The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-03 00:00:00

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

MIDLAND GREAT WESTERN OF IRELAND
The half-yearly meeting of this company was held on
Friday at Dublin; Mr. J. Ennis in the chair. The
report stated that there was a progressive increase, both
in the railway and canal traffic, showing a surplus
profit of 6431. over the corresponding period of last
year. The directors have recently made arrangements
with the City of Dublin Steam Packet Company for
the extension of their inland establishment to the
Upper Shannon, in connexion with the railway and
the transfer of their trade boats to the Royal Canal.
The new contract for working the line was commenced
on the 18th of March, which will effect a further reduc-
tion in the future expenses of this department. The
works on the extension to Galway are in a very for•
ward state, and the directors look forward with con-
fidence to the opening of the entire line for
traffic on the Ist of August next. A third
instalment bas been received from the Exchequer
Loan Commissioners; and it is satisfactory to the di-
rectors to be able to state that the sum granted will be
fully sufficient to complete the railway from Athlone to
Galway. The board entertain a confident expectation
that the geographical position of Galway, together with
its suitable harbour and other accommodation, afford a
combination of advantages which must ultimately se-
cure its adoption for a packet-station. The net income
for the half-year is more than sufficient to pay a divi-
dend at the rate of 4 per cent. per annum. The direc-
tors have declared forfeited 970 shares. The revenue
account showed that 32,0031. had been received on the
railway and canal, and 11,1671. expended, leaving a
profit of 20,8361. The capital account stated that
841,4331. had be en received on shares, and 445,5101. on
loans; and 119,0321. capital accrued from traffic to the
30th of June, 1850, together 1,405.9751. and 1,403,4041.
expended, leaving a balance of 2,5711.
The report of, Mr. Reman, the engineer, stated that a
most satisfactory contract had been entered into for
working the line to Galway for a period of five years,
with an experienced contractor, in which contract a de-
preciation fund for the maintenance of the plant is fully
provided fur. The working stock is in a very efficient
order. The new stock constructing for the additional
service to Galway consists of 13 locomotive engines, 17
carriages, and 110 trucks, waggons, &c. The perma-
nent way will, in about three weeks, be laid to the banks
of the Shannon, a distance of 27 miles. In the county
of Galway 25 miles are laid. The great swivel bridge
at Louth Athalis' the largest of its kind ever built, is al-
most complete; the moving mass of nearly 200 tons will be
turned by a simple hand gearing. The bridge over the
Shannon will bo about 600 feet in length, consisting of
iron girder openings 165 feet span, with a swivel bridge
for navigation in the centre. The whole rests upon 12
cast-iron pillars sunk in the river, and filled with ma-
sonry, which are now nearly ready to receive the super-
structure. 'The amount of the estimate submitted to
Government will amply suffice to complete the line, with
all necessary appliances.
The CHAIRMAN, on moving the adoption of the re-
ports, said he thought they might be considered satis-
factory. Their great difficulty was that the affairs cf
the country were not in such a prosperous state as to
yield them that legitimate amount of profit which they
had reason to contemplate. Re believed that the worst
'as now passed, and that every half-year would show
some improvement.
After some discussion, resolutions were passed adopt-
ing the reports and accounts, re-electing Mr. Parker, the
retiring auditor, and confirming the forfeiture of 970
shares. The proceedings concluded with a vote of
thanks to the chairman.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
BRISTOL, APRIL 2.
STOCK EjECIIANGII.—The market has been active to-day,
and prices improved. The transactions were as follow:--
Bristol and Exeter, 82—Great Western, 86%—Lancashire
and Yorkshire, b 9. '
LIVERPOOL, APRIL 2.

.
STOCK EXCHANGII.—The business to-day has been very
limited, and the market closed flat and heavily. The
transactions were as follow : Birkenhead, Lancashire. and
Cheshire (late C. an! B.), 20% e.—Caledonian, 13%
Chester and Holyhead, Preference, guaranteed 51,E per cen.,
1614—East Lancashire, 16%—Lancashire and Yorkshire,
57%—Ditto, Fifths, 634 dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 171—
London anti North- Western, 127—Ditto, New Quarters, 434
p.—Midland. 594—Ditto, Halves. 14% dis.—North British,
934—North Staffordshire, 7 dis.—South-Eastern and Dover,
26—York and North Midland, 26.
MANCHESTER, APRIL 2.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The transactions to-day were as fol-
low :—Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 7%
dis.—Eastern Counties, 7% c.—East Lancashire, 1646—
Lancashire and Yorkshire, 5734—Ditto, Fifths, 6% die.—
Leeds and Thiisk 16%—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln-
shire, 33%—South-Eastern and Dover. 264.
BIRMINGHAM, APRIL 2.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The share market was very quiet
to-day, and prices of stock were generally about the same
as last quotations. The only transactions of any importance
were in Midland Stock, which declined, and were done at
CO VI per share.

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.
LONDON AND NOATII-WESTERN RAILWAT.—Return Ol
Traffic for the week ending March 30:—
Passengers. parcels, &c. £22,713 4 2
Merchandise ... 18,012 19 9
Cattle ... ... 739 12 0

Total ... ... £41,465 15 11
Corresponding week last year 39,690 7 0
Note.—The returns as published are exclusive of the
traffic of the Huddersfield Canal and Shropshire Union, North
Union, Preston and Wyre, South Junction, Manchester and
Buxton, and Buckinghamshire Railways, and of the propor-
tion of traffic deducted under agreement with the North
Staffordshire Company.

LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST RAILWAY...-.
(Miles open, 1731)—Traffic for the week ending March 29:
Passengers ... ... ... A:5,549 18 1
Goods ... ... ... ... 1,986 17 11

Total ... Z 7,536 16 0
Corresponding week last year... 5,262 7 9
SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY. Gross traffic receipt's for
the week ending March 29 :
Passengers ... £6,894 9 2
Carrying account .. ... 2,037 8 7

Total ... £5,931 17 9
Corresponding week last year ... 9,605 7 6

NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE RAILWAY.—(MiIes open,ll2.)
Return of traffic for the week ending March 23 :--
Railway and canal £4,766 0 0
Corresponding week last year ... 4,324 0 0
Note..-The above is exclusive of the receipts available
under the agreement with the London and North-Western
Railway Company.
LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY. (260 miles
open.)—Traffic for week ending Mar. 30....£14,770 2 7
Corresponding week in last year, (219
miles open) .. 11 4
LONDON AND BLACRWALL RAILWAY.—Amount of revenue
for the week ending March 30:—
£795 11 9
Passengers
Goods 22 0 0

Total ...£Bl7 11 9
Corresponding week last year ... 709 14 5
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY.Traffie for the
week ending March 30:—
MAIN LINE.

Passengers ... £796 10 3
Parcels, H. C. and D. 72 7 4
Goods, cattle, &C 428 3 5
Mails ... ••• ... 575 0 0

Total .. £1,872 1 0
MOLD.

