The Sun.
London, England, 1851-12-19 00:00:00

IIYgNING2 DIOCUMBR mow

PRItitAY

WESTERN IRELAZID AS A FIELD 1011
_ENGLISH EA T PP IS.E.*
Several year:, have passed away since the publica-
tion of Doctor (now Sir Robeer) Keole'a able work
on the Industrial esources of Ireland attracted public
attention, on this side of the Channel, to the abun
dant nieens that existed in that country for its own
material end :social improvement. Parliamentary
blue-bock-2, and tourists without number, before and
since, have contributed their quota to our general
stock of information on the subject, but unhappily
without effecting much towards the object at which
they aimed. In seeking to account for this, we need
not long be at a loss to discover sufficient reasons.
We apprehend they have been of a twofold cha-
racter. First, the information supplied has com-
monly- been of a too general nature, and has not
been calculated to fix the attention of our enter-
prising capitalists upon any specific objects, to which
they might devote their energies and their wealth.
Secondly, the =tea of this absence of success is to
be traced, in a great measure, to many economical
considerations that no longer exist—the principal
being the almost complete want of manufactures to
employ a population that was too numerous to be
profitably employed on the land. It is admitted on
all hands that Nature has been prodigal of her bless-
ings to this favoured island. No country can boast
of a better soil or a milder climate. It possesses all
the requisites for commercial and manufacturing
greatness. Its aptitudes for mechanical power are
unrivalled. Its natural means of internal communi-
cation, by rivers and lakes, are the theme of constant
admiration from all who investigate the subject ;
whilst, of late, its geographical penition with respect
to America has added a new feature to this already
imposing catalogue of attractions. But, alas !up to
' the present, on the one hand comparative ignorance—
notwithstanding all that blue-books and travellers
have done to enlighten us—as to the special means by
which these vast resources might be profitably deve-
loped; and, on the other, undeniably formidable,
economical, and social obstacles have defeated alike
the capitalist and the philanthropist, the statesman
and the adventurer in their attempts to enter upon
this goodly land that they might possess it; and still
it remains the grave of enterprise—the plague-spot
of the empire.
If these remarks are specially applicable to any one
district of Ireland rather than another, we have no
hesitation in saying that the province of Connaught is
that district. There the bounty of Heaven and the
abject misery of man stand side by side in appalling
contrast. " There," to use the eloquent language of
our author, " in the midst of riches there is poverty ;
in the midst of plenty there is scarcity; in the midst of
material beauty there is moral desolation." Let us not
forget, however, that the west of Ireland, with all its
misery, is remarkable for its comparative freedom from
crime. We believe we are correct in saying, that in
respect of all serious offences against the law, its
criminal statistics will bear comparison with those of
the most peaceable counties of England—no mean
eulogy upon a peasantry steeped to the lips in poverty,
with little inducement to respect property or law,
which deny to them a proper supply of the very ne-
cessaries of life. The peaceful and industrious habits
of the peasants of Connaught, we suspect, will have no
inconsiderable effect in determining many whose
minds are now turned to the subject of enterprise in
Ireland—so far at least us the locality of their labours
is in question.
At the time of my visit to the neighbourhood of
Newport (says Mr. J.ll. Tuke, a well-known and
esteemed member of the Society of Friends) nearly
one thousand persons, principally women, were en-
gaged by Sir R. O'Donnell in harvesting the crops ;
the women earned 4d. per day, and the men Bd.
Even at this miserable rate of wages I have seldom
seen more cheerful or industrious labourers. "If we
don't get work we will all die. Won't your honour
get us work for the winter, or we will all starve,"
was the constant and touching appeal ; and yet this
was from the people we daily hear branded us idle and
unwilling to work!
This is a valuable testimony on behalf of the poor
Irishman of the west, emanating, as it does, from a
shrewd and impartial witness, who bad abundant op-
portunity of forming a correct opinion of the habits
of the people whom he visited. We have met with
some others equally satisfactory ; but it is needless to
say more of a matter which appears to be granted by
all who have taken the pains to investigate it, and
those who 'dislike trouble may find as much informa-
tion as they require on the subject of western Ireland
generally in Mr. Digby Seymour's work, to which
we refer them.
Mr. Seymour has had the good sense to avoid the
common error of writers on Ireland, which we have
mentioned above. He is not content with generally,
stating its industrial and agricultural resources. In-
deed nothing in his book pleases us more than his
