ireland, that " corn had been ex-
ported from " that country" while the poor
lived on sea-weed ; in the second of his com-
plaints, to wit, the wretched aliment within the
reach of the poor of Ireland, every man will
concur, but the answer to the first is, that if corn
were not to be exported, no corn would be
raised, inasmuch as there would be no market
for it on the spot, as was formerly the condi-
tion of that island, where the greater portion of
the soil lay idle and unprofitable either to land-
d or tenant. It is right, however, to refer
to one passage in the speech of the reverend
person, as we have already to an analogous one
of Mr. O'Connell, not so much for the sake of
impugning either of those gentlemen, as of de-
ducing from their language, however hostile, a
serious admonition to his Majesty's Ministers
to mind what they are doing in the way of a
reform of the Church of Ireland. Mr. O'Con-
nell reproached Mr. Stanley with a design
to bolster up, through this Bill, the continu-
ance of the tithe system in Ireland. Mr.
M'Donnell pronounces broadly that this em-
bryo " Church Reform was a complete
mockery." Now, having already warned Mr.
Stanley against the madness of making his Coer-
cive
i
cive Bill an auxiliary to the restoration (for t
is at present dead and gone) of the tithe sys-
tem, so do we adjure Ministers, one and all,
not to sanction Mr. M'Donnell's sarcasm,
that their Church Reform is a " mockery."
The country will not endure on such a sub-
Scet to he mocked. If the Church Reform—
the foremost of the conciliatory measures, because
first dragged by circumstances into action—be
not a grave, a solid, and abundant measure, one
which may afford an earnest of the zeal and pro-
bity of Ministers in all that concerns reform of
every other kind, we do not scruple to tell them
that their " Suppression Bill" must break down,
and whether Lord Althorp and his colleagues
have been serious or not in his threat or promise
( whichsoever it was to be deemed) to the Mem-
bers of the House of Commons who met his
Lordship yesterday,—whether, we say, the Ca-
binet be serious or not—whether volunteers or
not, in the declaration that by the Coercive Bill
they will stand or fall,—we tell them that they
will break down with their measure, unless the
spirit of that measure be redeemed by a large
and superb reform of all tangible grievances in
Church and State—nay, we go further ; we take
the liberty of assuring that Noble Lord, with
the respect which all men feel for his unassuming
sincerity and honour, but with that indepen-
dehce which becomes the free press of a free
country, and with that jealous watchfulness over
the dignity of Parliament which we trust will
never sleep in the hearts of Englishmen,—we
do assure Lord Althorp that the tone em-
ployed by him towards the Members of the
house of Commons yesterday, on the sub-
ject of modifying the obnoxious clauses of
this Bill, was by no means indicative of his
understanding what was due to the character of
that assembly which he had himself contributed
to elevate from a band of hired slaves to a
Senate representing the most enlightened nation
in the universe. His Lordship, we repeat,
cannot comprehend the greatness and majesty
of a reformed Parliament, and, in the confidence

... ,
that there is no party to succee his own in
power, he flatly refuses to purge the Bill of its
impurities, and announces his preference for
the alternative of resigning. Such a threat, we
once mere affirm, is out of keeping with the
name and habits of Lord Althorp. It is more ;
it is a mistake of his position, and of that of
his colleagues. This Bill, unmodified, they
ought not to carry ; this Bill, unmodified, this
dragooning Bill,—this house-breaking revolting
Bill,—they will not carry while any respect for
British law and liberty inspires the representa-
tives of the British people. Let them, then,
—we grieve that they have given their country
such provDcation,—we grieve because we have
earnestly, fervently supported them,—let them,
then, resign. Their country depends not on
them. England is rich in intelligence and
public virtue. Whoever takes the high office
in these days, if he be not himself enlightened,
must play an enlightened part. He must rule for
the nation and according to the nation.— Times.
