The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-03 00:00:00

MINISTERIAL CRISIS.

SPIRIT of, the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TIMES.—This is the eleventh day of a Ministerial crisis.
A whole month of the session has been thrown away, and
besides all kinds of horrors looming in the horizon, the
agreeable arrangement of three months for Parliamentary
work, and three months for the Exhibition in Hyde-park, is
now utterly hopeless. Though it must be confessed that the
public at large endures the suspense with an almost stoical
apathy, there are people who feel some anxiety to know the
present results, if any, of the crisis, and for their sake we
will attempt to state them. All our conclusions, however,
must be offered with one important reserve. Since Friday
evening the crisis has rested with the invincible and impe-
netrable Duke, who my, or may not, have some plan of his
for extricating the nation from its difficulties. He may suc-
ceed in reducing the Government apple of discord to a pa-
latable form, which shall answer all purposes and offend no-
body. He may, by the • weight of his advice, induce Sir
Robert Peel's friends and Lord John Russell's colleagues to
forego their differences and form a joint Cabinet for the good
of the public. He may effect reconciliations in other quar-
ters. At all events be is not the man to let an occasion slip
through his fingers. But, putting him out of the question;
and looking only to what is decided and known, what is
our present position ? In the first place, it is very clear,
from the explanations of last Friday night, that the
Protectionists have no chance of forming a Government
with the present House of Commons. Lord Stanley
has described the utter hopelessness of the attempt with a
fidelity which is candour in him, but would have been ha.
pertinence in an opponent. So anxious was his Lordship to
impress on his hearers the poverty of his materials, that he
scarcely escaped a tinge of satire, and has almost left on re-
cord a parallel to Sir John Falstaff's narrative of his march
through Coventry. Much has been said lately of " candid
friends," but the part of a " candid leader" had yet to be
illustrated—that omission has been supplied by Lord Stan-
ley. As his colleagues are some of them incompetent, some
of them too busy about their own affairs, and some of them
too modest, and as nobody else will come forward to supply
brains, tongue, or hands, to the dull carcass of Protection, he
is confessedly unable to provide us with a Government at
this moment, In the order of events a Russell-Graham
Cabinet was the next alternative. Whether any previous
differences might have been got over, or not, the speeches
of Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen on Friday night
have interposed an insurmountable obstacle in the way
of a union. Both these statesmen have now spoken
of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill and the movement out
of doors not only with censure, but with absolute disgust,
and declare themselves averse to any legislatioe of this kind.
As there is no other visible alternative, the revolution of the
political wheel brings the Whigs once more to the top, and
there seems no doubt of their trying it on again. The first
thing, however, that strikes one is, that they will be exactly
in the same condition as they were a fortnight ago. They
will have the same, or rather an increased number of Pro-
tectionists arrayed against them, and the same number of
Irish Roman Catholic Members ready to throw themselves
into the anti-Ministerial scale. They will be liable to the
same pressure from the Radical party, with the same dis-
position on the part of their own friends, and all 'the rest of
the House, to let them fight their own battles on Parliamen-
tary reform, and posssbly on some other equally interesting
questions. No possible modification of the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill will propitiate the frantic Irishmen, though it may
alienate some Protestant supporters. As for a mere recon-
struction of the Cabinet out of the old Whig materials, that
will only be another symptom of weakness and another ground
of attack. Sir Charles Wood might have devised a more
captivating Budget, but we doubt whether any
Budget whatever would have escaped, a storm of opposition
from some quarter, if not from all quarters. As for the
colonies, though a good tempered Secretary might give them
a chance, we believe that they cannot, and will not, he
governed without an occasional disturbance. So we cannot
hold out any hope of peace and quiet, if the late Adminis-
tration should simply resume its performance, with a some-
what different cast, and with, perhaps, one cr two principal
parts given to new hands from the same school as the old
ones. But, as there must be a Government, and as this case '
of suspended animation is beginning to look awkward, it is
time to look out for suggestions. One proposal has been
gaining ground for the last two or three days, that not only
promises to meet the difficulty, but seems to be almost un-
avoidable.
It is proposed to refer the whole subject of Papal
aggression to a Select Committee. Of course, this looks
ominious of delay, of flagging zeal, of growing discretion,
and perhaps of final indifference; yet there are not a few
circumstances that point in this direction. It is admitted
by Lord John Russell, that without modification the pre-
sent Bill will interfere with that religious liberty which
he has no wish to disturb. A large section of the
public, among whom we must reckon ourselves,
think it mere pedantry to include Ireland :n the operation of
the Bill. The Protectionist chief, and many others of that
body, think that Papal aggression will be much more effec-
tually met by a series of legislative checks, adapted from
time to time to the overt acts of the Roman Catholic com-
munity. Much deliberation would be necessary to meet all
these views, and that deliberation would be given with far
less scandal to religion, and far more chance of success, in a
Select Committee than in the more public arena of the
House. The dignity of the Crown woad be not the less
