The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Committee "on manufactures, com-
merce, and shipping;"—iti— whose labours we
adverted on Thursday, have, during their 33
days' examinations, and from their seventy or
eighty witnesses, elicited a great body of curious
and interesting information on the various topics
to which their attention had been directed. It
is, however, to be regretted that either their
limited ideas of their duty, or extensive calls
upon their time, towards the end of the session,
have prevented them from collecting, under a
methodical arrangement, the leading facts which
their inquiries had enabled them to ascertain,
and to point out, with a reference to general
principles, the great bearings of the evidence.
As an excuse for this omission, they probably
thought that the chief bases of the investigation
having been laid in an allegation of universal
distress, arising from a deficiency of currency,
they sufficiently accomplished their mission by
producing an overwhelming mass of testimony
to disprove such a fallacy. If that was their
object, they have entirely succeeded. There
probably never was summoned before any com-
mittee so great a number of witnesses, of
different trades and professions in life, con-
nected with different and distant parts of the
country, and representing different or even oppo-
site interests, whose language and statements—
when properly weighed and interpreted—more
completely harmonize in one important con-
clusion—namely, that, instead of suffering
the alleged general depression, all the great
branches of our trade and industry enjoy at pre-
sent an unusual degree of prosperity. This
being the case, it was probably as judicious as
it was humane to abstain from pressing with
excessive severity on the currency-mongers,
whose principles had been defeated before the
inquiry commenced, and whose mortification
must have been completed by the first few days'
examinations. It was the steadiness with which
the Government and the Legislature have per-
severed in resisting all the proposed changes in
the currency which constituted one of the main
causes of restoring the prosperous condition of
our trade, and affords us the only prospect of its
stability. But even though the result of the
investigation had been different—though as
much distress had been proved as had been as-
serted—it might have been demonstrated to
every thinking person in the realm, that the
remedy was not to be found in the variation of
our standard of value, or in the re-enactment of
the old restrictions on our commerce. What
was said about clipping the King's coin, or
reducing the monetary standard in the time of
Elizabeth or of the Stuarts, would have been
equally applicable to an excessive issue of paper
money at the present day, if issued with the
avowed object of causing a depreciation of
the currency. "It will discourage," said
Sir R. Cotton, in an argument before the
Privy Council, " a great proportion of
the trade in England. For that part (not being
the least) that payeth upon trust and credit
will be overthrown, for all men being doubtful of
diminution thereby of their personal estates, trill
call in their moneys already out, and no man
will part with that which is by him upon such
apparent loss as this will bring. What danger
may befall the state by such a sudden stand of
trade, I cannot guess." The same author
quotes a saying of Queen Elizabeth at the time
when she restored the old standard, to the
effect that " she had now conquered that
Monster which had devoured her people," mean-
ing the variations of the coin. We quoted on
Thursday the excellent evidence of Mr. Gurney
and Mr. Loyd, to show that the chief cause
alleged by Mr. Attwood to account for an
imaginary extent of distress existed only in the
imagination of the Hon. Member. Before we
collect together into one representation the evi-
dence of the improving or prosperous state of
the country, we may as well at once dispose of
the bugbear of currency by which the inquiry
was to have been influenced. Mr. Salt, of Bir-
mingham, returns the following answers to
questions put to him on the subject of the cur-
rency :
" Then, you do not consider the state of trade in Bir-
mingham to be sound and healthy ?—Certainly not.
" What do you consider to be the cause of the great
difficulty and embarrassment in Birmingham ?—I think
the cause of all the vicissitudes that have taken place in
trade depends upon the fact that there is in England no
standard of value whatever, and that therefore all trade is
gambling.
" How do you explain that ?—Gold has not the quality
of a fixed standard of value in England, on account of the
enormous superstructure of paper making the prices fluc-
tuate with the increase or diminution of the paper, without
any reference to a fixed standard of value.
" You say that the credit-paper circulation of England
so acts upon the gold, and makes such fluctations in the
value of the gold, that you consider that gold furnishes no
standard to be depended on ?—No standard at all; for
instance, if the price of wheat at present was Si. a
bushel, and the Bank of England were to withdraw the
whole of its paper from circulation, the price of wheat would
fall to Is. 6d. or 2s. a-bushel. The value of all goods in
England depends upon the power of the Bauk of Eagland
in issuing and withdrawing its paper, in which operation
it is uncontrolled ; and whenever it withdraws its paper,
prices fall, to the ruin of the manufacturers..
" What do you consider would be an efficient remedy
for ti e general distress of which you complain amongst
the industrious classes in the town of Birmingham ?—'
should consider that to have in efficient and proper Stan