On presenting a petition last night from the
inhabitants of Boreham, in Somersetshire, com-
plaining of one of the Lord Chancellor's rectors,
in having set up a claim to the tithe of herring
caught at sea, Lord King stated, that such a
claim had never been set up before, and that it
had thrown the whole parish into confusion. It
is singular that at this time, when, according to
the Lord Chancellor, there is a run upon the
Church of England, and when of course it might
be expected that the.clergy would be peculiarly
anxious to avoid giving cause of scandal, the
number of attempts to disturb their parishioners
by unusual claims should be greater than we ever
remember. There is no doubt a disposition at
present to resist unusual anti oppressive claims,
and we may no doubt be attributing to the in-
creased oppressiveness of the clergy what may
only he the fruits of the increased spirit of the
j eople. The attempt to exact tithes of fish
caught at sea, has lately caused commotions in
several parishes in Cornwall, and we believe the
attempt has been finally abandoned. It is not
a quarter of a year since a claim was set up in a
parish in the East Riding of Yorkshire, to a
claim of tithe of wages of agricultural labourers,
and these men were actually committed to pri-
son for refusing payment ; but, after a few days'
confinement, liberated by the Committing Magi-
strates. The case excited some sensation, and was
fully detailed in the Hull Rockingham. In the
Bath and Cheltenhani Gazette of 12th Fe-
bruary, there is a report of an anti-tithe meet-
ing, at Wellow, near Bath. Most of the
speakers complain of increased exaction, and
vexatious proceedings on the part of the clergy.
One speaker (Mr. S. Day) " cited several in-
stances of the dreadful oppression of the eccle-
siastical Court, inflicted upon parties present in
that room, who, for altering the day for setting
out the tithe, purely in consequence of the wea-
ther, were put into that Court, and kept there
for eves one or two rears, and subjected to the
most ruinous law expenses. For these reasons,
it was a well-known fact, that throughout the
whole district there was a falling off of the
members of the Established Church. In some
parishes, the congregations amounted on the
average to four individuals ; and in one village,
containing from 4 to 500 souls, the members of
that communion amounted only to 30." The
Lord Chancellor observed, that it did not ap-
pear that any step had been taken in the parish
of Boreham to carry the threat of tithing her-
rings into effect, and that " if there were no
custom authorizing the rector to demand the
tithe of fish, the petitioners had only to wait un-
til some attempt should be made to levy such tithe
and then they would have their remedy in the
Courts of Law." His Lordship takes the matter
bravely. According to his Lordship, it is a
mere amusement for humble fishermen—the
poorest of the poor—to be dragged into Eccle-
siastical Courts and subjected to ruinous law
expenses. In Cornwall, a shorter process was
resorted to ; for we believe the wives of the
fishermen nearly strangled the tithe exactors with
fish. It is astonishing that all these abuses of
the middle ages should have remained unre-
formed to this day in England. There is no
saying to what extent personal tithes may be
claimed. The law in England on the subject
is the same that it is in Spain and Italy, only
more rigorously enforced in some cases with us.
Father Paul tells us, that on the Adriatic the
priests used to take tithes from highwaymen and
pirates ; and we are not sure that the clergyman
of Yorkshire, who claimed tithes of wages,
might not, on the same principle, have exacted
tithes from ladies of easy virtue, for there is no
prescription against the Church, and such a
tithe is levied in several countries to this day.
The Lord Chancellor partly accounted for this,
on the principle of the adage, that a hungry
insect bites hard. His Lordship had presented
him to the living because he had been the in-
cumbent of one of the new churches burnt
down two years ago, and he was, in consequence,
left with a wife and two children in a state of
entire destitution. On entering -on the
living of Boreham, it is hardly, therefore,
to be wondered at that the Reverend Gen-
tleman should have endeavoured to avail him-
self of the rights over herrings, possessed by
his Roman Catholic predecessors. It is amus-
ing to hear the Lord Chancellor declaring that
" he was no friend to discussions of this descrip-
tion ;-they generally produced reflections upon
the characters of individuals, which circuin.
stances would not be found to justify. He re-
gretted much the run that was made upon the
Church of England at this moment without any
just cause. [The Noble Lord did not seem to
perceive that, by the observations in which he
indulged, by increasing this cry, he was adding
to the troubled spirit which was now abroad
against the Church of England.] He never
would sit quiet at such a juncture, and hear the
members of the Church unjustly accused, either
individually or collectively." It has been said
that the famous simile in Virgil, of the disper-
sion of a mob, when stones and brickbats were
flying in alldirections, by the appearance among
them—
" 'rum pietate graven' ac meritis si forte virum quern
Conspexere, silent, arreetisque auribus astant :
tile regit dictis animos, et pectora mulcet"—
had reference to the greatest of the Roman ora-
tors. But it has never been said of him that he
could both raise the mob and quell it. The Lord
Chancellor will have thrown Cicero in the shade,
for of the admirable specimens of his eloquence
published last year, in an octavo form, by Mr.