careful abstinence from all those meaning less "gene-
ralities," which Lord Bacon well characterized as
merely blandientia et speciosa. His proposition is to in-
troduce and extend the cultivation of what the French
denominate "Commercial Plants," and he proposes'
some questions in reference to three of them, to all of
which he gives definitive and most satisfactory
answers in the affirmative. Here are his "few prac-
tical questions."
1. Uan beet sugar, grown and manufactured in Ire-
land, compete with foreign and colonial sugars?
2. Should a company, undertaking the manufacture of
beet sugar in Ireland, rely on private enterprise for the
supply ut roots, or include in its operation as well the
cultivation of the beet as the manufacture of sugar?
3. Can rotation crops of beet and flax be advan-
tageously introduced into II eland? If so, should the
cultivation and manufacture of flax, together with that
of beet, form a principal object of the promoters of such
a company?
4. Are the soil and climate of Ireland suited to the
growth of chicory ; and would its manufacture there, on
a large scale, be profitable?
5. Without reference to the ' Commercial Plants'
mentioned, does the west of Ireland present any natural
capabilities, agricultural or industrial, which peculiarly
render it an eligible field fur the employment of capital ?
6. What are the best means for introducing mums-
factures of beet sugar, flax, &c., aso jam western Ire-
land, and for otherwise developing its"
industrial resources ?"
In treating the first question Mr. Seymour refers
to the example of France and Belgium. In the year
of sugar 1849-50, the quantityagricultural and
produced in France
was 75,000 tons, although in 1840 tif duty
was only
Ils. 6d. per cwt., and in 1850 it mounted to from
18s. 7d. to 1/. 2s. per cwt. on raw sugars, according
to quality, and 1/. 6s. 7d.
on refinel• The present
year exhibits a still further increase of 10,000 tons. In
Belgium the manufacture of indimous sugar has
attained to an equal degree of imiortance, and is
yearly increasing, So that shortly that country will
raise a sufficient supply for the whole of its
own consumption. in France, sugar has
g
wet
now no protective duty to encourage it : in
fact, the manufacturers complain tiat certain ex-
cise regulations give a virtual protection of 5 per
cent. to colonial sugar. With such facts to encourage
growing countries of the Continent;
us, it only remains to inquire whetter Ireland can
furnish beet-roots at as low ap as the sugar-
happy to have overwhelming evidence on this part of
the subject. Without entering into any tedious de-
tails, we might almost content ourselves with the
and we are
figures of Professor Haedcock, who, we think, has
somewhat hastily pronounced himself ,opposed to the
manufacture of sugar in Ireland. He
states the
average price of beet-roots in France to be 1.5 - lid.
per ton. M. Paul Hamin, the celebrated manufac-
turer of Valenciennes, puts them down at 15s.
The crop of beet-roots which is usually obtained
in France," says Sir Robert Kane, " varies from 10
to 16 tons per statute (English) acre; the mean pro-
duce may be taken at 12 tons. Mr. Seymour shows
that in Ireland the crops in the better cultivated
counties generally exceed 20 tons per Irish acre.
On comparing (says Mr. Seymour) the average
produce per acre of the sugar-beet in those depart-
ments in France, where it is principally grown, as
given by Moreau de Jonnes and Boussinghault, with
the Government returns of the average produce of
turnips and beet per acre for the unfavourable year
1848, it will be found that the produce of an acre of
land sown with beet in a badly cultivatal part of Ire-
land in unfavourable years, is coxsideraVy higher than
the general average in favourable years, of the best
cultivated departments in France.
We remember, in the Exhibitors' list of the last
annual show of the Royal Dublin Society, mention
being
mangold wurtzel (a
riniegtymor beeetn)f, swpilecleihmewnesighofed from 12 lbs. to 18 lbs.
each, having been taken from a crop averaging 40 to
50 tons per English acre.
Mr. Seymour shows satisfactorily that beet-roots
can be profitably raised in Ireland at 103. per ton or
less—its soil and climate being much more suited for
of cereals. "It
linable writer in the
thehas pbr
eo
ednu c taisocne
rot fa oe
do csrao3p,
ss
at hn
" Rural Cyclopmdia, " that the quantity of nitrogen
in grain produced in the southern and middle parts
of Europe, and in the United States of America, is
greater per cent. than in that grain under the most
favourable circumstances in Ireland; and the humid
atmosphere of Ireland, on the other hand, highly
favours the growth of grasses, and herbage, of roots,
of flax, and of hemp."
N ow, if there be no reason—and we know of none
—why the cost of the process of manufacturing sugar
in Ireland should be greater than in France, it ap-
pears pretty plain that it would be but prudent to
open up this new and promising source of industrial
employment to those unhappy peasants who are at
present craving work at the rate of from 41. to Bd.
per day, according to the statement of the excellent

