The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-04 00:00:00

fourtb bition

induced him to resign, yet that the joint occurrence
of the two had left him no alternative. Plausible as this
defence may be, it is hardly sound; for a far shorter ex-
perience than that of Lord John Russell might have
told him, that although neither Radicals nor Protec-
tionists might approve, abstractedly, of his Government,
yet that a permanent union between two such discordant
parties for the purpose of turning him out was, to the
last degree, improbable. And if so distant an approach
to defeat as was implied in the division lists of the 13th
of last month were held sufficient to justify—or, rather,
to render necessary, a resignation—(for no Minister has
a right to abandon his post so long as it is tenable con-
sistently with honour)—we should very much like to
hear upon what principle the Whig Cabinet—composed,
for the most part, of the same individuals—of 1839 is
to be vindicated from a charge of gross and
unjustifiable adherence to the emoluments long
after it had ceased to wield the authority of
Government. The obstinate indifference to de-
feat, exhibited ten years ago, contrasts oddly, to say the
least of it, with the very remarkable delicacy now dis-
played. The real fact, then, unless we greatly mistake,
is this—Lord John Russell, with a divided Cabinet,
having given promises which he could not possibly fulfil,
and seeing before him difficulties which he durst not
face, slipped out of the dilemma in the easiest, if not
the most dignified, manner, leaving to his successors
the task of piloting the ship through the breakers,
among which, under his guidance, she had all but gone
to wreck. It is, we think, Fontonelle who, describing
the position of a friend who had contrived to involve
himself in a very serious scrape, thus relates the
method of his extrication:—"li e'en tiro en homme
haide. Savez Volts ce qu'il fit ? Il mourut." After the
same fashion Lord John Russell has thought it better
to cut short his political career with his own hand
than—although not for the first time—to undergo the
humiliation and the pain consequent on a repetition of
such scenes as attended the long agony, and preceded the
reluctant dissolution of the Melbourne Ministry. Pro-
bably the impartial historian of later days will decide,
that as on one occasion the Whig leaders protracted the
struggle too long, so on the other they gave it up too
soon. But if we could believe that their conduct on the
presentoccasion had been prompted only by ajust, though
tardy reccgnition of their incempetenc,e to govern, cr by
a sudden discovery that the public had grown weary of
their continuance in office, we should be the last to visit
with severity so amiable a weakness. But we believe the
case to lee quite otherwise. Undeniably critical as was the
position of the Ministry, little as they were loved abroad,
and leas respected at home, we doubt whether popular
indignation, or even popular contempt, would have
operated so strongly upon their sense of shame as to
lead them, unless some other ;more potent influence had
been at work, to quit those seats which, once occupied,
are ever so reluctantly abandoned. In one word—we
believe the Whig resignation to have been a clever, but
not very creditable manosavre„ got up on the sudden,
partly in order to entrap the Protectionist party into a
premature trial of their strength, partly to show to the
country the impossibility of doing without a set of men
of whom it had begun to evince most unequivocal signs
of distrust, and partly to effect a junction, at the ex-
pense of three or four of their own incapables, with such
men as _Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham. That
the " dodge"—we,really can give it na more dignified
name-ehas not benefited its contrivers is already obvi-
ous: that it has not injured those against whom it was
directed we shall shortly endeavour:to show.
DAILY NEWS.—The worst of all revolutions, say
the French, is a restoration. There are many who will
apply the remark to the Ministerial crisis having re-
sulted merely in the return of, the old Ministry to office.
For the friends of the Whigs were as acxious for a reno-
vation of the dead parts of the Administration as their
foes could be. But the nnreadiness of any and of all
parties either in Opposition, or semi-Opposition, to meet
the religious and financial difficulties of the moment, has
rendered a change of Ministry impossible, and a modifia
cation, for the present, equally difficult. This is deeply
to be regretted for the financial interests of the country,
which required at once the grasp of a bold, and a steady,
and an experienced hand. All the great men who ever
took a comprehensive view of the financial condition of
the empire, included the condition of India and its re-
venues in their survey, Sir Robert Peel did so especially
when he firseintraduced the income-tax. But the result
of a syncope at present in financial legislation will be
to adjourn all questions relatiye to India, not merely for
a year but twenty years ; in other words, adjourn re-
form for an entire generation. Law reform will no
doubt share the fate of financial reform. Whilst the
colonies, which have watched with anxiety the meeting
of the Legislature, some of which had sent delegates to
represent their case, and all of which expected impor-
tant resolutions from the Minister—all these colonial
expectations will be disappointed; and the most unsatis-
factory answers will go abroad to our foreign depen-
dencies that t ngland has been two much occupied by its
Crystal Palace, and too much put out of its way by Dr.
Wiseman's impertinence, to be able this year to give
consideration or relief to its colonies. The questions,
however, which have come to predominate over all others
are those of the Papal pretensions and of Ireland. For
it is impossible not to see that they have become blended
end entangled together, and that the one aggravates the
other to a most painful degree. Now, however, we had de-
sired to see this Ministerial. Crisis result in the admission