effectually vindicated by a leisurely defence; and mean-
while the ordinary legislation of the country might proceed.
That is the case of this proposal, and, without having a strong
opinion about it one way or another, we must allow that it
deserves consideration. This, however, would only re.
con-
stitutional weakness of the Ministry ant. the rising hopes
move a temporary obstruction, and would leave the
of the Protectionists without alteration. That weak-
ness can only be cured by stronger men and stronger
measures. If Lord John Russell could attach to himself
some of those men who possess the conficence of the more
liberal section of the Legislature, he would not find that
section acting so independently and so inconveniently—pur-
suing its objects in season and out of season, and inflicting
defeat, as it did last Thursday week, at the most critical mo-
ment to his fortunes. As to stronger measures, we need only
point to one which would both secure the eetter co-operation
of the party just described, and also cut avay the last hopes
of the Protectionists. They boast that a general election
will give them a clear majority of 30 votes, with which they
will ride into power, and impose a moderate fixed duty on
foreign grain. For their own sake, as well as for the sake
of the country, they ought not to be alloyed to cherish this
delusion. But surely Lord John Russell must now see
how nearly he has escaped, if, indeec, he has escaped,
a dissolution, and how absolutely necessary it is
that the next general election should take place
under the safest possible conditions. Without particular re-
ference to Mr. Locke King's plan, it is evident that a large
extension of the county constituencies it necessary to make
the House of Commons a proper representation of the intel-
ligent people of this country. The Irish Roman Catholics
reckon on returning sixty members of their communion into
our next Parliament, and if the British Protestants gain even
a respectable minority, they will soon be able, with their
Irish auxiliaries, to push the Whig Government into a cor-
ner. Self-preservation, then, demands that the new Parlia-
mentary Reform Bill, which Lord John has long had in con-
templation, and of which he had prepared a draft before the
present session, should be introduced forthwith, with as little
delay as possible. We are speaking, of course, off the book
at the present moment, as no man livingcan say what advice
the Duke of Wellington will tender to her Majesty this
morning; but, assuming that he will not advise the rejection
of Lord John Russell's services, we beg to suggest the first
use he should make of his fresh lease of power.
HERALD.—We have no doubt as to the deep disappoint-
ment and as to the unfeigned grief with which the agricul-
turists of the empire will have receives the unwelcome in-
telligence that Lord Stanley has failed in forming an admi-
nistration.,Their regret, we feel sure, will be fully shared by
all the members of two most important professions, by every
independent member of the bar, and ty every honest, and
true-hearted British seaman. We can state, without fear of
contradiction, that Lord Stanley, in endeavouring to con-
struct his Cabinet, solicited as Lord Chancellor the most pro-
found lawyer, and the most deeply-learned equity judge that
has graced the bar since the days of Lord Coke. Whether
we regard Sir Edward Sugden in his private or in his public
capacity, we feel assured that the most virulent opponent
cannot substantiate one fair or legitimate charge against
him, which can in the slightest degree detract from his high
and unblemished reputation as a lawyer, as a judge, and as
a gentleman. His conduct as Lord Chancellor of Ireland, at
two distinct periods of holding that office each
peculiarly distinguished from the other by the cir-
cumstances
nevertheless, peculiarly
ms tanincesdi
sopfo s
ihn
gis
ofp
tahr teyb
usainndess
marked by his unflinching
energy ct'of°fhis own situation,
his court—an energy
only equalled by the justice and the unexampled success of
his decisions. The spirit which he displayed in reforming
abuses was followed by the fairness with which he exerted
it; while he only looked to the merits and services of those
whom he rewarded. He never exercised his patronage to
serve party purposes, or to gratify sectarian antagonism.
The Court of Chancery, in England, stands in need of speedy
and effectual reform, which has been long talked about,
which has been even mooted, nay, more than once attempted ;
but we despair of seeing it effectually grappled with, much
less successfully accomplished, unless the task should fall to
such a Lord Chancellor as Sir E. Sugden would make—the
only lawyer in the empire capable and willing to carry out
such a inform effectually, honestly, and triumphantly.
The other appointment to which we alluded is that of First
Lord of the Admiralty. We believe we are correct in stating
that that high post was offered by Lord Stanley to and ac-
cepted by the Duke of Northumberland. The administration of
the office by his Grace, under the peculiar circumstances of the
times, would have been most acceptable to the profession of
which he is a distinguished member, and in which he has
attained the high rank of a flag officer. At the same time the
exalted station to which he has succeeded since he left active
service in the navy, and the unbounded weafth which he in-
herited, place him far above the suspicioneof undue favouritism
or unworthy partiality, to which a man of inferior rank, who
merely occupied the post of First Lord of the Admiralty from
being a naval officer, might be subjected, however unde-
servedly. As a zealous officer, who for years followed the
profession from choice, and from the honest admiration of its
high utility and national importance, his Grace has all the
knowledge which the head of the department requires, but
for which, on a first instalment in office, a First Lord is ge-
nerally obliged to be indebted to the kindness of others ;
while, as Duke of Northumberland, he carries with him that
weight and that authority which high private character and
exalted station combined cannot fail to confer.

