The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-26 00:00:00

may bring on his motion in whic:b he weuld rev:ialv
business of the session.
BISHOPS OF 'LONDON AND DURHAM
RETIREMENTS BILL.
After a short discu,:siun this bill was read a third time
and passed.
EVIDENCE IN FOREIGN SUITS BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
SHEEP CONTAGIOUS DISEASES PREVEN-
TION BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
HAY AND STRAW TRADE BILL.
This bill was read a third tine and passed.
STOKE P0.Z.1-E3 HOSPITAL BILL.
This bill was also read a third time and passed.
PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
In consequence of the licmse of L,rds insisting on
their amendments to this bill being retlned,
On the motion of the L 0.111) ADVOCATZ the bill was
withdrawn.

REVIEW OP THE SESSION.
Mr. DISPAELI then rose, pursuant to notice, to move
for a return of the number of public bills and their titles,
the orders for which in any of their stages have been dis-
charged dating the lweseut session, and the date of the dis-
charge of each of such orders. The sight hon. gentleman
said—Sir, I wish before we disperse to ask the house to
consider the course of public business during the present
session of Parliament. I take this step with no intention of
preferring any indictment against those who are mainly
r .sponsible for the management of affairs in this house. I
have never deemed that the last day of the session afforded
the most convenient or the most fair occasion for prosecu-
ting a party attack, and I should not have made the motion
I am about to place in your hands were I not convinced
that there are great evils and even dangers connected with
our present position, and did I not believe that, in the
course of this discussion, some suggestion may per:laps b 3
thrown out which may, during the long recess, produce an
influence upon the public mind, and may lead to the
application—when we meet again—of some remedy for
those grievances whi.ch I am about to bring under your
notice. Sir, the course lam taking is one which is not
usual. It is a course, as I have already said, which I think
ought not to be resorted to as a weapon of party warfare,
and the history of our proceedings shows that it has not
been our habit to have recourse to it with that object.
Indeed, on looking for -precedents for the course I have
adopted, I am not aware that there is more than ono to
which I could refer as an authority, and that precedent it
would not become me to adduce, for it was made by my-
self in the year 1848, when I felt it my duty to ask the
house to consider the course of public business during the
session then about to close. I think, Sir, that reference
may at least acquit me, or others, of taking advantage
habitually of occasions of this kind to disturb the sere-
nity which should attend the --last hours of our corn -
panionship, or of having seized such opportunities to
express opinions adverse to -the Ministry which I
should' prefer to express in tee course of the ses-
sion, when, if defeated in argument unfairly, I might
recur to the subject, and when the Government could not
say that at the end of their labour's they were called upon
unexpectedly to vindicate a course which they might not
under such circumstances have an. opportunity of com-
pletely defending. In 1848 I made a motion similar to
that which is now upon the table of the house, and I think
I may be acquitted of having been influenced on that oc-
casion by any party feeling, because the gentlemen who
thou sat upon the Ministerial benches had only recently
,attained them; and I believe I may say with truth that
they had gained their position mainly by the efforts of
my friends and myself. It was certainly with no desire
to disturb them in the occupation of those benches, or to
damage their reputation in the country, that I felt it
my duty, in the exigency which existed in 1848, to call
upon the House of Commons to, consider what they had
accomplished in the session which was then on the
point of terminating. (Hear.) That session was, I be-
lieve, one of almost unparalleled duration in tho annals of
Parliament. The House of Commons had sat for 10 con-
secutive months, and it is not to be denied that at the end
of that time the account of our labours was of a very fruit-
less character. Great dissatisfaction and discontent pre-
vailed throughout the country in consequence, and many
reasons were urged and many causes were alleged why so
prolonged a sitting had been productive of such slight and
unsatisfactory results. It was said then—and this was a
very prevalent mode of accounting for the mortifying cir-
cumstances I have mentioned—that the forms of the house
were in fault,—that they were not suited to the age in
which we live, and to the multifarious and multiplied trans.
actions with which we have to cope. Again, it- was said
that another cause which produced these unsatisfactory
results was the too frequent discussions which took place in
this house. It was said that there existed on the part of
members of Parliament too great a desire tq express
their opinions, and too much eagerness to debate the
questions which were submitted to their consideration.
It appeared to me that both these allegations had a very
dangerous tendency at all times, but especially in`lBle, be-
cause Parliament was then young, and there we're, I be-
lieve 230 new members in the house. Nothing, I appre-
hend, is more to be deprecated than that men who have
recently entered this house, and who, consequently, have
no great experience as to the mode in 'which oureproceed-
ings are conducted, shoal ,I believe that in the 'standing
orders and forms of the House there are obstacles to the
satisfactory prosecution of public business. Those who are
acquainted with the proceedings of this House know that
its forms have been framed after deep thought and mature
experience, and that the allegation to which I have re-
ferred has little foundation. The second charge, That the
members of this House were too prone to discussion, was
one which ought always, I think, to be received With great
suspicion ; for what is this House if it is not a House of
discussion ? It is a House of parliament, and its very
name denotes its character. It is a house of -free and
ample speech, and whatever questions' there may be as
to the policy of our legislation, however little the labours
of our investigating committees may be appreciated; I
have always thought, and I still think,that the main claim
we have upon the confidence, and I hope the affection, of
the people is this—that there is a general, a prevalent, and a
well-formed conviction in the country that there is at least
one place in England where, in the long run, truth will
always be elicited. Well, Sir, at that time so anxious—
and naturally anxious—were the Government of the day to
avail themselves of any plausible excuse to diver t from them-
selves the rising odium which attended the results of our
Parliamentary labours that the Prime Minister absolutely
proposed and nominated a committee to inquire into the
subject of the forms of the house, and to ascertain
whether those forms really were obstacles to the conduct
of public business, and how they might be modified in
order to facilitate its prosecution. The noble lord the mem•
ber for the cityof London, who was then Prime Minister,was
a member of that committee. Among its other members were
the late Sir It. Peel, the late Mr. Goulburn, the right hop.