of the successors and disciples of Sir Robert Peel to the
management of our domestic finances, and of those of
India—and whilst, at the same time, we could not deem
any Cabinet entitled to the confidence of the people in
preparing a measure of electoral reform, until some
Members of the great Reform party were called to the
councils of that Cabinet—we all along have held and do
still maintain the opinion, that on questions of religious
tolerance and equality, and on the measures which, for
the sake of public liberty and peace, sletuld be intro-
duced fer the regulation and restriction of sacerdotal
power and aetion, there is no statesmen an fully entitled
to the confidence of liberal men as Lord John Russell.
We should consider it most fatal to entrust such a ques-
tioe as the present to Lord Stanley. Indeed, his pro-
posal to shelve it, either by empty resolution, or by a
commission, which would perpetuate inquiry, and with
inquiry, religious irritation, of these proposals, the one
is too illusory, theothertooinsane, to be discussed. Great
as is our respect for Mr. Flume and Mr. Cobden, we do not
think it would be for either their advantage or that of the
question, to entrust it to them. We well know what
tindermined'the old utilitarian party in this country, and
whet 'completely marred the popularity that might have
been attained by Bentham; sired Bowring, and Roebuck.
And we know 01 nothing that could prove more fatal to
that now enlarged, invigorated; and promising party of
popular men, than that they should come before the
nation with a line of policy, and with arguments to sup-
port it,' that could render it possible to accuse them,
even falsely, of religious indifference. If we deprecate,
for a world of reasons, leaving this religious question in
the hands of either Lord Stanley or of the Radicals, we
'eve equal repugnance to entrust it to Lord Aberdeen
and Sir James Graham. Their view of it is, in the first
instance, a cowardly one. They evade the difficulty
by avoiding and throwing it over altogether. The
meerest schoolboy could solve any State difficulty in
the same way—that is, not solve it at all, but leave
it to assume strength, and return to be grappled with
under far greater disadvantages. Besides, looking
back to the past career of these politicians, we find
that they are the'eery men' who caused and aggravated
this quarrel "With Rome. • All must recollect the Bill
which the Whigs' brought in for establishing diplomatic
relatidns with Romte it' was highly pleasing to the
Pope and his cardinals, and, had it passed, would have
led tts an amicable understanding. It pleased, however,
Lord Egiinton to introduce an amendment, forbidding
the Pope to send here any ecclesiastics as envoys. This
was turning the compliment hese an affront, and, not
merely an affront to the 'Pope. but a cause of disgust to
the cardinals arid members of the Papal Court yet
who was the chief speaker in favour of that amendment?
Who carried it by his vehemence against the Whigs?
Lord Aberdeeth Now had the original Bill passed with-
out the amendment, this Papal aggression never would
lave taken place, for then the Papal envoy must have
consulted the British Government. The true, the original
cause of our present embarrassment is no other, therefore
than Lord Aberdeen. Mr. Gladstone, too, supported,
the amended Bill. And as to Sir James Graham, he
took tie little' notice of it as he did of the first reading of
the present Bill. And it is now this very party, this
very-Lord Aberdeen, who denied to the Pope the privi-
lege of being represented in this country, he it is that
comes clamouring about the indignity of refusing terri-
torial titles•to papal delegates. He indulges in the
theatrical exaggeration of coupling Lord John and the
Bull with Calvin's burning Servetus, and the Duke of
Alva decimating the Protestants of the low country.
Were not this the merest twaddle, we should call it the
language of disappointed faction. Men such as these,
who can blow hot and cold on the same question, who
drive their opponents into errors of which they take ad-
vantage to-trip them up, whilst affecting anxiety to re-
lieve, them—these are -not men to whore eould be en-
trusted the task of providing for the security of the coun-
try and the dignity of the Sovereign against Papal aggres-
sions .As far, therefore, as legislation in religious matters
maY'become the duty of Parliament, we pin our faith
far more in Lord John Russell than in any living states-
man. There are many politicians who might undertake
with
more
evigour or effect other branches of administra-
tion. There may be Prime Ministers more conciliatory,
more comprehensive, less entangled in the network of
family connexion. A leading statesman with a character
to make, may be more bold
than on© who has accom-
plished a long and not inglorious career. But for con-
government- and legislature of the country
ducting the
through the waxes of its contending
sects, maintaining
the .great principle of toleration, advancing that of
equality, repressing the clamours of the fanatic,
discountenancing the arrogance of the high
priest, there is no one whom we could pat
on a par with the Member for the City of London. If
we look farther and closer than the matter imme-
diately under Parliamentary consideration; if we con-
sider how the cause of Protestantism and religious
freedom freedom is to be best strengthened against the constitu-
tional and argumentative hostility of Rome; if
how beet our Universities can be purged of superan-
nuated bigotry, and rendered efficient for the education
of Protestant youth and of the Protestant clergy; how
hest the great positions of the Church are to be pre-
served from those Puseyite priests who, having sold
themselves to Rome, hesitate to go over till they can
bring 'their flocks tees—if ao desire this, bu& desire it
uneecompaetied by reaction, or persecution, or injustice,
then,may we hell the continuance of Lord John Russell
in that pest, in which the confidence of the Sovereign
has placed him, and where even the late political earth-
quake bag left him standing.

