The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-14 00:00:00

N°.18,427e] .
wtz,
LONDON, TUESDAY
;
OCTOBER 14, 1851.

THE LILY AND • T.HE BEE,
An A POLOGUE of the CRYSTAL PALACE,
By SAMUEL WARREN, F.R.S,
Elegantly bound in cloth, gilt, price ss.
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
" It will c mmand the admiration of those capable of appreciating'
the genuine spirit of poesy which pervades it, and will eventually take
high rank, as it deserves to do, among our national classics."—John.
Bull. , .

"A strain of mingled thought and imagination—and all poetry ;'.
words flowing like spray from a fountain, yet every drop a diamond,.
as so:M., as brilliant, as precious, as beautiful.'—Edinburgh Ad-
vertiser.
" One of the most striking ant solemnising mementoes of the.
Great Exhihition z* and most happily timed to accompany its close,
with elevating and ennobling reminiscences."—S:ande rd.
" Rich in mental and imaginative treasures."— AdVerttser.,
" Mr. Warren's prose poem in commemoration of the Great Exhi-
bition resembles its theme in the variety and vastness of its subjects,
and in a sort of overpowering effect upon the mimi."—Spectator. •
" Calling up rich trains of historic associations—lofty thoughts
and generous feelings—graphic and glowing descriptions."—Literary
Gazette,.
" Sweetly, gravely, and wisely does Mr. Warren- evolve the deep
truths, the striking thoughts, and the moral lessons which that most
wonderful collective representation of human industry suggests to a
philosophic and poetic mind."—North British Mail.
" With a truthful meaning hid within its leaves, though wrapped
up in gorgeous metaphor, and clothed in language of the richest har-
mony and colouring."—Edinburgh Evening Post.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.
Sold by all Booksellers.

This day is published, price Is.,
HOURS -AND DAYS
By THOMAS BERBIDGE.
William Blackwood arid Sons, Edinburgh and London.

,
The PARLOUR LIBRARY, Volume 66, for OCTOBER.
A Double Volume, price Is. 6d. boards, or 2s. cloth, containing
THE 'CONVICT. A TALE.
By G. P. R. JAMES.
• By the same Author, in this Popular Series:—
Henry Masterton. • Gipsy
John Marston Hull. One in a Thouzand
Brigand' r. '"74*!*--, _.: . -- cowrie
Smuggler , Robber
Philip Augustus Mary of Burgundy
Darnley Morley Ernsteln
Castelneau
Simnas and M'lntyre,

London ; and Belfast,

BRITANNIA LIFE ASSURANCE
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1, Princes-street, Bank, London.
Established August 1, 1837.
Empowered by special Act of Parliament, 4th Viet., cap. 9.
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ADVANTAGES OF VHS INSTITUTION.
Half Credit Rates of Premium.
Persons assured according to these rates are allowed credit
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For Securing Loans and Debts.
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E. It. FOSTER, Resident Director.
ANDREW FRANCIS, Secretary.

THE LONDON INDISPUTABLE LIFE
POLICY COMPANY,
No. 72, Lombard-street and 24, Connaught-terrace.
TRUSTEES.
Richard Spooner, Esq.,
J. Campbell Renton, Esq., M.P. James Fuller Madox, Esq.
I
Richard Malins, Esq., Q.C. William Wilberforce, Esq.
The POLICIES are INDISPUTABLE, in terms of the Deed of
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ALEXANDER ROBERTSON, Manager.

