The Sun.
London, England, 1851-02-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY _EIVENING, FEBRUARY 14. 1851.

out any investigation, we are to suppose those great and
Unfair 'burdens are placed upon the land. Now, my
opinion is with respect to this question, as with respect
to the general question, that, in conformity with
what is stated in her Majesty's speech, the burdens on
the land are every day becoming less, owing to tee in-
creasing prosperity of the other classes of the community.
We know very well that a century ago there was a land-tax
amounting to 35., 45., or ss. in evsry 205., and that when
the rent of land was not one-fourth of what it is at present.
It has been stated by the Hon. Member that the land now
pays 2,000,0001. sterling, but if that is so, I say that sum is
payable out of 40,000,000 e of land, when formerly it was
payable out of 10,000,0001. That is a very great diminution.
But with respect to the local rates there is also a diminution
going on by the great increase which is taking place in the
case of other incomes. This increase has taken place in
houses, in mines, in canals, in railways; all these classes
have been coming up and taking a large portion of the
burdens which were formerly paid by the land. We
heard it stated by my Right Honourable Friend (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) that only a few years
ago land paid 64 per cent., and now it is paying not
more than 44 per cent. of the whole of these burdens.
Why, that alone, if it is true, as I have no doubt it is, is a
very great change in favour of the landed interest; and if
you will allow these proceedings to go on, if you will permit
people to invest money in industrious enterprises and to get
the fixed capital which belongs to those enterprises, you are
doing a greater favour to the land than if you attempt to inter-
fere with the present state of the law respecting corn. The Hon.
Gentleman states it is a very easy thing for a person in the
position of my Right Hon. Friend (the Chancellor of the
Exchequer) to say, with respect to any particular burden
which has been removed from the class whose interest he ad-
vocates' let that burden be transferred to the consolidated
fund. No doubt it is an easy thing to say; possibly that
may be no difficult thing to do; but it is a very unjust thing
to do, because this fund is not a treasure that my Right
Honourable Friend has the charge of, and out of which
any sum can be taken as it is wanted, but it is a fund created
by a tax on the necessaries of the people, by a tax on the
tea, coffee, sugar, and by various other taxes which affect
the working-classes. The policy which has been pursued
since 1832 has been to apply the means which were derived
from surplus revenue to the diminution of those burdens
which pressed on the labour and industry of the country.
That was the policy which Sir Robert Peel, by virtue
of the sum he obtained from the income-tax, introduced
into legislation,—that is the policy which we have pursued
since we have been in office, and on the same principle we
have adopted measures of the same kind. I stated, I think,
last year, th'at with respect to sugar alone the 200,000 tons
which this country formerly consumed can be obtained at
5,000,000/. less than formerly, while, from the introduction
of an increased quantity, not as much as 1,000,0001. is lost to
the revenue. During the war, when large loans were made
every year, while our trade was very much a trade of mono-
poly, the hancellor of the Exchequer found himself under
the necessity of putting a very heavy duty on articles of gene-
ral consumption among the people; but, after so many years
of peace, it is possible to diminish these duties, and not only
to obtain a large relief to the people, but we do not even
injure the revenue. The House has heard it stated by my
Right Hon. Friend that, after reducing nearly 10,000,0001.
of taxation, and putting on little more than 5,000,0001.,
the balance of nearly 5,000,000/. had been nearly restored to
the Chancellor of the Exchequer by the increased field of
labour and by the energy and industry of the people. Well,
then, I ask what there is to induce the House to change
the present system ? With respect to revenue, as I have
shown you, there is no reason to change, because it is
found to be sufficient, and there is a surplus in the Exche-
quer. With respect to the Poor-law and the general em-
ployment of the poor, you find that the latter has increased
in the agricultural counties, and that the cost of poor
relief this year has been 10 per cent under the
former year. In looking to the question of crime, I find
that the number of persons committed in 1848 was 30,349;
in 1849, 27,862; in 1850, 26,793; showing a diminu-
tion from 1848 to 1850 of not less than 3,556 persons.
(Hear, hear.) Well then, if with respect to the employment
of the people, if with respect to finance, and if with respect
to the state of crime you have a great advantage, in what
respect are you injured bYthe present system itself, or in the
general state of the kingdom and in the political tranquillity
which prevails throughout? No one, I think, who has well
considered the events of the last two years, will deny that
the abrogation of the corn-laws has tended most materially
to the tranquillity of the country, or that, when the people
might have been induced, by the example of revolutions
in almost every country on the continent, to follow that
example, they have been induced to refrain by seeing that
the Legislature was not indifferent to their welfare. I beg
of you not to reverse that lesson. Those great questions of
government—the question of absolute government on one
side and of liberty on the other—are not yet settled, and
may be determined in favour of one party or of the other.
