The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-05 00:00:00

- 4
N° 18 446
. 3 , LONDON, WEDNESDAY • •
.•
.1/4:
7s,
,
„ NOVEMBER 5, 1851.
7

THE NEW NOVEL. •
Now ready at all the Libraries; in 3 WM..
T H
E LIVINGSTONES.
A STORY OF REAL LIFE.
" An I'V:cresting, varied, and instructive narrative, written In a
fascinating style. Grace Livingstone, the heroine of this beautiful
and instructive history, is a truly poetic conception of all that is
lovely in woman both in person and mind." —Britannia.
" Great freshness of matter is the characteristic of this novel.
The writer possesses a knowledge of society, especially in Scotland,
dramatic power in depicting character, anl exhibiting scenes, with
moral purpose and soundly elegant reflection."—Spectator.
Colbarn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

MISS JEWSBURY'S NEW NOVEL.
"Now ready at all the Libraries, in 3 vols.,
MARI AN WITHER S.
By GERALDINE E. JEWSBURY

Author of " Zoe," " The Half Sisters," Sze.
"Marian Withers will not imperil Miss Jewsbury's reputation as a
keen observer and shrewd delineator of social weaknesses and follies.
The book is full of cleverness and originality. Few novels contain a
better or more interesting picture than the struggle of Marian's
father to force a way for his own talents, and conquer the disadvan-
tages of fortune. It is admirably embodied, and appears to be from
the life."—Examiner.
Colburn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

NEW NOVEL.
.Tut published, in 3 vols., and may be had at all the Libraries,
FLORENCE SACKVILLE;
Or, SELF-DEPENDENCE.

By Mrs. BUR BURY.
" This is a first novel, we hope it will not be the last by the au-
thoress, who possesses a clear appreciation of humour and of pathos,
a firm hand in noting down the salient features of character, and a
constancy to the leading purpose of her story. Them is nothing
untrue to real life and suffering in the position of Florence Sackville,
the self-dependent heroine and narrator. The story of poor Milly Tre-
velyan—the pathos of which is fearful, without exaggeration—is an
episode that alone would Justify us in placing Mrs. Burbury high
among modern novelists."—Athenteum.
" There is more than the promise of talent in this first work of a
writer, who possesses a flowing and racy style, an observant eye for
character, a ready faculty of invention, and earnestness of design."—
Atlas.
" Florence Sackville, the self-dependent, is a clever creation, and
possesses charms attractive enough- to entice us through three
volumes. Mrs. Burbury is very happy in the mode in which she
calls the self•dependent heroine into action, and she writes with ease
and elegance."—Literary Gazette.
London : Smith, Elder, and Co., G 5, Cornhill.

THE WEST of IRELAND LAND INVEST-
MENT and BEET SUGAR, FLAX, and CHICORY MA-
NUFACTURING COMPANY.
Capital, half-a-Million in 101. Shares.
To be Incorporated by Royal Charter;for, which application has been
made, and by which the liability of Shareholders will be limited

to the amount of their shares.
Objects :—To Purchase Landed Estates in the West of Ireland,
and develop their agricultural and industrial resources. To esta-
blish in connexion therewith manufactories of Beet Sugar, Flax,
Chicory, &c.
For further particulars, apply to the Secretary, Captain Hooke,
at the offices of the Company, 75, Cornhill, London ; or to the Soli-
citors, Messrs. Capes and Stuart, Gray's Inn ; and Mr. Evan Hare,
Temple. The prospectus has been withheld until the publication of
a pamphlet by Mr. Digby Seymour, which appears this day, con-
taining an exposition of the views on which the Company rest their
claims to public support.

This day is published, the Second Edition, greatly enlarged, price
Half-a-Crown.
HOW to EMPLOY CAPITAL in WESTERN
IRELAND : being Answers to a few Practical Questions
unon the Manufacture of Beet Sugar, Flax, and Chicory, in con-
nexion with a Land Investment in the West of Ireland.
By WILLIAM DIGBY SEYMOUR, Esq.,
of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law.
London : John Hearne, 81, Strand ; James Ridgway, 169, Picca-
dilly ; and Effingham Wilson, 11, Royal Exclaaage. Dublin : Hodges
and Smith, Grafton-street.

The GREAT EXHIBITION and the ROYAL POLYTECHNIC
INSTITUTION.
All the most interesting Deposits which have been at the Great
Exhibition will. in turn, be lectured on at the
no (WM. POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
D The present Lectures are by J. H. Pepper, Esq., on the Ap-
plication of Iran and Steel in the Manufactures of the United King-
dom ; and by Dr Bachhoffner on Electro-Metallic Deposits, illus-
trated by a splendid series of Messrs. Elkington's Specimens, and
followed by an explanation of Bakewell's Patent Copying Electric
Telegraph. —The Exhibition of the Oxy-Hydrogen Microscope, mag-
nifying objects upwards of 1,000,000 times their natural size.—The
great economy of Cooking by Gas explained.—A Lecture on the His-
tory of the Harp, by Frederick Chatterton, Esq., with Vocal Mtn-
trations.—A Series of splendid Dissolving Views.—Diver and Diving
Bell, &e.
Admission, Is.; Schools, Half-price.
Open daily from Eleven till Five, and every Evening from Seven
till Half-past Ten.

LAURENT'S CASINO.
ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
St. James's, is OPEN every Evening for the Winter Season.
L outwit's well-known and celebrated Band, principal Cornet-a-
Piston. M. Boulcourt.
During the recess the Rooms have been re-decorated, and many
improvements made, under the sole direction of Mr. G F. Bryer.
Doors open at Half-past Eight, to commence at Nine o'clock.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.

BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH,
Hamilton-place, New-road, London.
The following is a List of AGENTS for the SALE of MORISON'S
PILLS, the VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINE, in London
and its vicinity:—
Strand, 368—(Mr. J. Lofts, jun.) the Hygeist-office, 5 doors east.

of Exeter Hall.
Regent-street, 65 .. • • •• • • Mr. Field.
Park-place, 1, Mile End-road.. Mr. Lofts.
Oxford-street, 63 •••••• • • • • .• Dietrichsen&Hannay,perfumerS
New-road, 20, St. George's-in-
the-East •• • .
Watling-street, 55.. • • •• • • Mrs. Dare.
Great Tower-street, 33 ••• • •• Mr. Baldwin.
Townsend-street, 8, Old Kent-
road •• •• • • • • • • Mrs. Foulser.
Tottenham-court-road, 128.• • . Mr. Rayner.
Walhalla Green .... ••• . . • .. Mrs. Marchant.
Brentford (Post-office) • • •• Mr. Norbury.
Clapham • -•• ••• • • • .......... Mr. Batten's Library.
Great Chart-street, 53, East-
road, Hoxton .. • • .. •• Mr. J. Dinmore.
Corahill, 68 •••••• • • • • .. ...... Mr. R. Johnstone, perfumer, &C.
High Holborn, 83.. • • • • Mr. William Ballet.
Deptf:Drd . ...... .
Staines • • . • • • •- • • • • Mrs. Norris's Library.
Poplar, High-street • ••Mr. Edmunds.
Finsbury- Market, 3, North- street Mr. Sage.
Paddington-green, 22, Hermit-
age-street ••.. • ..... ••• • .. Mr. Wm. Winn.
No chemist or druggist is allowed to sell the Medicine.
See that the words " Morison's Universal Medicines" are en the
[overnment Stamp.

DR. CULVERWELL'S NEW WORKS.
To be had of Sherwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Car valho,
147, Fleet•street; Mann, 39, Gunhill ; or direct from the author ;
price One Shilling each ; by post, Is. Gd.
ENJOYMENT OF LIFE.
" Health, Recreation, and Rational -Use of Time."
CONTENTS :—Early Rising—Spring and Summer Mornings —Ex-
curs'on4 about the Environs of London—The Parks, Lanes, Hills,
Foists, Fields, High-roads, and other pleasant places—Country
Trips and Rambles—The Sea—London at Night—Evenings at Home
—Music—The Drama—On Eating, Drinking, Sleeping, Bathing,
ir, Rest, Ease, Occupation, &c., &c.
II
FRAGMENTS FROM THE MOUNTAINS. Two Vols.

Vol. I.
A VISIT TO THE LAKES LSKETCH OE' EDINBURGH, &C,

Vol. 11.
THE LAKES OF KILL f+RNEY ; REMINISCENCES OF
DUBLIN, &c.
WHAT TO ELT, DRINK, AND AVOID,
"That three score years and ten our course may run."
A popular review of almost every form (cause and cure) of ner-
you ly•debilitated health and enfeebled constitution, that harasses
the young, besets the man of pleasure, business, or study, and em-
bitters old age ; with tables and rules for the diet and physical regu-
lation of every-day life.

TIIE PASSIONS.
"Whit passions hurt the body—what improve,
Truths as refined as Athens ever heard."
SUBJECT: pilgrimage, from infancy'io old age. The ad-
vent o' the passions. Chastity and its infringements. The casual-
ties of licentiousness and dissipation, with illustrations graphic, nar-
rative, and remediative., Advocacy of early marriages.

'ME MARRIAGE STATE.
"To be or not to be, that is the question."
PROORAMMS :
mGaws and obligations of nature, society, and reli-
gion regarding arriage, to be observed by either sex. Time and
choice, on both sides, as to age, temperament, complexion, and
figure, to secure healthy offspring, with the art of rearing them.
Physical defectiveness and its removal. Sterility and its conversion.
Cases, &c.
By R. J. CITLVERWELL, M.D. (1841), M.R.C.S. (1827). L.S.A.
(1824). Twenty-five years Medical and Forensic Referee in these
mitters. Reception hours daily till Five. Evenings, Seven till
Nine. 10, Argyll-place, Regent-street.

MEDICAL ADVICE ON T rIE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
YOUT -1 AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL
Just published, in French, English, German, Dutch, Spanish, and
Italian, in a Sealed Envelope, 2s. 6d., or post-free from the Author
for Forty-two Stamps,
SELF-PRESERVATION;
• a
Medical Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on the
Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Matarity, usually ac-
quired at an early period of life, which destroy the physical and
mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural feelings, and ex-
haust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical Observations on
the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of Nervous Debi-
lity, Local and Constitutional Weakness, Syphifis, Stricture, and all
Diseases and derangements resulting from Indiscretion, as adopted
by Lallemand. Ricord, and other eminent members of the faculty of
France. With Fifty coloured Engravings, illustrating the Anatomy,
Physiology, and Diseases of the Reproductive Organs,explaining
their structures, uses, and functions. and the various injuries that
are produced in them by solitary txsses, and infection.
By SAMUEL LA'MERT. M.
LO ..
NDON.
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE,
Doctor of medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Edin-
burgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society,
Licentiate of Apothecaries'. Hall, London, Member of the Huuterian
Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c., &c.
This work contains a plain and complete description of the ana-
tomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and of their relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'Mert. who has taken the
highest medical honours, as evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man
who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted his studies to the
treatment of these complaints. Ile may be consulted with advan-
tage by all those whose constitutions may have become debilitated
through secret practices acquired in youth, or by the excesses of
later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, the objects of
marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered a term of unceas-
ing misery and regret.
Published by the Author, and may be had of J. Gilbert, 49, Pater-
noster-row ;
Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ; Starts, Titchborne-street,
Haymarket
; Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street ; Mann, 23, Cornhill
Nvho may be consulted on these disorders* personally,o 1)7
or free by post for f,rty •two stamps, from the author'r s residence
r,
,
daily, from Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight. lette

ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY.—The usual monthly
meeting of this society was held on Monday evening;
0. Westwood, Esq., president, in the chair. Mr. Hunter
was elected a member of the society. The president ex-
hibited a living larva of hammaticheros heros, which had
been sent to him by Sir T. Pasley, having been found in an
Italian oak, which was being cut up at Pembroke dock-
yard. Mr. Wilkinson exhibited some wingless talmporia
females, and the young larva produced from them with.
out male intercourse. Mr. S. Stevens exhibited a speci-
men of dircica discolor, and also a gracilaria phasianiPen'
nella, taken by Mr. Weaver, in Scotland. Mr. Saunders ex-
hibited some macaroni destroyed by a small species of
anobium, and some foliage of French beans which bad been
attached by a small acarus in such numbers, that in ten days
after their first appearance the French beans were completely
destroyed; he remarked that this had been very general in
the neighbourhood of Wandsworth and Putney this summer.
Mr. White made some interesting remarks on the new forms
of crustacea met with during the recent Arctic expedition.
• by Mr. Ede.

ADDRESS 'OF KOSSUTH TO THE
PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES.