Old injuries are seldom cancelled by new benefits.
—Eliza Cook's Journal.
A meeting of the Finance Committee of the Royal
Commission for the Exhibition of 1851 was held yester-
day, at the building in Hyde-park. There were present
Earl Granville (Chairman), Sir A Spearman, Mr. Cu-
bitt, and Mr. Bowring (Secretary).

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

MINISTERIAL CRISIS.
MEETING AT LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S

(THIS DAY.)

A large number of the supporters of the Whig
Ministry assembled this afternoon, by previous appoint-
ment, at the official residence of Lord John Russell, in
Downing-street. It was estimated that not less than
300 members of the House of Commons were in at-
tendance.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL opened the business of the meet-
ing by depicting in glowing language the position in
which his Government was at present placed, making a
special reference to the existence of the Protectionist
Opposition, which he characterised as a powerful and
compact body, which acknowledged for its leader
an experienced statesman, and whose aim appeared
to be the reversal of the present commercial
policy of the Government, a policy which had
produced so much benefit to the country, and which was
likely still further to increase the happiness and welfare
of the people. From the exertions of that body (if suc-
cessful) either of two evils would result—either protec-
tion would be restored, or the country would be thrown
into a disastrous state of agitation, to repel
the efforts of the opponents of free trade. Under
these circumstances he had called them together
for the purpose of seeking a continuance of their
support, and of asking them to forego all differences
on minor questions, in order to seal the success of the
commercial policy which they advocated in common.
The Noble Lord then adverted to the Papal question,
and said that, while adverse to any unnecessary le-

gislai
Ecch

plan
assenl
mighl
mony
thong
to dis
finanl
not 1

ion, be !felt bound to go on with the
siastical Titles Bill in a modified form. The

proposed by Lord Stanley did not meet his
as by referring the subject to a Committee, which
I last possibly for two years, the feelings of acri-
t which prevailed would be prolonged. This he
rht most undesirable, and therefore was induced
pose of the question at once. With regard to
:ial arrangements, he said that the Cabinet had
"let since their return to office, but he hoped

at the meeting of the House on Friday to be able to
make a statement on that subject, which would
be satisfactory. His Lordship concfuded by asking fur
a continuance of that generous support which had been
given him for the last two years—not for the personal
object of keeping himself and his 'colleagues in office,
bat for the sake of securing that which they all had at
heart—the welfare and prosperity of the country.
Messrs. Greene (Kilkenny) and Ouseley Higgins, seve-
rally remonstrated strongly with the Noble Lord on his
determination to persevere with the Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill, which they pledged themselves to oppose; even at
the risk of the Noble Lord's Government.