You may see absolute government restored to its former
state; you may see a democratic revolution, at least for a
time ; but, whatever may be the result, I should be most
grieved if I thought the great mass of the people of this
country were induced, by the restoration of laws which
enhance the price of food, to consider that, by imitating
the example of the democracies on the continent, they
could gain any advantage which they could not
now obtain, or increase the prosperity they are de-
riving from the ancient institutions of this country.--
(Hear, hear.) I hope this House will countenance no such
restoration. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham)
has alluded, with that feeling which became him, to the
loss we have sustained in the death of a great statesman,
who began this course of legislation ; and,without ever having
been a friend of his, I hope I may be permitted to show his
friends that I am not indifferent to his fame.—(Cheers.)
Love of fame—" that last infirmity of noble minds"—be-
longed to him as to others. He did wish that his name
should be hallowed in the gratitude of his country, and I,
for my part, could wish that, while I am consolidating the
present interests of this empire, I may be providing for his
fame in future generations.—(Cheers.) That fame can only
be sufficiently secured by the permanence of the policy with
which his name is identified, and to which he was able to
induce you to agree. For this, as well as for other reasons I
have stated, I should most deeply lament the reversal of the
policy which, for nearly ten years, has been adopted by you.
I can assure the House that no consideration respecting the
position or the fate of the Government affects me nearly so
much as the fear I should have of seeing that policy re-
, versed. My belief is that the owners and occupiers of land
' in general would then be induced to turn their attention front
those plans for the improvement of the soil which they are
new, to their great credit, pursuing, to a political course,
which could only end in disappointment.—(llear.) I be-
lieve that the mind of the country in general would be irri-
tated against its institutions, and that it would be long be-
fore we saw again that tranquillity and content of which we
have now to boast, and which even the mover of the propo-
sition before the House has not ventured to deny.— (Hear,
hear.) In the name, then, of the general interests of the
country, and in the name of the whole mass of the people, I
ask the House not to consent to the present motion.
Mr. DISRAELI rose to reply. He hoped the House would
not think him unreasonable if at the close of a debate so im-
portant and protracted he availed himself of the privilege
of reply ; and, if in exercising that privilege, he attempted to
recall the attention of the House to the substance of the
motion which was now before them. The House, he trusted,
would recollect that they were now at the commencement of
a new session of Parliament—that the Lords and Commons of
England had just heard a most gracious speech delivered
from the Throne, in which, though the Queen was advised
to congratulate them upon the prosperity of the country,
her Majesty nevertheless deplored the continued difficulties
under which one class of her subjects confessedly laboured.
He was sure that Hon. Gentlemen would not think him
unreasonable when he asserted that the House should take
such a message into their immediate consideration; that they
should inquire into the cause of that distress, and if possible
indicate the measures by which it might be remedied. With
this view of the subject, and believing that the class
which were suffering suffered in consequence of the
undue pressure of taxation, and remembering, too,
that the agriculturists were the only suffering class,
he called upon them deliberately to consider that
question. Now, he could not help observing that
though really the question did not on the present evening
form the subject of debate--(Loud cheers)—he hoped it
would be recollected that he endeavoured to secure a fair
discussion for that question by stating its merits as fully and
as frankly as he could. It was therefore with much regret
he had observed that other subjects not connected with his
motion had been introduced into the debate.—(Hear, hear.)
He had not made any attack upon the new commercial sys-
tem of this country. If he had thought protection the only
specific for the evils under which the farmers were labouring
he should not have proposed a renewal of protection with re-
ference to the interest of a single class; and after the cir-
cumstances ewhich had occurred with regard to the great
industrial question, he did not think it would be right to re-
suscitate in Parliament the discussion of that subject, but
•rather leave it to be settled out of doors by the great
majority of the country. And now he would ask, looking
to the terms of his motion, if he had not proved his case?
The positions which he laid down were, that the owners and
occupiers of land were suffering more than any other class;
that our financial system was established in the days of
protection, and that it was a system which protection
.alone could justify—a system which could only be tolerated
under protection. Parliament had withdrawn that aid,
and the consequences were now before them.—(Hear, hear.)
Had he come forward and asked them to restore those laws,
and to abrogate the laws that they had enacted ? No, what
he required of them was this, that in the boasted hour of
their success, in the full flush of their prosperity, with only
one class suffering, he asked them to inquire whether they
could not discover the cause of that suffering, and in the
spirit of that political justice which the Hon. Member for the
West Riding despised—(Hear, hear)—whether they could
not relieve that distress by a diminution of their burdens?
—(Hear, hear.) He believed he might assert that not one
of the positions for which he contended had been overturned.
Could any one deny that two-thirds of the taxes which he
enumerated were raised from the class on whose behalf he
had addressed the House. There was paid by the British
farmers a revenue equal to that of the whole Austrian em-
pire. But it was said that the consumers paid those taxes
—that question he would now leave to the House to decide
—(Hear, hear)—but no one could forget that at the very
ryht
ivahs greatea tellingyseformero prospectsu
ld ntgehuteegs ftroaioorfwmns
question.
rc
barley
e os
a;
(g
taoahnwnedyyn
cnoooonfmv
doi
irhineseo wt
w hg
oeruaoltwd;
moment when that question came before them the Prune
tobaccoMniste
rweipteha ta
state-
ments been successfully disputed ? The evidence
of the Secretary for the Treasury and a more
competent witness there could not be—the Govern-
ment published in the form of a pamphlet, and then
it was asked, had he not settled the question for ever? Bat
what the farmers demanded was that their case should be
taken into consideration and fairly dealt with by those who
boasted of prosperity and appealed to their coffers but who
at the same time admitted that they had obtained their
prosperity and replenished their coffers by taking away the
advantages which the farmers were accustomed to enjoy.