Ridgway, and received throughout the United
Kingdom with that favour with which everything
is received that comes from his Lordship, one
of the most admired, and which has made the
deepest, nay, an almost indelible impression on
the minds of old and young, is the famous in-
vective against the clergy.
"It is here (said his Lordship), when all manlier of
conflicts are at each moment inevitable between the people
and the priests, that I feel myself warranted on their be-
b/lf, and for their protection—for the sake of the esta-
blishment, and as the discreet advocate of that Church and
that clergy—for the dtfence of their very existence..to

demand the most unrestrained discussion of their title and
their acting under it. I have hitherto all along as-
sumed that there is nothing impute in the practice under
the system ; I am admitting that every person engaged in
its administration does every one act which he ought, and
which the law expects him to do ; I am supposing that
up to this hour not one unworthy member has entered
within its pale ; I am even presuming that, up to this mo-
ment, not one of those individuals has stepped beyond the
strict line of his sacred functions, or given the slightest of-
fence or annoyance to any human being; I am taking it
for granted that they all act the part of good shepherds,
making the welfare of their flock the first care, and only
occasionally bethinking them of shearing, in order to
prevent the too luxuriant growth of the fleece proving an
incumbrance, or to eradicate disease. If, however, these
operations be so constant, that the flock actually live
under the knife—if the shepherds are so numerous, and
employ so large a troop of the watchful and eager animals
that attend them (some of them, too, with a cross of the
fox, or even the wolf in their breed)—can it be wondered
at, if the poor creatures thus fleeced, anti hunted and
barked at, and snapped at, and from time to time worried,
should now and then bleat, dream, of preferring the rot
to the shears, and draw invidious, possibly disadvantageous
comparisons between the wolf without, and shepherd
within the fold ? It cannot he helped ; it is in the na-
ture of things that suffering should beget com-
plaint ; but for those who have caused the pain to
complain of the outcry, and seek to punish it, for
those who have goaded to scourge and to gag, is the
meanest of all injustice. It is, moreover, the moat pitiful
folly for the clergy to think of retaining their power, pri.
vileges, and enormous wealth, without allowing free vent
for complaints against abuses in the establishment, and
delinquency in its members."
The schoolmaster has enabled the people to
profit by these lessons of wisdom ; and it is the
fate of his Lordship's wisdom, that the language
in which it is clothed will not allow it to be
ever forgotten. The people may, however, be
pardoned for feeling somewhat astonished, after
being roused to action by his per-fervid elo-
quence, they should so soon hear the same voice
raised to reprove them. Lord King touched at
the same time upon a point of some delicacy :
" The Noble and Learned Lord no doubt acted in that
way with a view to stand well with the Bench of Bishops ;
but he (Lord King) could tell him that, notwithstanding
that, he would not be able to get their votes. The Noble
and Learned Lord knows that the Bench of Bishops was
said to be the tools of every successive Government; and
it was true that they were always ready to vote with Tory
Governments; but he would answer for it they would not
do so now. The Noble and Learned Lord, who knew so
much of history, would recollect the reply of a celebrated
statesman to William 111., when that King remarked to
him, that lie thought the Tories were a very convenient
and a very accommodating set of men, whom it might be
to his advantage to employ. The Duke agreed with his
Majesty that the Tories were certainly very good tools ;
but his Majesty must recollect that he was not the King
of the Tories. He would tell his Majesty's Ministers that
they were not the Ministers of the Tories."