dard of value would he a remedy for all the general dis-
tress; all other causes of distress act locally, but that
cause acts universally, and is constitutionally disorganizing
the whole franse of society.
"Do you think there is a sufficient currency in the
country?—Certainly not.
"Do you think an increase in the currency of the coun-
try would be beneficial in relieving the trade of the cowl-

try ?—I have not the slightest doubt whattver that it

would altogether relieve the distress.
" Is not that productive of very considerable economy in
the trade, rendering less capital necessary ?—Not to that
extent which might be supposed, because a great change
has taken place in Birmingham. When I fist embarked
in business in Birmingham, it had been the practice from
time immemorial to make all their purchases the first
twelvemonth without paying anything, and if you cleared
off the purchases of the first twelvemonth in the next

twelvemonth, it was considered regular payment ; now, if
I purchase metal, I pi), for it the same day in cash, and
that practice is general in the purchase of metals.
" What discount is allowed for ready money ?—The
discount formerly allowed was I/. per month per tcn ; that
is to say, supposing I bought copper at 112/., I paid 11.
per month for every montb's credit that I took ; but at
present it is always a matter of separate and distinct bar-
gain ; if a person purchases a large lot of copper and gives
a banker's bill for it, the difference is to give only the dis-
count of the bill.

Does it not appear to you to be a sounder and whole-
somer state of trade, in which so much is paid down in
hard money at once, rather than the prueva.,ence of the long
credit you describe in former times? __Undoubtedly, taking
,Tedit is less advantageous than paying ready money, but
in the present state of trade the whole of trade is crippled
for want of motley.
" Do you find any difficulty in discounting gr d hilly?
—There is no difficulty in discounting good-hilt,, Luc
there is an enormous difficulty in getting them.i.
It must be plain to the meanest capacity that
the fluctuations of which Mr. Salt complains are
fluctuations arising from paper, and that, conse-
quently, the additional quantity of paper which
he recommends would only increase the evil.
Mr. James Grimsliaw gives the following evi-
dence on this point, in which he seems to have

been inspired by the very genius of Mr. Att-
wood :
" To what do you attribute this depression of wages ?
—To the contraction of the currency.
" Are you of opinion that if the currency was placed
upon its former affluent footing, the same prices would
take place again?—.Not the same prices, but improvement
would take place.
" Do you think such improvement desirable ?—I would
rather have the taxation reduced, and keep the currency
as it ie.
" Supposing the taxation cannot be reduced ?—I would
rather have the currency extended to the point at which
it was from 1820 to 1824, and then I think we should
feel comparative little distress."
-We shall return to the subject of the report
more at length on the earliest opportunity.....
Times.

As far as legal protection goes, there are very
few countries in Europe in which the mass of
the people are not better secured than the mass
of Englishmen. From considerable knowledge
of both parts of the island, we have no hesita-
tion in saying, that a Scotchman possesses much
more of the independence which a knowledge
that he is under the protection of the law gives,
than an Englishman. The Englishman im-
presses a stranger with the idea that he is without
the consciousness of legal protection. In the
towns he has a more independent aspect ; but in
the country he has an abject, downcast appear-
ance. He is habitually sullen and reserved ; and
knowing his unprotected situation, and feeling
that in England law is only for the rich, who
" rule the law," he keeps his oppressors solely in
cheek by midnight vengeance. The very cir-
cumstance of England being the only country in
Europe in which no attempt has ever been made
to establish Courts accessible to the people,
proves that the mass of the people of England
were of less account than the mass of the people
in any other civilized country of Europe. Hobbes
long ago demonstrated, that the necessary con-
sequence of Oligarchical Government was, that
the mass of the people were more oppressed than
under Monarchical Government. But the
people of England were habitually obedient to
the law ! This does not prove the excellence
of the institutions of England, but the
power of the Government and the completeness
of the subjection of the people. Were the obe-
dience of the people to be the criterion of the
goodness of institutions, the institutions of the
Turks and Russians would be the best in the
world, for nothing strikes a stranger in Turkey
and Russia so much as the blind obedience of
the people. There are some curious illustrations
of this with respect to the Turks in the very
instructive volumes of Mr. Slade. In Turkey
(he observes) no man even thinks of resisting
any one armed with the power of the law. In
the midst of the thickest crowd in Constantinople,
or any other town, an officer lays hold of some
one in the crowd, and tells him that he has or-
ders to execute him. The man, perhaps, at first
remonstrates—says there must be some mistake
—but on the other assuring him that there can
be no mistake, the victim calmly presents his
neck to the executioner, who immediately stran-
gles him. No person in the crowd ever thinks
of questioning the propriety of this. Nothing
struck Mr. Slade so much as the blind deference
yielded to every person clothed with power from
the highest to the lowest. Manslaughter, he said,
was absolutely unknown. The obedience of the
Russians is also most edifying. The peasant never
resents any usage, however cruel—he considers it
his lot to submit to power—and whether he de-
serve the beating he receives or not, he is patient
under it. The habitual obedience of the Eng-
glish merely proves that they are thoroughly
embued with the idea that any attempt to resist
the power of the Government, which every man
of property is eager to support, would be utterly
hopeless. The Italian, under strong provocation,
conceives that he may find an asylum in a
church, or may escape into another territory,
or may become one of a robber band in the
mountains, and he draws his knife on the