(Hear, hear.) He hoped, then, that the House would
agree with him as to what they were really going to decide,
namely, whether or not the farmers were unduly taxed;
and if that question must be answered in the affirmative,
was it not the duty of the Minister to bring forward some
measure to remove the injustice which had not been success-
fully denied, and which no one ever ventured to say was
exaggerated. Further, if the Noble Lord had any con-
fidence in the opinion which he had that evening
conveyed across the table, he was not justified in coun-
selling the Queen to declare from the throne that the
land was the only sufferer. Such advice might have pro-
ceeded from divided counsels, and a distracted Cabinet—
(Cheers)—but there was nothing to justify it. He should
trouble the House with one or two other observations. On
the present occasion, he met his ancient antagonist, the
Chancellor of the ExchNeoquoenr, who was absent from a similar
discussion last year,
cause of that absence, and elik-eegfreeatrteedd,maolsroe,ththaanthtehediadmtahlel
majority of 21 must have had the effect of retarding the
gt
the
et Honourablepresent
the et m}m--
of
his
.1s Gentlemanueocom-
p Frercoomvetrhyaotftitmhee
tßoi
had been busy in repairing the consequences: parative defeat, and ia the present year he delivered to the
House the speech which, bad he been well enough, he
would have made last year.—(Laughter.) The Chancellor
of the Exchequer had been advised and cautioned not to ref
on, e
poor .law statistics, but no rhetoric could keep him away
from th wai9a,"""(CbCer4 4140 Welter.) The Rigilt 119 a,

Gentleman was an ablebodied labourer receiving good wages
—not excessive, but in full work and good wages, yet
nothing could keep him from prowling about the workhouse.
—(Renewed laughter.) Whenever they came into collision
he always found the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the
workhouse, and in the workhouse he would leave him.—
(Shouts of laughter.) In the Right Hon. Member for
Ripon he also found an old antagonist, who put on his
best armour that night, but who, when he embarked on the
navigation-laws, did not make a very fortunate voyage. The
Right Hon. Gentleman's account of France was somewhat
perplexing and almost contradictory. The fundholders having
investments in the French funds had increased from 200,000
to 800,000, yet hoarding had also increased, which state-
ments were not easily reconcileable with each other. Land
was going out of cultivation, yet great quantities of corn
were arriving by every steamer for the London market. '1 he
Right Hon. Gentleman asked how our establishments and the
public faith could be maintained, if the assumed policy which
he represented them (the Protectionists) as advocating, was
adopted. Why there was no class more interested in main-
taining the national faith than the owners and occupiers of
land. All they said was—" Dont't let us contribute more than
our quota to that object." The days were past, according to
the Right Hon. Gentleman, when justice could be obtained by
them. But they begged to inform him, through so humble an
organ as himself, that they knew the reason why.- (Cheers.)
The Right Hon. Baronet said, "What ? Propose a repeal of
the malt-tax ! Monstrous !" Now he ( Mr. Disraeli) slid not
propose the repeal of the malt-tax, or the abrogation of the
tobacco laws. He referred to them as grievances, and had
called upon the House to see if they could cot wisely deal
with them.—(A laugh.) The Right Hon. Baronet said that
Lord Stanley would not sanction the repeal of the malt-tax.
But he (Mr. Disraeli) knew a Right Hon. Gentleman who
once would sanction a repeal of the malt-tax.---( Vociferous
cheering and much laughter.) His Right Hon. Critic—(A
laugh)—was followed by a great authority, who made a
laboured eulogium of the new commercial system, and who
told the House, for their consolation, that a great social and
economical revolution was going to take place. The Hon.
Member for Liverpool had also favoured the House with some
particulars relative to the manufactures of Massachusetts,
which he said he had obtained in private from an American
gentleman. Now this information was not confirmed by the
facts which he (Mr. Disraeli) had obtained, not, he admitted,
from private authority; and he should have thought the
Hon. Gentleman was a person of too much knowledge al-
ways to believe everything said by an American gentle-
man in private.—(Laughter.) But then the Hon. Mem-
ber for Liverpool said, " See how the commercial world
were distressed in 1847, yet they did not come to the
House of Commons to assist them !" He (Mr. Disraeli)
should have been surprised if they had. He was one of the
Committee who had to inquire into the general distress of
that period, and he found that a great deal of that distress
had been produced by unprincipled gambling and over specu-
lation in the commercial world.—(Cheers.) What analogy
was there between the distress occasioned by long bills
and undue speculation, and the difficulties and the depression
of that important class—the owners and occupiers of land,
which Honourable Members opposite had themselves ac-
knowledged had been occasioned by their own legislation ?