Mr. Sharman Crawford, The O'Gorman Mahon, and
Dr. Power (Cork), followed in a similar strain.
Mr. Bernal Osborne next addressed the Noble Lord,
and expressed his intention of supporting the Govern-
ment, concurring, as he did, .generally in his policy, but
entreated him to except Ireland from the operation of
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.

Sir
Lo
Hon.

pervt
sent
con 6
pies

CO
Amsted

Olt]
tiottci
Antvn

/latuibl

De Lacy Evans spoke in a similar spirit.
d Ebrington, Colonel Rawdon, and several other
/embers afterwards spoke, and the spirit which
. .

tied the meeting (with the exception of the" die,
t*" the Irish Members present) was one of strong
lence in, and attachment to the policy and princi-
if Noble Lord and the Government.

URSE OF EXCEIJ
rclam .......... 11 16M
), threemonths.. 11 17%
lam .......... 11 17%
25 30

S. •• •• •••• •• •• •.• 25 30
rgl .... • • M.B. 13 8

Paris, 8 days'sight •• 25 7%
Ditto. 3 months .... 25 32%
Marseilles ............ 25 32%
Bourdesnx.... • • ... •
Frankfotton Maine.... 119%
Vienne, effee. do • • .. 13 2
Trieste, ditto.... ...... 13 5
Petersbargh,Sll. Rble.. 37%
Madrid • • ............ 495,
Cadiz 50 Si
Barcelbsa • • • • ........
—„_,

LNGE.-,-(THIS DAL)
,Gibraltar.r • •
Leghorn .. ••.. • • 1065
Geaoa ...... •• .. 25 62
Milan .. • • •• • .• •• •• .•
Naples .. • • .... •• 41%
I Palermo, peroz 125
'Messina 125
Lisbon. ..... 5334
0p0rt0.... 53%
Rio Janeiro .......... 29_
Baenos Ayres ..

-

New Yorli,6otlays'sight
Philadelphia .... • • ....
?BIC= OP BULLION, PEE 08.
Foreign Gold inlaars.. XII 17 9-
Portugal Gold Coin •• 0 0 0
Spanish Doubloons .. 0 0 0
Now Dollars ••.. • . 0 0 0
Silver in bars 0 0 0

GERMANY.

The Prussian military journal, the Wehr-Zeitung,
has the following paragraph on the active force of
the English artillery :
" Notice has lately been taken of the number of guns
ready for service, that is provided with horses and arti-
tillery-men, at present in England, Ireland, and Scot-
land, and it appears they amount to the, for a great
European Power, almost incredible figure of 68! .And
even these are not in a state to take the field in actual
war service, but might be readily made so, or in the
same state as a Prussian battery of exercise. The artil-
lery stores in Woolwich are certainly immense, and it is
well known that in this respect England could do won-
ders on an, emergency; but of what use would be the
guns without good artillerymen, and the number of these
has been reduced by economy to the extreme minimum.
In any case this official admission that the active artillery
of the whole kingdom consists only of 6S cannon appears
to us remarkably small for one of the greatest powers
of the world.'

The German Journal of Frankfort contains a letter
from Carlsruhe, of the 28th ult., announcing that the
state of siege is about the beginning of April to be
taken off everywhere throughout the Grand Duchy
of Baden. It results from the reports sent in by the
authorities, the letter states, that a spirit of order has
gained ground very considerably of late amongst the
populations, so as to render any further coercion un-
necessary. The same journal dates that Prussian
troops are to form part of the garrison of Rastadt, the
Cabinet of Austria not making any objection to such
a course.