Passengers ••• £37 5 0
Parcels, H. C. and D. ••• 0 14 2
Goods, cattle, &c. 118 5 11

Total £l5l 5 1
STEADS-BOATS.
Passengers ... £lO9 7 2
Parcels, H. C. and D. ... II 17 4

Total ... £l2l 4 6
SrutorsmaE UNION RAILWAY.—(Open 29 miles.)_Traffic
for the weekending March 30
rcels :
Passengers, pa &c. ....£297 12 10
Goods and lime stock 1. 7

Total „.. £5OB 14 5
Corresponding week last year ... 422 10 ei

Last night Lord Stanley was entertained at a dinner by a
large number of his Parliamentary and political friends and
admirers, at Merchant Taylors' Hall, 'Threadneedle-street.
The invitation to the Noble Lord received) the signatures of
more than 110 Peers, and upwards of 200 Members of the
House of Commons, and the use of the hall was granted for
the occasion by the masters and wardens .of the Merchant
Taylors' Company. The object of the entertainment, as
authoritatively announced a few days since by one of ,the
daily organs of the Protectionists, was " to afford the leader
of the Country Party an opportunity of putting an end to
all the quibbles to which political schismatics have subjected
the open-hearted policy of Lord Stanley." The hall was
decorated with banners emblazoned with thb royal arms, and
the armorial bearings of officers of the Cutlers' Company.
The dinner was lirovided by Messrs. Bathe and Co., of the
London Tavern, and was of the most recherche description.
Mr. Higgs officiated as toastmaster.
Lord Stanley entered the room soon after 7 o'clock, ac-
companied by the Chairman, Mr. T. Baring, M.P. for
Huntingdon, air] several of his leading friends, and was
received with loud manifestations of applause. Among the
noblemen and gentlemen present we observed—Lord Stanley,
Sir E. Sugden, the Marquis of Exeter, Mr. Herries, the
Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of Wilton, the Earl of Eglin-
toun, Colonel Powell, the Earl of Delawarr, Sir C. Knightley,
Viscount Combermere, Mr. G. A. Hamilton, the Duke of
Richmond, Mr. Disraeli, the Duke of Northumberland, the
Earl of Lonadale, Mr. Croker, the Earl of Hardwicke,
Mr. Henley, the Master of the Merchant Taylors' Com-
pany, Lord Redesdale, Mr. Walpole, 14rd Willoughby
D'Eresby, Mr. C. C. Bruce, the Earl of lialmesbury, Mr.
Mackenzie, Earl Nelson, Mr. Beresford, Viscount
Lewisham, Viscount Strangford, Mr. Millie, Earl
Somers, Lord Southampton, Mr. J. Stuart, Viscount
Hereford, Lord Sandy's, Mr. Grogan, the Eirl of March, the
Marquis of Waterford, Mr. Christopher, 'Lord Naas, the
Earl of Verulam, Lord Burghley, Colonel Bruen Mr. Ker
Seymer, Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. R. C. Hildyard, Colonel Low-
ther, Captain Vyse, the Marquis of Chandoa, Colonel Chat-
terton, Lord G. Manners, Lord Castlemaine, Lord Bayning,
the Earl of Sheffield, Mr. G. F. Young, Lord"J. Manners, the
Earl of Cardigan, the Earl of Falmouth, the Earl of Win-
chilsea, the Earl of Caledon, Mr. Spooner, Hon. General
Lygon, Viscount Bernard, Mr. W. Miles, Lord Sinclair, the
Earl of Selkirk, lion. F. Scott, Lord E. Hill, Mr. Wadding-
ton, Captain H. Wynn, the Earl of Kinnoul, the Earl of Ayles-
ford, Lord Sondes. Mr. P. Miles, Mr. Newdegate, Viscount
Mandeville, Lord Clarina, Viscount Barrington, the Hon. G.
Noel, Captain Somerset, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir W. Jolliffe,
the Hon. H. Cole, Lord Walsingham, Lord Saltoun, the Hon.
A. Duncombe, r. Dick, Captain Rushout, Mr. Stafford, Mr.
Adderley, Lord Colchester, Mr. Napier, the Hon. E. Stanley,
Sir J. Tyrell, Mr. T. Hildyard, Viscount Newport, Lord A.
Lennox, Sir G. Tyler, the Earl of Bandon, Lord Braybrooke,
the Hon. J. P. Maxwell, Sir R. Pigott, Colonel Gilpin, Lord
Tenterden, the Hon. W. Begot, the Earl of Glengall, the
Earl of Bradford, Lord Douglas, Lord Sherborne, the Earl
of Erne, the Marquis of Drogheda, the Earl of Macclesfield,
the Earl of Longford, Lord C. Hamilton, Lord Feversham,
Sir R. G. Booth, Lord Rendlesham, Lord Kilmaine, Sir
W.:.W ,Wynn, Sir E. Filmer, Captain Boldero, the Marquis
of Blandford, the Earl of Beauchamp, Sir J. Trollope, the
Marquis of Worcester, Colonel Knox, Sir W. Verner, Lord
Downes, Alderman Thompson, Sir A. Brooke, Lord Rayleigh,
Lord Templemore, Colonel Dunne, the Earl of Cadogan, Lord
Dunsany, Viscount Galway, Mr. Bankes, Captain Lowther,
Mr. Lane Fox, Sir Lucius O'Brien, Lord Lanesborough, Mr.
Stanley (Cumberland), Lord J. Chichester, Sir R. Lopes,
Sir John Buller, the Earl of Tyrconnell, Lord Airlie, Sir E.
Kerrison, Captain Jones, Lord C. Manners, Lord Ranelagh,
Hon. J. Knox, the Earl of Lucan, Hon. Captain Harris, Mr.
Hudson, the Earl of Stamford. Sir J. Duckworth, Hon. 0.
Duncombe, the Earl of Mountcashell, Colonel Hall,
Captain Archdall, Lord Rodney, Hon. Captain Cotton,
Lord Grantley, the Earl of Desart, Lord Forester.
Viscount Canterbury, the Earl of Pomfret, the Earl of
Roden, Sir W. Codrington, Lord Ossulston, Lord H.
Lennox, Sir E. Macnaghten, Sir J. Pakington, the Earl of
Beverley, Hon. G. Rice Trevor, the Earl of Stradbroke, the
Earl cf Enniskillen, Viscount Exmouth, the Earl of Chester.
field, Sir H. hl eux, the Hon. Colonel Forester, Mr. Bagge,
the Earl of Egmont, and the Hon. E. Yorke.
The cloth having been drawn, and grace said by the Rev.
Lord Hereford, the usual loyal toasts were proposed by the
Chairman, and where duly honoured.
The CHAIRMAX tben proposed "the Church," which was
acknowledged by the Rev. Lord Hereford, who observed that
he was not stating anything beyond the fact when he said
that the majority of the Church looked most anxiously to
the expressions of feeling which might be conveyed to the
public after the meeting of that evening.— (Cheers.)
The toast of the "Army and Navy" was responded to by
Lord C. Manners on behalf of the military, and by the Earl
of Hardwicke for the naval service. _ _