hourly Ministerial changes
whichA DVwEe
haveADVERTISER.—Amid IS ER— .
witnessed dd
during
never for a moment relnquis.hthe ed the belief, that Lord John
Russell is destined to be again principal adviser of her
Majesty. And however varied may be the phases which the
" situation" may yet assume before the final arrangement,
we adhere more strongly than ever to the opinion, that Lord
John Russell is proximate as well as past Premier. In the
A m ther
n
prospect of seeing the Noble Lord again at the head of the
councils of his Sovereign, it is devoutly to be wished that he
would definitively determine on what course of policy he will
adopt. The wonderful alacrity which he displays in
abandoning positions which he had taken up, and
changing the policy which he had announced his
determination to pursue, have done more to damage
his Ministerial character, than even those finality
speeches which :have brought so much obloquy upon
him. We invited attention, on Saturday, to the changes
which the Noble Lord's views bad undergone,within the pre-
vious day or two, on the question of the Papal aggression.
We affirmed on Friday, and now repeat the statement, that
after he had been a second time summoned to Buckingham
Palace, to receive her Majesty's commands to construct a new
Cabinet, it was his full determination either to introduce a
new Papal Bill, or to give greater. stringency to some of the
provisions of the measure which before the Honse. The
Noble Lord admits, through his evening organ, that the pre-
sent Bill was a compromise to conciliate ome of his col-
leagues, whose Tractarian tendencies are notorious to all who
are acquainted with them. And now, that the dissolution of
his Ministry has released him from the obligations he had come
under, he was to introduce a measuremore in accordance with
his speech on the introduction of the Bill. But immediately after
this resolution had been formed,ithe Noble Lord is brought
by some means or other into contact with Popish influences;
and because, forsooth, Dr. Murray, the Roman Catholic
Archbishop of Dublin, whom the ex-Premier regards as a
very mild and moderate man, thinks the Papal Aggression
Bill rather stringent, he not only abandons the idea of