• " How to Employ Capital in Wcster❑ Ireland, being
Answers to a Few Practical Questions upon the Manu-
facture of Beet Sugar, Flax, and Chicory, in connexion
with a Laud Investment in the West of Ireland." By
William Digby Seymour, of the Middle Temple, Bar-
rister-at-Law. Third Edition. Ridgway and Effingham
Wilson.

member of the Society of Friotnds, from whose in-
teresting, narrative we hiv:, :Arcady quot Ed.
Having al.r,?9.dy excpPclE i our limits in this notice,
we dismiss the subject fiir the present,
,purposing to
return to it upn an early occasion.

MANCIIESTER I.EFORNI RESOLUTIONS.

The Stockport Reform Association held its annual
soiree on Tuesday evening, in the County Court Hall.
Mr. BRIGHT, Id.P., was the first speaker, and in
responding to the sentiment given from the chair
(occupied by Mr. Hampton), "Mr. John Bright,
and speedy success to the scheme of Parliamentary
Reform so ably expounded by him at the late delegate
meeting in Manchester," said—The last time he met
the Reformers of Stockport was about six years ago,
and the sentiment with which his name was coupled
led him back very naturally to the consideration of
one or two points with regard to that period. In 1845,
and about this period of the year, it waq first an-
nounced that Sir Robert Peel had determined—of
course because Sir Itobert Peel had so determined—
that the corn-laws should be abolished. Now this
was about seven or eight years after the League had
first discuss,:d the question, and brought it promi-
nently before the public. Now he should like to ask
them what was the reason that it was required that
the struggle should be maintained for seven years
before they could obtain the abolition of the corn-laws?
The reason was a very simple one. If they could step
inside of the House of Commons, as it had been his
fortune to do almost every day for six months in the
year for the last nine years, they would perceive that
their opinions were not prevalent opinions there, and
that their representatives, or those who spoke their
sentiments in that House, or the sentiments of the
great mass of the population, were not iu a majority,
or in any great number in that House ; but they
would find that representatives of an entirely different
class, and in numbers a very small section of the
community, were intrenched in both Houses of Par-
liament; so that, without some great and long.con-
tinned agitation, it was impossible to overcome them
or to convince them. When he spoke of convincing
them, it was not convincing their reason so much as
convincing them that they must be compelled to sur-
render.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, now, at this
very moment there were many things which the
people of this country thought were wrong in our
Government or in our Administration, and they
perceived, or were beginning to perceive, that
the very reason why so little could be done
in Parliament to improve any of our institutions
was precisely the same reason which made it so
extremely difficult to abolish the corn-law. The
House of Commons was considerably more the
representative of the House of Lords and of the great
landed proprietary than it was the representative of
the property, the industry, and intelligence of the
whole people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
the sentiment which had been read referred to the
resolutions which were passed in Manchester, less
than a fortnight ago, at a conference of gentlemen
assembled chiefly from Lancashire and Yorkshire.
From the accounts in the papers they would know
that the conference was of a very iufluential cha-
racter ; that it was composed of men of education,
property, and influence, and all those qualities which
gave men standing in this country. The resolutions
passed at that conference were passed in the belief
that a law based upon them would give to the people of
this country that representation to which they were
justly entitled. Their object was not to take care
that every particular individual in the country had a
vote, nor that every Member of Parliament should
have precisely the same number of constituents ; but
they were prepared with the view of obtaining the
sanction of the good, the liberal, the well-intending
portion of every class of society ; and, udging from the
mode in which they bad been received, he was happy
to believe that the conference had not wholly failed in
the object which it had in view.—(Hear, hear.) With
regard to the franchise, the resolution proposed that
the principle which had existed from time immemo-
rial in this country should be adopted:—the principle
of voting within parishes, which he believed no one
ever complained of as, being too extended or too
contracted a suffrage, that every person liable to rat-
ing, every person rated in fact, every person who has
a right to have his name on the rate-book by virtue of
any occupation he might hold, should have the frac-
chise ; that, in point of fact, the rate-book should be
the register of electors. If that had worked well in
all the parishes in England, if it had been the fran-
chise adopted in municipal boroughs and had worked
well in poor-law unions, he could not see why it
should not work equally well in electing Members of
Parliament. And this conference proposed, and a
great meeting in the Free-trade Hall sanctioned the
same evening, the proposition that it was desirable
that a measure should be introduced by the Govern-
ment, of which they had some faint promise, and that
it should be based upon that most efficient and ad-
mirable franchise, which, while generally speaking,
it admitted every settled inhabitant to vote,
wherever it excluded men did not exclude them
because they belonged to a particular class in society.
The next proposition of the conference was the
establishment of a system by which voters could go
to the poll without compulsion and without fear, the
vote by ballot.—(Loud cheers.) Ha met a gentle-
man the other day who was a candidate at the last
general election for a borough in Yorkshire. That
gentleman was not understood to be of the political
party to which be (Mr. Bright) was supposed to be-
long, but he said he thought be ought to be in favour
of the ballot, because when he was a candidate at the
last election he only lost by a very small majority,
and no less than 44 of the voters who had signed the
requisition to him ultimately voted for his opponent.
They voted of course under more or less of compul-
sion or influence, which the ballot would shield elec-
tors from. He did not know what had been done in
Stockport, but he saw a great many very large fac-
tories as he came over the great bridge, and large
factories had come to give very much the same power
in their locality as large landed proprietors had in
other districts. And although he believed there
were in all towns many who, through possessing
great influence, yet scrupulously abstained from
using it upon any elector, yet whenever any
of these large establishments, whether land or mills,
came into the hands of a man who was not just or
conscientious, it could then be exercised, and often
was exercised, against the interests of the consti-
tuency and against the public interests.—(Hear.)
He should like to find a man who could give an argu-
ment against the ballot. He bad heard it discussed
repeatedly in the House of Commons ; he had heard
one of their representatives speak of it; but he never
heard an argument against it. The only thing that
had been said only showed that there was no argu-
ment. It was said to be an un-Eoglish way of
voting. But if there was one thing worse than an-
other, according to the spirit in which the Govern-
ment of this country was established, it was that a
man to whom the constitution professed to have given
a vote should give a vote not in accordance with his
honest convictions, but in accordance with the dic-
tates of an employer, a creditor, a customer, or some-
body who had some influence over him. It was a
notorious thing that in almost every borough in Eng-
land—certainly with the exception of the largest
boroughs—this influence was used to a great extent
at every election. He had been himself on election
committees, and be would show them how it was
managed. He had felt humiliated many a time to
see the course that appeared to be absolutely necessary
to be taken in order to work an election at all, where