The CHAIRMAN said he had now the honour to propose the
health of their distinguished guest, Lord Stanley.—(Loud
and prolonged cheering.) That burst of applause he was sa-
tisfied would be re-echoed by numberless meetings through-
out the kingdom— (Renewed cheers)—and would convey to
the Noble Lord the feelings of admiration, respect, and con-
fidence which were entertained towards him by multitudes
of his fellow-countrymen.—(Cheers.) His fellow-country-
men looked to him not merely with admiration, as a man
placed by Providence in an elevated position. who had
earned for himself the high rank of a patriot and a statesman,
but they alto looked to him with that confidence with which
Englisinen ever regarded a person who had never sacrificed
principle for power—(Loud cheers) but who, abiding by the
Stanley motto "Sans changer," had followei a straight-
forward course of public consistency and political honour.
It would be presumptuous in him to dwell upon the talents,
acquirements, and eloquence of the Noble Lord, or upon that
wisdom which combined the power of mature age with the
vigour and freshness of youth.—(Cheers.) When the Sove-
reign of this country had called upon the Noble Lord, a
short time since, to undertike the task of forming a Mi-
nistry, the Noble Lord hadlhown that he was not actuated
by any desire to grasp at office or power; and be felt that
one of the strongest claims of the Noble Lord on the confi-
dence of the country was that he had refused to assume the
reins of government unless he had the confident and delibe-
rate assurance that he should have the means of stamping
the Administration of which he was to be the head with the
undoubted evidence of stability and permanence. They be-
lieved the continued suffering and continued discontent of
one class could never be compatible with the general and
permanent prosperity of the community. They asked for
no exclusive legislation for any particular class. They
wished for an extension of commerce; and no one had shown
more than the Noble Lord on his right that he was anxious
to grant prudent relaxations in the restrictions on trade.
But if it were the deliberate, the confirmed, and the rati-
fied opinion of the constituency of that country that
no mitigation, no change should be made in the sudden ap-
plication of a system of untaxed imports, he and those who
thought with him, while they bowed with submission to the
verdict of the country, would look with increased apprehen-
sion to the state of the nation, unless other remedies were
provided for the future relief of the agricultural interest.
They desired to correct the errors of hasty legislation, and to
mitigate the pressure of sudden and great changes. If it
should happen that any attempt was made to disturb the
just proportion in the representation of this country—
( Cheers)--of property and population, of city and town,
from any party motive—(Loud cheers)—to crush any incon-
venient minority, or to bolster up any tottering policy by a
packed constituency, they relied upon the wisdom and
guidance of the Noble Lord to arrest such act of a temporary
majority— (Loud cheers)—and he could assure the Noble
Lord that in such a course he might expect from all who
were assembled the most sincere and cordial support. He
called upon them to drink, as an earnest prayer for a na-
tional blessing —" Health, long life, and happiness to Lord
Stanley."—( the toast was received with enthusiastic
cheering, which was renewed and continued for some
minutes.)

Lord STANLEY, on rising, was received with loud and pro-
longed cheering. He said—My Lords and gentlemen, to say
that I am deeply grateful for , the distinguished honour you
have this day conferred upon me, by the presence of this
great assembly, by the eloquent and touching speech of my
Hon. Friend near me, by the enthusiastic reception which
you have given to that speech, were indeed feebly to express
those feelings by which I am at the present moment excited
oppressed—well nigh overwhelmed.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen,
to few public men—to still fewer holding no official station
has it occurred to meet with such a testimony, from such
an assembly, of political confidence—nay, I venture to add,
too, to the language of your chairman, such an expression of
personal regard and esteem.—(Cheers) And, gentlemen, if
anything could enhance the deep feeling with which I receive
this high mark of honour—if anything could increase the
value of the compliment paid me by the presence of this as-
sembly, it would be the time which you have chosen, the
place you have selected, and the auspices under which this
assembly is convened. I come before yeti now, gentle-
men—l appear as your guest—not in a moment of tri-
umph not flushed with victory—not crowned with suc-
cess—not having led you to place, and power, and emi-
nence in station,—l come before you after a temporary
failure, after a failure which I know may have inflicted
upon many of those I am addressing not only dis-
appointment upon personal, but disappointment upon
public grounds. I know that I have dashed many a san-
guine and ardent hope of immediate success. I know that
I may have disappointed many who believed our final vic-
tory and triumph were close at hand. That you should have
selected this moment for expressing to me in the manner in
which you have done your undiminished confidence at once
in my sincerity, and in the exercise of my discretion, is most
gratifying.— (Cheers.) I must not, however, regard this
great meeting as a mere mark of personal honour and per-
sonal attachment. I must take it as a mark, and a most dis-
tinguished mark, of your adherence together with me— of
your continued adherence—to those principle— (Loud cheers)
—which, I believe, even in moments of despondency, but
still with continually rising hopes, we have continued to
entertain, and of the final triumph f which at the present
moment I am as sanguine as I ever was. When we re-
member that one of the leading principles of that great party
whieh honours me with its confidence was, as my Hon.
Friend has said, to extend and encourage, no doubt by
judicious relaxations, commerce and industry, and especially
the industry of our fellow•countrymen—then, I say, it is one
of the principles of the party, above all other things, to en-
courage and support that great interest which has been most
pressed down by impolitic, and, as I think, unjust taxation—
( Hear)—it is one of our principles to support and encourage
the struggling agriculturist in the difficulties in which he
has been placed.—(Hear, hear.) I rejoice that this meeting
is not held in some purely agricultural district,
among those who are individually and personally
smarting under the difficulties that the agricultural interest
has to sustain. I rejoice that this meeting is held for the
support and encouragement of our domestic interests and of
the agriculture of the United Kingdom, here in the centre of
the greatest commercial city in the empire—(Cheers)—here,
and in this hall, by the favour of one of the eldest and
wealthiest of the mercantile corporations of this great me-
tropolis—(Hear, hear)—under the presidency, too, of one
who well illustrates in his own person the ancient honour and
unblemished character which have on all occasions attached
to the merchant princes of England.— (Cheers .) But, gen-
tlemen, when upon this occasion we meet in this place, it is
difficult for memory not to turn back to a former instance
and to a simlar assembly.— (Hear, hear.) It is diffi-
cult for us not to pause over the lapse of thirteen
years which have already passed by since, from the
place where I stand, we heard in language far more powerful
and more emphatic than I can use the soundest lessons of
natimial policy—(Cheers)—the soundest doctrines of attach-
ment to our Protestant institutions and to our Pro-
testast Church, and the most able vindication of our Protec-
tionist policy, from the lips of Sir Robert Peel.—(Cheere.)