(Cheers.) The Honourable Member for Liverpool added
that the commercial world had gained 50,000,000/. by the
recent acts of legislation. Now that he (Mr. Disraeli) thought
a sufficient answer to all financial reformers.—(Cheers.)
And he hoped that they should have no motions during the
present session for the reduction of any taxation except that
which affected the agricultural interest.—(Cheers and
laughter.) He now approached the oracle of the West Riding.
—(A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Cobden) said that
he and his friends had avowed their intention to obtain com-
pensation for the repeal of the corn-laws. The lion. Member
was quite mistaken. It was a demand for justice, and, if
the Hon. Member liked the word better —for compen-
sation, not for the repeal of the corn-laws, but for the un-
just taxation that the agricultural interest were now bur-
dened with, which was a very different state of the case.
The Hon, Gentleman asked how it could be pretended that
he and his friends had entered into any compact whereby a
certain price should be secured to the farmers. Now, there
were gentlemen who were glib with their estimates, and
those gentlemen did not sit upon the Protectionist benches.
With the recklessness of audacious ignorance they had fa-
voured the world with calculations of the probable conse-
quences of the legislation they advocated; and, notwith-
standing the grave assertion of the Hon. Member for the
West Riding, that he was not one of those persons, he (Mr.
Disraeli) fixed him as the prime offender in that respect.—
(Cheers and laughter.) What were the words the Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Cobden) made use of? He said that,
" Without pretending to look into futurity— (A laugh)—he
knew no better test of the probable price of corn in this
country than the price in the island of Jersey, for a number
of years. In Jersey, during the ten years from 1882
to 1841, inclusive, the average price of wheat was 48s 4d.
a quarter, the average price in England during those
years being 563. He had taken some pains to consult
these documents."—(Cheers.) Now the Honourable Gen-
, tleman had accused him (Mr. Disraeli) of assuming that a
certain price had been compacted for between the Protec-
tionists and their opponents, and he said that no one on his
side of the House had dreamed of calculating what the price
of wheat would be. The Hon. Member for the. West Riding
went on to say—" He had taken some pains to consult wilts
those best acquainted with the subject—(a man of research,
they saw—(Laughter)—and he had formed the opinion, that
a constant demand from England would have raised the
level of the prices in Jersey 2s. or 3s. a quarter during the
above period," the consequence of which would have been
that the average price in England would have exceeded 50s.
a quarter.—(Loud cheers.) Then the Hon. Member for the
West Riding said, " What proof of distress have you?"
His answer to that was her Majesty's speech.—(Cheers.) At
this hour of the night, and in this adjourned debate, he
would not go into this subject, but would leave the sym-
pathizing Cabinet to afford the Hon. Gentleman and his
friends all the information that had authorized the insertion
of that paragraph in the Royal Speech.—(Cheers and laugh-
ter.) The Hon. Gentleman said the iron trade was suffer-
ing ; the cotton trade was not so well off as it had been ; and,
in fact, he (Mr. Disraeli) thought the general prosperity
was melting away.—(Laughter.) Yet these interests, he
added, did not come to Parliament to complain, or to
ask for relief. Well, if the House would not interfere
with the agricultural interest, and would net load their pro-
duce with taxation, they -would not come to it either when
they suffered. The Hon. Member told them to-night that
the malt-tax was not a burden upon the farmer, but that the
duty was paid by the consumer. But only a year ago he was
of a different opinion. What! did the Hon. Gentleman
shake his head? Did he not on the 12th of January, ;849,
sympathise with the farmer about the burden of the malt-
tax? He ( Mr. Disraeli) had it before him. There it was,—
" Cobden on the Malt-Tax."—(Cheers and laughter.) It
began :—" We sympathise with the farmers. We will not
tolerate Is. by way of protection. But we will cc-operate
with them in getting rid of that obnoxious tax, the malt
duty."—(Much laughter and cheering.) "We owe to the
farmers something; and we will try to pay them in kind"—
(Laughter)—and here he might say, that when the Hon.
Gentleman recommended leases as a remedy, and some Hon.
Gentlemen on that (the Opposition) side of the House
treated it with what the Hon. Gentleman considered derision,
let him inform the Hon. Gentleman that it was not a senti-
ment of derision at the abstract idea of leases, but that the
Hon. Gentleman should suppose that leases were things not
in existence. He dared say there were very few gentlemen
on that side of the House who had not granted
leases, and who had very much reduced their
head of game—( Hear, hear)—and that was why gentlemen
dared to receive the recommendation with something like
derision, as if the Honourable Member had made a state-
ment stamped with any character of originality.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) He had little to say on the speech of
the First Minister. Ile looked upon the First Minister on
this question as being in a very unhappy position.— (Laugh-
ter.) He had for him all the sympathy which the Hon.