We have received, through the New York Tribune,
the following soul•stirring and most eloquent address
from Kossuth to the people of America. We will
not weaken the effect it is sure to produce, by a word
of comment :

Two years ago by God's providence, I, who would be
only an humble ditiz3n, held in my hands the destiny of
the reigning house. of Austria.
Had I been ambitious, or had I believed that this
treacherous family were so basely wicked as they after-
wards proved themselves to be, the tottering pillars of
their throne would have fallen at my command, and
buried the crowned traitors beneath their ruins, or
would have scattered them like duss before a tempest,
homeless exiles, bearing nothing but the remembrance
of their perfidy, and that royalty which they deserved
to lose through their own wickedness.
I, however, did not take advantage of these favourable
circumstances, though the entire freedom of my dear
native land was the only wish of my heart. My requests
were of that moderate nature which, in the condition of
Hungary and Europe, seemed best fitted for my coun-
trymen. I asked of the King, not the complete inde-
undence of my beloved country—not even any new
rights or privileges—bat simply these three things—
'. First. kThat tho inalienable rights, sanctioned by a
thousand years, and by the constitution of my father-
..

_
laud, should be guaranteed by a national and responsible
administration.

" Second. That every inhabitant of my country,
without regarding language or religion, should be free
and equal before the law—all classes having the same
privilege and protection from the law.
Third. That all the people_of the Austrian empire
that acknowledged the same person as Emperor whom
we Hungarians recognised as King, and the same law of
succession, should have restored their ancient constitu-

-tional rights, of which they had unjustly been despoiled,
modified to suit the wants and the spirit of the age."
The first demand was not for any new grant or con-
cession, but simply a fresh guarantee. In the arrange-
ment made with our ancestors, when by their free will
they elevated the house of Hapsburg to the throne, a
condition was made that the King should preserve the
independence and constitution of the country. This
independence and this constitution were the very vitality
of our national being. During three centuries twelve
kicgs of the house of Hapsburg had sworn, in the pre-
sence of thp Eternal God, before ascending the throne,
that they would preserve our independence and the con-
stitution; and their lives are but a history of perpetual
and accursed perjury. Yet such conduct did not weaken
our fidelity. No nation ever manifested more faithful-
ness to their rulers. And though we poor Hungarians
made endless sacrifices, often at the expense of our na-
tional welfare—though these kings in times of peace
drow their support from us, and in times of war or
danger relied upon the unconquerable strength of our
army—though we ever trusted in their words—they
deceived us a thousand times, and mach our condition
worse.

While other nations were able to apply all their ener-
gies to promote the general welfare and to develop their
means of happiness, we had to stand on guard, like the
watchmen mentioned in Scripture, for three centuries, to
prevent our treacherous kings from destroying entirely
the foundation of our national existence—our constitu-
tion and independence.
I, as the representative of my countrymen, asked no-
thing more than a constitutional Ministry, whose respon-
sibility would prevent the King from violating his oath.
The second demand was still less for any political
right. We asked for nothing more than a reform in the
internal administration of the state—a simple act of
justice which the aristocracy owed the people. And in
this bow much the King would have gained! The
strength of his throne would have been increased tenfold
by thus winning the affections of his faithful people.
The third demand was promoted by humanity and
fraternal feeling. It was the proper and holy mission of
our, nation, as the oldest member of the empire, and
possessing a constitutional form of government, to raise
its voice in behalf of those sister nations under the same
ruler, and who were united to us by so many ties of re-
lationship. Lovers of freedom, we would not ask li-
berty for ourselves alone; we would not boast of privi-
leges that others did not enjoy, but desired to be free in
fellowship with free nations around us. This motive
was inspired by the conviction that two crowns—a con-
stitutional and' a despotic-crown—could not be worn by
the same head,-no-more than two opposing dispositions
can harmonise in the same breast, or that a man can be
good and evil at the same time.
Tao King and Royal Family granted these requests,
appealing to the sanctity of their oaths as a guarantee of
their fulfilment; and I, weak in myself, but strong
through the confidence of my countrymen and the noble
sympathy of the Austrian people, proclaimed everywhere
amidst the raging storm of revolution, that " the house
of Austria should stand; for, by the blessing of tho Al-
mighty, it had begun to move in the right direction, and
would be just to its people." It stood, and stoodttoo, at a
time when, whatever might have been the fate of Hun-
gary, the revolutionary tempest, under my direction,
would have blown away this antiquated and helpless
'dynasty like chaff before the winds of heaven.
I not only preserved the house of Austria, but placed
in its hands the :materials of a long and glorious future
—the foundation of an indestructible power in the af-
fection of thirty-two' millions :of people. I tendered
them the fidelity and and assistance of my own heroic
Hungary, which alone was able to defend them against
the assaults of the World. I afforded tbem the glorious
opportunity—More glorious than had ever been pre-
sented before—of establishing an impregnable barrier
to protect freedom, civilization and progress, against the
Cossack power which now threatens Europe. To at•
tain this honour, this glory, one thing only was neces-
sary—that they should remain faithful to their oaths.
But when was it that Austria was not treacherous ? We
look in vain for as much honour as is found even among
robbers in the Hapsburg family.
On the very day they signed the grant of those mo-
derate demands of the Hungarian people, and solemnly
swore before God and the nation to maintain them, they
secretly resolved and planned the most cruel conspiracy
against us, They determined to break their oaths, to
desolete the land with insurrection, conflagration, and
blood, till, feeble and exhausted under the burden of a
thousand miseries, Hungary might be struck from the
roll of tieing nations. They then hoped, by the power
of-the beyond, and, if necessary, by the arms of Russia,
to erect a united and consolidated empire, like the
Russian, of sixteen various nations ; they hoped to re-
a!izs their long-conceived purpose of making themselves
2.11:t absolute power.
Never -were so many hellish arts used against a nation
before. Not suspecting a counter-revolution or an at-
tack, we were nut pteptired to defend ourselves, when
suddenly we were surprised by danger. The perfidious
s iatna tde drejoicingnot
d iisac tohs
antll scsi
before`be
i)
I lat
hrt destituteifl za en d e
world sooyrf vdai theirt.il
osrhy a,
he°,
horrible plans—to subju-
gate,ti) caluls in byth
et haie
dfoorfc er
oobfb
earrsm, s
intcoe
nedxioairtiee
sh, a tarnedd
reef
erkal
ec
see,
insurgents.
men
t werethis
l,e crisised y greatotfe
yield danger,
whenthemselves many of
thisof douercar
eblieostf
destruction, I stood among those who called
the nate
the
on
to arms. And confiding in a just God, we cursed
cowards who were preparing to abandon their native
land, to submit to a wicked despotism, and to purchase
a miserable existence by sacrificing liberty. I called
the nation. to arms in self-defence. I acted not with
blind presumption; and emotions of despair
ft found
no
place in my breast—for he who despairs is not to
guide a people. I estimated the valour and power o
hmy_
country, and on the verge of a fearful struggle I ad
, faith to promise victory, if Hungary would remain
fire
true
I to herself, and fortify her breast with the impulsive
of a strong will.
To sustain the stern resolution to combat such an
enemy, we were supported—first, above everything, by
our unshaken confidence in God, whose ways are past
finding out, but who supports the right, and blesses the
cause of an honest people fighting for freedom; secondly,
by a love of country and the holy desire of liberty, which
makes the child a giant, and increases the strength of
the valiant; and, thirdly, by your example, noble Ame-
ricans!—you, the chosen nation of the God of Liberty!
My countrymen—a religious, a God-venerating people
—in whose hearts burned the all-powerful feeling of
patriotism, were inspired by the influence of your
sublime example.
Free citizens of America!—From your history, as
from the star of hope in midnight gloom, we drew our
confidence and resolution in the doubtfful days of severe
trial. Accept, in the name of my countrymen, this de-
claration as a tribute of gratitude. And you, excellent
people, who were worthy to be chosen by the Almighty
as an example to show the world how to deserve free-
dom, how to win it, and how to use it—you will allow
that the Hungarians, though weaker and less fortunate
than you, through the decaying influences of old Euro-
pean society, are not unworthy to be your imitators, and
that you would bo pleased to sec the stars of your
glorious flag emblazon the double cross of the Hunga-
rian coat of arms. When despotism hurled defiance at
us and began the bloody war, your inspiring example
upheaved the nation as one man, and legions, with all
the means of war, appearing to rise from nothing, as
the tender grass shoots up after spring showers.
Though we were inferior in numbers to the enemy,
and could not compare with their well-trained forces ;
though our arms wore shorter than theirs, yet the heroic
sons of Hungary supplied the want of numbers by in-
domitable bravery, and lengthened their weapons by a
step further in advance.
The world knows how bravely the Hungarians fought.
And it is not for me, who was identified with the war—
who, obeying the wishes of the nation, stood faithfully
at the helm of government, to extol the heroic deeds of
ray countrymen. I may mention, however, that while
every day it became more evident that the heart of
Europe beat to the pulsations of the Hungarian struggle,
we maintained the unequal conflict alone, cut off from
the rest of the world and all external aid, till a year
ago we laid the haughty power of the tyrant house of
nepshurg in the dust ; and had it not been for the in-
tentional and traitorous disregard of my commands by
ono of our leaders, who afterwards shamefully betrayed
the cGuntry, not only would the imperial family have
Wen driven from Vienna, but the entire Austrian nation