The circumstances, in some respects, are similar. In some they
are widely different. On that occasion, as upon this, we were
contending with a united and powerful minority, and against
a weak and tottering Administration--(Cheers)-yet
not one absolutely so powerless as that which now assumes to
administer the affairs of this country.-(Cheers.) We were
then looking forward, as we are now looking forward, to no
remote triumph of our principles.-(Cheers.) We were
then relying, as we rely now, on the sound sense of the
country, whenever an appeal could be made to the judg-
ment of the country ; and yet in these circumstances, with
313 Members of the House of Commons in a minority, that
Government remained in office, if not in power, for a period
of no less than three years after that time.-(Hear, hear.)
It remained in office, but not in power, and it was not till
after the general election of 1841,, when the country nobly
responded to the call, as I am satisfied it will nobly respond
to a similar call now- (Cheers)-and in favour of a consti-
tutional Conservative Protectionist policy returned to Par-
liament a majority of 91, that that Ministry resigned office.-
(Hear.) Gentlemen, it was my pride and satisfaction for
four years after that period to co-operate with Sir R. Peel in
the, as I think, wise and judicious relaxation of our commer-
cial code which he proposed. He did away with the prohi-
bitions, but he maintained the principle of fair protection.-
(Hear.) He did not undervalue the stimulus of competition,
and he admitted the importance of that competition to call
forth the energies of our native industry. But he laid down
then the sound and reasonable principle, whatever might be
the difficulty of practically applying it in each particular case,
that, for a fair and genuine competition, the parties entering
into that competition must start on equal terms-(Cheers)-
and that to burden one of the competitors with a weight and
a load from which the other was free was under the name of
free trade and under the name of competition to establish a
virtual, a practical monopoly. I say that I joined cordially
in that liberal commercial policy up to the fatal period of
1845 and 1846. I draw a veil over what took place at that
unhappy period. I will not allow to fall from my lips one
word which would wound the memory of the dead, or hurt
the feelings of the survivors; but I cannot conceal from
myself the fatal effects on the well-being of the country of
the measures adopted at that unhappy era, not only in refe-
rence to the policy which was then adopted, but to the shock
which was given to confidence in all public men, and to the
general dislocation of parties, and the separation, I fear the
final separation of that great Conservative party, which for ,
years it had been the policy of Sir H. Peel to build up, and
which unhappily his own hand shattered to pieces. Those,
getlemen, were the days of despondency and gloom. Men
looked at each other and knew not whom to trust, and then
arose one whose life unhappily was too soon deceased-one
whose noble and generous nature was insensible to fear, ex-
cept the fear of shame and dishonour- (Hear)-one in whom
were combined high resolve, feeling strong, dauntless energy,
and laborious assiduity, but, above all, a steadfast and
earnest, and disinterested integrity of purpose-(Cheers)-
divested of all factitious advantages of political experience
and party tactics.-(Cheers.) To say that he had failings,
to say that he has committed errors, is to say no more than
that he was a mortal man. But those failings were failings
on virtue's side, and those errors were the too vehement
ebullitions of a generous but indignant spirit, which could
not curb the language of indignation. Gentlemen, that
noble heart has long ceased to beat. The untutored elo-
quence of those manly lips is heard no more. He is gone
from among us; but he left no unprofitable example. He
has shown how obstacles may be surmounted, how difficulties
may be overcome, how honour may be won, how parties
may be consolidated by the presence of one who brings to the
task only devoted energy, unconquerable assiduity, and per-
fect integrity of purpose.-(Loud cheers.) He is gone, gen-
tlemen, but he carried with him to his early grave the re-
spect of the world, the affection of his friends, the deep re •
gret and grateful recollection of the people of this country;
and, as long as true English feeling shall continue to ani-
mate our people-as long as they shall be able to appre-
ciate integrity, disinterestedness, and principle, so long
in the hearts of Englishmen shall be inscribed the noble
name of Bentinck.- (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I pay this
humble tribute to my departed friend, because feel that to
him was mainly owing the first recovery from the panic into
which his friends were thrown. He has not lived to reap
the reward of his labours ; but it was owing to his courage
and energy, in the first instance, that this great party took a
new departure, from the midst of alarm, and apprehensions,
and has grown by no slow degrees, but has advanced mainly
by a stedfast but temperate maintenance of their own
principles of policy, to that position in which it is admitted
by its opponents that it is a minority at least dangerous to
the Ministry.-(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, from the past I
look to the present and future, and I confess I look to both
with confidence in the soundness of the country, but with a
due appreciation of the dangers to be encountered, and with
no little anxiety as to the trials to which we may be sub •
jetted. Gentlemen, my Hon. Friend has given me credit
for that for which I deserve no credit-for that for which I
am quite sore there is no man in this room who would not
equally deserve the same amount of credit. He has given me
credit for not continuing to hold office at the sacrifice of prin-
ciple. I am convinced that there is no man in this room who
would not make the sacrifice of office, or far more than office,
rather than violate the principles by which he regulated his
political conduct. I confess the great sacrifice to me would
be, not the resignation, but the acceptance of office and its re-
sponsibilities.-(Hear.) The first question which I conceive
a public man ought to ask himself is not-" Will the forma-
tion of this Government tend to my own ease and comfort, to
my own credit or reputation? or will it tend even to the
advancement of my own political views? " he ought to ask,
" Is it for the good of the country that such an administra-
tion shoul 1 be formed ?"- (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is
not for the good of any country that a weak and unstable Ad-
ministration should exist, and the great object in which poli-
ticians of all classes ought at this time to join, is to answer
the question, which with prophetic foresight was years ago
put by the Duke of Wellington-How is the Queen's Govern-
ment to be carried on ? You to whom I now address my-