MONDAY EVENING,

giving greater stringency to the measure, but consents to
make certain modifications in it. We witness—according to
the Noble Lord's own confessions—similar vacillation and
change, in his conduct with regard to the extension of the
franchise. Many of our readers, we are sure, will remember,
that about three months ago, we announced in the most posi-
tive terms, that Ministers had determined, immediately on
the re-assembling of Parliament, to introduce a measure for
the extension of the franchise. We expressed our doubts as
to the adequacy of the intended measure to meet the exi-
gencies of the case, but still we attached importance
to it, as a distinct and deliberate recognition on the
part of Government of the principle, that an enlargement
of the electoral circle was necessary. Our information we
knew to come from the very best source. The paragraph in
which we made the announcement, was copied into scores of
the public journals. Parliament re-assembles, and there is
not only no intimation in the Queen's Speech of any intended
measure for an extension of the franchise, but Lord John
Russell takes the earliest opportunity which is afforded him
to apprise Parliament and the public, that he has no such
measure in contemplation. The natural conclusion to which
the country must have come, on hearing the announcement
from the Noble Lord, must have been, that we had been mis-
informed respecting the Ministerial intentions as to the ex-
, tension of the electoral qualification. And yet it is now proved
by the lips of the Noble Lord himself, that we were per-
fectly right. In his speech on Friday, Lord John Rus-
sell explicitly stated, that not only had he and his colleagues
made up their minds to introduce a measure for the exten-
sion of the franchise immediately on the meeting of Parlia-
ment, but that he himself, with his own hand, had actually
drawn up the heads of the Bill. For soma reason or
other, however, a change afterwards came over the spirit
of the Noble Lord, and there is, after all, to be no measure
this session for the extension of the franchise. Now, is not
this infirmity of purpose in the Prime Minister of a great
country like England, without his being able to assign any
reason for the change, truly deplorable? Nothing can be
more damaging to the character of a sublic man, than to
witness, in his conduct on important questions, changes for
which no reason is given, but which, on the contrary, appear
to be the result of mere caprice. If Lord John
Russell, in the anticipated contingency of his re-
turn to power, would wish to prolong his
tenure of 'official life,—if he would win the
esteem, and command the confidence of the country, he will
at once take the ground of high principle, with a firm deter-
mination neither to be seduced by the blandishments of one
class of persons, nor diverted by the menaces of another,
from the course of policy which he has chalked out for him-
self. If the existing perplexities should be productive of no
other beneficial result, than that of demonstrating the utter
impossibility of the Conservative party to construct a Minis-
try, much less carry on the government of the country, the
price which we have paid will scarcely be too high for so
great a good. Lord John Russell must now see his way
much more clearly than before. He will no longer stand in
daily dread of being overthrown by Lord Stanley in the one
House, or Mr. Disraeli in the other. He cannot, therefore,
have any excuse for vacillation or indecision. Let him but
act in accordance with his convictions of what is right ; let
him take high ground, and keep it, regardless of all opposi-
tion, and the new Russell Administration will be one of the
strongest Governments which has existed during the present