would have been liberated; and though by such treason
this base family saved themselves from destruction, they
were so far humbled in March, 1349, that, not knowing
how to bo just, they implored foreign aid, and threw
themselves at the feet of the Czar.
The Emperor hoped that the Hungarian people could
be terrified by his threatenings, and would prefer slavery.
to death; but he was deceived. He sold his own liberty
to Russia, for aid to enslave his people. The choice of
a coward is to purchase a miserable ephemeral existence,
even though at the cost of his honour and independence.
The Austrians fought against us, not only with arms,
and by the aid,of traitors, but with studied and unceasing
slender. They have ceased to impdach our motives and
falsify our conduct, and vaunt the pretended justice of
their own cause before the judgment-seat of public
opinion. Efforts were constantly made to weaken,
among the people of Hungary, and among the nations of
the world, that sympathy and foreawhich spring from a
righteous cause.

Free citizens of North America, you have given, in
spite of these slanders, the fiillest sympathy for the
cause of my country. We had no opportunity to explain
to you our motives and conduct, and refute the libels
against us; but we said—and how truly your noble and
magnanimous. conduct shows it! that such a nation
knows how to defend a jist and . holy cause, and will
give us its sympathy; and this conviction inspired us
with more confidence. Oh, that you had been a neigh-
bouring nation! The Old World would now be free,
and would not have to endure again those terrible con-
vulsions and rivers of blood which are inevitable. But
the end is with God, and He will clime the means to
fulfil His purposes. _ _