self know full well the state of parties. You know full well
that at this moment in the House of Commons we are in a
large minority. There is no doubt a very considerable ma-
jority against us in the existing House of Commons, and I con •
fess that, constituted as the present House of Commons is, I
see no escape from the position in which we are now placed ;
for, whoever may hold the reins of office, there will be a
weak Government at the mercy of a majority who cannot
combine for any useful purpose, but who can always com •
bine for the purpose of destroying any Government. Gen-
tlemen, I know no position more dangerous to the public
welfare than such a position as that which I have described ;
when the Government of the day is obliged to catch at
support here, and at a stray vote there-to concede this point
and to abandon that measure-(Loud cheers)-and then to
promise some distant scheme-(Cheers and laughter)-and
hope to stave off the adverse motion of a sci-disant supporter
by vague promises of something to be done at a future time,
or, at the spur of the moment, can issue an illegal commis-
sion to inquire into the universities for the purpose of getting
rid of an awkward motion which it dares not support. This
is the situation in which a weak Government is placed now,
and always will be placed; and it is the situation in which,
I fear, with the present House of Commons, any Govern-
ment attempting to hold the reins of power must for a con-
siderable space of time be placed. Gentlemen, it is for the
country to remedy this great national evil. It is for the
country not to halt between two opinions. It is for the
country to say in whom they have confidence, and in whom
they have not. It is for the country to say what policy
they will support; and without the support of the country
your exertions and mine will be fruitless. - (Hear, hear.)
With the support of the country I do not fear any combina-
tion which can be raised against a constitutional Govern-
ment -(Cheers.) But I say, independently of the position
of parties in the House of Commons, the state of the country
at this moment is such as to cause great and well-founded
anxiety.-(Hear.) It is said the country is prosperous; I
wish I could believe the fact ; but I do not believe it.-
(Hear.) I know that there is one great interest deeply de-
pressed, daily sinking deeper and deeper in distress and in
penury, exhausting the funds which go to the supply of
labour, making exertions beyond its means, and living for
the purpose of employing the labourers, not by annual in-
comes, but upon the accumulated capital of years.-(Hear.)
It may be gentlemen, a mark of the prosperity of the
country when tens of thousands of industrious men, women,
and children are getting together the wreck of their fortunes,
flying from penury and distress at home, and carrying with
them what they can save out of their diminished capital,
and going to enrich not even the possessions of the British
Crown, but carrying to foreign and rival countries their in-
dustry and capital, and, in too many cases it may be
feared, their blighted affections too.-(Cheers.) It may be
a symptom of great commercial prosperity, and a proof of
great domestic industry, when you find, with regard to the
shipping of this country, that in the course of last year
there is a falling off in British ports of 113,000 tons of
British vessels, accompanied by an increase of 63,000 tons
of foreign vessels.-(Hear, hear.) It may be a proof of
national prosperity, but it, at all events, looks more like a
decline of national prosperity. But, though there may be,
and though there are shown to be by figures, a large increase
of the foreign trade, a large increase of our exports, and a
large increase of imports of all denominations -though though I
don't deny that there is increasing activity-I am not quite
sure how the question may be as to the profit to
be derived from this trade ; and I am not quite
sure there are not symptoms now that overtrading
has taken place to a great extent, and that, in a
very short period, there may be a formidable reaction in
the amount of that foreign commerce now relied upon as the
main safeguard of this country. Why, if there is one branch
of commerce, one trade, which has enjoyed a monopoly of
Government favour, to which all other trades have been sa-
crificed' to which all other interests have been made subser-
vient, it is that most important branch of our commerce, the
cotton trade of this country. Since 1846 what an immense
increase has:there been its our cotton trade! How largely,f
with all the advantages, of free trade, have cotton inftnouganc7
d
turers and cotton producers increased their consumptti?o
the amount of their trade? Shall we say 25 per
Will
that be too large an increase in the amount ofe
the
There m
cotton
t
trade since 1846? Shall we say 10 per cent ?
surely be five per cent? No 1 the fact-and startling as it
is, it is an undoubted fact, that in 1860 the consumption of
cotton, the amount of cotton taken into consumption and to
the foreign market falls short of the amount of consumption
in the year 1846 by 100,000 bales,
or 40,000,000 lb., or,
what equivalent to
the would be give
most formidable fea-
turea better idea of the amount by
t 200,000,000 yards of calico. 13ut
with
sihgrellg findard to
thatr
attc
hte
hed
re
in this case-and I believet the same
the matter Were
otlt it would be found equally
trades- is that in the cottonh
tradesame we it
great increase of the foreign trade has been at least equalled,
if not exceeded, by the diminution of the consuming power
at home, consequent upon the diminution of capital. One
other symptom of our prosperity I may mention. Between
1814 and 1843 the amount chargeable under the income-tax
as the profits of trade and commerce had increased from
• 34,000,000/. to 60,000,000/. That was in the days of pro-
. tection-when commerce was kept down-when commerce
was fettered by obnoxious restrictions-before its prison doors
were broken °Per', and perfect freedom was given it to take
its flight with indefinite liberty. But what had been the
increase in trades and professions in the days of free trade,
from 1846 to 1850? There has not only been no increase,
but there has been a decrease of above 1,000,000/.
this year. Between 1847 and 1850 the annual
amount of profit on trades and professions has
fallen from 00,700,000/, to 54,800,0001. I say, then, that
' I greatly fear there are symptoms which prove that even
our apparent prosperity is hollow and deceitful, and that in
the midst of this seeming prosperity, and this great exten-
sion of commerce, we are slowly eating into the capital and
• strength of the nation.-(hear.) We are diminishing the
means from which our annual burdens are to be borne. You
are in the vain pursuit of cheapness, and nothing but cheap-
, ness ; and you forget that just in proportion as you make:all
articles cheap, and diminish the value of all articles to the
producers at large, go you benefit Qua clag and one only

