The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-10 00:00:00

ment, the other from her two revolutions. Such is
the singular phenomenon exhibited by the country
at present. She is monarchical, as it has been truly
remarked by the Minister of Commerce and the Mi-
nister of Public Instruction—monarchical in her ha-
bits, her recollections, and her interests, and, above
all, monarchical when considered in her relations to
the other States of Europe. But, on the other
hand, France is practically a republic.—(Cries from
the centre.) Yes, gentlemen, France is a republic
in her principles, which have been triumphing for
the last 40 years, by the still-increasing division of
the property of the country, by the complete aboli-
tion of all privileges and all social distinctions, and
by that individualism which is every day penetrating
deeper into and corrupting social life; by the greater
number of the institutions that she possesses; and,
finally, gentlemen, she is republican by that innu-
merable National Guard in arms over the whole ex-
tent of the kingdom.—(Murmurs from the centre.)
These two principles, gentlemen, are co-existent,
and are in full and simultaneous action. The
republican principle is ever tending upwards towards
the summit of society. Its partisans declare that
when a country like ours has attained a high degree
of emancipation and equality whatever concerns
monarchy is but factitious, and little better than a
kind of pageant. We, on the contrary, gentlemen,
look forward towards the complete realization of the
republican system as one of the most fatal events
that could befal the country in its present state.
But how put an end to this struggle—how reduce
to order those jarring elements, or govern the coun-
try prosperously ? The Ministers tell you, by the
means at the disposition of those in power—by the
action of the laws which support that power—
power, and always power. But, gentlemen, have
we not seen crumble to pieces the two greatest in-
stances of power it was possible to establish—one,
the power of genius, sustained by continued victory
and far-spreading glory, and supported by the wishes
and the rights of the people ; and the other resting
upon a pedestal of fourteen centuries of glorious
descent, the origin of which is lost in the night of
antiquity ? And it is in the presence of these two
awful examples, and in the midst of these formidable
principles, consecrated by the experience of ages
and the ordeal of two revolutions, that you pretend
to remain stationary and resist their impulse. The
Hon. Deputy concluded by saying, that he would
never consent to admit that there existed a Carlo-Re-
publican alliance ; such an alliance would necessarily
be a hollow and hypocritical one. But though there
be no alliance, there is a simultaneous struggle,
and that struggle owes its rise and continuance to
the system adopted by the Government ; to the
refusal of those political rights, not exclusive to one
party or the other, but to both—to all. This may
be what is termed the juste milieu, but assuredly it
is neither sound government, nor strict justice, nor
loyalty of conduct."—(Applause from the right.)
M. Guizot, !n replying, energetically reprehended
the very unbecoming attack which M. Berryer had
made against the principles upon which the Govern-
ment was founded. " These attacks," M. Guizot
added, " appeared to him scandalous, and he re-
gretted that M. Berryer seemed to entertain so
erroneous an idea of liberty as to suppose that it
authorized him to make them." NI. Guizot con-
tinued—" The day, Gentlemen, when such scan-
dalous attacks shall become dangerous for social
order—the day when they shall be able to put the
Government in jeopardy, and compromise the safety
of the established institutions, and the hopes of the
future—that day, if ever it should arrive,—l cannot
pretend to say how this Chamber may be composed,
but of one thing I am certain, that, be its composition
what it may, it will not permit such scandalous at-
tacks as those I have alluded to. I repeat that expres-
sion, as it is the only one which expresses what I mean.
It has been said that in 1830 we established the
sovereignty of the people. I shall not enter into a
metaphysical discussion of words and systems, but,
guided alone by common sense, I shall state what
we did in 1830. We drove away a dynasty become
incapable of governing the country. We reformed
most materially our institutions.—(Marks of dissent
from the extremities.) We did not abolish the
charter, but changed its principle and improved some
of its regulations. We overthrew absolutism and
privileges, not for the purpose of introducing abso-
lute liberty and equality, but to give to the country
much more liberty and equality than it had.—
(Laughter from the extremities.) Our duty now,
placed as we are between two hostile camps, is to
pursue a wise and prudent policy, equally distant from
excesses of all kinds—a policy which under this point
of view, has been truly called the juste milieu. Such
is and ought to be the proper and inevitable posi-
tion of the Government.

Here the general discussion on the address closed,
and the Chamber proceeded to discuss the different
paragraphs separately.
Up to the fourth paragraph was agreed to, and at
six the debate was adjourned.