the constituency was small, and where majorities
were not large. When the election came pretty near,
and the canvass was tolerably well finished, and every-
body that could be seen had been seen once or twice
or three times, and when the names were finally
written down of the people who were to vote for A
or for B, then there was a list made of persons who
were not yet pledged. Every one knew that some
were not pledged because they were dishonest, and
thought they could make something by holding back
till a late hour. Others were not pledged because
they felt themselves under a pressure which they
doubted very much whether they would be able to
escape, and they had not yet made up their minds
whether they ought to stick to their virtue and vote
conscientiously and make the sacrifice, or whether they
would become the tools and instruments of some per-
son who had power over them. The list was made
out, and before a large committee it was read over,
and it was asked then whether anybody knew any-
body who bad influence with this elector; and some
one who was his employer or his customer, or who
lent him money when he was in distress, or who had the
dispensing power of some charity was pointed out as
most likely to influence this man's vote, and his name
was put down as a memorandum opposite to that man's
name on the list. And so to every man's name there was
another's name placed opposite, of the man who was sup-
posed to he master of his vote. Well, these men
were requested by the committee to exercise their in-
fluence over these unhappy voters, and, if possible, to
get them to pledge and take care they did not escape,
but come up on the day of election. Then they
were told that the ballot could not be without its ob-
jections, because a man who was in these difficult
circumstances, and who now was forced to vote as
somebody else wishes him, would go to the poll and
vote for A, telling Mr. So .and-so that he voted for
B; telling the gentleman who had influence over him
what was untrue, and, therefore, deceiving him, and
being guilty of falsehood and a species of treachery.
In the first place, that gentleman had no right to ask
him.—(Cheers.) But they must bear in mind that
whatever result of this nature might follow, either to
the extent of deceit or falsehood, which in certain
cases might arise, yet that whatever it was i t would
be no more than the measure of the oppression which
was now practised upon the electors ' • and thttt every
elector who, under the ballot, would thus deceive a
man who asked him how he voted, would, if there
was no ballot, be the servant of that individual, and
be guilty of a lie by voting contrary to the convic-

