The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-05 00:00:00

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is the Bill and the Bill alone that had
puiet in Ireland.--(Hear, hear.) This was a
di. ,ty which he felt; and it was with a view to it that
he would suggest to the house the propriety, and even
necessity; of adopting some mitigated but general and
more permanent measure than the one before them, at
an early period of next session. Such measures could
never be carried on and renewed from year to year ;
and it was only in the hope that the future renewal of the
Bill would be totally unnecessary, that he had reluctantly
consented to the introduction of the present Bill.—(Hear.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON referred to a recent
communication made by his Noble Relative, the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, to Ministers, from which he read
two extracts, showing that the Noble Marquis was of
opinion that it was absolutely necessary for the preservation
of peace in Ireland to renew the Coercion Bill. These
opinions were in exact accordance with those of the magis-
trates, who were unanimous in their opinion in favour of a
renewal of the act ; and it was scarcely necessary-for him to
add that he entirely agreed with them in that opinion.
The Earl of LIMERICK approved of every word which
fell from the Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack in re-
spect to this measure. He (Lord Limerick) approved of the
measure for the very reason for which it was disapproved of
by the Noble Earl opposite, namely, that it prevented public
meetings : if that part of it were omitted, the act would become
a dead letter, and would be a measure only fit to be brought in by
a temporising and weak government, who sought popularity
for the day, as it would, in fact, strike out all the efficient
parts of the bill. What did the Noble Earl object to ?
He objected to the clause which prevented meetings
being held : and who drew together those meetings ? Per-
sons of desperate ambition, who recklessly agitated the country,
and drew the people together—people who had scarcely the
means of subsistence—in order to extract money from them :
or else persons who were actuated by that most captivating of
exciting powers, the power of domination. " Agitate,
agitate, agitate !" were words of grievous import : they were
the direst legacy ever bequeathed by a statesman to his
country—( Hear)—and since they were uttered Ireland had
been convulsed from end to end. Good God ! what state
would the loyal, the gallant and true friends of Ireland be
placed in when they heard that his Majesty's Government
counselled those very agitators in the measures which they
should pursue ! Would they not say that there was nothing
done but by trickery?—(Hear, hear)—that everything was
done underhand. What would the peaceable people of Ire-
land think when they heard that the guardians of the flock, in
the place of protecting, opened a negotiation with the wolves
who devoured them, before they stated their plans to the
Legislature ? What would the effect of this underhand
work be in a country such as Ireland was at present--in
a fever of agitation, and torn by religious dissensions ?
(Hear.) The consequence would be, that the Govern-
ment would find it difficult either to tranquillize the Catholics
or to get the confidence of the Protestants.—( Hear, hear.)
He thought that the Government had properly omitted the
courtmartial clause, and that it would be both unjust to the
country and to themselves, if they did not promptly renew the
Act as it now stood.
The Earl of MUL GR AVE said that the House had last
year placed such confidence in the Irish Government that they
gave them the extraordinary powers contained in this Act. It
had been seen that the Government was deserving of that con-
fidence, from the manner in which they had made use of the
powers.--( Hear, hear.) They now said that it was necessary
that the Act should be renewed, and he (Lord Mulgrave) had
no doubt that they were right in that opinion ; and having
found them deserving of confidence before, he had no hesita-
tion in trusting them again. It was with great pain that he
had come to the resolution of supporting the Bill, as it was
admitted to be a breach of the constitution. As a Peer of
Parliament, he could never allow that Ireland should be treated
differently from other portions of his Majesty's dominions, and
he would suggest to the Noble Earl (but would not move it
as an amendment) whether.it might not be better that the Bill
should be renewed for a period shorter than a year.
Lord FARNHAM eonfirmed the statement made by the
Noble Earl ( Grey) on a former evening, that all the juries
who had tried insurrectionary offences in Ireland since the
passing of the Coercion Bill, had been found to do their duty
fairly. He was, therefore, glad that the courtmartial clause
had been omitted. Though he had the misfortune occasionally
to differ from the Noble Earl in his opinions, he still felt the
greatest confidence in entrusting him with the powers conferred
by the Bill. He had the fullest reliance on their being used
not only with leniency and forbearance, but also, when requi-
site, with the necessary vigilance. He could not but allude
Ito the rumours which had goner abroad, and to which his
Noble Friend near him had alluded, and which had
.given
him (Lord Farnham) great pain, because he was convinced,
as far as his impression went, that there was a growing feeling
of confidence abroad, that, in regard to this measure, the Go-
vernment meant to act fairly, honestly, and openly, for the
protection of the public peace. He would not go into a dis-
cussion which he knew would be disorderly, but he could not
help reprobating a mode of negociation which ought never to
take place—(Hear, hear)—and nothing would give him greater
pleasure than to hear that the Noble Earl knew nothing of it.
He (Lord Farnham) was sure that the Noble Earl did not
originate it, and he hoped that it was merely an act of indivi-
dual indiscretion, and not a principle on which the Govern-
ment acted. Such a principle, if once allowed, would not
only destroy confidence, but would cause a reversion of all
order. It would, therefore, give him great satisfaction to
hear from the Noble Earl that it was not with his knowledge
or consent the negociation alluded to had taken place.