slightest provocation. He does not trust to the
law for protection, any more than the English-
man ; but he knows that he can become an

outlaw, which an Englishman cannot become.
The Scotchman would not submit to the wrongs
to which an Englishman submits, because the
first glance at a Scotchman of the lower orders
will show the most superficial observer, that,
whether from education, youthful associations,
or from whatever cause, he is infinitely more
intelligent than the Englishman of the same class.
What an Englishman would submit to in the

way of oppression, a Scotchman would probably
resent. Every surgeon of a convict ship admits
that a single Scotchman, from his lawyer propensi-
ties, gives him more trouble than a whole crew
of Englishmen. It is exceedingly probable, that
when the institutions of the English are greatly.
improved, the people will be less contented with
them than they now are with institutions under
which they are wretchedly protected. When men
become more intelligent they are more hard to
please. It has been again and again observed,
that the countries of Europe from which the
people are most disposed to emigrate, are those
in which the laws are best administered. The
Austrian does not leave his country, nor the
Belgian, but the industrious native of Wirtem-
' berg and the Palatinate ; the poor Catholic
Swiss of the mountains remains at home—the
industrious Protestant of Zurich and Basle quits
his home. Till lately, the emigration to America
was not from the oppressed provinces of Mun-
ster and Connaught, but from the favoured

Protestant Ulster.— The men who in the Awe-

rican war fought most bitterly against the Eng-
lish army, were the Presbyterians of Down and

Antrim, who formed the Pensylvanian line. We
like to see dissatisfaction, because it indicates an

enlargement of views. The source of all the im-
provement in the world is dissatisfaction with
our present situation, and the desire to better it.
As long as men will be satisfied with imper-
fect institutions, they will assuredly not be im-
proved. Nothing but uneasiness will ever
obtain from the governing part of any nation
improved laws and institutions. Had we been
contented with an unreformed Parliament, we

should never have had a reformed Parliament ;

and, as is well observed by the Lord Chancellor,
the Parliament will only concede a system of
general education to the people of England
when they show that they are bent on having it.
If the badness of the laws were a reason for
being dissatisfied with them, the people of Eng-
land would long ago have been steeped in

dissatisfaction. —But they knew no bettter—they
probably had heard the laws of England extolled,
and believed naturally enough that the object of
law was to make all people miserable who were
drawn into Court. A gentleman, who, after
the seige of Athens, lived for some months in
the house of the Austrian Consul with a num-
ber of female prisoners, the wires of Turks of
distinction who fell in the conflict, and from his
facility in speaking Greek, conversed with them
without reserve on all sorts of subjects,
was unable to make them comprehend how