His Lordship disclaimed the motives attri-
buted to him by Lord King. He did not, he
said, make over the patronage to the Bench of
Bishops with a view of standing well with them :
" He denied that it was with any political view of the
nature which his Noble Friend had attributed to him ;
that it was with any view of conciliating that class which
held principles opposed to those which be ever had and
ever would maintain ; but he stated at the time, when be
first adopted the arrangement (anti most of those who are
at all acquainted with the subject would bear him out in
the assertion), that the number of exceedingly small livings
which fell to the gift of the Lord Chancellor makes it ab-
solutely impossible for the individual who holds the Great
Seal to inquire particularly into every circumstance which
might be necessary to be known, in order well and truly
to exercise his duties in choosing from among candidates."
This was his only object. But it is some-
what singular, that if his Lordship had no wish
to conciliate the Bishops, he should select for
judges of fitness, the very men who, in every
case, would be sure to make a different choice
from that which he would have made himself,
could he have made the inquiry. We presume
that with regard to the livings of 2001., 3001.,
or 4001., he did not apply for information re-
specting them to persons entertaining the prin-
ciples of the Bishops—" Principles (as he says)
opposed to those which he ever had and ever
would maintain." But the inhabitants of pa-
rishes with poor livings ought no more to be
abandoned to men of bad principles than the
inhabitants of parishes with large livings. The
union of Church and State in England renders
it of some consequence that the Clergy should
not entertain principles opposed to the well-
being of the nation ; and his Lordship, to whom
the State and guardianship was committed,
abandoned his trust to men, whose principles
he condemns, merely because the livings were
poor. The remonstrance of upwards of 100
Members of the House of Commons (as stated
by Mr. Stephenson in his pamphlet on Church
Reform) conveyed to his Lordship at a memo-
rable crisis, affords a sufficient proof of the dan-
ger to which his Lordship exposed the State,
by abandoning the patronage of the Crown to the
enemies of the nation. If his object was not to
conciliate the Bishops, it would be difficult to
conjecture what it could well be ; for were we
even to admit with Lord King the ignorance of
clerical nature of the Noble and Learned Lord,
it would be difficult to suppose his Lordship
could have given the disposal of livings to per-
sons, of whose principles lie disapproved, with-
out contemplating some equivalent. The good
of the people committed to the charge of the
incumbents chosen by the Bishops it could not
be. So much for the parish of Boreham and
Bench of Bishops, and the Lord Chancellor's
attempt to conciliate them.—Morn. Chronicle.
The fact which transpired in the debate of
last night respecting the sanguinary laws of this
country, will afford great satisfaction to all who
take an interest in that important question.
We allude to the fact of Government having
sent a gentleman to America, for the purpose
of investigating the secondary punishments
adopted in the United States in room of the
punishment of death, and ascertaining how the
system of mitigation works upon experiment.
From what has already transpired on the sub-
ject, we can feel neither doubt nor hesitation as
to the probable result of such an inquiry, sup-
posing it to be executed, as we have no doubt
it will be, in good faith, and without any bias
in favour of laws already condemned by the in-
telligent portion of mankind. It has often
fallen to our lot, in denouncing the barbarous
spirit of our criminal code, to allude to the
case of America, where, with less pretensions
to civilization, the Legislature has shown a
greater respect for human life—a greater horror
of legal vengeance, and a greater regard to
the proportions between crime and punish-
ment, as necessary to the ends of justice.
To have this distinction established by an
investigation conducted through an agent of
the Government, will be a great point to-
wards the furtherance of a cause which needs
only to be thoroughly sifted in order to be suc-
cessful. From all that we have heard, as well
as from all that we can anticipate by reasoning,
the issue of such an inquiry will be to favour an
experiment—nay, to shame us into an experi-
ment in which we ought to have led the way.
Even without such an example before us as
America, we have the testimony of our own ex-
perience, so far as we have already gone in the
work of amelioration, to favour a further pro-
gress in the same course. If it were wise to
have abolished the punishment of death for for-
gery, it cannot, we should conclude, be unwise
to abolish the same punishment, with regard to

other offences against property, unaccompanied
with violence to the person. The success of
the experiment in one instance is a guarantee for
its success in others. We may, therefore, con-
gratulate the friends of humanity, in this Chris-
tian country, on the progress which the cause is
making, and we may refer to the general tone
of the observations that fell from the different
Members last night as a proof that the time
cannot be far distant when the whole system will
undergo a revision, and the punishment of death
will be reserved for the crime of murder alone.