Member for the West Riding had for the occupiers of land—
(Laughter)—and when the First Minister told them that
his resolution was the most dangerous proposal that ever
was made to the House, he asked the Noble Lord why he
gave such frank encouragement by the paragraph in the
Queen's Speech to produce it?—(Loud cheers.) Why, his
resolution—the most dangerous proposal ever made to the
House—was almost an echo of that speech, and the logi-
cal consequences of the admissions of the Noble Lord.—
( Hear, hear.) His advice to his Hon. Friend was not to be
frightened with the latter part of the speech of the Noble
Lord. It was one of those stereotyped formulse of rhetoric
that upon this subject it was the fashion to adopt, not only
on the Treasury benches, but also on the part of some
benches on that (the Opposition) side of the House.—(Hear.)
But the people of this country—he meant all classes of the
community—would never think that a dangerous proposition
which courted inquiry, and which only sought for its object
a fair adjustment of the public hurdens.—(Cheers.) He had
too good an opinion of the sense and public spirit of the
manufacturers themselves to suppose that any great number
of manufacturers would look upon this proposition as one of
the most dangerous that was ever made to that House.—
(Hear, hear.) He gave his prosperous fellow-subjects fell
credit tor this, that if they believed there was undue pres-
sure, especially on the industry of that virtuous class, the
farmers of England, they would be glad to see the unfair
' pressure upon that industry removed.—(Hear, hear.) All
these attempts to invest this purely fiscal question with
great political consequences and rich political colouring were
mere pleasantries of the Noble Lord.—(A laugh.) The
Noble Lord did not believe them himself, and did not believe
that any one in that House would believe them.—( Laughter.)
They were to go to distant provinces to persuade them that
' there was a great conspiracy against the rights and liberties of
the people. He read that morning an awful, though anony-
mous manifesto from that quarter which always struck him
with terror—(A laugh)—Olympian bolts; but he could not
help fancying the rumbling sounds concealed the plaintive
treble of the Treasury bench.— ( A laugh.) There they were
told in that mighty organ of what was called
public opinion, that the owners and occupiers of
land were a very insignificant class ; that th
had better not stir themselves, or their insignifi- ey
cance would be discovered. Now, he was not one of those
who ever indulged in those statistical calculations which
were too rife, in his opinion, as to the comparative import-
ance of the different classes of this country; they were not
generally very accurate; they were always, he thought, in-
judicious, and might do a great deal of mischief. An ac-
count of the general property of the country, of its wealth,
numbers, and intelligence, was always interesting; but no-
thing was more hateful than to see class arrayed against
class by rival calculations of their relative importance.—
(Cheers.) But still he might be permitted to say this on
behalf of the agricultural interest, on behalf of the classes
connected with land, that he did not think that in numbers,
in propety, in wealth, in public virtue or in private worth,
of Mr. W. J. Fox to his constituents at
Mr. Fox, M.P., AT OLDHAM.—TO Oldham,
ma,nonnu
wa e
dvni
es
si
t
they were inferior to any other class of the community.—
day evening, was seized as a fitting occasion for inviting a
(Hear, hear.) He might say more, because he observed
upon that occasion, and very often in the course of that de- anon,deputationand from the Nationaltheeenseciuencew Pas,aarlammiosetnsiagry Reform to
nai4emenssasticoin-
bate, and in other debates connected with this important of the hearty approval in whanicdhwthase mproe:nementoblys heldl%a,
atesah-i
held
nladtrht
,question, that the existence of Ireland-- the millions of a great manufacturing community. The mdeeedti g in
consideredHtoebhaoped H en Honourable
rianb
lteh
Gentlemeno se
would calculations.not—h4nHeedart;v)
country entirely dependent upon agriculture—seemed never the Working Men's Hall,
threats, from whatever quarter they might come. BHe hone'd at which 750 persons paid for admission. Thiene
extends
ndst numbera
al pre_
that they would not be daunted even by the mvs-
there was still so much spirit in gentlemen of the United os sent afterwards,n3t,ooo. air.
Fhoozemve.pr,.,cosuilrd
Jnooethbuea mwuseihnileeisesy,thma.np.2, ,asnodo
Mr. Henry Vincent were resent, and addressed the assembly.
tical references of the First Minister, or the more authorlia-
tive, more decided threats that might reach them from any prevents
elnentsgtthhetoinswehriteihonouorftheHollows
Parliamentaryoexcellentllow a ys report,rseecOh es
made
on
the
occasion.
other quarter. Ile hoped Hon. Gentlemen, if they believed [ADvEurzsEMENT.]