the ladies of :Europe should he allowed
to go where they pleased, without any
control. They thought such a liberty very im-
proper. We have no doubt, however, that
with the benefit of good examples, they might
soon have become desirous of liberty, and dis-
satisfied with the restraint which they then
thought so proper. As an example of the sort
of benefit the English derive from their admirable
institutions, we copy the following paragraph
from the Kent Herald, received yesterday :
" In reference to a trial at Maidstone, for resisting a
distraint for Church Cess in the parish of Sevenoaks, we
cannot refrain from drawing the attention of our readers
to the charge made upon the parties for what are called
' fees of Court.' Here are three innocent individuals,
declared to be so by the verdict of the Jury, who are
required to pay 11/. 10s. as fees ! after having gone
through the hardship, and, to persons in their class of
society, the especial great inconvenience of being dragged
from their homes and occupations, and the expense neces-
sarily incurred in attending a Court of Law at a distance
from their residence.
" It is the recurrence of circumstances such as these
which will inevitably bring the law, or at least its admi-
nistration, into contempt and abhorrence with the people
of England, who hitherto have shown a ready obedience
to it such as no other people in the world, oppreised for so
long a period, hive ever done. It is no doubt very well
for those who are clothed in fine linen and live sumptu-
ously every day, to talk of the beauty of English juris-
prudence ; but to the poor man, or rather to the great
body of the nation, law is an expensive process which the
wealthy may indulge in—but it is not within the reach
(from the expense alone) of the mass of the community,
and therefore is as much a denial of justice to them, as if
the Magna Charta had never existed.
" If these charges are sent to us, we will publish them;
and we advise the parties to see if they are in conformity
with the scale established by the magistrates, who are
required, by an Act of Parliament passed some fifteen or
sixteen years ago, to make out such a scale of fees for the
Clerk of the Peace and the Courts. If the fees are not in
conformity with that scale, they may be legally resisted ;
and if no such scale exists, the magistrates have not com-
plied with thelaw."
In what country of Europe, except England,
would these poor men, acquitted by a verdict of
a .Jury, be subjected to the burden of W. 10s.
of fees, over and above the heavy charges ne-
cessarily attendant on a prosecution ? There
is no Government in Europe, England ex-
cepted, in which an abuse of this kind would
have been tolerated a single year. And why
has it been tolerated in England ? Because the
Clerk of the Peace is usually a brother or a
son of some leading Aristocrat ; and all that
the Magistrates think of is, that a good place,
worth the acceptance of one of their number,
may be preserved. But Kent is moderate, com-
pared with some counties. It is not many
years since a demand of 141. was made upon a
defendant in a Western County, and being a
poor man, he was detained some months in prison
till the money could be raised for the Clerk of
the Peace. Humane Counsel have occasionally
in Middlesex recommended to poor defendants
to allow themselves to be convicted, by which
means they might escape the fees exigible from
innocence. These abuses have long been matter
of notoriety ; but pauper and insolvent land-
owners will cling to an abomination of this kind
with a pertinacity with which a tiger clings to
his prey. There are deceivers of the people,
who would persuade them that cheap law
would ruin them—that it would place them at
the mercy of their superiors. 0 most gullible
people, if this absurdity be swallowed, we know
not what may not be swallowed ! At present
the rich man is only restrained by indolence, or
a dislike to exhibit himself openly as a prose-
cutor, from doing what he pleases with the poor,
through the instrumentality of the law. The law
is always a buckler to the weak. The rich know
this well ; and though the middle class would
resist any attempt to exclude them from courts
of law, they may not be equally desirous of
opening them to their inferiors. Time being of
less value to the poor than to their superiors, it
is possible that cheap law might, at first, tempt
the poor to harass their superiors. But this
evil will soon remedy itself. A poor man will
find, to his cost, that a litigious character will,
in the long run, be as injurious to him as it
would be to his master. At present, justice is
doled out to the poor in England as a matter of
favour, not as a right. If, for instance, the Mar-
quis of Camden, the Lord Lieutenant of Kent,
were to give a blow to one of his labourers, we
will answer for it there is not a magistrate
in Kent who would have the courage to
issue out a warrant against him. We will
tell what would happen on the other side of
the Tweed, from what we saw. In 1814, the
Earl of Home, Lord Lieutenant of Berwick

shire, found a cobbler, of Coldstream, fishing
on his grounds, and being an athletic man, he
set upon the cobbler and pummelled him. The
cobbler instantly applied, by the usual process,
to the Sheriff Substitute of the county, who
cited the Earl of Home before him, as he would
cite any drunken tinker ; and on proof of the
fact, sentenced him to pay a fine and damages to
the aggrieved individual. The Sheriff durst not,
like an English Magistrate, decline the duty—
it was imperative on him. He was as much
obliged to cite the Lord Lieutenant before him,
and to punish him, as he would have been
obliged to give any creditor a decree against his
confessing debtor. We defy the lower classes
of any country to know what personal inde-
pendence is, without they have access to Courts
of Law. Whether the lower classes are im-

proved by personal independence is another
question. Many people say that the prostrate
condition of the English is the felicity of the
rich. There is, however, the small deduction of
rick burning—a slavish practice—to be taken

as a set-off:—Morning Chronicle.