Earl GREY said that after what had fallen from the
Noble Lord who had just sat down, and from the Noble Earl
opposite, he could not help saying a few words in answer
to the rumours to which they made allusion : but in the
first place, he should address himself to the observations
of the Noble Earl near him ; and in the first place, he
begged to express the pain he felt in differing from his
Noble Relative in any point of policy. He was sure that
the Noble Earl acted from the most honourable and up-
right motives, and discharged in the manner he thought
+est, the duties which he owed to his country, and he (Earl
Grey) felt deep pain that, on this occasion, his opinions
differed so totally, and so absolutely, from those expressed by
the Noble Earl, that he declared he should not have proposed
the renewal of the Bill at all if those clauses were omitted.
He thought that no one who heard the strong opinion given
by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in the extract from his
letter read by the Noble Duke opposite, but would admit that
it was their duty as legislators, that it was even an act of
humanity towards the people of Ireland themselves, to renew
that part of the Bill which went to check the acts of those per-
sons who had hitherto, and would continue to agitate Ireland.
If they gave the Government power to put down agitation, it
was their bounden duty to prevent those meetings which were
the cause of agitation. It was on these grounds that he
thought if the Bill were renewed at all, it should be renewed
so as to be effective. At the tine the Bill passed last year,
there existed two associations in Dublin, called the National
Trades Political Union, and the Irish Volunteers. The first ope-
ration, or at least, one of the earliest operations of the Coer-
cion Bill was directed against these associations, which were
put down on the 10th and 17th of April, by proclamation.
The right of discussion and petitioning, he would be one of
the last to prevent, and he should always endeavour to main-
:ain them; but he could not, in the present state of things in
rreland, allow the continuance of such associations as these
To show what the feeling and conduct of Government
were, in respect to public meetings, he appealed to those who
knew what had happened in Ireland during the last year, if
they had interfered to put down meetings, the objects of which
were merely peaceably to discuss what they conceived to be
grievances, and petition Parliament, and then quietly to dis-
perse. It would certainly have been unwise in the Govern-
ment to interfere in such case; but it was quite a different
thing if, because such meetings were harmless, the Govern-
ment were not to be allowed to put down these dangerous as-
sociations, which, by means of their agents, and by branch as-
sociations, disseminated their mischievous doctrines through
the country, for the purpose of keeping up what was
called predial agitation. Did any one believe that the
Irish volunteers would not meet again, if the bill were not re-
newed during this session ?—( }lean) And if so, who would
answer for the consequences ? Who could tell to what
extent disorders and outrages would spread in parts of the
country which were now peaceable Hear, hear.) And
if such were the case, a Coercion Act might then be required
by Government with still more extensive powers, and which
would infringe still more on the Constitution than the present
one. He could assure his Noble Friend, who had lately re-
turned from abroad, where he had filled a high situation with
great credit to himself, that nothing but a feeling of its in-
evitable necessity could have induced him (Earl Grey) to
propose this measure ; and as for the suggestion thrown out
by his Noble Friend, that it should be for a shorter period, he
could assure him that the first of August was the very shortest
time he could propose. Having said thus much, he could not
but now allude to what had been stated by the two Noble
Lords opposite, regarding certain negotiations which were
said to have taken place between the Government and cer-
tain Members. All that he (Earl Grey) could say was this,
that those negotiations—if such negotiations did take place—
and he did not believe that they ever did—but if any commu-
nication, or negotiation, or negotiations, did take place, it was
totally unknown to him—( Cheers) and if he had been
aware of any such meeting or communication being in-
tended, not only should he have disapproved of it, but
would have done all in his power to have prevented it.—
(Cheers.) That was the principle on which he had always
acted.—( Hear, hear.) He had never communicated with
those whose political conduct he thought injurious to the
country. That being the case he need hardly say that he had
nothing tcr do with any communication or negociation such as
that alluded to. With regard to the trickery alluded to by the
Noble Earl, there was certainly none in the manner in which
he (Earl Grey) had laid the measure on the table, or the argu-
ments which he had used in support of it. He bad formerly
declared that without the insertion of those clauses he would
not have proposed the measure, and he saw nothing to change
his
opin
iorenlusientacen,cenotrhatto
he proposed
It was with the
greatest
the renewal of the Bill ats views.
all, and nothing but an imperative sense of duty could have
impelled him to do so ; but considering it as he did a duty, he
should think himself unworthy of sitting in that House if he
shrunk from the performance of it—( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of WICKLOW said that the opinionrwhich had
fallen from the Noble Earl opposite, and from the Noble and
Learned Lord on the woolsack, had given him great satisfac-
tion. It was most material that in a country like Ireland, the
unstatesmanlike declaration made by a member of the Govern-
ment in the other House should receive, within twenty-four
hours, such a contradiction as that given to it by the Noble
Earl.—( Hear, hear.) He felt great satisfaction in hearing
that the Noble Earl would not consent to the renewal of the
Bill without the clauses which gave Government the power of
putting down public meetings, and he hoped that in the other