The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-10 00:00:00

ITALY.

M. Cavour, President of the Sardinian Council,
thus replied to the interpellations of M. 13:uffa in
the Chamber of Deputies on the 7th inst. :

"In order to gratify the just impatience of the Cham-
ber and country, I consider it my duty to give, you a
short account of the proceedings of the Sardinian Pleni-
potentiaries in the Paris Congress. The Chamber will
understand that I cannot enter into lengthened details,
owing to the reserve imposed upon me by dip omatic
usage, and because a number of questions still remain
unsolved. When the Government signed the treaty
of alliance it did 'lot think proper to atpulate
in a special manner the position which its Pleni-
potentiaries were to occupy in the peacs negotia-
tions. It was, however, well understood tb at no
peace should be concluded without the participation of
Sardinia. The Governnient thought that the re zainder
should be left to events, the influence of a nation d epend-
ing much more on its own conduct and reputation than
on written stipulations. Our expectation was n ot de-
ceived either on the field of battle or in the Peace Con-
gress. Nothing had been decided with regard to our
General-in-Chief. Nevertheless, everybody knows the
influence he exercised, not only on the field of battle, but
also in the war councils, for the reputation he acquillred is
henceforth European, and his glory is a national glory.
The mission of the Sardinian Plenipotentiaries in tne Con-
gress had a double object. They were to participate' in the
peace negotiations, and direct the attention of the allies
to the unfortunate condition of Italy, and to the
. mode
of remedying her evils. The first part of then. task
was easy, the cause of the West being supported by
the distinguished eta'esmen representing Engl”rl and
France, and the Russian Plenipotentiaries eviiac tog a
spirit of conciliation which I am personally 'bound
to acknowledge, because it was especially maoifeste I
towards our country. I am consequently paelined
to believe that the treaty will not only have restored
peace between Sardinia and Russia, but will: draw
closer the ties of friendship which, during cerituries,
existed between the Howe of Savoy and the Ri manoff
family. The object of the alliance has bee a com-
pletely attained. All danger on the side of Ru tsia has
disappeared. The Eastern Christians have o btained
everything they could d.tsire, and the existence. of the
Ottoman empire has been consolidated. I do not ;mean