tions of his heart.—(Cheers.) His own opinion was,
that no morel or religions man who examined thesye-
tem ef cur electioneering eculd feel less then the
dement humiliation at the scenes which took place all
over the eonntry ; and he could not conceive hew
such a men could refuse his asseut to the establise-
ment of the vote by ballot. He should say that any
Minister who was really anxious to improve the
presentation of the people would most signally tail.,n
the performance of his duty if he did not connect with
the measure, whatever it might be, the shelter of the
h. allot. Lie believed that any Minister who withheld
it from the electors, after the experience of so many
years, preferred that the votes should be given under
these
impure and immoral influences rather than
under the impression of intelligent and conscientious
duty on the part of the elector who was intrusted
with that vote. Another proposition of the conference
was that we should have a considerable alteration in
the distribution of the franchise. In Stockport, he
believed, there were about 60,000 inhabitants. Tt,ere
were many boroughs with nut more than
.5,000 in.ba-
bitants who returned as many members to Parliament
more,
as S:ockport did. Manchester had 300,000 and
l
and only returned two members, from 12,000
electors,ore,
while Stockport, with only 1,300 or 1,400 elector
returned as many. These inequalities actually deprived
them of what real representation there was. Out of
every seven men they met, six of them had no vote at
all, and the number of electors all over the country
amounted to less than 1,000,000; and the Members
who went to Parliament were so distributed among
these that all their great seats of population, wealth,
intelligence, and power, were deprived of power in
the Government, and were matched and even out-
balanced by little paltry boroughs in different parts of
the country—half a dozen of which might be carved
out of Manchester, and Manchester would not appear
less than it was now.—(ilear.) He hoped that the
propositions submitted by the conference in Manches-
ter would meet with the approbation not of this meet-
ing only, but of all the population of this town. The
Minister had during the last session of Parliament dis-
tinctly declared that at the opening of next session he
would be prepared to submit a measure of reform to
Parliament. They believed he would keep his pro-
mise. His measure might be a very small one;
which would be very unstatesmanlike, or it might
be one of substantial improvement. If it were the
latter, of course they who were in favour of Par-
liamentary reform would give it all the support in
their power. But it must be borne in mind that
a large section of the House of Commons, as in
1830 and 1831, wanted no reform at all. The House
of Lords did not want reform ; and it was not quite
clear that all the members of the Cabinet wanted it.
If they went to the House of Commons they might
make whatever speeches and give what votes they
liked, but if there was not a manifestation of opinion
out of doors they would see at once that they were
utterly incapable—they who were in a minority—to
cope with this banded and confederated monopoly of
power arrayed ogainst them. _ _

Mr. KEiSHAW; one of the Members for Stockport,
was the next speaker, and congratulated the Reform
Association on its growing power and on the improved
position of the register. He announced his intention
of offering himself for the borough again at the next
election, and was loudly cheered in making the an-
nouncement. He said they had already heard of the
Reform Conference at Manchester, and a more influ-
ential body he thought he never saw assembled than
that conference, or men actuated with more zeal in the
cause of reform than were at present at that meeting.
But the present meeting was also, doubtless, aware
that Lord John Russell had promised, in the next
session of Parliament, a Bill on the subject of Par-
liamentary Reform, and it became a matter of anxiety
in the country of what complexion and character that
Bill would be. He did not expect it would be of too
liberal a character, though he would do his Lordship
the justice to say that he agreeably disappointed even
the Reformers of this country some twenty years
ago, when he brought forward his first Reform Bill.
—(Hear, hear.) If his Lordship's new measure,
however, was of a liberal character, he hoped it would
be received as it ought to be. But suppose the Go-
vernment were to propose a little, meddling. insig-
nificant measure, whose fault would it be ? Ile was
convinced that the people would never consent to go
unrepresented as they now were, and if that was
their determination they ought to make their opi-
nions felt by the Government.
Several other gentlemen addressed the meeting.