The resistance to the assessed taxes becomes
more serious. What is called passive resistance
is followed by force—a natural result, for it is

an easy step from the evasion of the law to the

setting it 'at defiance. We were among the
earliest and the most uncompromising advocates
for the repeal of the assessed taxes, but we would
have them repealed by legal means, and in a
constitutional manner. The Whig journals,
that called out for political unions and armed
associations to carry on the Reform Bill, are
excessively indignant at the anti-tax associations.
They first taught the people the advantage of
taking a menacing attitude, and now they are
exceedingly angry that the pupils of their syste-
matic lessons of violence will not readily learn
the tactics of submission. The journals that are
most vehement in denouncing the multitude for
refusing to pay the assessed taxes were just as
fulsome in their praises of Lord Fitzwiliiam and
Mr. Brougham, the Member for Southwark,
because, during the excitement of the Reform
Bill, they set the people the example. The
Reform Bill was worth nothing unless as being
available to the removal of grievous burdens of the
country. Among those burdens there are none
so unequal, unjust, and oppressive as the house
and window taxes, which, besides, were laid on
expressly as war taxes, to be repealed within two
years after the commencement of peace. Never
was the faith of Government more grossly vio-
lated than in the instance of those taxes. Still we

do not like to see the people, who have such
just cause of complaint, putting themselves in
the wrong by resisting their payment. Why
was the nation put in a state of ferment for two
years about the obtaining of a reformed House
of Commons ? Was it not that the people might
have representatives who would attend to their
just complaints and redress their grievances,
without making any unconstitutional proceedings
necessary for that purpose ? We confess we are
among the number of those who have been
disappointed by the reformed House. Neither
in talent, intelligence, spirit, or integrity, has it
enabled us to congratulate the country very
warmly on the change which has taken place.
Still, as it has not a perpetuity of power—as it
must one day come before the people and give
an account of its stewardship—it is not to be
anticipated that it will dare to resist the public
voice demanding a repeal of the assessed taxes in
the ensuing Session. We would not delude the
people by asking them to place any reliance upon
the promises or the pledges of Lord Althorp, or
any of the King's Ministers. Experience has
taught us that they are less governed by a
sense of honour, and an exalted notion of
public duty, than by their fears. Let the
people, then, speak out to their representa-
tives. Let them resolve upon never support-
ing any man again at the hustings who does
not vote next Session for the total repeal
of the house and window taxes. Servile to
the Ministry as the present House of Commons
is, it will not dare to resist the universality of
such a call. The dread of being beaten, and,
pelhaps obliged to resign in utter disgrace, will
bring Ministers to a sense of their duty and a
proper consideration for their pledges. All this
can be clone without any illegal combinations
whatever. We were the first that pointed out
the objectionable principle involved in that part
of the Reform Bill which makes the payment of
assessed taxes a condition precedent to enjoying
the elective franchise. We over and over again
declared that a Bill of political rights should
not be degraded into a Revenue Act, which the
Reform Bill is, by the provision to which we
allude. It is the first principle of the British
Constitution that the people shall not be taxed
without their own consent, and yet the payment
of taxes is made to precede the enjoyment of
the right to elect the representatives by whom
the people are taxed ! Was there ever such
absurdity ? Still, we believe, the country has
the means of redress in its own hands, without
having recourse to any illegal proceedings.
Unlawful associations may retard but cannot
accelerate the repeal of the assessed taxes. Exhi-
bitions of popular resistance and force may be
the means of strengthening the hands of Ministers
with greater powers than they at present possess.
If the people would oppose those taxes with
effect, they will avoid all illegal acts, and take
their stand upon the ramparts of the Constitu-
tion.—Morning Herald.
We sincerely pity Earl Fitzwilliam and the
learned gentleman, who is a Master in Chancery,
because he happens to be the brother of Lord
Brougham, and some other eminent Whigs
and Reformers, on account of the unmerciful
castigation which they now, each morning and
evening, receive from the press of a most un-
grateful and inconsistent Administration. A
hot-headed and ignorant opponent of the
assessed taxes in Marylebone has had his goods
dragged out of his house by the officers of the
law, in pursuance of their unquestionable duty,
which goods were immediately rescued from the
officers, and restored to their original owner, by
other hot-headed and ignorant opponents of these
imposts, in pursuance, not of their duty, cer-
tainly, but of what it has been the constant
endeavour of the Whigs out of office and in
office, to inculcate as one of the first and most
important of patriotic duties—the duty, namely,
of resisting the law, in every case in which the
law happens to be unpalatable to the multitude.
And upon this occasion, merely because resist-
ance to the law is just now inconvenient to
Ministers, the whole Whig and Ministerial
press is lashing and goading itself into a stimu-
lated rage, and heaping terms of opprobrium
and contumely upon all who resist the col-
lection of this branch of the revenue, just
as if no such persons as Earl Fitzwilliam
or Mr. Brougham were in existence, as if Earl
Grey had never told the Bishops to put their
houses in order, as if the Administration had not
purchased the pelf and patronage they likes
so
well by conniving at, and encouraging syste-
matic outrages against the law. The deluded
men who are merely obeying the impulse which
Ministers themselves have given can of course
despise the railings of the Ministerial Press.
What signifies to them the reproach that " they
claim no exemption on account of poverty, but
seek an odious and disgraceful distinction by
boldly setting the law at defiance." They are
simply doing what Lord Milton and the Lord
Chancellor's brother, and other leading Whigs,
the close allies and firm confederates of Ministers,
not only without rebuke but with infinite ap-
plause proclaimed their determination to do upon
another and much less important occasion. The
" odious and disgraceful distinction" can, they
know, never belong to them, the humble and
distant followers of persons of much higher
importance, but must be the exclusive and im-
perishable meed of those whose example is
at once their apology and their protection. Did
Lord Milton claim an exemption on account of
poverty? Did the Master in Chancery claim an
exemption on account of poverty ? Or did not
both those persons, by boldly setting the law at
defiance, seek and obtain that very distinction,
which the organs of an ungrateful and inconsis-
tent Ministry now denounce as " odious and