APPETITE AND DIGESTION IMPROVED.
LEA and PER,RINS' WORCESTERSHIRE
SAUCE imparts the most exquisite relish to, Sleeks, Chops
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The daily use of this aromatic and delicious Sauce is the best safe-
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Sold by the proprietors, Lea and Perrins, 6, Vere-street, Oxford-
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N.B. To guard against imitations, see that the names of " LEA.
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MEDICAL ADVICE O THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
YoUTH AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL.
I set publish,:cl, in French, English, German, Dutch, Spanish, and.
Italian, is a Sealed Enrelope, 2s. 6d., or pest-free, from the
Anther, for forty-two eltamps,
ELF-PRESERVATION; a
Musical Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on
the Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Maturity,
usually acquired at as early pericd of life, which destroy
toe physical and mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural
f;.;in:,s, and exhaust the vital energies of Manhood; with Practical.
0 mrvations on the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of
Nervous Debility, Local and Constitutional Weakness, Syphilis,
Steletute. and all Diseeeee and Derangements resulting frem India-
vetisn, as adopted by Lailemand, Iticord, and other eminent mem-
bers of the faculty in France. With Fifty coloured Engravings,
alnstrating the Anatomy, Physiology, and Diseases of the Re-
productive Organs, explaining their etreeture3, uses, and fa:idler:4
and the various injuries thet are proslucod in them lay solitary
habits, exCGSses, and Infentloil.
BY SAMUEL LAWERT, M. 1)„
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON.
Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the ITeiversity Edin-
enrgh,Honerary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society,
Licentiate of A potheerzies' Hall, London, Member of the Hunterian
Medical Society of Edinburgh, See.,
This work contains a plain and complete description of the ana-
tomy and physiology efthe reproductive organs, and ef their relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'Mert, who has taken the
bignest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man
who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted his studies to
the treatment of these complaints. He may be consulted with ad-
vantage by all those whose constitutions may have become debili-
tated through secret practices acquired ix yMith, or by the excesses
of later years, whereby the pleasures of life arc marred, the objects
of marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered a term of un-
ceasing misery and regret.
Published by the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49, Pater-
noster-rove • Hannay, 63, Oxford-street; Starie, Titchborne-street,
Haymarket; Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street ; Mann, 23, Co.rahill,
or free by host for forty-two stamps, from the author's residence, who
may he lore:tilted on these disorders personally, or by letter ,daily,
irons Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight.

THE SILENT FRIEND.
IN SIX LA_.NGLJA(IES - FORTIETH EDITION.
CO ;TAININ.I4 THE REMEDY FOR PRE VI NT10.% tit, DISEASE.

Ilustrated ny One hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravingr.
ON PIPS ICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENEP.ATIYII INCA-
PACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE.
New Edition, enlarged to 196 pages, price 23. 6a. by post, from

the Establishment. is. Gd. in Amps.

rviE SILENT FRIEND, a Aledical Work on
JIL the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by
ss emisive indulgence, the consequences of infection, or the abuse of
raeeury, with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fc:l-
- by observations en Marriage, anci the disqualificatlon4 which
prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. By R. and
VERRY and CO., Consulting Surgeons, 19, Berners-street, Oxford-
streot, Lonlon. Sold by strange, 21, Paternoster-row; Hannay,
53, and Sanger. 150. Oxford-street ; C4ordon,l46,Leadmhall-street;
Barclay, 95, Farringdon-street ; W. Sutton, 10, Bow Church-yard ;
W. Edwards, G 7, St. Paul's Church-yard ; Butler, 4, Cheapside ; R.
Johnson, 68, Cornhill ; and Simpakninct,pShtyatwioonioegrys'oliitno.
all-court.r.tr
ranAlt3T ,oduct:ve
org
Pi= 11. treats of the consequences resulting from excessive in-
tdriesaitisiu. o:tr theate ,ainbayto2nig
Coloured Engravings.
Y e
in-
dulgence, and their lamentable effects on the system, producing
mental and bodily weaknoss, nervous excitement, and generative
incapacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings.
PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
the primary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions for
their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 Coloured Engx ay-

lugs.
PART PC. contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a
i
simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated.
PAST V . is devotee to the consideration of marr age, and its du-
Vas. The cau3es of unproductive union are also considered' and the
while subject critically and philosophically inquired into.
THE COLDIAL BALM Or SYSIACUM is exclusively employed in
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par bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Easence, an anti-syphilitic
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remedy, for purifying the blood in cases of infection, secondary
Specific I 11,s, 2s. 9d., 4s. Ed., an 1 Ils.
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rserryeru'pktilohnirsifying and the abuse
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11. A. minute detail of the case is regnired: age, habits, and posi-
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fee.
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places of worship on Sunday last, in connexion with the
;iation.

osing Assoc)

A FOREIGN ARCHITECT'S OPINION OF

LONDON STEEPLES.

