The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-08 00:00:00

tienal ; but pursuant to a suggestion thrown out
in the House of Commons by Mr. PATRICK
MAXWELL STEWART, it is to be now impera-
tive, " without the previous execution of any
indenture of apprenticeship or other deed or
instrument for that purpose." But although the
apprenticeship clause does not take effect till
August, 1834, the slave is to have all the benefit
of the intervening period in diminution of the
term of his ultimate liberation. The resolutions
stated twelve years as the duration of the appren-
ticeships ; the Bill is said to fix the end of that
condition for the year 1845, or eleven yews
from the date of its commencement. A distinc-
tion is to be made between the different kinds of
slaves in our colonies, who are to be classed
under three heads—" preedial attached," " pra-
dial unattached," and non-preedial." By the
latter denomination must be meant domes-
tic slaves and handycraftsmen. The labour
to be required from all will be only 72 hours
a-day, or 45 hours a week; but it is
said that a great distinction—and a distinction
now brought forward for the first time—is to be
drawn between the respective lengths of their
proposed apprenticeships. That of the " ra-
dial," or sugar-plantation labourers, who always
work in gangs, is to extend to the year 1845,
while that of the domestic slave or of the artisan
is to terminate in 1840. The former will have
11 years, therefore, of modified slavery to en-
dure, and the latter only six. The distinction
is made between the two classes of slaves evi-
dently on account of the greater intelligence
and fitness for freedom of the mechanic slaves.
The plan will also have this advantage, and an
immense one it is, that the field negroes left
longest in a state of apprenticeship, will have
before them an example of free labour, will see
the advantages of providence, and will, for
the remaining period they have to serve their
masters, be learning the lessons they must prac-
tise as freemen. The Bill is further said to con-
tain clauses prohibiting the apprenticed labourer
from working more than fifteen hours for his
master over and above the forty-five which are ob-
ligatory upon him. We must confess we cannot
see the reason for this provision. It seems to
indicate that the framers of the Bill were rather
doubtful of the efficiency of the protection
against ill-treatment afforded to the slave, by
giving him a right of action, &c. An alteration,
of the nature we have suggested above, would
probably remove the necessity of inserting this pro-
vision, which, as a check upon voluntary industry,
may prove much more injurious than beneficial.
It is said that the Bill will also prohibit the trans-
ferrence of the labourers from one colony, or even
from one plantation, to another, and rendering
the services of the labourers not transferrable or
liable to seizure in execution of debts. The
means of execution, we understand, are secured
to the measure by enabling his MAJESTY, or
the Governors of Colonies, to appoint Justices
of the Peace, or Judges, to superintend its opera-
tion, and to take care that no colonial laws shall
counteract it. A blank is, as usual, left for
the amount of the compensation fund, which is
to be raised by way of loan on the security of
terminable or perpetual annuities, like those
now existing, and paid in the same manner—
that the Commissioners for the Redemption of
the National Debt may contribute towards such
a loan by the public funds in their hands—and
that the moneys so raised by this Act shall be
paid into the Bank of England, to an account
to be opened at the Bank, entitled The West
India Compensation Account.'
The annuities thus created are to be charged
on the Consolidated Fund, but not a farthing is
to be paid to the Planters, till an order shall
have been made by his MAJESTY, with the
advice of his Privy Council, declaring that ade-
quate and satisfactory provision has been made
by law in each colony, for giving effect to this
present Act, by such further and supplementary
enactments as may be necessary, and that every
' such order shall be inserted three several times
in the London Gazette.
" The distribution of the Fund is to be ef-
fected through the instrumentality of commis-
sioners, five being mentioned, we believe, as
the smallest number (three of whom are to be
paid), and these commissioners may demand
the assistance of auxiliary commissioners in the
Colonies, to be appointed by the respective
governors.
" The commissioners are to apportion the
compensation fund' into 19 different shares,
which are to be respectively assigned to our 19
different slave Colonies, having regard to the
number and the sale price of slaves in each. The
number of slaves in each is to be multiplied
by the pounds sterling of their value, omitting
fractions ; and the fund is to be divided ac-
cordingly."
We have not space to-day for further com-
ment on the proposed Bili, nor indeed, after
the full discussion the subject has received, is
comment called for, except upon the new points
which have been raised. We trust that what
we have said upon the subject of giving the
negro a more accessible remedy than an action at
law, will be considered in the proper quarters. We
would suggest also, with a view to put a stop to
frivolous and vexatious complaints, which would
else be likely enough to arise, particularly on the
part of a man wishing to escape work, that the
attendance upon the Magistrate, or Justice of
the Peace, should be given during the hours
the summoning party claims as his own. If
injustice has been done him, his loss of time
will be considered in the compensation or pu-
nishment ; if no injustice has been done him,
the course we recommend will properly protect
the time of the side unjustly complained of.

The consequence of making bank notes a
legal tender appear to be as little understood as
the operation of the power of expanding and
contracting the currency, which is again to be
conferred upon the Bank of England.

No notes should ever be issued that are not
always of the same exchangeable value with
gold. Their immediate convertibility into gold,
at the option of the holder, is absolutely neces-
sary to their being on a par with gold. This
proposition is incontrovertible.
Before subjecting themselves to the imputa-
tion arising from a resolution to the contrary,
the present CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER
and the present House of Commons should
have recollected the ridicule which a former
Chancellor of the Exchequer and a former
House of Commons brought upon themselves,
the one by proposing and the other by adopting
a resolution, that a Bank of England note for
1/. and a shilling, were equal in exchangeable
value with a guinea, though the gold contained
in that guinea could then have been sold for
about 28s. as bullion. Before many months
elapse,. we confidently predict that that resolu-
tion will be pronounced even less absurd than the
present resolution that bank notes shall always
be deemed to be of the same exchangeable
value with gold, when it is notorious that they