century.
DAILY NEWS.—Very considerable light has been
thrown upon the nature and the working of constitutional go-
vernment amongst us by the speeches of Lord Stanley and of
other Lords and Honourable Gentlemen in explanation of
their conduct during the present Ministerial crisis. Lord
Stanley, in enumerating the difficulties which prevented his
forming a Government, put forward as the greatest, the cir-
cumstance that although he numbered so very large a pro-
portion of the House of Commons as his adherents, amongst
them was but one who had official experience. In conse-
quence Lord Stanley could not fill the Ministerial bench in
the House of Commons with members of his Cabinet capable
of decorously and efficiently opposing, even for a short time,
a hostile majority. We may here observe, that of all the
men upon Lord Stanley's list, the most incapable was pre-
cisely the individual with official experience. It follows,
from what Lord Stanley said, that no one is thought worthyof being a Minister save a man who has served his poli-
tical apprenticeship in some of the great parties. But
Whigs and Tories confining their patronage to the
aristocracy, it is a mere chance if one or two
men
capable
cf inferior rank are allowed to beini-
tiated in the mysteries of office. These are easily interested
and bound up siith the great parties that have advanced
them, and the consequence is that British statesmanship is
as much a monopoly as any of the old guilds or corporations
which existed centuries ago, which perpetuated their nar-
rowness and their imbecility by self-election. We have.
striking examples in the Cabinet just defunct of the kind a
politicians which this system has saddled on the nation. We
do not want to assail men who have fallen, or single out in-
dividuals as objects of attack. But it is quite evident, that
very many of the departments of Government were in the
hands of worn-out or incapable men, who would never have
held such places but for their connexions, and in whom that
connexion has supplied the place of capacity and youth. It
is in this way, indeed, that the old aristocratic parties have
always fallen. When some time in possession of office, all
advancement, even the boon of apprenticeship, has been
given to a young generation, ill chosen and unable to sup-
port the weight of the office. Whilst the party in opposition
recruited talent with more facility and surety. Peel was
perhaps the only leading statesman who turned the time
and the patronage of ascendancy and office to recruit
a party; and this he did so effectually that the party
whom he formed and left behind, is powerful of itself
and of its very capacity, though almost without
principle, or without any clear connexion with either coun-
try or commercial interests. But of what use would these
members be, had not Peel favoured them with office? No-
thing save Peel's choice and favour, then, has made states-
men of them. For we cannot consider Messrs. Sidney Her-
bert and Cardwell any cleverer men than thousands who
have not chanced to have those advantages. The fact, then,
is, upwards of twenty years after the Reform Bill, that mere
patronage and connexion, though somewhat more restricted
than of old in the fabrication of legislators, forms a greater
monopoly than ever of the manufacture of Ministers. The
people have evidently no choice in the matter. Nor has
talent any power. Men like those who set on foot the league
agitation, and carried the abrogation of the corn-laws, they
have died in the breach they stormed, and have been un-
serviceable since. Why—because by the very act they dis-
pleased the magnates who dispense power, and who deem
and avow that men thus raised to eminence by the
popular voice would prove troublesome Members of a Cabinet,
would disturb its unanimity, and offend its gentility.
Now, we say at once that the country !will not much
longer stand this system. It will not look on and see for
years Sir John Hobhouse entrusted with the affairs of our
Indian empire, and Sir Charles Wood lord of our finances,
their sole claim being their connexion or their ap-
prenticeship, whilst such men as Hume, Cobden,
Charles Villiers, Roebuck, Bright, and Gibson are
scouted as the Pariah of official life. If it is the
principle of the unanimity and friendly binding together
of a Cabinet that is the cause of this—and we believe this,
rather than any mean jealousy, to be the real cause—it will
be for the country to consider whether the whole system of
governing by a Cabinet may not be wrong, and whether se-
parate responsibility might not be established for the chiefs
of the different departments of Government. Of what use
is the voice of a subordinate Minister on the question of
finance for example, which he never studies? Why should
a Home Secretary be displaced by a blunder in foreign poli-
tics, and so on? But above all things it is neces-
sary that the public and the Sovereign should have
a large field of choice. There are but two or
three men in the empire to whom at present it
would be thought wise to entrust the management
of the Foreign- office. We will be bound to say that such
was the prevailing maxim in France up to 1830. But since
then the most successful ministers of foreign affairs were men
who never entered the office, till they entered it as Ministers.
M. Guizot and M. Thiess were supposed to be sufficiently
fitted for it by historic studies and some Parliamentary expe-
rience. General Lahitte proved no unsuccessful or inapt
Minister; yet he left the head of a regiment to guide the
legions of diplomacy. Seeing these examples, we cannot
but look upon Lord Stanley's declaration that he saw no one
in his party to whom he could give foreign affairs as a very
great insult, especially to such a man as Mr. Disraeli. What
in the world is the British empire to do, when in a few years
Lord Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston are past the age of hold-
ing office? The rising or risen generation are evidently
considered incapable of bearing the burdens of these men.
Those of the present day are pigmies compared with
the great of the past. And it is not one party that utters,
but all who echo this twaddle of aristocratic and official mo-
nopoly, which will neither itself raise and educate fit candi-
dates for power, nor allow the popular voice to discover and
provide them. Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham made
long speeches the other day to say, that although they
would adopt an extension of suffrage, they would still not
influence,
or any such extension as would weaken lordly
or disturb the present balance of the constitution. In the
same breath with this declaration they gave their assent to
the establishment of a Roman Catholic hierarchy, with car-
dinals, and legates, and synods, out-topping and over-ruling
the Protestant Church. Why, that is a more serious abroga-
tion of the constitution than any extension of the suffrage.
Allowing the Pope to nominate dignitaries, independent
of the Sovereign, rivals of the Peers, enforcing tem-
poral obsequiousness by spiritual authority, this is a
greater breach of our territorial constitution than universal
suffrage itself can be. But these men would grant to the
Pope of Rome what they would not cede to the people of
England. They will have no extension of suffrage which will
prevent a few lordly houses and a corporation of official
pundits from monopolising Ministerial power, and perpetua-
ting it in their caste, but they will allow a foreigner to
establish an absolute and uncontrolled dominion over one-
third of the population of England. They will look on, see
this done, declare the powerlessness of the law to resist it, and
then call this toleration. And this forsooth is the Liberal
party of the day. Verily, it is time for the people to tell us
what they consider a popular policy. It is time for them to
declare in what direction they would have Liberalism move ;
time for them to have a voice not merely in the men who
pay for their beer at elections, but the men who actually
govern, who impose taxes, and who can let loose or restrict
the public liberties.

Al A it C 11 3, lB5l.

THE EXHIBITION.

in Chesham-place. The Noble Lord was: summoned from
the dinner table to L assdowne-house. —

COU RT CIRCULA.R.