In walking throtigh the town my attention was in-
voluntarily first fixed upon the steeples. They almost
lo!ai• the stamp of what seems to be called here the
Anglo-Italian school (I except those of St. Michael's in
Corobill and St. Dunstan's in the East, which are copied
from the Gothic:), and chiefly were designed by Sir
Christopher Wren, architect of St. Paul's Cathedral,
co:nmenccct in 1675 and finishtd in 1711. Wren was
the man who gave a new impulse to architecture in Eng-
land: the church of St. Peter, with its vast cupola, at
Rome, designed by Brainanto and continued by Michael
Angelo, struck him, and he built for the Protestants in
London that which existed for the Catholics at Rome. I
give the preference for solidity in the dome and for the
proportions cif the portico in the principal &cult) to St.
Paul's., admitting that the towers and, lantern of St.
Peter's are very superior to those of the London church.
Certainly Wren was a very skilful oopyist in every style
of architecture, in Gothic as well as Roman-Italian: for
the first see St. Michael's and; St. Dunstan's. All the
other steeples, churches, or monuments erected from
1675 to 1780 in London, are more or less copies of Italy
according to Scaniczzi, Vignola, and other (con)foundars
of architecture; and there are some which are ridiculous
enough—for instance, the steeple of Stt Bennet, at the
corner of. Fenchurch-street and Gracechurch-street,
which enjoys Greek frontispieces on the four facades
surmounted by an Italian cupola, carrying for lantern
an Egyptian obelisk with a spiky top. It is saddening
to contemplate such an example of the distressed state
in which architecture found itself in the 18th century,
because it was not in London only that people fabricated
at that titne'similar specimens of bad taste: they were
produced throughout Europe.—Builder. : .