member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham), I believe, and Mr.
Cobden ; and the committee had also the advantage of the
valuable experience and judgment of the hon. member for
Malloy. 1, also, was a member of the committee, and we
gave great attention to the subject. We examined a mem•
her of the Americen House of Assembly with respect to
the rules which applied to public business in the United
States. We• examined an illustious exile then in this
country, who had been Prime Minister of France, and
who was a great master of debate—M. Guizot—on the
subject, and the results of the deliberations of the com-
mittee are now among the records of this House. I did
trot want the information .I obtained as a member of
that committee to convince me that it was neither the
forms of the is use nor f reedem of discussion that had pre-
vented the satisfactory accomplishment of public business
in 1848 ; and it was in accordance with tho feelings, and
at the desire of many of my new friends, that I undertook
the laborious task of reviewing a session which had lasted
for 10 months, and of proving, I hope—however I m ,y•
have failed in other objects—that neither of the causes
alleged had the slightest influence upon the course of pub-
lic business during that session, and of vindicating, as
I trust completely, the House of Commons in that respect.
It is for the same object, and actuated by the same feelings,
that I have brought forward this motion to-day. I do not
think it is a motion that ought to be made except in parti-
cular circumstances, and circumstances of great emergency.
I think it is of the utmost importance that we should dis-
cover what is the cause of that general discontent and dis-
satisfaction with the labours of this house which could not
have been anticipated in the session, but which, I think, it
is almost acknowledged has within the last six weeks or two
months suddeulyari3en in the public mind. I Hill admit that
1 do not by any moans maintain that it is a matter of course
on the part of the Minister of this country to be too prone
to legislation:, On the contrary, I think that the Minister is
the last member of this how° who should interfere in
matters of that kind. I think that, as a general rule, it
is best that the Minister should not interfere with any
subject which requires legislation unless he feels convinced
he can deal with it satisfactorily and conclusively. I should
say that when there may be questions that greatly interest
the public mind, though there may be a restless and, oven in
a certain degree, a rational feeling in the nation that these
questions should be dealt with, it is possible the time may not
be ripe far their solution, and in these circumstances they
rather fall to the lot of independent members of this house,
who may shape their prelim mary-discussion, and by impart-
ing knowledge and ultimately eliciting truth place them in a
position with which the Miriiter may advantageously deal
with them. 'Therefore, Sir, I should never impute blame
to any Minister if I found that he was somewhat reserved
in the matter of legislation; and, was not prepared to ask
the house to sanction measures upon any great topic unless
he felt convinced that there NI as an urgent necessity f. r
their introduction. Again, I cdn conceive a state of affairs
in which a Minister, anxious to do his duty to his Sove-
iricaitognonand b
yh
merely
s ocountry,
asking
tyhyoe
ht
odui discharge at r9g e
fulfil that
theirt yi n r
highest-
function—viz., that of granting snpplios to her Majesty for
the service of the State. He may not feel it to be his
duty, or necessary, to ask for the attentive consideration of
the house to questions of another character. Again, I can
easily believe this—for lam anxious to state the case as
fairly as possible—that though a Minister may be conscious
there are subjects of great importance that demand the con-
sideration of Parliament, yet there may lie circumstances
at the moment which would not authorise his soliciting the
judgment of Parliament regarding them. The country
may be involved in war—in a great struggle—and I can
understood the Minister then—though he may be of opin-
icn that there are subjects of internal interest that require
speedy and ultimate settlement—holding the opinion
that, irs a crisis of that nature, all the exigencies of the
Government being required to prosecute the war, be has
a right to appeal with confidence to the forbearing spirit
and temper of Parliament, and not bring forward those
measures. (Hear.) I can also conceive that there may be
another occasion in which a Minister may find he has a
claim to legislative forbearance. We may not be posi-
tively at war, but we may beon the point of accomplishing
peace. All the intelligence and vigilance of the Ministry
;nay be required to carry on the important negotiations
which are to concldde the wee in which we may be pi-
;aged, and to form the foundations of a settlement that
nay possibly insure the enduring peace of E°P' In
these circumstances I also can easily conceivethuarttine i-
ar
to
for
lister may be justified in not applying to'
Parliament
day legislation but such as -may benc ne
sure the n suppliesle cannotavail lord for thea v a yeahn
pIOM the b
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