disgraceful." The reproach passes by the asso-
ciations as the wind which they regard not, but
inflicts a deep and terrible wound upon the titled,
official, and original contemners of the law.
That the associations believe themselves to be
merely treading a path which their superiors
have sanctified by their example, there are many
proofs, among the strongest of which, we
should adduce the fact that one of these bodies

,he other day applied to the magistrates on the

Breiin sol ence,
hiemmpseerl
tviense
na
cmeoliagn
d itsmembers.
however. " When the delegates were peremp-
torily ordered to withdraw," says a ministerial
contemporary, " they complained of a want of
is
courtesy. Courtesy, indeed! That courtesy to
,hiisch to enrolee
which they were best entitled would have been the
treadmill. But why should they not complain
of a want of courtesy ? Would the magistrates
have peremptorily ordered Earl Fitzwilliam
aid the brother of the Lord Chancellor
to withdraw from their presence? And is it a
necessary effect of our new Constitution, that
journals in the interest of the King's Govern-
ment should feel bound to consign, by unam-
biguous implication, Peers of the Realm and
Masters in Chancery to the treadmill ? An
apprehension is expressed that, " if such at.

tempts (to resist the collection of the obnoxious
taxes) should be to any degree successful, they
would throw discredit upon the Reform Act,
especially that part of it which the friends of the
people defended with most difficulty, and on
the character of the middle classes of the
English people." Discredit on the Reform Act!
As if this ridiculous and odious abortion could
by any conduct on the part of the people, be
more thoroughly discredited than it is. The
friends of the people too ! As if this insolent
jargon were not already out of date, now that
the people have discovered these pretended
friends, to be the most insidious and unprin-
cipled of their enemies. That part of the Re-
form Bill, above all, which it was so very diffi-
cult to defend ! As if the new consti-
tuencies, whose expectations of advantage
from this Bill were naturally excited above
those of any other portion of the people,
were not sure to be the first to discover and the
readiest to resent the fraud which had been put
upon them. The character of the middle classes
of the people of England is peculiarly affected,
it seems also, by the organized resistance to
the assessed taxes, as if all the world did not
know that they are persons belonging to the
highest classes, men standing at the very foot of
the Throne, who have scattered the seeds of
every disorder that exists, and of the still greater
disorders which are to be apprehended. In thus
tracing existing evils, to their true source, we
are far from entertaining a desire to encourage
any class of the people to set the law at de-
fiance. It is the interest no less than the
duty, of all classes of the people to yield a
ready and unqualified obedience to the law ;
and their interest and duty in this respect, are in
no degree changed by the fact, that it has been
their misfortune to hear the King's Ministers
hold out incitements to insurrection, and Peers
of Parliament and elevated legal functionaries
proclaim, by their language and example, that
the laws, when they become disagreeable, may
be resisted, without criminality or dishonour.
It would have been a subject of pride and exul-
tation to us to have been enabled to say that the
middle and lower classes of our countrymen had
shown themselves capable of withstanding the
influence, even of those powerful causes of cor-
ruption and disorder. But this was scarcely to
be expected. The poison which was so sedu-
lously administered could not have failed, in any
nation, to produce the consequences that we
now behold and lament. All that can really
excite surprise is, that the pernicious and in-
toxicating drugs, which constituted the whole
stock in trade of the empirics, to whom the
public health and safety have been committed,
should not have performed more rapidly and
extensively than they have yet done, their natu
ral work of misery, degradation, and ruin
Morning Post.