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM TILE. MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TlMES.—There is. a branch of statistics which
has been lately forced into notice by actual events of
a new and extraordinary character. " The statist"
no longer confines himself to populations, that is to
the number of persons dwelling quietly in certain
countries and cities, and such sober feats, for society
itself isnindergoiag a change, and is no longer con-
tent to dwell quietly. Strange to say, our railways,
our steamers, and our mastery of the ocean, have
brought us, back,
.in some respects, to the habits of
the Nomads and Massigetae, or the crusaders and
pilgrims-of a later age. Within half a year six mil-
lion visits have been paid to the great shrine of art by
persons who 'have travelled scores, and hundred, and
, thousands of miles for the pintpose. Excursion trains
bring up four or five thousand a day by one line of rail.
way. Eighty-five thousand children sang " God save
the Queen" at Manchester 'on'Friday, and fifty thou-
sand adults repeated the hymn the next day in Hyde-
park. We forget how Malay millions are returned as
having travelled by railway last year. The visits to
the British Museum and the Thames Tunnel are now
of the millionaire class. Twenty years ago the figure
of the national debt stood alone in its glory, as the
only work of Man that , approached to the infinite,
and was'really stupendous. • We are now so familiar
with great figures, that the national debt is descend-
ing, by comparison, to.the level of our ordinary con-
ceptions. But, among .all these vast figures that are
becoming domesticated. and vulgar, there is none so
inaportant, though so familiar, as the figures of the
emigration which -fie =actually draining.- these isles.
We have repeated almOsrad ;nauseam that the people
are are leaving us at ,the rate of near a thousand
a day. " Very well ; what of that ? They era only
Irishmen, with a sprinkling of the ever-wander-
ing Scotch, and some of the less fortunate or re-
spectacle of our own countrymen." Be they what
they may, the fact remains that we are witnessing a
phenomenon of the same class with the migrations of
the Gauls, the Goths, the Huns, the Turks, the Mag-
yars, and other tribes, that before the settlement of
Europe roamed about looking for a home. " Fami-
liarity," it is said, " breeds contempt ;" and certain
it is that no sooner is a great fact familiar than men
treat it with indifference, and do not even seem to ap-
prehend it correctly, Much less follow it up to its
consequences. In Ireland the fact is brought home
to the understanding in so forcible a manner by
the actual sight of emigrant-trains, emigrant-ships,
depopulated districts,, ruined habitations, and labour
beginning to rise in the market, 'that it cannot be
disposed of so easily as in this country. The journals
there have styled the movement the " Celtic
exodus;" and, considering the actual difference
between the condition of an average Irish peasant at
home and that which he easily attains to in the United
Statesove shall not quarrel with the reflection which
the name seems to cast on the rulers left behind.
The writers who treat of this exodus tell us that it
will go on till the whole race is departed and their
place left untenanted. Having once begun, the
migration will go on ; and the strong social instincts
that have hitherto bound the Irishman to the soil of
his birth will now operate in drawing him into the
great westward stream. In England it has been
anticipated by some writers, that when the Irish
population should be reduced to a certain low level,
the inducements to remain would rise so high that
the migration would stop, and the remnant left
behind would be contentedly and permanently at-
tached to the soil. The Irish authorities, as we are
disposed to think very correctly, do not expect the
migration to stop as soon as the population has
assumed its proper proportion to the work to be
done. The people who have been in the habit of
paying 30s. an acre would not now remain on the
land if, it were reduced to 20s. or 103.--they will
have it at no price. Their minds are completely
made up to go after their friends—to go home, that
home not being " Ould Ireland," but the "Far
West !" The stream once set that way, it will not
stop till Ireland is absolutely depopulated, and the
only question is, when will that he ? Twenty years
at the present rate would take away the whole of the
industrious classes, leaving only the proprietors and
their families, members of the learned professions,
and those whose age and infirmities keep them at
home. Twenty years are but a short time in treating
great social or political questions. It is more than
t.venty years since the passing of the Emancipation
Act and the introduction of the Reform Bill. What
if it should really come to pass that before another
twenty years the whole Celtic race shall have
disappeared from these isles, and the problem
of seven centuries received its solution ? We
dwell in wonderful times; in an age of great
discoveries, splendid improvements, and grand