—those consumers who are not producers in their turn. Toil
advantage those who are in the possession of fixed money in-
comes, but by diminishing the value of everything else you
raise the value of money and enhance the growing burden of
that national debt, which no other country could support,
and increase the pressure of taxes, which, however, they are
themselves diminished, are borne with increasing difficulty
by the people, whose capital is constantly decreasing. 1 de-
precate hasty and ill-considered and violent changes, and in
this course of downward progress in which we are involved,
though true prudence and true statesmanship point, I think,
not to the hasty reversal of all that has been done, I would
at all events cry " halt" in that downward course. I
would say watch the progress that has already take,
place—modify the effect of measures, if they have
had a greater effect than even their proposers con-
templated, and prudently, discreetly, but firmly
and determinedly, apply on sound principles legis-
lative relief to those classes which your legislative action has
made to suffer.—(Hear, hear.) How that relief may be af-
forded this is not the time to consider. My Hon. Friend,
t'-e chairman, has complimented me on having frankly, as I
felt it my duty to do, stated in my place in Parliament the
general course of policy which I thought the Government in
the present state of affairs ought to adopt. To that expla-
nation I have little to add. My own views, undoubtedly,
are that there is no course so simple and effective for remov-
ing agricultural distress, and at the same time for returning
to a sounder system, as, by the imposition of moderate duties
on foreign imports, at once to afford a certain, though mode-
rate, check to the unlimited influx of those foreign articles
(when they are not required in this country), and at the same
time to obtain from the foreigner, in imitation of all other
nations, a contribution towards the revenue of the State—
(Cheers)—and to enable us to take off other taxes which
press more heavily and immediately on the springs of our do-
mestic and national industry.—.(Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
however unwarrantably long I have detained yon, there is
one other topic to which I may call your attention—because
it is a topic which even more than our financial policy,
even more' than our agricultural distress, even more_-
than the commercial difficulties which I fear may be -
im-
pending over us, has taken hold, and justly taken hold, of
the hearts and affections of the people of this country. I re-
fer, 1 need not say, to that unwarrantable, and as many
admit to be in manner, that insolent and offensive aggres-
ssion—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers)—which has taken
place under the authority of a foreign prelate upon the
independence and national liberties of this country.—
(Continued cheers.) Gentlemen, with respect to that ag-
gression, I will not go so far as to characterise it as insidious,
and I think that of the two parties I am bound to say, en-
tertaining no great affection either for the one or the other,
that the Pope has greater cause to complain of the conduct
of her Majesty's Ministers— (Cheers and laughter)—than
her Majesty's Ministers have to complain of the conduct of
the Pepe—(Renewed laughter)—because, if by tacit consent,
if by even active encouragement, it was possible to do any-
teing to persuade the Pontiff that this country was willing
to submit to aggression, to submit even to any humiliation
at his hands, I must say that the course which, in mere than
one instance, has been pursued by Lord Grey, by Lord John
Russell himself, and more especially by the Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland—(Loud and continued cheering)—has been such as
to impress the councillors of the Pope with an unreasonable
opinion that no objection would be made in the first instance
to any encroachment he might wish to attempt; and, in
the second, that, if any objections were made, the matter
would be;passed over with a little empty bluster and with
no very substantial resistance.—(Hear, hear.) I do not
know that the events of the last few weeks have tended, as
far as the Government are concerned, very much to alter
the complexion of the case. If the Government had in-
tended from the first to take the course which to all classes
of her Majesty's subjects would be at once the most irritating
and the most ineffective, that course would have been the
one which, from the period of that too celebrated letter
written by the Premier to the Bishop of Durham down to
the time at which I now speak, her Majesty's Government
have actually pursued.—(Hear, hear.) In that letter—as I
can hardly believe that it was written hastily and incon-
siderately—expressions were used which naturally gave
great cause of offence to a large portion of her Majesty's
Roman Catholic subjects. A stated determination to resist
aggression need not have been accompanied by a sneer at
the religion of the Roman Catholics. There is no man in
this room, or in this country, who is more determined than
I am to secure to every class of my fellow-subjects, Pro-
testant or Catholic, whatever be their creed, the fullest
exercise of all their religious liberties.—(Cheers.) But I
draw a broad distinction between the free exercise of reli-
gion by all classes of her Majesty's subjects and the inva-
sion of our civil rights by the institution of an ecclesiastical
establishment, subject to a foreign potentate. When Par-
liament met, I stated—and I think the expression I made
use of has been, in some degree, misconceived,— I stated,
that if I had been called upon to decide in the first instance
what course should be pursued, I should have proceeded
either by resolution or address, or by a declaratory Act
directed against that particular instance of aggression—the
Papal rescript, which was at once an aggression and an in-
sult to this country. But I added, further, that the course
which had been taken upon the rescript should be much
more deeply looked into. It required that the whole rela-
tions of the Roman Catholic subjects of this country towards
the British Crown and the Papal see should be carefully and
diligently investigated ; and 1 stated that upon so large a
branch of the subject, upon one involving such delicate and
difficult considerations, it was desirable to attempt no-
thing which it might not be practical to accomplish,
for nothing could be so inexpedient as to threaten
when you were not able to execute, and to show resentment
where you were not able to repress.—( Hear, hear.) Upon
that large question I should desire to have no hasty or in-
considerate legislation, but an immediate, indisputable, and
peremptory reply by Parliament to the actual insult, and
subsequently an inquiry as to the legislation which might be
necessary for the purpose of placing the Roman Catholic sub-
jects of the Queen in a position which would at once secure
their own civil and religious rights; nay, which might even
extend them, and at the same time secure the people of this
country, whether Protestants or Roman Catholics, from an
interference with their temporal concerns, and from the con-
trol of an ecclesiastical hierarchy appointed by a foreign
power.— (Hear.) Some people have erroneously supposed
that I proposed to hang up all legislation for a period of two
years. The expression I used was that such inquiry must
take time •, but, even if it occupied a whole session, or even if
it occupied two sessions, I considered that loss of time to be less
dangerous than a hasty and ineffectual measure.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I know not whate course the Government may
now intend to pursue. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government had laid the basis of a measure which involved
notonly a repeal of the Act of 1829, but a revival of the whole
penal code, and then upon that mighty substratum he built
a superstructure of such microscopic dimensions as produced
only ridicule and contempt—contempt not unmingled with
the irritation which the sting of au insect, however small,
may produce, though the bite of the insect is net dangerous.
It produced irritation, and nothing but irritation beyond a
feeling of contempt; and this little microscopic measure has
since that time dwindled to more microscopic dimensions
still.—(A laugh.) Indeed, the observation was made to me
by a friend of the Government, as to the second reading of
that Bill, that he never recollected an occasion on which
there was so large a majority brought down to support so
little a measure.—(Laughter.) But I do not consider that
majority insignificant though the measure was ridiculous, be-
cause it was a daclaration on the part of the Parliament of
this country, and it would be felt at Rome as a declaration on
the part of the Parliament of this country, that in principle
we abjured, as our forefathers had done, encroachments and
invasions upon the temporal power by the See of Rome.
( Hear, hear.) It may be well to say that the authority of
Rome is a spiritual authority. I don't call that a spiritual
authority which acts on the tender consciences of infant
girls—(Loud cheers)—and the superstitious fears of the
death-bed, for the purpose of robbing heirs and relations.
—(Loud and continued cheering.) Still less do I con-
sider it to be an authority essential to the free exercise
of religion to prohibit acts in themselves legal, or enjoin
acts it not illegal, at all events in violation of the express
and determined will of the Legislature under those awful
penalties which the Roman Catholic Church holds over and
has power to exercise over the minds of those of its persua-
sion. I say, then, that the majority upon that principle
was not unimportant. But, I say further that I consider
it the duty of Parliament, and I trust I shall consider it ms
duty, while I do not press for a more extensive application
measures -
measures than those which the Government themselves h
thought fit to institute, in the first instance to take care in
Parliament, so far as I can, that that which the Gov
Government
e do
check
—(Cheers)
w eI really shall
certainly
not see that that which the Government professes to make
shalgl notve
effectual shall be really and substantially effectual.— (Cheers. )
I feel how long I have detained your-(hear)—and how un-
grateful a return t bh ee satisfiedm the
if
I have made for the flattering and:highly
complimentary manner in which you have received my
health. But my desire was that, here as elsewhere, no mis-
conception should prevail as to my opinions. I have felt it
my duty, especially to you who have reposed such confidence
in me, that I should place myself in your hands with the
fullest and frankest unreserve;
for, believe me, it is
only by the communion and interchange of feel-
ings and opinions, by :an assurance that the members of a
are actuatedby one
party
that any party either can or ought to be guided. A party
must feel itself bound together by the strong links of prin-
ciple, and individuals of that party must not be deter-
mined to adhere to some petty crotchets and opinions of
their own. For my part, with regard to those with whom I
have had the honour of acting, I have always in details
sacrificed my own opinion to the opinions of the ma-
jority of my political friends. But they will forgive nie
for saying—and they would despise me if I did not declare
it—that to no body of men would I sacrifice that which I
felt imperatively called upon to maintain by my duty to my
country.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I have said that I
look with anxiety to the present state of this country. I
look also with anxiety to the future ; but the degree
to which that anxiety may be removed depends upon
You in your places in Parliament; it depends upon
you in your respective neighbourhoods throughout
this country; it depends upon the constituencies of this
country, and in their hands, whenever a general election
shall come—and all the signs of the times show that that
election cannot be far distant—(Hear, hear)—in their hands
will be the destinies of this country for good or for evil for a
length of time which it is impossible to predict.—(Hear.)
My belief is, that if the great constitutional party should
prevail— if they should be strong enough to administer the
affairs of the country by a steady maintenance of our institu-
tions in Church and State, by maintaining the Protestant es-
tablishment, by maintaining the great branches of industry
in this country, by watching to see in what direcrelief
may be safely and beneficially afforded to the interests
strug-
gling with difficulties not of their own creawtioen. i
. I believe
f nconsidered
that going steadfastly forward in the patlino
ddeformed op-
improvement, by offering steady, firm,
a
position to revolutionary changes, this great country may
5 now surrounded,
escape from the difficulties by which
it
and we may have the happiness and satisfaction of seeing,
under stability
under a Conservative Administration increased
security to our'. roteetant es-
given to the Throne, increased.s t
as
and increased
(.1 increased tablishments and national institu h
happi-
ness to all those various classes which, in t e aggregate,
great body politic of this
of the
form the different members
country.—(Loud and prolonged
cheering.)
M r. ALVO LE proposed, the Duke of Richmond and
the House of Lords.'
The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm.
The Duke of Rwsiatoscn
y Lords and Gentlemen,
I rise under
feelings of the greatest difficulty Vendeavour to re-
turn you thanks for the cordial manner in which you have drunk
he House of Lords. Io so because I am well aware that
there are many Members of that House here present who
could much more adequately convey their thanks than the
humble jaiTiChl4l Wig) Id now addreeeliag ycu, I am called