Ye great and free people! receive the thanks of my
country for your noble sympathy, which was a great
moral support to our terrible conflict.
When the house of Austria salditself to the Auto-
-
crat, we, who were fatigued with our hard-earned vic-
tory, but not subdued 9r exhausted, saw with apprehen-
sion the spectre of Russian invasion—an invasion which
violated the laws of nations, which was openly hostile
to the cause of civilization, the rights of man, of order,
and even to that principle which the diplomacy of Eu-
rope calls " the balance of power." I could not believe
that the Governments of Europe would permit this in-
vasion; for I expected they would interfere to effect a
treaty of peace, if not so much on our account, yet to
prevent Austria becoming the vassal of Russia—to
check the growing strength and influence of the latter
power in the East.
We desired an honourable peace, and were willing to
submit to any reasonable terms. We many times ten-
dered the olive-branch. We asked the constitutional
Governments of Europe to interpose. They heard us not.
The haughty imperial family, forgetting that they were
the real traitors, rejected every proposition with the de-
fying expression teat they " did not treat with rebels."
And, more, they threw our ambassadors into prison,
and one of them—the noblest of Hungary's sons—they
cowardly and impiously murdered. Still we hesitated
to tear asunder for ever the bonds that united us.
Ten months we fought, and fought viotorionsly, in
defence; and it was only when every attempt to bring
about an honourable peace failed—when Francis
Joseph, who was never our king, dared, in his manifesto
of the 4th of March, 1549, to utter the curse, " That
Hungary should exist no longer"—when there was no
hope of arresting the Russian invasion by diplomacy—
when we faw that we must fight ,to save ourselves from
being struck off the earth as a nation—when the house
of Austria, by its endless acts of injustice and cruelty,
and by calling in the aid of a foreign power, had ex-
tinguished in the hearts of the Hungarian people every
spark of affection—then, and then only, after so much
patience, the nation resolved to declare its absolute in-
dependence. Then spoke the National Assembly the
words which had long been uttered by . every patriotic
tongue:—" Francis Joseph ! thou beardless young
Nero! thou dareat to say, Hungary shall exist no more?
We, the people, answer, We do and will exist; but you
and your treacherous house shall stand no longer! You
shall no more be the Kings of Hungary! Be for ever
banished ye perfidious traitors to the nation!"
We were not only ready to accept any terms that were
honourable, but we carefully abstain from doing any-
thing which would give the Czar a pretence, which he
had long sought to meddle with our affairs.
The Hungarian nation loved freedom as the beet gift
of God, but at never thought of commencing a crusade
against kings in the name of liberty. In Hungary
there were none of those propagandists who alarm so
much the rulers of the old world. There were no secret
societies plotting conspiracies. My countrymen were
not influenced by the theories of communists or socialists,
nor were they what the Conservatives call anarchists.
The nation desired justice, and knew how to be just
to all, irrespective of rank, language, or religion.
A people so worthy of freedom were generous enough to
leave something to time, and to be satisfied with a pro-
gressive development. No violence was used; no just
right was attacked; and even some of those institutions
were left undisturbed whiebeein theig.principle and .
origin, were unjust, but which, having existed for cans
turies, could not be abolished at once with impunity.
Tho Hungarian people did not wish to oppress any—
not even the aristocracy; they were more ready to make
sacrifices than to punish the descendants of nobility for
the evils of misgovernment, and of those institutions
which emanated from their ancestors; nor would they
lot the many suffer for the sins of the few.
There was no anarchy among us. Even' in the
mostbloodiestexcited, o f
theth
ecroenfl,Lctss,thwehmeneetthe human passions are
perfect
se-
curity of property and person. How
my noble countrymen compare with that of the " order-
making" Austria. Whenever the whirlwind of war ceased
fur a while where the social elements were left in chaos,
did
tohred Per e
eadnade
t e
the instinctivelmoral feelings of this incorruptible people,
in the absence of all government, preserved better order
andsatetYthwanlle nation—no secret aims, legions of police.ie.cos,mmon spirit
animated the he
or local attacks, but a bold and open defence in
of the world. Following the example of your great
Washingtbn, we adopted, as our policy, conciliation,jus-
tice, andlegality, and scrupulously obesrved the laws of
nations.
The Russians and Austrians made the
personal
of
feat
soilWalla-
chia the basis of military operations; and the of beTurkisl
Government, which either knew not its own interests, or
was unable to defend them, silently permitted this viola-
tion of treaties and the rights of nations, thus
humbling itself and betraying its own weakness.
Several times we drove our enemies across the Wal-
lachian boundaries; for it was only y for
viotorious army to advance into the countries of the
Lower Danube to rouse the inhabitants against the
Russians, and to transfer the war to their
we respected the law of nations, and stopped our con-
quering forces on the confines of terallsohin• Her soil
was sacred to us. Austria left Gallicia almost unpro-
neeas
own sars soil.
B our
ut
this time s sent
n a
tected, and collected all her forces to attack us. Had
weer
s a
uti
f by
revolution. But we acted in defence
land, it would have caused a general insurrection, and
that heroic but unfortunate nation would have revenged
h
throwingt
the
emßalul pssioaratiounmopf our army to Po-
ire into
only, a and weof
deemed it a sin to precipitate other nations into a terri-
ble and uncertain war, and
we checked our sympathies.
Besides, we avoided giving the Emperor of
Russia a pre-
tence for a war of retaliation against us- Oh, it was
foolish, for the despotic hypocrite made
called our own struggle the a pretence; he
Hungarian Polish revolu-
tion, though the whole number of Poles in our armies did
not exceed 4,000.
We doubted not that the European powers would ne-
gotiate a peace for us, or that they would, at least, pre-
vent the Russian invasion. They slid they pitied us,
honoured our efforts, and condemned the conduct of
Austria ; but they could not help es, because Europe
required a powerful Austrian empire, and they
must support it, in spite of its evils, as a balance
against Russian central and eastern Europe.
es
et
trreenygetdh
What a mistake ! What diplomacy! Is it not as
clear as the sun that the Czar, in aiding Austria, would
do it in such a manner as to obtain the greatest advan-
tages for himself? Was it not manifest that Austria
Hungary by Russian bayonets, ba an independent
power, but merely the avant garde of the Muscovite?
ewnheoughhad
to
weaypps,etsherßoutigsheiath, ewhouelis
'lst Hungary,
hen she d
mark of blindness and shame. It is ever thus in the
Yet Europe permitted the invasion! It is an indelible
imbecile old world. They treated us just as they treat
Turkey. They assert always that the peace of Europe
and the balance of power require the preservation of
the Turkish empire—that Turkey must exist, to check
France destroyed the Turkish
Eavnagrliannod_gengdeet which n ver could have in-
the advance of the Cossack power. But, notwithstand-
jfli nuegreetd this,e
them,
wsagielaciznaedned herself
ie ptphienasotvhee-
swehei.ch might have contended with Rus-
policy policy!—while Russia, ever alert,h _ province after
sia in the Blabcukt
Always the same worn-out,oidLiazneed fatal system of
English bat a
ra token French of
provincefoundations
Iligo sove-
reign
aet
powers—from those
officials are more dependent on.
Vizier.
lowest Russian
fions of the Ottoman empire. Already Turkish
age nt s than Mfro°
moral support from the
are troubled with fear of the
powers whose dreams
ad-
vance of the Cossack! Had only
Oh, that Hungary hadEurreecpetevaaennd
not have done? Ile, too, would have and estimated
' ourselves—lie would have ob-
servedour ability to sustain
of
agent come to us during our hthugglee,eewnhatmight he
order, the reverence for
•ed the Hungarian nation. Had
libery which characterised
few ships
.
a ships to come to
these two powers permitted
for the noble patriots, who had
Ossore, laden with arms _..
the humanity, the love .
asked in vain for weapons, the Hungarians would now
have stood a more impregnable barrier against Russia
than all the arts of a miserable and expensive diplomacy.
There was a time when we, with the neighbouring
Poles, saved Christianity in Europe. And now I hesitate
not to avow before God that we alone—m 7 own Hun-
gary—could have saved Europe from Russian do-
mination. As the war in Hungary advanced, its cha-
racter became changed. In the end, the results it con-
templated were higher and far more important—nothing
less, in fact, than universal freedom, which was not
thought of in the beginning. This was not a choice; it
was forced upon us by the policy of the European na-
tions, who, disregarding their own interests, suffered
Russia to invade and provoke us. Yes, we were mar-
tyrs to the cause of freedom, and this glorious but painful
destiny
was imposed upon us.