consummations. Art has always been found the
handmaid of human developments. The discovdry of
gunpowder put an end to the little wars and little
states of the middle ages, and introduced larger poll-
cal manipulations. The discovery of printing pre-
pared for the revival of learning and arts, and paved
the way to the Reformation. The discovery of the
mariner's compass showed our navigators a path to
the East Indies and the New World. It may be the
first mission of railways to set all the populations of
the old world on the move, and send them in quest of
independent and comfortable homes. And when will
this movement stop? Incuriousness and prejudice
are ready with the reply, that it will stop, at all events,
when the Celtic race is exhausted. The Englishman,
we are assured, is too attached to his country, and too
comfortable at home, to cross the Atlantic. But surely
it is very premature to name any such period for this
movement, or to say beforehand what English la-
bourers will do, when seven or eight millions of Irish
have led the way to comfort and independence. The
Englishman is now attached to his own home, be-
cause he knows of no other. His ideas of other re-
gions are dark and dismal. He trembles at the thought
of having to grope his way through the Cimmerian
obscurity of another hemisphere. The single fact
ttnh
iantdh, e will a
fatal
havebar
no ti t o l
o‘
o‘
om parish"
otion in
But
oAmerica,th fie,
s in his
quick
passing away, Geography, union workhouses, ocean
mails, and the daily sight of letters arriving in ten
days from prosperous emigrants, are fast unrooting
the Britiah rustic from the soil, and giving him cos-
mopolitan ideas. In a very few
years the question
uppermost in his mind will be whether be will be
better off here or there ? Whether he should go with
the young and enterprising, or stay at home with the
old and stupid? If a quarter of a million British
subjects have left this country for the Australian co-
loniesrineso ev ne tm generation,' en nt e t ro a
at i
neareron and more wealthy
, there may easily be
a region. It has been imagined, indeed, that such a
migration will have a natural tendency to stop itself
at a certain stage. We are told'that the English la-
muchinlatrhgeerp
bourer will find a new field in Ireland, deserted by
the Celt. It will, however, cost no more effort of
mind to cross the ocean at once than to cross the
Irish Channel for a land- which, in the English
mind, must ever be associated with violence and blood.
p
roved condition, will an improved High wages, again, we are told,. the enjoyment of a
liberal government, and
bind the Englishman afresh to the soil of his ances-
tors.endent, more intelligent, and more
richer, more independent,
But when you make gthe English labourer
seek his fortune, wherever it may be
of a citizen, you have put him more in a condition
and temper to .
te.hdefirospect is far too
found. The men who in the United States leave
their homes for the Far West are generally they who
o. f. these isles, sup-
posingn e, On the whole,
excitement of another
have prospered where thteyrtaire,l.fand who want the
-e a merely specu-
lative to run cut its
the Celtic course, and a
constitute.-about b
sweeriaorues dtoisphoesuedegtioeot
British exodus to follow, co a out as serious a
as can be conceived; for a change of
political event
political revolution• is nothing
dynasty or any other
the
theidn,kosrtaht treated a t
lative question. The depopulation
change people themselves.
compared with a
All the departments of industry, the army, the navy,
the cultivation of the fields, the rent of landed pro-
perty, the profit of trades, the payment of rates and
taxes, depend on the people, and without We people
there must ensue a general _collapse of all our institu-
tions. We are, however, rather deSirous to recom-
mend the question to the consideration of others, and
especially of our statesmen, than to answer it our-
selves.
CHRONICLE.—At the time when the French
Conservatives, in their panic at the return of M.
Eugene Sue, engrafted
on the Constitution the law ofMay 31—as the ordinary
Fr
ench nomenclature de-
scribes the organic statutes annexing qualifications of
domicile and settlement t. o the electoral franchise—
we contented ourselves w
with explaining the nature of
the measure and expressing our opinion of its vast
importance. The law was one which could only be
judged by its operation and results. It could not
reasonably be disputed that the mischief against
which it was directed was assuming a magnitude that
naturally provoked audacity
in the attempt to remove
it. The large constituencies created by the Constitu-
tion were proving utterly unmanageable. is, of
course, illogical, and cont y rar to the principles of free
government, to pare down electoral bodies and to cum -
tail the privilege of giving expression to political
sentiment, simply as a means of shutting out a parti-
cular party from power, or a particular policy from
ascendency, even though the party be Socialist, and the
policy revolution en permanence. But in the eyes of
I reflecting men the fault of the French constituencies