the Hon. Gentleman haVtold you-+as an old
' an old servant of my Sovereign ; but I lay claim
beyond the proud position of being an English
istleman ; and I must say that the House of Lords
v grateful to the Right Hon. Gentleman for the
which he has proposed the toast to you—for the
dch you have received it.—(Cheers.) Permit me
myself and my brother Peers here, that we feel
much obliged to the Members of the House of Commons
who are here present, and who I believe truly represent the
feelings and opinions of the people of England, for having
permitted us to join with you in paying honour where honour
is due.—( Hear.) We have not forgotten, in the House of
Lords, that Lord Stanley resigned the high and responsible
situation of one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State
because he refused to abandon those principles which had led
that Cabinet to:office.— (Cheers.) Gentlemen,you havealready
heard his splendid eloquence, and you have also seen that
Lord Stanley has carried on with energy and skill-with
energy of purpose and straightforwardness of conduct- his
opposition to the measures of her Majesty's Government.—
(Loud cheers) lam one of those who think we require
something more than splendid abilities—we require 'that the
individual who holds office should be faultless in his private
character. I have ever felt that honesty and good intentions
go far towards the good government of mankind. The de-
voted husband, the affectionate father, the true friend and
the liberal landlord, the kind and considerate neighbour, are
in my mind worth a dozen men who have pored over hunts '
merable blue books and studied political economy.—(Cheers
and laughter.) There are here present many Peers of Great
Britain and Ireland whose ancestors gained their rank and
privileges in many a well-fought battle-field, and whose
heroic achievements were equalled only by the transcendent
talent
displayed by others at the bar and in the senate. He
asked, did any one of them gain their well-merited honours
by submitting to pressure from without, or truckling to po-
pular clamour ? (Loud cries of "No.") No, they might
depend upon it that it was the duty of the House of Lords to
check rash legislation and hasty and unwise decisions—it
was their duty to give the people of England time calmly to
consider the measures brought forward. He knew their
anythinglik e
wishacts of injustice, and he felt satisfied
htlaatrte
entirely to destroy the agricul-
tural interest:, of that country—to cripple many of
the operatives er ''ed
tdhteoy
c could
not
-la manufactures—to injure their
shipping interest 'stroar their colonial possessions.
Give the people only time to reflect, and he believed they
would find that if it was seen legislation had been directed t
to such objects, they would soon insist on having it amended.
They looked forward with confidence to the time when their '
Noble Friend at the head of a strong Government would be ' -
called upon to advise her Majesty in these dangerous times.
,c
—(Loud cheers.) He did not think his Noble Friend would
ever be placed in the position to appoint some colonel or ether
to defend the metropolis, who would be ready to declare
that ho would rather have a foreign foe in possession of
the city of London than that protection should be re-
stored.—(Great laughter.) All be mid say was, that the
only possible chance there was of seeing a foreign army in
that eountry was when some Government would be foolish
enough to trust that colonel with the command of troops.—.
(Great laughter.) He would only, in conclusion, say that he
thought they ought firmly to resolve to place their entire and
full confidence in his Noble Friend Lord Stanley.—(Cheers.)
He knew that there were minor differences of opinion among
them, but be recommended to all to merge their differences,
and be united as one man under one leader—without that
they were nothing—with it they would be powerful and
strong.—(Loud cheers.) He was sure they would all con-
tinue loyal to their Sovereign, devoted to the person of their
gracious Queen, determined at all risks and hazards to
maintain the Protestant constitution and Protestant institu-
tions of the country, and never let the House of Lords for-
get that there was no greater poltroon in the world than the
man who hesitated to perform his duty because his motives
might be misrepresented, and that no man was a greater
coward in the globe than the man who hesitated to vote ac-
cording to his honest and conscientious' convictions, be the
danger what it might, whether emanating from nursery
ghost stories or the timidity of Ministers.—(Hear, hear.)
He for one should be happy to continue to serve under his
Noble Friend, with the motto inscribed on his banner—of
" Fair Protection to British Industry."—(Great cheering.)
Lord STANLEY said—My Lords and gentlemen, I am about
to give you " The real Depositary of Power in this Country
—the House of Commons."—(Cheers.) That is the founda-
tion of the liberties of the people, the legitimate representa-
tive of public feeling, and I believe it combines within its
walls more talent, and, I believe, more sound patriotism and
more real capabilities, than any other assembly in the world.
—(Loud cheers.) For a period of twenty-two years I had
the honour of being a Member of that House. I found many
valuable friends, and I am proud to say I retain most of them
to the present moment. Although for some years separated
from that House, in consequence of the position in which
your kindness has placed me, opportunities have been af-
forded me of keeping up a personal acquaintance and com-
munication, and I look upon nothing with greater pleasure
than that full and free communication and intercourse which
has resulted from it.—(Cheers.) It gives me the greatest
pleasure to take this opportunity of returning thanks to my
Hon. Friend on my left. (Mr. Disraeli) for the distinguished
talent and courage with
which he has fought the battles
of his country on many a well-fought field, and for the
wit and general ability and talent which he has displayed,
and which have been the admiration of his friends, and
the terror of his enemies.—(Great cheering and laughter.)
[ propose to you, gentlemen, " The House of Commons and
Mr. Disraeli."