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.

LONDON MARKETS,

(From the " London New Price Current" of yesterday.)
SUGAR.—The Sugar Market continues in a very lan-
guid and depressed state, and from the number of sales
this week, in which the prices did not transpire, it is sup-
posed the holders having given way 6d. to ls. per cwt.
The reduction is not, however, general, as the principal
importers continue firm, and still withdraw their Sugars
from present sale, in the anticipation of higher prices. In
the Refined Market there is a further depression, fine
Crashed being sold at 335., and low at 325. Low
Lumps 635., good for melting 665. and 669. 6d. This
afternoon the Refined Market continues in a very depressed
state, and the fine qualities entitled to the bounty on double
reined have again been sold upon lower terms, some con-
tracts for small parcels for immediate shipment having been
made at 325. 6d. a 339. The stock on hand, however,
at present is rather small. Of the low descriptions there
are very few parcels offering, and in prices no alteration
can be noticed.
MAURITIUS SUGAR.—There have been no public sales
of Mauritius, and few purchases privately are reported.
EAST INDIA SUGAR.-Bengal Sugars are offered at
lower tales on account of the near approach of the East
India House sale. There have been inquiries for Siams
by the Refiners; 225. Ims been offered and refused for
low white ; good white is in demand for export at 245. 6d.
a 255.

FOREIGN SUGAR.—The inquiry after Foreign Sugar
has entirely subsided. At public sale on Tuesday last
159 Maceio, low and mid. very soft white, were all with-
drawn at 265. ; 70 chests 10 brio. Rio Janeiro, low and
fine brown rather damp, were all taken in 21s. 6d. a 235;
there were no offers at or after the sale for these sugars.
WEST INDIA MOLASSES.-There is a considerable
demand for West India Molasses; 265. 61 has been
refused for a large parcel of Demerara, and some sales of
Grenada are reported at 265. This afternoon sales of
Demerara are reported at 275.
COFFEE.—We cannot quote any further reduction in the
prices of British Plantation Coffee, but the Market is very
heavy, and the principal hart of the quantity brought for-
ward at public sale has been taken in at Market prices. '
Foreign Coffee is held with much firmness, but the buyers
evince no disposition to purchase, arid from the late un-
favourable reports from Flanders the Market has assumed
a heavy appearance. Some Ceylon, about 1,000 bags we
believe, sold 60s. 6d. and 615., which at the late highest
state of the Market was worth 655. or 665. ; some good
ord. Brazil sold 62e. a 635. 6d. This day's sales 723 bags
Ceylon good to fine ord. nearly all bought in 61e. a 655. ;
134 trs. 35 brls. and bags Jamaica, Demerara, and Ber-
bice, the great proportion still taken in; no alteration in
the prices ; the Market very heavy.
Cocoa..—Cocoa continues neglected ; a parcel of British
Plantation 157 pack ages were all taken in, no buyers.
Rug, BRANDY, AND Hor.Lawns.--There have been
sales of proof Leewards at 2s. Id., but that price is not
now easily obtained ; Jamaica descriptions are still heavy
at the late reduction in prices, but there are few sales re-
ported. Brandy and Geneva are without variation.
TALLOW.—The Tallow Market is again rather higher,
and firm at the advance. 1892. 1833.
Stock of Tallow on Monday 15,769 33,541
D-livery last week .
Delivery from Ist Jun• ...... 43,889 47,006
Arrival last week 5,269 116

Arrived from Ist June 52,126 74,462
Price Y.C. on Monday 42a. 455. a 455. 3d
Price ,:f Town last Friday 465. 6d. 50s.