' was by no means their espousal of Red. Republicanism,
which was far from being proved at the moment in
question. What justified alarm was the fact that, at
each successive election, a larger number of electors
declined to take the trouble of voting, and that, as
the occasions: for exercising the franchise were multi-
plied, the comparatively few who did take part in
them were obviously\ more and more disposed to no-
minate a candidate haphazard. France seemed
doomed, more than nier, to see her prosperity and her
peace madelhe sport 'of 'wantonness or chance. The
danger was not attended by the suspicious circum-
stance that none but alarmists beheld or admitted it.
Sincere republicans, like Lamartine, lamented it in
public, and suggested . the statutory prohibition of
the ticket system—or scrutin de liste—as the most
convenient remedy for a formidable evil. Tee same
view was subsequently. adopted by M. de Tocque-
villa in his memorable Report on the Revision of
the Constitution ; but the course recommended,
though backed by the authority of so great a name,
can hardly be looked upon as anything but a mere
mechanical expedient, which is in the highest degree
unlikely to amend an organic defect. The source of
heedlessness in the conStituencies was their total want
of preparation for the large measure suddenly con-
ceded to them—we will not say of liberty, of which
they enjoyed as little as ever, but—of the right to in-
terfere at certain intervals in the concerns of the State.
The very serious crisis which has just arisen will have
the effect of shortly supplying us with data upon
which we can found an approval or condemnation of
the restrictive law,' much more fairly than on the con-
jeotural•knowledge of its working which is all that
we possess' at present. It is certain that, against
whatevei good it has produced, there is an exten-
sive set-off in the perilous irritation of the classes
which it has deprived of the suffrage. That part
of the population which is at present on the out-
side of the electoral pale has been becoming
not simply Socialist, but revolutionary, from a
sense of the injustice which has been done in de-
grading it below others who are not superior to it in
intelligence, or in wealth, or in public consideration.
Nor, again, is it satisfactorily established that the re-
duced constituencies are a whit better fitted for the
faithful acquittal of the trust which has been lodged
with them than the larger bodies which they super-
seded. The privileged voters are almost as little dis-
posed as their predecessors to walk a mile or two with
the view of depositing a ballot. It is true that the
representatives whom they nominate more uniformly
belong to the Moderate section of the Assembly; but
if the elector be no more considerate, and the deputy
no less factious than before, nothing is gained but the
avoidance of a contest, at the cost of establishing an
electoral system against which a powerful minority of
the nation has recorded a standing protest. Better
information may, indeed, exhibit the direct results of
the change in a more favourable light. But there can be
no question as to its indirect consequences. The public
history of the period which has elapsed since the
law of May Si ,has been one long tissue of private
bickerings, open conflicts, and underhand intrigues,
upon which neither the President nor any section of
the Assembly would have ventured, unless the cur-
tailment of the franchise had produced a feeling of
security which left the mind open to the indulgence
of every political predilection and factious passion.
The fear of Socialism constituted the Conservative
majority—relief from that fear dissolved the party.
" 'We are disputing," said M. de Montelembert,
" about the skin of the bear; which is not yet dead."
The bear, in effect, is alive, and as dangerous as
ever. The prima facie contradiction between the
the electoral law and the text of the Constitution
gives the Republican Opposition a vantage-ground
which it never occupied before; and the position is
immensely strengthened by the obstinacy of the Pre-
sident's enemies in refusing to forestal the double
election of next spring by voting the Revision. It is
doubtful whether purely mechanical difficulties
will allow that frowning defile to be safely
passed, even by a disciplined army ; but it
would seem more than doubtful whether it
can be traversed when a third of the soldiers are
in mutiny. It is an unprofitable task to attribute
designs to a personage so thoroughly inscrutable as
the President. His motive is suddenly declaring war
against the restrictive law, and in dismissing a fa-
vourite Minister rather than forego his opposition,
may be in the highest degree statesmanlike and
patriotic ; but there are some considerations of' interest
so germane to the matter that it would be foolish to
leave them out of the question. Louis Napoleon can
hardly have been blind to the altered relation towards
the coalesced statesmen of the Conservative majority,
in which he has stood since he sanctioned that mea-
sure. Since then, they have shown him plainly that
they thought they could do without him. So long as
the Moderates and Red Republicans were struggling
on the level ground of universal suffrage, the former
could not afford to lose a single element of strength—
much less that which was furnished by the great name
of the President, and by the vast authority which he
temporarily wields. But the moment that the
new law gave them an artificial advan-
tage, they cast Bonapartism aside, and
fought for their own hand. Louis Napoleon is
now, to all appearance, aiming at restoring the
original conditions of the conflict. He seems to feel
that, with an unfettered franchise he is the only can-
didate whom the Conservatives could successfully op-
pose to a Red Republican celebrity. Then, again,
there is the chance that, appalled by this fresh evi-
dence of his courage and his determination, they may
buy him off by voting the !revision, or by an extra-
constitutional prolongation of his term of power.
And all calculations upon existing data, appear to
establish that, if he perseveres in his hostility to the
law, he can bring about its repeal. He is said to be
desirous of summoning to the new Ministry M. de
Falloux and M. Odilon Barrot, both of whom are
known to be of opinion that the restrictions were car-
ried too far. Even if they refuse their concurrence,
there is little doubt that a majority can be consti-
tuted from the votes which he can command in the
Assembly, added to those of the Republican Opposi-
tion, and of the larger number of Legitimists,
who think that the law has diminished their
strength in the western and southern departments.
Whatever comes of it; it is beyond question that the
President's decision will issue in results of the gravest
importance.