INSTITUTION OF CIVIL _ENGINEERS.
On Tuesday, Sir William Cubitt, President, in the
chair, the paper read was " On the Alluvial Forma-
tions and the Local Changes of the South-Eastern
Coast of England ; First Section, from the River
Thames to Beachy Head," by Mr. J. B. Redman,
M. Inst. C. E.
The paper stated that the passage of shingle along
the English coast, due, as was generally believed, to
the action of waves alone, took on the south coast, a
course from west to east, and on the east coast, from
north to south ; during certain winds the shingle was
heaped up coincident with their direction, and re-
peated withdrawals and renewals (the latter being the
most frequent), caused a lee ward movement of the ma-
terial, forming it at the same time into a series of
triangles, of which the shore was the bese. If any
natural or artificial projection intercepted this motion,
an accumulation, which would increase and be held
in check, according to the state of the wind, took
place up to a certain point, or until the angle formed
was filled up, when the shingle would pass round.
With groynes, by far the most common action was,
unless they were of great height, or short length, for
the shingle, after accumulating on the weatper side to
the level of the top of the groyne, to pass over it, and
then travel to leeward.
The degradation of the north shore of Kent, the
local formation of shingle around the Isle of Thanet,
by the wasting away of that chalky promontory, and
the retention of large masses of alluvial matter in
Pegwell Bay were dwelt on. The main belt of
shingle lying to the south of Deal, and extending
from thence to Dover, with its early and present
effects on the harbour at the latter place, were then
described ; also, the early condition of Folkestone
harbour, the large accumulation of shingle arrested
to the westward of that haven,.by the projection of a
low-water pier, or groyne, at right angles to the
harbour, and its effect upon the shore to the eastward,
by retarding the progressive motion of the shingle in
that direction. Further on, the curious formation at
Dungeness Point, which it was reasonable to suppose
did not, at one time, exist, as the parallel " fulls"
of beach between Romney and Lydd, and ex-
extending from Winchelsea on the west to Hythe
on the east, seemed formerly to have constituted
the sea coast. The rectangular " full," running
from the banks on the west side of Lydd towards the
point, might have been created by an accumulation of
shingle travelling from the westward, held in check
by the outfall of the river Rother; the angle con-
tained by this spit and the coast to the westward be-
coming gradually filled up with shingle, a silty deposit
would take place on the east side, consequent on the
gradual loss of Romney harbour, and the length of
the spit would be increased by the parallel ridges of
L shingle periodically added to, and travelling round it,
Numerous examples, extending over two centuries,
showed that the average annual increase was six
yards, reaching over certain periods, an average of
eight yards per annum—the absolute increase since
the time of Elizabeth being nearly one mile ; and
they proved conclusively that the average progress
seaward, producing a determinate aggregate elonga-
tion in a south•easterly direction, was much greater
than had been generally assumed, though not re
gular, for the Ness had even been stationary during
certain periods.
The gradual decadence of the ancient ports of
Hythe, Romney, and Lydd, to leeward of this point,
were than alluded to, as also the diversion of the out-
fall of the river Rother to Rye, once an estuary of
the sea, and then forming Romney Harbour ; the
great increase of shingle to the westward; the early
and abortive attempts to form a harbour at Hastings ;
the vast abrasion of the coast along Pevensey Bay,
the harbour of which place bad been lost by the
elongation and extension of Langley Point. Be-
tween the origin of this point and that of Dungeness
there was a remarkable similarity, both having
originally had a tidal haven to the leeward, eventu-
ally. choked up by the elongation of these spits across
their outfalls ; both had pools, or meres, arising from
the land• locked waters, and in both cases the modern
"fulls" of shingle could be plainly distinguished from
the more ancient, by their forms and direction. The
remarkable decrease of this point, about three-eights
of a mile, during the last-century, appeared to arise
principally from Old Brighton beach longer af-
forTdihnegetahrelyncecoensdsiatrioyosuanpciplpyreosfensht
and Newhaven harbours, the greatindstgaltere.andoofatCiunekomf the
e
coast at Rottingdean, the sweeping away, during
Brighton, then stand
Elizabeth's reign, ofi the
_naon etahcehsitaendof
chain pier, the materials from which
to the eastward, were then described.
The author had personally inspected the whole of
townthe present
formed theof spits Old
this coast, the different sections of which he pro-
mised to give in succession, and bad also examined
the earliest accessible maps, and the works of the best
topographical writers, who were frequently ref erred
to,va in s
t importance
marinethe subject,engineering,
which
especiallywas
one
in
referenocfe
dteofenthcee
;caansstbruec
stiuobnmitted that it was most
o f harbours and coast
worksdesirable that such natural agencies as had been de-
scribed, and the many instances of the compensating
effects of alternating loss and gain, should be cor-
rectly understood.
It was announced that the annual general meeting
would be held on Tuesday, December 23, when the
annual report would be read, and the ballot for the
President, Vice-Presidents,. and other members of the
council, would take place; and, also, that at the
meeting of Tuesday, January 13, 1852, the second