Though my dear native Hungary is trodden down, and
the flower of her sons executed, or wandering exiles, and
I, her governor, writing from my prison in this distant
Asiatic Turkey, I predict—and the eternal God bears
my prediction—that there can be no freedom for the

continent of Europe, and that the Cossacks, from the
shores of the Don, will water their steeds in the Rhine,
unless liberty be restored to Hungary. It is only with
Hungarian freedom that European nations can be free;
and the smaller nationalities especially can have no fri-
tare without us.

Nor could the united Russo-Austrian forces have con-
quered my heroic countrymen had they not found a
traitor to aid them in the man whom, believing in his
honesty, and on account of his skill, I raised from ob-
scurity. Enjoying my confidence, the confidence of the
nation and the army, I placed him at the head of our
forces, giving him the most glorious part to perform ever
granted to man. What •an immortality was in his
reach, had he been honest ! But he betrayed, his coun-
try. Cursed be his name for ever ! I will not open the
bleeding wounds by the sad remembrance of this event,
and will merely mention that the surrender at Vilagos
was the crowning act of a long system of treachery
secretly practised—by not using the advantages which
victories put in his hands—by not fulfilling my com-
mands, under cunning pretences—by destroying national
feeling in the army—by weakening its confidence—and
by the destruction, through unnecessary exposures and
dangers, of that portion of tho army that he could not
corrupt in his base designs to make himself military dic-
tator. God, in his inscrutable wisdom, knows why the
traitor was permitted to be successful. In vain fell the
bravest of men in this long war—in vain were the exer-
tions of my brave countrymen—in vain did the aged
father send, with pious heart, his only son, the prop of
his declining years, and the bride her bridegroom—in
vain did all private interests yield to the loftiest pa-
triotism—in vain arose the prayers of a suffering people
—in vain did the ardent wishes of every friend of free-
dom accompany our efforts—in, vain did the Genius of
Liberty hope for success. My country was martyred.
Her rulers are hangmen. They have spoken the impi-
ous words that the liberty-loving nation " lies at the feet
of the Om." Instead of the thankful prayer of faith,
of hope, and of love, the air of my native land is filled
with the cries of despair, and I, her chosen leader, am
an exile. The diplomacy of Europe has changed
Turkish hospitality to me and my companions into
hopeless bondage. It is a painful existence. My
youthful children have begun the morning of their life
in the hands of my country's destroyers, and I—but
no; desponding does not become me, for I am a
man. lam not permitted, or I would say I envy the
dead. Who is unfortunate? I am in Broussa, where
the great Hannibal once lived an exile, homeless like
myself, but rich in services performed for his country,
while I can claim only fidelity to mine. The ingrati-
tude of his nation went with him in his banishment, but
the sorrowful love of my countrymen follows me to my
place of exile. To thee, my God, I offer thanks that
thou didst deem me worthy to suffer for dear Hungary.
Let me sutler afflictions, but accept them as propitiary
sacrifices for my native land.
And thou, Hungarian nation, yield not to despair !
Be patient; hope, and wait thy time! Though 411 men
forget thee, the God of Justice will not. Thy sufferings
are recorded, and thy tears remembered. The blood of
thy martyrs—thy noble sons—which moistened thy soil,
will have its fruits. The victims which daily fall there
are, like the ever green cypress over the graves of the
dead, the symbol of thy resurrection. The race whom
thy destroyer excited against the by lies and cunning
will be deceived: they will know that thou didst not
fight for pre-eminence, but for the common liberty—
that thou west their brother, and bled for them also.
The temporary victory of our enemies will but serve to
take the film from the eyes of the deceived people. The
sentiment of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire
among the smaller states and races the wish for a fra-
ternal confederation—for that which I always urged as
the only safe policy and guarantee of freedom for
them all.

The realisation of this idea will hurl the power of the
haughty despots to the abyss of the past, and Hungary,
free, surrounded by free nations, will be great glorious,
and independent.
At the moment when I hardly hoped for further con-
solation on earth, behold the God of Mercy freed my
wife, and enabled her, through a thousand dangers, to
reach me in my place of exile. Like a hunted deer, she
could not for five months find in her own native land a
place of rest. The executioners of the beardless Nero
placed a reward upon her head, but she has escaped the
tyrants. She was to me and to my exiled countrymen
like the rainbow to Noah, for she brought intelligence
of hope in the unshaken souls of the Hungarian people,
and in the affectionate sympathy of the neigbbouring na-
tions who had fought against us. They had aided the
wife of the much-slandered Governor of Hungary.
Although the sympathy of the world often depends
upon the result of actions, and the suceeosful are ap-
plauded, etill Hungary by her noble bearing and trials
has drawn the attention of the world. The sympathy
which she has excited in both worlds, and the thunder-
ing curse which the lips of millions have pronounced
againgst her destroyers, announce like the roaring of
the wind before the storm the coming retribution of
heaven. '

Among the nations of the world there are two which
demand our gratitude and affection. England, no less
powerful than she is free and glorious, supported us by
her sympathy and by the approving voice of her noblest
sons and the millions of her people. Aud that chosen
land ofifraedom beyond the ocean—the all-powerful peo-
ple of the United States, with their liberal Government
—inspired us with hope, and gave us courage by their
deep interest iu our cause and sufferings, and by their
condemnation of our executioners.

The President of the United States, whom the confi-
dence of a free people had elevated to the loftiest station
in the world, in his Message to the Congress, announced
that the American Government would have been the first
to recognise the independence of Hungary. And the
senators and representatives in Congress marked the de-
stroyers of my country's liberty with the stigma of igno-
miny, and expressed with indignant feelings, their con-
tempt for the conduct of Austria, and their wish to
break the diplomatic intercourse with such a Govern-
ment. They summoned the despots before the judgment-
seat of humanity; they proclaimed that the world would
condemn them; they declared that Austria and Russia
had been unjust, tyrannical, and barbarous, and deserved
to be reprobated by mankind, while Hungary was
worthy of universal sympathy.
The Hungarians, more fortunate than I, who were
able to reach the shores of the New World, were re-
ceived by the people and the Government of the United
States in the most generous manner—yes, like brothers.
With ono hand they hurled anathemas at the despots,
and with the other welcomed the humble exiles to par-
take of that glorious American liberty more to be valued
than the glitter of crowns. Our hearts are filled with
emotions to see how this great nation extends its sym-
pathy and aid to every Hungarian who is so fortunate as
to arrive in America. The sympathetic declaration of
such a people under such circumstances, with similar sen-
timents in England, is not a mere sigh which the wind
blows away, but is prophetic of the future. What a
blessed sight to see whole nations actuated by such
sentiments!