HERALD.—It is unhesitatingly stated, by Whigs
who mingle and live with the members of the Cabinet,
that the meeting of that body, summoned for this
day, will have to consider and resolve upon the gene-
ral principles of the new Reform Bill. The state-
ment appears to us improbable ; but we receive it
from quarters which can hardly be mistaken. We
regard it as improbable, because, except Parliament is
to meet in November, it is manifestly unwise to de-
velop so early a measure which must greatly agitate
the public mind; and which, if it be laid before a
meeting of a dozen gentlemen in October, can hardly
remain a profound secret until February next. How-
ever, as we have said, the fact is that Whigs of a
high rank, and who daily associate with Cabinet Mi-
nisters, believe, and state, that the measure to be
debated this afternoon is the new Reform Bill.
And this naturally leads our thoughts to the character
of that measure. We expected that little would
be heard of the tenour or details of the scheme
until it was opened by Lord John Russell in the
House of Commons. And, therefore, we felt dis-
posed to avoid useless speculation so long beforehand.
If, however, the measure is to see the light so long
before its Parliamentary appearance, it is time that
we began to make up our minds about it. We have
often expresssed our hope—and from Mr. Disraeli's
late allusion to the subject we trust that that hope
party
will be realised—that the new measure of reform,
whenever it appeared, would not be received by the
Conservative party in a hostile spirit. There is no-
thing in the present electoral system to command the '
possesses respect
offersthe Conservative
claims t
it has
party.has
deferencel
arising from its parentage or origin ; and t
C• gainingo
Conserv-
atives. se rv-
taht cer-
tainly p
vesr.a.ie ws oI rfk, etf
then,
neithere tno,
itthei
vas
ntoihswifga
condemned
,tio n ofno
by ratiryt own s Radicals,
au-
thors and patrons, sured it may be removed
without a struggle;
.it is no concern of
ours to preserve any portion of the fabric. But
while we remain in this neutral and indif-
ferent state of mind as to the abolition of the present
system, it will behove us to see that the new scheme
schinis athbeoußtetfoorbme
to continue in that opinion, that it will not be easy to
iipsnavab invent
neotcfeair unfairness.vet conceived
worseinanin'sigyf
sratallelmVmt aehdtehh awa withoutntoe
condemned. Yet we must admit the possibility-.-
first,
Bill of 1831.2 ; and secondly, of framing the rest of
the new plan after the fashion of those worst points:
prraortopmpule haonlyd stehheemlelvoefsthe Conservative
fully
prepared. Tho chief
worst
iss s
at
aikpdt anndhnyt d
w e great
are and
inclined pal.
faults of the Bill of 1831-2 were found by experience
to be-1. The constituencies it created in the large
towns. 2. The constituencies it created or left in the
small towns. Both were alike bad, though widely
differing in character. The great towns,—and more
especially the metropolitan boroughs,—were made
the strongholds of Radicalism. The small towns
were delivered over to bribery. Let us look at these
two features apart. Of the mob-constituencies
created in the metropolitan boroughs, and in such
towns as Manchester and Birmingham, we shall say