The Duke of 'Wellington had an audience of the
Queen at half-past two o'clock on Saturday afternoon ar.
Buckingham Palace.
Later in the afte moon the Marquis of Lansdowne had
an audience cf her Majesty.
Yesterday morning the Marquis of Lansdowne had an
audience of the Queen.
Lord John Russell had an audience of her Majesty
yesterday afternoon.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited the
Queen on Saturday, and partook of luncheon with her Ma-
jesty and Prince Albert.
Her Majesty's private band attended at the Palace after
dinner on Saturday, .and performed the following selection :
Overture, " Bohemian Girl" ... . .
Terzetto, "Crude Solrte"
Duetto, " Die Lnstigem Welber von Windsor" Otto .Nicolai.
Triumphal March
The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the
garden of Buckingha m Palace.
Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince
Alfred, the Princess I loyal, the Princesses Alice, Helena,
and Louisa, took thel r accustomed exercise yesterday in the
garden of the Palace.
Her Majesty and h is Royal Eighness Prince Albert, their
Royal Highnesses tL e Prince of 'Wales and the l'rincess
Royal, the Ladies am I Gentlemen of the Com t, and the do-
mestic household, att ended divine service yesterday morning
in the private chapel of Buckingham Palace. The Hen.
and Rev. Gerald Wellesley officiated.

Lord Alfred Paget (Clerk Marshal) has relieved Lord
Charles Fitzroy in hi; 3 dnties as Equerry in Waiting to the
Queen, and Colonel Bi niverie has relieved Lieutenant-Colonel
the Hon. Alexander Gordon in his duties as Equerry in
Waiting to his Royal Highness Prince Albert.
Mr. Ker Hamilton, Lieutenant-Governor of Grenada, at-
tended the Queen's Levee on Wednesday last.
Her Royal High nes s the Duchess of Kent left Frogmen!
on Saturday morn ng for Kew, and paid a visit to her Royal
Highness the Duchess of Cambridge. Her Royal Highness
afterwards proceeded to town. In the afternoon the Royal
Duchess left Clarence -house, St. James's, attended by Lady
Fanny Howard and Eir George Cooper, on her return to
Frogin o re
The Duke of Werlington arrived in town on Saturday from
his seat Strathfieldsaye, Hants. Tha Noble Duke attended
the early service yesterday in the Royal Chapel, St. James's.
The Rev. Dr. Wesley officiated and preached the sermon.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge attended the
daily service in the Clapel Royal. The prayers were read
by the Rev. J. Themes, the lessons by the Rev. T. Helmore,
and the communion service by the Bishop of London. The
sermon was preached by the Rev. Dr. Wesley. The anthem
was, " I will sing of Thy power." Mr. G. Cooper presided
at the organ.
Sir Thomas Redingt on had an interview with Sir Geolgne
Grey on Saturday at the Home-office. Mr. Spooner, M.P.,
had also an intery iew with the Right Hon. Baronet.
Dispatches were sent of on Saturday from the Colonial-
office to the Gove:more of the West India Islands.

The name of Mat jor-General D'Aguilar was omitted in the
list of presentation s at the Queen's Levee, on the occasion of
the Major-General's appointment to the Colonelcy of the 23d
Regiment of Roya I Welsh Fusiliers.

COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.
FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

COWES MA/ CCU 2.

MODELS OF FRIGATES, YACHTS, AND STEAMERS.—We
last week noticed the launch of a splendid steamer for the
Turkish Government, constructed by the Messrs. White, of
this town. The public will be glad to learn in these ex-
citing times of daft race between England and America, that
that talented family is on the gui wive, and are preparing a
series of models, China clippers and others, to form a new
class of merchant ships, and which are destined to be exhi-
bited at the Crystal Palace at the ensuing exhibition of the
world's industry. There can be no mistake that our little
Island bears the palm in ship-building, both in her Majesty's
navy and mercantile marine, as it does of, her phantom ships,
which may be fund in every Royal Yacht Club. Mr.
Joseph White is al: so preparing models of all the ships he has
built and altered f0:.7 the Government, including the renowned
Phaeton, the Watei7witch, the Daring, the Contest, and Ter-
magant, with those of the altered bows of the Amphion and
Fox frigates; also a few specimens of his schooner and
cutter yachts. Th.?. Queen Victoria schooner, built for the
Emperor of Russia, the schooner Constance for the Marquis
of Conyngham, am' the cutter Lavrock, now building in his
yard for Captain C.. Hamlyn Williams, R.N. ; also a model
of a schooner, desi fined to compete with the Yankee clipper
yacht which is to .astonish " the Britishers." We understand
that Mr. Thomas White, of Gosport, is also " up and doing,"
so that the talents .o 1 a whole family will be exhibited for
the honour of their country. Independent of this branch of
service, the island will not be backward in sending forth
specimens of her and ustry and manufactures.