A letter of the 27th ult., from Frankfort, in the
Cologne Gazette, says :—" The projects of the great
powers against Switzerland, which have been so often
talked of, now begin to acquire some consistence.
Within the last week it is positively known that the
Prussian Government has transmitted a note to the
Swiss Federal Council, in which it demands the re-
establishment of legal order in the canton of Neuf-
chatel, threatening to use coercive measures in the
event of noncompliance. No answer has yet been
given."

The Second Chamber of Prussia, in its sitting of
the 28th ult., commenced the discussion of the Bill
relative to disciplinary procedure against magistrates.
A warm debate arose at first on the question of
urgency, which was adopted by a majority of 192 to
82. The Chamber afterwards adopted by 144 to 132
the two first articles of the Bill as drawn up by the
Committee.
The third ‘Committee of the Conference of Dresden,
which is charged with the- examination of Manufac-
turing and commercial interests, still continues its sit-
tings, notwithstanding the adjournment of the. Con-
ference, properly so called. It is hoped by its
deliberations to arrive at the conclusion of a convention
between the Zollverein and Austria. An; agreement
has already been come to as to certain facilities to be
given to traders in articles of rawmaterial;and on the
establishment Of' a uniforth System of 'weights and
Measures. The question of negotiating a treaty with
Holland had been started in the Customs..: Congress
and the majority of the States had given their assenl
to it. Difficulties have since arisen on the subject o,
the importation of .coffee, and it is doubtful, whether AI
will now be carried into effect. 1„:
ITALY.
Our readers- will remember our mentioning a
few months ago an action that had, been corn..
menced by the Minister of Finance at Rome
against_ Advocate Carlo Armellini, one of the tri-
umvirs' of the late Roman Republic, for a 'sum of
42,900 scudi (267,000 fr.), not satisfactorily ac-
counted, for the expenditure, of the 'Repub-
lic. i:Messagere of Modena, of the 24th
ult., now states that the judicial inquiry, has shown
the said sum to have been duly expended,,, according
to directions given by the then existing Government
Signor Feoli; the banker, having, by order of the R&.
public; drawn a bill for 20,000 f. on Leghorn, and an-
other for 10,000 f. on Paris ; the former having been
employed in attempting to transport the' Lom-
bard legion to Rome, and the latter sent to Signor
Accursi the Roman agent at Paris. 136 sides these
comparatively minor transactions, a contract has been
produced in court which had been concluded ;;with a
London house for 34,000 muskets and 7,000 barrels
of gunpowder, for the sum of 6,5001. The tribunal
has not yet pronounced its decision on the matter.
The Genoa Gazette of the 26th ult.- publishes a
statement from which it appears that the intercourse
between Sardinia and the Canary Isles has consider-
ably increased of late, no less than sixteen Piedmon-
tese vessels having arived at Santa Cruz (Tenerife)
in 1850, while vessels of that nation were but rarely
seen in that port before.
The Breslau Gazette has the folloWing from
Milan, 23d ult. :—" The Austrian troops concen-
trated on the Piedmontese frontier have reached
the number of 20,000 men, and the garrison of
this place (Milan) may be considered as the
reserve of that body, as, in case of war, they
would be immediately united, as was done in
1848. Negotiations have been opened with
the Piedmontese Government, and it will soon
be known whether Austria complains merely of the
asylum which has been given to political refugees, or
whether it is the whole system of the Government at
which ate has taken umbrage, in consequence of its,
favouring the Propagandist hope of Italian unity.
Field-Marshal RadetzkY will in a month remove his
head-quarters from Verona to Milan.,. Under all
cases, this measure has for its object an armed demon-
stration against Sardinia."
The Ferrara Gazette, of the 21st ult., states that
early on the preceding
day four bundles, consisting of
24 gun-barrels, were found near the bridge of ' Santa
Lucia; from there being no traces of rust on them,
it was supposed they had been left there that very
night by some person afraid of being detected with
them in his possession. What added to, the singu-
larity of the circumstance was, that at, the other

,

end of the town three carbines, a small fowling
piece, and a gun-barrel was also found that very
mcrning in the vicinity of the church of Santo
Spirito. These arms were claimed by the monks, as
having been found on their property. The four
bundles mentioned above were left in the hands of
the police.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The' LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woo]
sack at Five o'clock.