[PRICE SD.

nothing more than the Times said of them someNN ha'
more than a year ago. When discussing the Lan
bath election of August, 1850, it used this lan.
guage

- "Lambeth, then, on the occasion of the present elec-
tion is likely to become another illustration of the down-
ward tendencies of the metropolitan constituencies. We
use the word tendency' advisedly, for matters are worse
than they have been, and we can perceive no symptom of
a turniog tide. Let us leave the names of individuals
aside, and simply consider the metropolitan Members as
a body, and what is their main employment in the Home
of Commons? Is it not mainly to represent the selfish
interests and blind prejudices of the less patriotic er less
enlightened portion of their constituents whenever any
change is proposed manifestly for the public benefit?
Looking at their votes, one would suppose a metropo-
litan Member to be rather a Parliamentary agent of
the drovers, and sextons, and undertakers, than a re-
presentative of one of the most important constituen-
cies of the kingdom. Is this downward Progress
of the metropolitan representation to continue un-
changed ? Will it be extended to other constituencies
as soon as they shall be brought under conditions ana-
, logous to those under which the metropolitan electors
exercise the franchise ? The question is of no small
interest. Whether the fault be with the electors or
with those who should have the nerve to come forward and
demand their suffrages, matters not for the purposes of
the argument. The fact remains unaltered. Supposing
England throughout its area were represented as the
various boroughs of the metropolis are represented at
the present time, what would be the effect? That is the
point for consideration."
It is admitted, then, by a Liberal and Free-trade
journal—the mainstay of the present Government—
; that to increase the proportion of large town or
' metropolitan borough representatives would be to
deteriorate the character of that Assembly, and
probably endanger the Conslitution itself. With
this opinion on record, will it be possible to proceed
in the creation of any more such constituencies ?
As to the smaller boroughs, such as Sudbury,
Harwich, St. Albans, &c., it is now abundantly
evident that the Reform Bil rendered them far worse
than they had previously been. Up to the year
1830 the wealthy men who desired to find seats in
Parliament by purchase usually addressed themselves
to the dealers in the close or rotten boroughs. In a
large number of these the electors were merely some
ten or a dozen persons, dependents on the borough
patron. He received some 2,0001. or 3,0001. for the
seat, and provided for them, the electors, by situa-
tions of various kinds, obtained by the use of his
local or Parliamentary influence. All this is now at
an end ; but one consequence is that the whole body
of purchasers is thus thrown upon the small towns
now returning Members to Parliament. Hence, more
open corruption—more buying of votes in the market-
place, exists at present than was known previous to
1830. Tho whole state of things has become so much
worse that there is no denying the want of some
legislative remedy. The Times, when alluding to
these things some time since, foolishly said that these
towns must be disfranchised, and the seats given to
more of the large towns, such as Leeds and Man-
chester. The fact absurdly overlooked by the Times
was, that all the large towns are already enfranchised;
and that new Manchesters and Sheffields to receive
the franchise cannot be invented or created. It follows
that when the minor and corrupt boroughs are thrown
into a new Schedule A, it will be inevitable that the
franchises taken from them must be bestowed on the
English counties. And for this, apart from the ne-
cessity of the case, there is abundant cause to be
shown. The Radicals complain, that it is unjust that
Harwich should have as potent a voice in Parliament
as Manchester. Just as unequal and as unjust is it,
that Hertford and St. Alban's, two petty towns,
should return as many members to Parliament as the
freeholders of the county of Devon. Or, to turn to
Essex itself, when you have put Harwich and Malden
into Schedule A, where will you bestow the seats
with nearly so much justice as on the county of Essex,
which with half a million of people sends only four
members to the House of Commons ? It is because
these consequences appear to us plain and inevitable,
that we are not at all indisposed to a reconstruction of
the whole electoral system. So far from doing harm
we believe that if it be fairly carried on such a recon-
struction will give us a fairer, a more honest, and a
more Conservative House of Commons than any we
have yet seen.
DAILY NEWS.—Never, perhaps, was there so
striking an example of a man's being caught in his
own trap as that of Louis Napoleon and the law of
the 31st of May. By this name is known the Par-
liamentary decree disfranchising two or three mil-
lions of the French people. When the metropolis
returned a large majority of Socialist members, the
Conservatives instantly resolved to punish Paris by
disfranchising its artisans. This they did effectually
by ordaining that none should have a vote without
proving that he had been domiciled and employed in
his present locality for a certain time. But the
working class, and more than the working class in
great towns, is for ever changing. Then their em-
ployers' signature was required to establish the claim
of the employed. This, under a hundred pretexts,
might be withheld. nd thus some two or three
out of the six millions of French electors were de•
prived of their right of suffrage by the Assembly, and
with the consent and co-operation of the President.
The latter was at the time, no doubt, persuaded
that the best chance of being continued in power lay
in his conciliating the middle, the propertied, and
timid classes, together with the conservative party in
the Assembly, which was their champion. Accord-
ingly he consented to fling the people overboard. And
now it appears that Louis Napoleon's only chance is
from the votes of these very people whom he disfran-
chised, every shade of the Parliamentary parties
having turned against him. The President, therefore,
after shutting the popular flood out of the elections
for his own purpose on the 31st of May, would now
open the sluices and let the popular flood in again to
float him. But to this the Assembly, of course,
stands opposed, and with the Assembly every knot of
statesmen that hope to exist by either the favour or
tolerance of the Assembly, or that undertake to carry
on the Government in accord with the majority.
The signal for the President's standing out and in-
sisting upon the repeal of the law of the 15th of May,
was given in a leading article of the Constitutionnel,
signed Granier de Cassagnac. It may here be re-
marked, that articles in the journals of France seem
to have all the same prestige and to wield the same
influence, when signed by individuals, as when they
were expressed in the collective or editorial
we. Never was the French press more powerful,
or its weight more felt than at the present
moment. No one could deny the ability with which
the manifesto of the Constitutionnel against the dis-
franchising law was written. The Socialists, it ar-
gued, are powerless without a flag; you have given
them one by disfranchising the people, whose right
they may uphold. In giving the Sccialists such a
flag, there is no class or party interested to oppose
them. The peasantry, who might take arms against
the red republic, would not muster and march against
universal suffrage. All that universal suffrage had
done was to disinherit the old, corrupt clique of poli- '
ticians that had monopolised place. These by the law
of May have recovered their old advantages, and hence
the mass of petty and personal intrigues that disgrace
the country, confound all principles, and render un-
certain all results. To these arguments Louis Na-
poleon has added his own. In them he has declared
his opinion, that there are but two solid sources of
governmental authority, hereditary kingly right, or
popular elective right; and that both must be
perfect,
for that no quasi-legitimacy, or quasi-elec-
tive will hold. The executive of France must, there-
fore, be chosen by the whole people or by none. A
portion will not suffice. The remark that rises to
every ones lip, is, why this very fine and proper
chain of reasoning did not occur to Prince Louis
Napoleon when he sanctioned his Ministers in in-
troducing the law of May disfranchising the mil-
lions? The entire political world in France is dis-
puting about principles, when it is clear that no one
party in power has the least sincere respect for
principle of any kind. It is mere time-serving,
gilded over with fine and ambiguous words, the Prince
himself setting the example. But although Louis
Napoleon gave himself up from the first to the guid-
ance of the reactionists, he has had still, from time
to time, fits of awakening to liberal ideas, and to a
consciousness that they alone could save him. Hence
the letter to Colonel Oudinot against the conduct of
the Roman Government, and hence so many liberal
sentiments and resolves, and stray speeches at that
light These, however, are but feint flames, dd
light up from smouldering ashes, to die as soon as
born. The President's regret for having. disfran-
chised millions of those who voted for himis one
of those vain coruscations, those idle regrets,
which he has the weakness and wilfulness to betray,
but not the courage or constancy to act upon.
If the President got rid of M. Faucher to-morrow.
for such a cause, where is he to find a Minister ? M.
Barrot certainly would not volunteer to serve him, or
to embark in a contest with the Assembly, for any
idee Napolgonienne however just.:Whatever desire the
hapless Prince may have to become liberal, it is now
too late. What real Liberal would now trust him ?
He must lie on the bed of state that he has made
himself, propped on those Conservative parties who
are openly betraying him, yet whose momentary
countenance and support he cannot dispense with. I
Repeal the law of the 31st of May he cannot, without !