Free citizens of America ! you inspired my country-
men to noble deeds; your approval inspired confidence;
your sympathy consoled in adversity, gave a ray of hope
for the future, and enabled us to bear the weight of oar
heavy burden; your fellow-feeling will sustain us until
we realize the hope, the faith " that Hungary is not lost
for ever." Accept, in the name of my countrymen, the
acknowledgments of our warmest gratitude, and our
highest respect.
I, who know Hungary so well, firmly believe she is
not lost; and the intelligent citizens of America have
decided, not only with impulsive kindness, but with
reason and policy, to favour the unfortunate but not sub-
jugated Hungary. The sound of that encouraging voice
is not like a funeral dirge, but as the shrill trumpet that
will call the world to judgment.
Who does not see that Austria, even in her victory,
has given herself a mortal wound? Her weakness is
betrayed. The world no longer believes that Europe
needs the preservation of this decaying empire. It is
evi▪ dent that its existence is a curse to mankind; it can
never promote the welfare of society. The magic of its
imagined poweris gone; it was a delusion which can de-
cei▪
ve no longer. Among all the races of this empire—
not excepting the hereditary states—there is none that
does not despise the reigning family of Hapsburg. This
power has no moral ground of support; its vain dreams
of a united empire—for which it has committed the most
unheard-of crimes—are proved to be mere ravings at
which the world laughs. No one loves or respects it;
and when it falls, not a tear of regret will follow it to
the grave. And fall it surely will. The moment
Russia withdraws her support, the decayed edifice will
crumble to dust. A shot fired by an English or by an
.
American vessel from the Adriatic would be the
trumpet at the city of Jericho. And this impious,
foolish Government thinks to control fate by the hang-
mang's cord. How long will Russia be able to assist?
This Czar—who boasts that his mission is to be the
scourgetheA
be, blast the miserable boaster? The very character of
lm oigfhatyll, twhehonsahtivoinhesrsetgreivhitnhgefoprrolfiabneerltyy—asswiumllesnotot
his government is a declaration of war against the
rights and interests of humanity, and the existence of
other nations. Will the world suffer this long? Not
long.
The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not only gained
a consciousness of her own strength, but she has forced
the conviction into the minds of other nations that she
deserves to exist, and to be independent ; and she eau
show justly that her existence and independence
aro essential to the cause of liberty in Europe. No, no!
Hungary is not lost! By her faith, bravery, and by her
foresight, which teaches her to abide her time, she will
be yet among the foremost in the war of universal
liberty !

You, noble Americans, we bless in the na►ne of the
(led of Liberty ! To you, who have summoned the mur-
derers of my countrymen before the judgment-seat of
the world—to you, who are the firstjudges of this court
—I will bring the complaints of my nation, and before
you I will plead her came. When the house of Haps-
burg, with the aid of a foreign army, invaded my country
and had destroyed, by their manifesto of the 4th of March,
1549, the foundation upon which the union with Austria
rested, there remained for Hungary no alternative than

[PRICE SD.

the declaration of independence which the National As-
sembly unanimoutly voted on the 14th of April, 1149,
and which the whole nation solemnly accepted, and sealed
with their blood.
1 declare to you, in the most solemn manner, that
all which has taken place, or may hereafter take
place, proceeding from individuals or Government, con-
trary to tnis declaration, which is in perfect accord wi h
the fandamontal law of Hungary, is illegal and unjust.
Before you I assert that the accusation that the Mac,-
yar race was unjust to the other races—by means 'of
which a prtion of the Servians, Wallachians, Slavoni-
ans and Germans dwelling in Hungary, was excited
against us—is en impious slander, circulated by the
house of Hapsburg, which shrinks from no crime to
weaken the united forces of our army, to conquer one
race after another, and thus bring them all under the
yoke of slavery.
It is true, some of the races in Hungary had reason
to complain; but these subjects of complaint were the
inevitable consequences of the pre-existing state of
things and the Austrian interference. But the Croatians
had no reason to complain. This race of half a million,
in a separate province, had a National Assembly of its
own, and enjoyed greater privileges than even the Hun-
garians. They contributed proportionally but half asmuch in taxes; they possessed equal rights with Hun-
gary; while the Hungarian Protestants, ou account of
their religion, were not suffered to own lands in Croatia.
Their grievances anti ours were the same in the perpe-
tual violation of the Constitutioa by the Imperial
”Go-
vernment. But their own peculiar grievances arose from
the evils of former times, and from the Austrian system
of government, which forcibly placed the Slavonian, Ser-
viau, and Wallachian boundary districts on the German
military footing. •
The moment, however, our people became free, and
enjoyed their political rights, they became just, and
placed all things unon a basis of freedom and equality. ,
But some of these -races, blinded by the infernal slanders
and suggestions of Austria, took up arms against us.
This people, who for centuries had endured slavery,
fought against their own freedom! God forgive them!
They know not what they did.
In America, people of different language dwell; but
who says that it is unjust for senators and representa-
tives to use the English language in their debates, and
to make it the official language of the Government?
This was what the Magyar race asked in Hungary.
There was this difference only—that in America it was
not necessary to establish this law, for the original
settlers had stamped their language in the country; but
in Hungary a law was necessary to make the Magyar
the official language. The use of the Latin tongue—a
bad relic of the middle ages, which the clergy and aris-
tocracy preserved as something •precious, imitating the
ancient despots, who caused the laws to be written in
small letters and placed on high towers, that the people
might not understand their rights—had been retained
among ns. It was necessary to have a living, spoken,
popular language. And what other could we have than
the noble Magyar?
How often have I, and other leaders with me, said to
my countrymen that they must be strictly just, and seek
their future greatness not in the predominance of one
race, but in the perfect equality of all ! My counsel was
adopted and made the basis of the Government. The
same freedom, the same privileges, without regard to
language or religion, the free development of each race
under the protection of the law, were accorded to all.
We not only guaranteed the right to use any language
in the churches and schools, but we afforded aid for
the education and development of each nationality.
The principle we announced was, that either the State
should protect no religion, no nationality—leaving all to
the free action of the people—or that it should protect
all alike.