they were doing their duty by supporting this motion—and Pills again successful in the Cure of a Bad Leg. Extract
let no man support it who did not believe that he was doing of a letter from Mr. Brotherton of Stan rat near
his duty—would feel in future that their part was ono of January 15, 1851,_ .To Professor Hollowa Sir Bootle,Afte
more activity in defending the interests of the tenantry of my wife's confinement 1848, she caughtyi it,—severe
this country.—(Cheers.) This was mainly a farmer's cold, whichsettled in her right le g and foot,
question. No one had met his argument about rent, which causing it to
showed the fallacy of that barbarous slang that had been too forming into about twenty wounds ; presenting a most fearful
long prevalent. It was a farmer's question. Upon the appearance. nee. The pain she endured was almost insupportable,
farmers the pressure for years had been too severe it was and the treatment of her medical attendants did no good what-
new increasing. From motives he could appreciate, and ever. She therefore resolved to give your Pills and Ointment
feelings of delicacy he could comprehend, the owners f the a trial, and lamha p to say they have effected a perfect
soil had not stood forward to vindicate as they ought to have cure.—Sold by all V
fists and at Professor Holloway's
done the interests of the tenantry.— (Hear, hear.)
He hoped Establishment, 244, St:alit-id:London.
that this was the commencement of a new era in that re-
ngton, 115.
PONTEFRACT ELECTION, FEB. 13.—At eight o'clock
spect, and that no man, whether owner or occupier, would •s morning the
hereafter be ashamed or afraid of asking from an English tthhei aftemoon. o tits four o'clock in
Parliament that justice to which every English subject was 429 ; Polll Is the result
3fl4th
ajority for Lawtey, • Mr. Lawley was
entitled.—(Cheers.) declared duly elected, and thereupon thanked the electors for their
orinpegned, and continued
• Mr. MUNTZ wished in one word to explain the grounds support.
upon which he should vote for the motion of the -Honourable FALKIRK BoRouGgsELEcTroN.—GLASGOW,THURS-
Gentleman._(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had made the DAT EVENING.—Mr. Baird, Conservative or Peelite candidate, has
Queen express her hope for the owners and 'occupiers of
Wilt) Righ; Gelagman tlae rniiikat of rho majority "55'
carried these boroughs against Mr. Loeb, the 11inieterialiet, by a

... 26
... 28

Board of Trade had expressed his hope also, and so had the
Right Hon. Gentleman the MeMber for Ripon; but as he
(Mr. Muntz) knew that the tenant farmers were in a de-
pressed state, and could not li:•e on oats, and as he had no
hope for them, he felt it to be his duty is support the motion.
Mr. GREENALT„ amid impatient cries for a division,
stated that he should support the motion.
The gallery was then cleared for a division.
The numbers were—
For Mr. Disraeli's motion
Against it .

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS:

(From the Y tes and Preceelings (f the Bowe of Commons
THURSDAY, FEB. 13.

DISTRESS OF OWNERS AND OCCUPIERS OF LAND.
Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on Question
(11th February), " That the severe distress which continues
to exist in the United Kingdom, among that important class
of her Majesty's subjects the Owners and Occupiers of Land,
and which is justly lamented in her Majesty's Speech,
renders it the duty of her Majesty's Ministers to introduce,
without delay, such measures as may be most effectual for
the relief thereof :"—Question again proposed :--Debate re-
sumed ; Question put. The House divided :
MINORITY—AYES, 267.
Acland, Sir T. Ferrer, James Mundy, William
Adderley, O. B. Fellowes, E. lluntz, G. F.
Alcock, shomag Floyer, John 10 lire, Colonel
Anson, Viscount Forbes, William Naas, Lord
Arbuthnott, lion. 11. Forester, G. C. Napier Joseph
Archdall, Captain Fox, S. L. Neeld, John
Arkwright, George Frewen, C. 11. Neeld, Joseph
Bagge, W. Fuller, A. E. Rewdegate, N.
Bagot, William Galway, Viscount Newport, Visct.
Bailey, Joseph Gaskell, J. M. Noel, G. J.
Baillle, 11. J. Goddard, A. L. O'Brien, Sir Lucius
Baldock, E. 11. Gooch, E. S. O'Brien, Sir T.
Baldwin, Barry Goold, Wyndham O'Connor,;Feargus
Bankes, George Gordon, Adniiral O'Flaherty, Anthony
Baring, Thomas Gore, W. It. 0. Ossulton, Lord
Barrington, Viscount Grace, 0. D. Oswald, Alexander
Bateson, Thomas Granby, Marquis of Parke, C. W.
Bennet, Philip Grattan, Henry Painter, Robert
Bentinck, Lord H. Greenall, Gilbert Peel, Colonel
Berkeley' G. F. Grogan, E. Pennant, Colonel
Bernard, Viscount Guernsey, Lord I'igot, Sir R.
Best, John Gwyn, ri owe! Plowden, W. 11.
Blackstone, W. Ilale,tlt. B. Plumptre, J. P.
Blakernore, R. Halford, Sir 11. Portal, INi elville
mandtord, Marquis Hall, Colonel Powell, Colonel
Bolder°, 11. George halsey, T. P. Power, icholas
Booker, T. W. Hamilton, Geo. A. • l'owlett, Lord W.
