The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-29 00:00:00

demand of the country for emancipation. Mr.
Irving charges Mr. Stanley with having held one
linguage to Parliament, with regard to the
money to be given to the West Indians, and
another language to the Deputation. " I
will draw no inference (he says) between
the expressions used by the Colonial Secretary
in speaking of that sum of money as aloan, when
stating bis_plan to the .House of Commons, and
speaking of it as compensation to the deputation."
That difference may be accounted for. There
is no man who will say that Ministers can avoid
adopting some measures for emancipating the
slaves ; but we have hitherto seen no plan by
which the slaves can be emancipated, without
annihilating what is called West India property.
The other effect—that of raising the price of
sugar to the British consumer, by diminishing
the supply—we say nothing of; but it is proper
that the people of this country should be pre-
pared for such a result. If they take sugar from
foreign colonies, it will be affording encourage-
ment to the slave trade and to slavery. We have
already said, that this is a subject that Ministers
should approach with great caution. It were
better, perhaps, they should postpone the eon
sideration of the plan to next session, that they
may know well what they are about ; for the
outcry from the number of people in this coun-
try, more or less connected with West Indian
property, should matters turn out ill, will be
tremendous. As in other cases, the rest of the
community will be silent. They who signed
petitions for the emancipation of slavery, will
not relieve them from their responsibility. Lord
Harewooil seemed to regret the destruction of
boroughmongering as the only means by which
the emancipation of the blacks could have been
averted. He thinks that the decision of the
House of Commons, whatever it may be, must
be considered final. " If such a measure," he
says, " is sanctioned by the House of Com-
mons under present circumstances, what other
branch of the Legislature is capable of putting
a stop to it ?" This renders it the. more neces-
sary for Ministers to be cautious how they pro-
ceed so far that they cannot retrace their steps.
—Morning Chronicle.
The people whose just rights we always ad-
vocate, whatever party, whether under Whig or
Tory banners, may attempt to infringe upon
them—will, we trust, listen to our advice when
we counsel them to beware of those apostles of
mischief who take advantage of their distress to
instigate them to acts of outrage and violence.
We gave them similar counsel before the dis-
graceful disturbances of Bristol and Nottingham
brought on their heads military execution, and
subsequently caused the blood of several mis-
guided victims to be shed by the sharp sword of
the law. Do not the people recollect what de-
leterious potions were dealt out to them at that
time by Whig Journals, until, maddened by
excitement, they spurned the advice of their
sincere friends, and rushed upon the follies and
the crimes which tarnished the civilization of
the country, and brought ruin on the heads of
the perpetrators ? Do they not also recollect
that when they abandoned the guidance of rea-
son, and gave themselves up to the lawless fury
of their passions, the journals which stimulated
their excitement into frenzy invoked vengeance
on their heads ? Was it not in the same quarter
in which significant allusions were made to the
opposition of the Duke of Wellington to reform
and the dreadful fate of the De Witts ? Was
it not in the same quarter whence the advice
came to " strike at the faces of their enemies,"
that the voice was raised to call down upon
the misguided victims of the reform excite-
ment at Bristol and Nottingham the " sharpest
edge of the axe of the law ?" We interceded

then for the lives of those infatuated delin-
quents whose crimes our admonitions would
have prevented, but that they unfortunately be-
lieved their most violent advisers were the most

hearty in their cause. They discovered their
error too late ; but their melancholy experience
ought to teach others wisdom. We have been

induced to make those remarks at the present
moment, from seeing in a weekly paper—one of
the cheap publications—one of the specimens of
untaxed knowledge—which claims to itself the
merit of being published " for the people," the
most nefarious advice given to the working
classes, to whom the cheap sheet is especially
addressed. One passage begins plausibly enough,
by advising an obServance of the law ; but it
. .

carries in its tail a scorpion's sting—"
Remem-
her, by violating the law we should only add to
its rigour— by obeying the law we shall destroy it
hereafter. Let us obey it for our own sakes—
but let us obey it only for the sacred purpose of
overthrowing it." This is attempting to obtain,
by the craftiness of Machiavel, the political millen-
nium of Jack Cade, in which the destruction of

all law was the commencement of all happiness!
Surely an enemy has said this. Again, the
same adviser goes on to say, " The fate of Cully
and Brooke must have taught )ou, ere this,
how the truncheon of the hired assassin can be
most safely repelled." Then comes a communi-
cation, as if from a correspondent, in which wav
the law is to be kept, is more particularly
detailed, and which we give verbatim:—
" But now, Mr. Editor, I have a little bit of a secret to
tell you :—a word to the wise is enough, and—no mis-
take. The sports of the great unbolted would at once be
put an end to, if these hired bludgeoneers were fully con-
vinced that, for the future, the working man always goes
to public meetings with bread and cheese in his pocket,—
a
herd crust of bread, and a very small piece of cheese--
and also A KNIFE; that's of course : for surely you
would not have the poor m.n break his teeth against the

hard crust, or nibble at the cheese like a mere mouse ?
No : the working man 'must have a knife. It need not
ite made with a j int ; that wou'd be an unnecessary ex
pen,e. A strong straight knife, carried in a sort of large
scis.or sheath, will serve admirably for cutting brad and
cheese, and also for any other incidental purposes. This
cheese-knife rn ly be made very sharp at the point (in
order that you may pick out any thing detrimental in your
victuals, or &e.); but the back of your knife should in-
crease in size up to the haft, where it should be very thicx,
indeed almost as thick as the hack of a sword ; but that's
nothing to the purpose ; I only mean that every working
man should, at every public meeting, have in his pocket
some bread ant cheese, and also whatever may be; for it
is a pity he should run the risk of being starved, er &C."
This letter is signed " Palafox," and the
reason for adopting that signature is obvious to
all who recollect that the war-cry of the brave
defender of Saragossa against the French in-
vaders was " war to the knife !" There was, to
be sure, this difference in the application of the
phrase as used by Palafox to tnat given by the
cheap knowledge" writer ;—the former used it
as the signal of resistance to a foreign enemy—
the latter alludes to it for the purpose of inch-
ing or ensnaring his countrymen into the guilt
of civil blooshed. If his readers should be in-
sane enough to follow such advice, they will
find that " cheap knowledge" may be most
dearly purchased. We do not advise, like some
Whig Journals, combinations of people of pro-
perty against those who have none. We would
rather draw the rich and poor into closer union
than raise up a wall of separation between them.
I,Ve defend the rights of the people against all
aggressors, and we denounce as the worst enemies