—Morning Herald.
We are informed by several correspondents
that among the 'Members of the Committee of
the House of Commons appointed to inquire
and report upon the state of the several corpo-
rations of the kingdom there are not less than
seven or eight gentlemen who happen at the
present moment to be engaged in litigation with
particular corporations, in respect to affairs in
which their own personal interests are deeply
concerned. 'We can scarcely credit the infor-
mation, for we are willing to believe it impossi-
ble that in the whole House of Commons, even
the present, there should be the number of seven
or eight individuals so utterly destitute as the
fact thus stated to us would imply, we do not
say of the delicacy of gentlemen, but of the or-
dinary feelings of honest men. How could Lord
Althorp get into his Select Committee so large
a proportion, as our correspondents intimate,
of the whole number of Members of the
House of Commons standing at the pre-
sent moment towards corporations in the
relation of litigants and enemies, unless upon
one or the other of these monstrous supposi-
tions—that he sought them out, intending,
under the name of a Committee of Inquiry, to
establish a Committee of Sequestration ; or that
they intimated to him how he might confer a
favour, and exercise a valuable patronage, by
simply making them judges in their own cause?
The matter deserves a little inquiry, and a little
inquiry shall be instituted ; but for the honour
of human nature, we hope that our information
will prove to have been incorrect. Omitting,
however, for the present any further allusion to
an injustice which seems too monstrous to be be-
lieved, there is in the constitution of this Com-
mittee more than enough of manifest and
undeniable unfairness, to deprive it of all
claim to the confidence of the public as a
judicial body. The Conservatives of the United
Kingdom, a party comprehending a large
proportion of the entire population, and
three-fourths at least of the noble, the
learned, and the wealthy classes of society,
are represented in this Committee by the very
adequate number of five Members. The Con-
servatives of Ireland, as distinguished from those
of Great Britain, have no representative what-
ever. And by what number of Members will
our readers believe that the Papist, or O'Connell,
or disorganizing party in Ireland is represented?
We will tell them. There are just seven Irish
Members of this particular description or section
of the Movement party ; more, that is to say,
than are allotted to the whole Conservative body
of the empire. This being the proportion of
Conservatives and Repealers, it is only necessary
to add, that all the rest of the Committee is
made up of Whigs and Radicals of various
shades and degrees. This Committee cannot, it
is obvious, have been selected upon any of the
principles which have been recognised hitherto
as those which ought to determine the forma-
tion of such bodies. It does not consist of men
chosen on account of their peculiar know-
ledge of the subject of inquiry, or their eminent
qualifications for the calm and cautious pro-
cess of investigation by which alone compre-
hensive, accurate, and useful information upon
any subject can be acquired. It does not con-
sist of men chosen from the different parties and
interests composing the House of Coinmons in
numbers proportionate to the relative strength of
these several parties and interests in Parliament.
Therefore the Committee is not an epitome of
the House. It does not consist of men chosen
from the various parties and interests composing
the aggregate of British society in numbers pro-
portionate to the relative strength and impor-
tance of these several parties and interests in the
country. Therefore the Select Committee of
the House of Commons is not an epitome of
the nation. What is this Committee, then, and
what does it represent ? It is a mere emana-
tion of Ministerial power, a tribunal packed for
the accomplishment of a predetermined purpose,
an impersonation of feelings and principles
which the Administration is bound to effect
whenever, in pursuance of its see-saw policy,
it has to render to the revolutionary party some
mighty compensation. What can such a body
represent but democratic tyranny, but revolu-
tionary injustice, and oppression ?--Morn-
ing Post.
It is with no inconsiderable degree of pain
that we point the attention of our readers to the
report of a meeting of the Birmingham Political
Union, which was held on Monday last. We
were the first, along with another morning
contemporary, to give wings and influence to
that association, by reporting its proceedings—
commenting upon them in our own humble way
—and by holding up to the admiration of our
countrymen the justice of the objects for which
it was established, and the peace and good order
by which all its meetings were characterized ;
and at the time in question we also cherished
the hope that as it had begun so it would
end—honourably to itself, and beneficially
for the interests of the country. But we greatly
fear that we are about to be disappointed. The
proceedings of the meeting on Monday are far
from being gratifying to the friends of the asso-
ciation, or honourable to itself. They are cha-
racterized by great violence of language, as well
by calumnies and threats, which, in any case,
do no service to a good cause, and must mate-
rially injure one so truly bad as that which the
Birmingham meeting has deemed it proper to
support. Under such circumstances, however,
there is one remaining gratification—and that is,
that the meeting appears to have been composed,
not of the sound-headed and clear-sighted, and
loyal politicians who gave birth to the associa-
tion, but of persons of whose title to fame the
world is, and is likely to continue, ignorant.