Booth, Sir It. G. Hamilton, J. If. Prime, Richard
Bramston, T. W. Hamilton, Lord C. Pugh, David
Breisridge, Richard Harris, Captain Pusey, Philip
Brisco, M. Hayes, Sir E. Reid, Colonel
Broadley, H. Ileatlicote, G. J. Rendlesham, Lord
Broadwood, Henry Heiieage, G. H. Renton, J. C.
Brooke, Sir A.B. Heneage, E. Repton, G. W.
Brown, H. Henley, J. W. Reynolds, John
Bruce, C. L. C. Berries, J. C. Richards, Richard
Bruen, Colonel Hildyard, R. C. Roche, E. B.
Buck, L. W. Hildyard, T. B. T. Raiford, Francis
Buller, Sir J. Y. Hill, Lord E. Rushout, Captain
Bunbary, William Hodgson, W. N. Sadleir, John
Burghley, Lord Hood, Sir A. Sandars, George
Burrell, Sir
,C. Hope, Henry T. Scott, Francis
Burroughes, H. Hope, A. Scully,Francis
Cabbell, B. B. Hornby John Seaham, Viscount
Carew, W. H. P. Hotham, Lord Seynier, H. K.
Cayley, E. S. Hudson, G. Sibthorp, Colonel
Chaplin, W. J. Hughes, W. B. Sidney, Alderman
Chichester, Lord J. Inglis, Sir lt. Simeon, John
Christopher. R. Jocelyn, Viscount Smyth, J, hn George
Christy, Samuel Johnstone, Sir J. Somerset, Captain
Clive, R. H. Jolliffe, Sir W. G. Sotheron, T.
Clive, 11. B. Jones, Captain Spooner, Richard
Cobbold, J. C. Keating, Robert Stafford, Augustus
Cochrane, A. D. Keogh, William Stanford, J. F.
Cocks, T. S. Kerrison, Sir E. Stanley, Edward
Codrington, Sir W. Knight, F. W. Stanley, E. H.
Cole, H. A. Knightley, Sir C. Stuart, henry
Coles, H. B. Knox, Colonel Stuart, John
Colvile, C. It. Lacy, H. C. Stun, H. G.
Compton, IL C. Lascelles,f E. Sullivan, Michael
Conolly, Thomas Lawless, Cecil Taylor, T. E.
Corry, H. Legh, G. C. Thesiger, Sir F.
Cotton, W. H. Lennard, T. B. Thompson, Alderman
Cubitt, William Lennox, Lord A. Thornhill, George
Currie, Henry Lennox, Lord 11. G. Tollemache, John
Damer,.Colonel Lindsay, Colonel Townley, R. G.
Davies, D. A. Lockhart, W. . Trevor, G. R.
Deedes, W. Long, W. Trollope, Sir John
Devereux, J. T.. Lopes, Sir Ralph Turner, G. J.
Dick, Quintin Lowther, Colonel Tyrell, Sir J.
Disraeli, B. Lowther, Henry, Verner, Sir W.
Dod, J. W. Lygon, Gen. Villiers, F. W.
Dodd, G. 31.`Naghten, Sir E. Vyse, R. H.
Drax, J. S. W. • MlCallag,h, W. Waddington,7David
Drumlanyig, Viscount Meagher, Thomas Waddington, H. S.
Drummond, Henry Mandeville, Viscount Walpole, Spencer
Duckworth, Sir J. Manners, Lord C . Wegg-Prosser, F.
buncombe, A. Manners, Lord G. Welby, GE.
Duncombe, 0. Manners, Lord J. West, F. R.
Dundas, George March, Earl of Wigram, L. T.
Dunne, Colonel Maunsell, T. P. Williams, T. P.
Du Pre, C. G. Maxwell, J. P. Willoughby, Sir H.
East, Sir J. B. Meux, Sir Henry Wodehouse, Edmund
Edwards,,Henry Miles, P. W. Worcester, Marquis
Egerton, W. T. Miles, William Wynn, H. W.
Evelyn, Viscount Monsell, William Wynn, Sir W.
Euston, Earl Moody, C.A. Yorke, E. T.
Evelyn, William J. Moore, 0.11. TELLERS.
Fagan, James Morgan,
.0. Beresford, William
Farnham, E. B. Mullings, J. R. Mackenzie, W.F.

Majority against the motion
The announcement of the numbers was hailed with loud
cheers by the Opposition.
Sir W. CLAY obtained leave to bring in a Bill to facili-
tate the exercise of the franchise by compound householders.

RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
Mr. GROGAN moved for returns showing the number
of Jesuits, and the members of any religious order, com-
munity, or society of the Church of Rome, bound by mo-
nastic'or religious vows, registered pursuant to the Act 10
George IV., cap. 7, sec. 28, in the United Kingdom, subse•
quent to the 23d day of April, 1829; of all licences granted
pursuant to said statute to all Jesuits or members of any
religious order, community or society, as aforesaid, to come
into and remain within the United Kingdom, subse-
quently to the said date; and of all Jesuits, or members
of any such religious order, community, or society, as
aforesaid, Irian shall have been prosecuted for any misde-
meanour or offence under the said statute, and subsequently
to the said date.