The toast was responded to with the utmost cordiality and
heartiness.

Mr. DISRAELI, on presenting himself, was loudly and re-
peatedly cheered. He said—As one of the rank and file
of the House of Commons I rise to express my sense of the
honour you have done us in drinking our healths. I
can truly say that—l will not say the triumphant—but
the considerable position which our party have obtained
in the House of Commons has not been owing to any
individual whom accident and not merit has placed in a
prominent position; but it is owing to the moral qualities
of the troops —(Hear, hear.) Those only who are acquainted
with public life—those only who are experienced in our
political history, can appreciate the achievements of a party
placed as the *Protectionist party was in that House. For
when we lost the inspiration and counsels of that great Jean
to whom the Noble Lord who has proposed the health
of the Members of the House of Commons made so feeling an
appeal, we were left entirely to our own resources and to the
spirit of good fellowship which kept us together, and which
has really been our guide in all the exigencies we have had
to encounter. We had no traditionary discipline, no coms
pleted organisation—we had not in that House the influence
of leaders who, from official experience or political pc:wait:a,
might be expected to wield an influence over that body; but
we were guided by the feelings of gentlemen, and by the
courage and determination of freemen—(Loud cheers)—by a
courage which did not shrink from meeting the foe we had
to encounter, and by a kindness that knew always how
to forgive the imperfect etTorts with which friends
might have tried to assist us. If I might, indeed, more
specifically allude to details, I might refer to two causes that
have led to the position we now occupy in that House ;
which, though it does not command a majority, is yet a
great division, and at least, counts numbers superior to
that of any other section.—(Llear, hear.) I may presume
to attribute this to two causes. First, because under all
our difficulties we have been sustained by a , prin-
ciple ; and, secondly, because in the counsels that we
have ventured to offer :for public adoption, we have always
been careful that the application of that principle should be
temperately urged. We have not at any time wished to
uphold the interests of any particular class, or any particular
interest; and here I may notice that it is often and in-
vidiously asserted that we have too frequently advocated
the interests of one particular class. True, it has been our
duty to maintain the interest of a particular class, but it has
been because that class is the only one in the country that
has been oppressed.—(Loud and general cheering.) Except
under these circumstances, the policy that we have always
urged has been a due consideration of the legitimate claims
of all classes in the sate. We have indeed opposed that-ere
roneous system which, under the specious plea of terminating
class legislation, has succeeded in ars eying class against class.
—(Hear, hear.) Instead of this, we have counselled rather
for what ,
reason
raimtg
has
‘dt.
,see,
tilaseb7cariuetsy3
a system of policy which would substitute.t fdo(rchshouoerucahelrici.asr.:vae•hTotiltheniite-is
gttiheoennugairrnyeea
characteristic
erroneous theories that ordo et
econsest
o f
t h the
Roman
'Do
fmtahne c o statesmenm e-) ea s s 'tesis.tta'.
mightof
fs
letlnation
ea great,teiindeedloenm ei
sno
andmtf
elements of
the
tods, teofe hiuweap:n:o_cfoht a
powerful,tt
~,,ov esoraffi
onneorrtd,ue. rsi. ,
ocohpfo
iesmsnr
classes—because
composed?
ou
very
rei
divided and distributed
andtabnr tel
th disseminated
e privileges,dei,
ee d andsuch
fearful
aounrtfgi
ue duties,
and
. varietyhave
fab tea been
onef i
mcts e classes,n all equal De-
ed a sound fabric which shall not become the have produced
they have reduced the political formula to the
un-
conscious victim of those popular bursts of passion which
other countries,
have pro
f'aonattliicaatl excesses of liberalism in the stern repression of
hear.) We are always prepared to de-
of the country—institutions embody-
ingftehne de-
fend thethegoit.— institutions
principlesuiteioTn of power and protection, of justice
and order, of liberty and religion.—(Hear, hear.) It is
these institutions, supported by these classes, that has made
this country great, and kept it great.—(Cheers.) It is
these institutions, now openly criticised and attacked by the
new schcol of politicians, who appear to have gathered up
their principles and ideas of Government from some
imaginary and insignificant republic. It is these in-
stitutions we mean to support ; and I have always be-
lieved that the chief duty of the party of which we are
before
Members in the House of Co-nmons, supported as they
are by the great bulk of the community without its walls, it
is our great duty to support and maintain those institutions
(Loud cheers)—to support these institutions because they
embody those principles, and because upon those principles
this I am the social fabric of our country has hitherto been built. I
apprehend that is our principal duty; and so, standing
the country as the champions of that ancient form of govern.
ment, with all those alterations which we believe to be ins.
find no longer in Eng-
provements, we shall, I doubt not, obtain the sympathies of
the greatest. causes that
man; and if we succeed we
the great body of the community. And of
sure—
if we be mistaken in our views—if we
that_has yet devolved on the
Eng-
land that sympathy with institutions which have made Eng-
land great, we shall fail in one of
ever enlisted the sympathies of
Commons must almost personally
shall fulfil one of the great duties
subjects of any state.—(Cheering.) I cannot but refer to the
circumstances under which we have met this day. Every
for the counsel which has never
Member of the House of
be aware how much we are indebted to the Noble Lord who
guide in our most difficult cireumstances,
beenhas
reproposedjected
rejected,
ent which was always ready,
and for the spirit which animated us in our most trying
the adviser and
the perfect sympathy which has been sustained
moments,
between the heaths,
gem
private life, and lent animation to our public
Noble Lord and ourselves, has lent pleasure and
career.--( I am sure there is no one who has acted
with
interest
him who does not feel as much private gratification, as
he will, as a subject of the state, feel public gratitude to the
circumstances which have brought about results that will
tnoectehsasnakryyt:ut
in
ne
contribute to the greatness of the country, and confirm all
to
bers.)
those institutions which we have been led to believe to be
greatness of this land.—(Cheers.) I beg
the name of the house of Commons for the
highest reward you could have bestowed upon them fur the
faithful discharge of their duty.—(Cheers.)
The health of the chairman was then proposed by Lord
STANLEY, and Mr. BARING briefly returned thanks.
The Earl of EGLINTOUN proposed " Prosperity to the City
Moan-sow, and the party separated at twelve o'clock.
of London," which was acknowledged by Mr. Alderman

UNFORTUNATE ACCIDENT.--One of those unfortu-
nate accidents that sometimes frustrate labour at the point of
success occurred on Saturday, to one of the intending exhi-
bitors in May next. Mr. M`Lachlan, the decorator in St.
James's-street, had just finished a fine specimen of his art in
arabesque colours, chiefly on glass, to show the effect with
which painted glass might be used for the purposes of inte-
rior decoration, and bad placed it on a van to convey it to
ligu3s•dt of wind,e-park,but before any cord could be put upon it, a strong
sweeping along Jerinyn-street, lifted the deco-
rated specimen quite off the van, though it was a weight to
require the strength of four men to lift it, and dashed it on
the pavement, face undermost. The consequence was, that
ono of the large glass panels was sashed into a hundred ".g.
pieces, and a very beautiful composition, which had occupied,
the exhibitor's attention and labour for the past nine months, -
almost bopelessly destroyed.