In the general administration the predominance of our
language, end consequently the race that spoke it, was a
necessity; but in the administration of county affairs,
which in some respects resembled that of the individual
states in North America, the use of each language Will;
granted. In the courts, in the trial by jury, in the right
of petition, in the republication of all laws and ordi-
nances, the various races had the right to use their own
language. In ono word, nothing was left undone which
could tend to place all on a footing of the most perfect
equality. True, we did not—as Austria has done for
political purposes solely, to enslave all the people and
make the brave Hungarians a subordinate nation—make
a territorial division of the lands. We respected rights,
and wished to progress, bat were too honest to com-
mence a system of spoliation. And who has been bene-
fited by this policy of the Vienna bureaucracy? Not
even those on whom the pretended favours have been
conferred.

When those races clamoured for national tights, I
boldly demanded what was wanting, and what could be
granted without injury to the country. No one etas wercd
but reckless men, who spoke of territorial division. The
Servaus decired to have the comitat Baes and the three
counties of the Banat as a separate Servian state. Toe
Wallachiaus wished to have Transylvania. They (the
Servians) did not consider that they owned no scrparato
portion of the land in Hungary, and that in tho Bees,
and the Banat wero Wallachians, Germans, and Mag-
yars, who could not be made subordinate to the less
numerous Servians. So also, in Transylvania there were
Magyars, Sellers, and Saxons, who would complain of
such a connection with Wallachia.

As there were various races, speaking different
languages in Hungary, and divided into as many muni-
cipalities, who could blame us for laying the foundation
of government in a just equality to all? Croatia alone
was a separate territory; and how often have we *aid' to
her that if she would remain in union with us, we would
give her the hand of brotherhood; but if she wished to
separate, we would not hinder her! We could not,
however, permit such a division of Hungary as would
have destroyed her as a nation. It was Austria who
sowed the seeds of division and dissolution.
Citizens of America, to you I declare honest!), that
my aim in the federation of Hungary with smaller na-
tions was to secure the nationality and independence of
each, and the freedom of all; and had anything been
wanting which could have been justly granted to any
one or all of the races in Hungary, the Magyars had
only to know it, and it would have been performed
with readiness; for freedom, and not power, was their
desire.

Finally, I declare that, by the declaration of inde-
pendence by which I was elected Governor of Hungary,
I protest, so long as the people do not by their free will
release me from that office, that no one can legally con-
trol the affairs of government but myself. The protes-
tstion is not made in a feeling of vanity or desire to be
conspicuous, but from respect to the inherent rights of
my countrymen. I strove not for power. The bril-
liancy of a crown would not seduce me. The final
aim of my life, after having liberated my dear Hungary,
was to end my days as a private citizen and an humble
farmer.

My country, in the hour of danger, called upon me to
assist in the struggle for freedom. I responded to its
call. Others, doubtless, were more able, who could have
won more fame, but I will yield to none in the purity of
my motives. Perhaps it was confidence in my ardent
patriotism and honesty of purpose which induced the
people to give me power. They believed freedom would
be safe in my hands. I felt my weakness, and to them I
could not promise liberty unless they were united as one
man, and would lay aside all personal, all sectional in-
terests. I foretold that if the nation was divided, it
would fall. As long as they followed my injunctions,and
were united, they were unconquerable—they performed
miracles of valour. The fall of Hungary commenced
the day they began to,:divide. Not knowing the secret
causes of this division, and not suspecting treachery, and
wishing to inspire confidence, to give skill, and all the
elements of success to our army, and caring nothing for
my own fame, doing all for the good of my country, I
gave command of the forces to another. I was assured
by the most solemn engagement, by the man to whom
I gave the power, that he would use it for the welfare
and independence of the nation, and that ho
would be responsible to me and the people
for the fulfilment of these conditions. He
betrayed his country, and gave the army to
the enemy. Had we succeeded after this terrible blow,
he should have met his reward. And even now he is not
freed from his accountability to the nation, no more
than I, in the moral right and sense, cease to be the Go-
vernor of Hungary. A short time may revere again the
fate of all. The aurora of liberty breaks upon my vision,
even at Broussa. _ _

Thttv therefore, intrusted to Ladislas Ujhazi, Ober-
nn of the Saros comitat, and Civil Governor of
f3eoscaPaorn, the mission to be my representative, and through
me the representative of the Hungarian nation, to the
people and Government of the United States, hoping and
believing that so generous a people will not judge the
merits of our cause by a temporary defeat, but will re-
cognise Governor Ujhazi and his companions with the
accustomed kindness.
May God bless your country for ever! May it have
the glorious destiny to share with other nations the
blessings of that liberty which constitutes its own happi-
ness and fame! May your great example, noble Ame-
ricans, be to other nations the source of social virtue;
your power be the terror of all tyrants—the protector of
the distressed; and your free country ever continue to be
the asylum for the oppressed of all nations.
Written at my place of
M inor, 27th March, 1850. banishment, Brousso, Asia
LOUIS KOSSUTH,
Governor of Hungary.

RAVENSCLIITE. BY THE AUTHOR OF " EauuA
WYNDHAM."
" Emilia Wyndm
Ahane7 novel, from the pen of the author of
has just appeared, which perhaps sur-
passes in interest and merit the best productions of that gifted
writer. The title of Ravenscliffe" simply indicates a tale
of domestic life, in which the author so eminently excels;
but the story is woven with incidents of a strikingly novel
character, presenting society in aspects hitherto little known
to fiction. The mysteries of college life form one feature in
this exciting narrative, and the career of a young nobleman
at the University contrasted with that of a stern and inflexi-
ble Dissenter, and traced on through the vicissitudes of the
world, with the fortunes of the beautiful and wayward
p rare
al
ar er
heroine, afford a wide field for the display of thospeo
powers of delineation so signally displayed by this
author.
The Liverpool Chamber of Commerce are
about
to memorialize the Postmaster-General for the dispatch
of
the north mail from London by the fast train leaving at half-
past nine o'clock, instead of at ten o'clock by which altera-
tion the delivery of letters could be secured at that port, and
also in Manchester, at four o'clock rox.