INDIGO.—There is no alteration since the close of the
East India house sale; some few sales are reported at 3d.
per lb. premium, but the advance is not general.
SALTPETRE.--Saltpetre is again rather lower. At
pubic sale 1,430 bags good rough Calcutta 64 to 8 re-
traction, 361. a 365. 61. ; 104 to 121, at 355. a 355. 6d.
TOBACCO.—Tne only sales lately reported are small
parcels for the home trade.
lloPs.—The market is dull; the currency for new
Sussex pockets is 105 s. a 1355. ; for Kent, 112 s. a 1475.
The estimated duty is 157,0001. to 160,0001.
stK the market
_ T eEi s 4 veryn heavy.
TEA.—There is no alteration whatever in the market,
India
anal the transactions are very limited.
RlCE.—There is little alteration in the prices of Rice,
but
Company's sale commenced on
Monday last, with a full attendance of buyers, and prices
went from 35. to 51. higher than the last sale. The few
bales refused at the last sale were bought in at an advance
of fully 45. per lb. on the taxsd price. On the first day
555 bales were sold, on the second day 671 bales, and
on the third day 544. There was great competition for
some si ks, and the prices have remained throughout the
sale at the advance quoted. There are but few private
Bengals for sale, and a great part of the Chinas which
were declared for sale have been withdrawn. Not one
bale has yet been refused. In the Italian Market some
sales have been made at advanced prices. Brutias remain
steady. At the close this evening the East India sale may
be stated to have continued to advance gradually from its
commencement, and prices will now bring the average of
ss. per lb. higher than the last. Manufacturers consider '
the prices fully established, and are preparing to lay in
their ordinary stock.

FRUIT. —By public sale on Wednesday 1,244 boxes
1,012 half and 350 qr.-boxes and 982 cartoons new
Muscatel! Raisins were offered, part only of which were
sold, the boxes at 1051. a 110 s., half-bxs. 115 s gr•do.
120 a. a 1225., and cartoons 130 s, ; also 94 boxes new

Bloom Raisins at 88s., and 108 1,1-k 150 cases and $96
boxes Cape Raisins at 275. a 425. according to quillitir;
dama;ed 255. a 295. Of new Valentia Raisins thest
continue to be arrivals, and they are taken off steadilyo
48s. Of new Patras Currants also there are twb carg'
arrived, the price named for which is 82s. for butts,
84s. for caroteels, at which a few have been sold.

COTTON.-The Market remains in a very laOllllP
stite ; the purchases by private contract are inconsida;
ble. By private contract 300 Surats, ord. to mid' 6,0
a 64d. ; 16 Madras, fair Sad. ; and by public sale '4,1
day 300 Para all taken in at 10d., and 173 Stags I,
at 61,1., the latter about id. lower.
rd.
SPICHS.-The sales of Pimento are at higher; e 065
48d. a 43d. ; mid. 4id. a 41,1. On Tuesday %id
bags Pepper went off id. to id. lower ; half heavy'a 4 d. ; good heavy, qd. a 413-d. This day's pfd
sales 103 bags Pimento sold at previous prices, 417 to
4d. ; and 879 bags Malabar Pepper, ord. to shot 510
; the former taken in, the latter sold. The 111
is heavy at the reduction we have stated.

PRICE OF SUGAR.
.ditei
The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, Canit .4
from the Returns made in the week ending the 15th u tbi
Oct., 1833, is 325. Od. per" Hundred Weight, exclusive ~S
Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Inipo
thereof into Great Britain. i

PRICES OF HOPS.—Oct. 23.
New Kent Pockets (per cwt.) .... 51 ss. 61. 12s. to 71. of, .
Choice
East 7/. Os. 0/. Os. to S!•
Choice r0www.ww...........nwPwr0. 9/. Os. 01. Os. to 101.

to ice- 8y
New Sussex 5/. es. 01. Os. to 61.
I o.*
Superfine Ditto 61. 10s. 0/. Os. to .
1 0,
Farnham lls. 0/. Os. to 121.
Ditto (seconds)... 101 Os • 01 to 111 •
The Hop Duty is estimated at 155,0004

Rape Oil,
Linseed

brown
lit —.....