Had it been otherwise, we should, indeed, have
looked upon the proceedings of the meeting as
worthy of the most serious attention.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.

FREE TRADE.—We understand that a meet-
ing of delegates from the different trades of this city, was
held lately for the purpose et memorializing their incorpo-
rations, regarding the propriety of abolishing their char-
tered monopolies ; and they expect that those who have so
frankly and laudably lent their assistance to carry other
reforms, will consult willingly to the abolition of those
exclusive privileges which materially interfere with the in-
dustry, and affect the interests, of their non-incori anted
rbrethen,--Scotsinan,

SECOND EDITION.

SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

IMPERIALPARLIAMENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
The LORD COANCELLOR having taken his seat at Five
o'clock,
The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented a petition
from Chester, praying for the better observance of the
Lord's Thy. As a great many petitions had been
presented to both Houses of Parliament upon the
subject, he would trouble the House with a few words. He
hoped that the Bill which was to be presented to Parlia-
ment upon the subject would strengthen the laws which
at present existed, but lie was anxious that no puritanical
spirit should be intermixed. He and Mr. Wilberforce
had introduced a measure with regard to the publication
of Sunday papers for the purpose of putting an end to the
system of printers and other persons connected with those
publications being employed on the Sabbath Day. He did
not wish to suppress those papers, because they provided
amusement for the labouring classes.
Lord TEYNHAM said that he had to complain of a
gross libel which appeared this evening in the Standard
calling him, and some Noble Friends of his, " Scoundrels,
and the Devil's advocates," because they had presented
several petitions to their Lordships, praying for the abo-
lition of tithes. He had thought it his duty to present
all petitions upon the subject which were put into his
hands. He gave notice that to-morrow he should move
that the editor and printers of that paper, be summoned
to the bar of their Lordships' House.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he was sure the
Noble Lord, upon consideration, would discharge the no.
tice he had given about the trumpery nonsense he had re-
ferred to.
Lord KING said, that he. had been told by his Noble
Friend of the article which had appeared in the Stan-
dard, but he did not participate in the view that that
Noble Lord had taken of it. He eared not what was
said of him in the Standard, but was obliged to them
for the compliment they had given him.
Lord TF.YNH AM, after a few observations, said that
lie would withdraw his notice.
VENUE (IRELAND) BILL.

la'
to the utmost pitch, but they did nothing t°,l sp.
crease the stipend. And this the Noble Baron, '0,4
pears, had stated upon the authority of others, and br
rliv..ll
obloquy upon a respectable man—upon one, who
ttio,
the nature of his profession, was above all
°..01,1
necessitated to support his character. In this party,_els
instance the clergyman was confined to a bed of 501,bit
andcui;
aodtreolo doomed to
stGor
efdemie:aartviihosewwme
deorreiei
aabvpiitpntigei bitterly
dmy
taotdhetehatneryandauetactatai.cokn 0 i
character. as b`
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS could assure.ithobei:
Lordships the general rule was not as quoted by the yob
Baron, but with the increased 'value of the inapraPri
there followed an increase in the stipend.
The House then adjourned, at six o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS' tctil
The call of the House of Commons Was o°' t'oettl
seven o'clock this evening. The avenues eding( 1113
cb
lobby and to the Gallery of the House were ,rd°
early period of the afternoon literally erarnin badevi
persons. These were not of the rabble, „ciol*
dently both respectable and intelligent iwdo,,
anxious tot ascertain no doubt, in the first place' of
ba
Majesty's Ministers to attempt to carry
extent to which it was sti I the intentie° ottre'
affecting Ireland.
this great to