to overrate the consequences of the treaty nor our mate- I
rial advantages, but I must say that the neutralieation
4 the Black Sea, and the free navigation of the Danabe,
will exercise a beneficial influence over our trade. We
have obtained another advantage by the consecration of
a new maritime principle as respects neutrals in time of
war. Thanks to that principle, the small States have no
longer to dread the affronts of the strongest, and thus
disappeared one of the causes which might have broken
the Western alliance. Since the conclusion of the treaty
of Vienna a secondary Power was for the first time per-
mitted on this occasion to participate in the solution of
a problem affecting the general interests of Europe.
Thus have all the doctrines, established to the preju•
dice of secondary States in the Vienna Congress, been
set at nought. This fact has greatly raised our country
in the estimation of nations, and placed it in a position
where the wisdom of the Government and the virtue of
the people will maintain it. lam now about to treat a
delicate question. The French Plenipotentiary had di-
rected the attention of the Congress to the excesses com-
mitted by a portion of the Belgian press against the French
Government and its chief. The English Plenipoten-
tiary, after warmly defending the principle of liberty of
the press, which is one of the bases of the British Con-
stitution, loudly condemned these excesses. I concurred
in his declaration by a simple adhesion. I, did not think
proper to deliver a speech in favour of liberty of the
press, because I might not have efficaciously served its
cause, and would have certainly injured that of the
• Italian question. Some of the Pienipotentiaries besides
would have been enchanted to divert attention from the
Italian question, and fix it on the press. But had I
-poken I should have only followed the example of the
English Minister, and adhered in a great measure to the
sentiments expressed by the French Plenipotentiary. The
latter, in very moderate language, condemned the ex-
cesses, not of the journals professing exaggerated
doctrines, but of those which attack the French Go-
vernment, not by argument, but by contemptible abuse
and atrocious calumnies. Friendly relations cannot
long continue between two nations when such journals
are permitted to exist. In manifesting that opinion I
should have only repeated what I have already said in
this house. Five years ago I said that liberty of the press
could be carried to its utmost limits without danger at
home, but that the case would be different with regard
to foreign states, and I feel so convinced of that truth
that if I were a Belgian deputy I should be inclined
to concur in my friend Orbon's opinion, and consider it
my duty to denounce to the Chamber the perils such a
state of things is calculated to produce, and in doing so I
should be intimately convinced of having rendered an
immense service to liberty. The Sardinian Plenipoten•
aeries directed the attention of the Western Powers to
the abnormal and unfortunate condition of Italy. Had
the war assumed a greater development there would have
been reason to hope that the programme of the
Western Powers would have been extended; but,
in the present situation, there was no possibility to
demand or expect territorial changes. Diplomacy
is impotent to modify the condition of nations ;
it can only sanction accomplished facts. The pre-
sent condition of Italy, however, not being conformable
to the treaties in vigour, the principles laid down at
Vienna having been violated, and the political equili-
brium destroyed, the Sardinian Plenipotentiaries invited
England and France to take that state of things into
serious consideration. Our allies favourably received
that demand, and took the deepest interest in the affairs
of Italy. They admitted that the occupation of the
Italian provinces by foreign troops was abnormal, and
expressed a desire that it should cease. But an ob-
jection presented itself. It was asked what might be
the consequences of the withdrawal of those troops.
The Sardinian Plenipotentiaries did not hesitate
to ;declare that, without the adoption of preserva-
tive measures, those consequences might be serious and
perilous. But they thought that those dangers might
be obviated, and drew up a memorial, which was ad-
dressed, in the form of a note, to the Governments of
England and France. England gave her full adhesion
to it. France admitted the principle, but, for par-
ticular considerations, she reserved her opinion as
to its application. The Sovereign Pontiff is not only
the temporal chief of a State : he is also the religious
chief of the Catholic World. Hence arise for the
French Government certain duties to fulfil, and if we
consider the influence which an act accomplished at
Rome may have on the interests of France, it will be
conceived that the French Government does not de-
serve from us less gratitude than the English Govern-
ment. In the eyes of England the Roman question is
merely political, and the English Plenipotentiary treated
it with the liberty and talent becoming so important a
question. I am delighted to have it in my power to
proclaim here that the illustrious statesman, whom I am
happy to call my friend, evinced so much sympathy for
Italy, and so sanguine a desire for the improvement of
her condition, that he is entitled to the gratitude not
only of the Piedmontese, but also of all the Italians. Tee
Austrian Plenipotentiary opposed a plea in bar, that is he
observed with reason that his tl-overnment having received
no intimation on the subject he had neither powers
nor instructions to enter on the merits of the question.
Bet he maintained the right of intervention when ap-
plied for by another Government. That doctrine, ad-
mitted by France, was opposed by England, and it
was not possible to arrive at a precise soluti.m, but
we have gained a great point by inducing England and
France to proclaim the expediency of putting an end
to the occupation of Central Italy. The Sardinian
Plenipotentiaries suggested that some of the Italia's Go-
vernments might be advised to adopt a system of modera-
tion. I will not here attempt to describe the warm man-
ner in which the representatives of England and France
supported that motion. If the diplomatists of the other
nations did not concur in it, from motives of propriety,
I must say that not one of them, either officially or
officiously, impugned the validity of the arguments ad-
duced by England and France, and I am of opinion that
the advice, given only by those two nations, will not be
the less efficacious. The Sardinian Plenipotentiaries
called the attention of the Aesembly to the erection of
fortifications at Piacenza, and denounced that fact as part
of a system against which they considered it their duty
to protest. Thus, the abnormal and unhappy condition
of Italy has been exposed to Europe, not by furious and
revolutionary demagogues, not by passionate journals,
not by party men, but by the representatives of the
first nations of Europe. Toe second advantage obtained
consists iu those Powers having declared that it was the
interest of Europe that the evils of Italy should be re-
medied. A verdict given by England and France cannot
long remain sterile. On the other hand, it is certain
that the Paris negotiations did not improve our relations
with Austria. I must say that the Sardinian and Aus-
trian plenipotentiarieS, after sitting side by side during
two months, and co-operating in one of the greatest
political works accomplished during the last forty years,
separated—without any personal anger, it is true, for
I must do justice to the perfectly courteous demea-
nour ,of the Austrian representatives—but with
the intimate conviction that the political systems
of the two countries are more opposed than ever.
Those differenoes may give rise to difficulties, and
create dangers, but that is the inevitable and fatal
consequence of the system of liberty, which Victor
Emmanuel inaugurated on ascending the throne, and
which you have ever since upheld. I do not think
that the prevision of those perils ought to induce the
King to alter his policy. To-day, the cause of Italy
has been brought before the tribunal of public opinion,
whose decision, to use the noble expression of the Em-
peror of the French, is without appeal. The trial 'may
be lone.', but I am confident that its definitive issue
will be
conformable to the justice of the cause."
MM. Buffa, della Margarita, and Brofferiao were
subsequently heard, and the house adjourned to
the next day to hear M. Mamiani.

The Breslau Gazette states from Bucharest that
the Wallachian Government has caused some
palaces to be furnished, at an expense of 7,000
ducats, for the reception of the commissioners of
the powers who are to meet there. The French
commissioners will be lodged in the hotel of Prince
Oonstantine Ghika.

The Agram Gazette quotes a letter from Mon-
tenegro of the 23d ult., stating that on his return
from Scutari, Prince Danilo addressed the people
on the market-place of Kicka, telling them that he
had reason to fear a new attack on the part of the
Turks, and that he trusted to the courage and
patriotism of his subjects, who would, as usual,
repel their old enemies.

Drumhead law has been republished in the
Hungarian Comitats of Veszprim and Barany, and
rewards offered for information which shall lead to
the capture of robbers, incendiaries, and mur-
derers. 101. will be paid for a common highway
robber, 301. for a particularly dangerous robber,
501. for the captain of a band, and 1001. for the
whole gang, or ten of its members ; 1,0001. is
offered for the capture of Rosa Sandor, the moat
renowned of Hungarian bandits, who was one of
Kossuth's right-hand men during the revolution.