Mr. KEOGH objected to such returns been granted, and
hoped the Eon. Member }would explain his object in moving
for them.

Mr. GROGAN stated that he had spoken with the Right
Hon Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department, on
the subject, and that no objection had been then mentioned
to seeking such returns. In point of fact, the returns would
be but in continuation of returns obtained by the Hon.
Baronet the Nlember for the University or Oxford in 1836.
Mr. ANSTEY could give a very good reason why the re-
turns should not be granted. Members of certain religious
orders who bad not obtained the necessary permission from
the Secretary of State to reside in this country, would, on
prosecution, be liable to heavy penalties, banishment, or
transportation, and there could be no doubt that such returns
as these being obtained, they might be prosecuted. That
House had lad the opportunity of repealing these penal
enactments—these damnable laws—and had refused that op-
portunity; aid it was, therefore, a matter of duty with him
and his friends to resist every motion which might expose
Roman Catholic clergymen to persecution.
Sir G. GREY corroborated the statement made by the
Hon. Member for Dublin, as to the Government not having
seen any reason why the present motion should not be
agreed to. The returns would not include names, and no
private information would be asked for whatever. The re-
turns would subject no man to a prosecution; for a prosecu-
tion could only be commenced at the instance of the Attor-
ney-General.
Mr. KEOGH could easily understand why the Hon,
Member (Mr. Grogan) and the Right Hon. Gentleman should
agree together that the returns were desirable, because both
those Gentlemen were of opinion that, it was necessary to
make an attack on the Roman Catholics. If the Hon.
Member persisted in his motion, he should oppose any such
proposition at that time in the morning. (It was then a
quarter to two. )
Sir G. GREY had no hesitation in saying, that the returns
would be nil.

Mr. ANSTEY said he should vote for the adjournment,
And after a short discussion the House divided on the ques-
tion of adjournment, when there appeared—
Ayes —..
... 10
Noes .. ..• .• ... 103-93
Mr. M. O'CONNELL maintained that it was necessary to
go into the question. It could not be gone into at that
hour of the morning, and he therefore begged to move that
the debate be adjourned.
Mr. KEOGH sapported the motion for the adjournment
of the debate. It was quite unnecessary that the returns
moved for by the Hon. Member (Mr. Grogan) should be
before the House, and he trusted that the motion which had
just been made by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. M. O'Connell)
would be agreed to. He (Mr. Keogh) would strive by
every means in his power to secure the adjournment of the
debate.—( Hear, hear.)
Sir G. GREY submitted that the motion ought to be
withdrawn.
Mr. GROGAN, after a few words in explanation, with-
drew his motion.

MAJORITY—NOES, 281.
Abdy, Sir Thomas Forster, Matthew O'Connell,;Maurice
Adair, Hugh E. Fertescue, Chichester O'Connell, M. J.
Adair, R. Shafto Fortescue, J. W. . Ogle, S. C.
Anderson, Arthur Fox, Richard M. Ord, W.
Anson, Colonel Fox, W. J. Osbonie, Ralph
Ansley, Thomas Freesturi, Colonel Owen, Sir John
Armstrong, Sir A. Gibson, T. M. Paget, Lord A.
Bagsha +,l, , John Glyn, G. C. Paget, Lord C.
Raines, M. T. Goulburn, Henry Paget, Lord G.
Baring, H. B. Graham, Sir J. Palmer, Roundell
BarinJ, Sir,l. Greene, Joint Palmerbton, Via.
Barnard, E. G. Grenfell, Charles W. Parker, John
Bass, M. T. Grey, Sir G. Pechell, Sir G.
Bell, Jacob Grey, R. W. Peel, Sir Robert
Bellew, It. M. Grosvenor, Lord R. Peel, Frederick
Berkeley, Henry F. Guest, Sir,J. Pelham, D. A.
Berkeley, Admiral Hall, Sir B. Pendarves, Edward
Berkeley, C. L. G. Hallyburton, Lord Perfect, Robert
Bernal, Ralph Hanmer, Sir J. Peto, Samuel
Birch, Sir T. Hardcastle, J. A. Pigott, Francis.
Blackall, S. W. Harris, Richard Pilkington, Jamey
Blake, M. J. Hastie, Alexander Pinney, William
Blewitt, Reginald Hustle, Archibald Power, Dr.
Bowles, Admiral Hatchell, John Price, Sir Robert
Boyd, John Hawes, Benjamin Rawdon, Colonel
Boyle, Volone. Headlam, T. E. Ricardo, Osman
Brand, Thomas Heald, James Rice, E R.
Bright, John Heathcoat, John Rich, Henry
Brocklehurst, John Henry, Alexander Robartes, T. J.
Brockman, E. 1). Herbert, Sydney Romilly, Colonel
Brotherton, J. Hervey, Lord A. Romilly, Sir John
Brown, W. Heywood, James, Rumbold, C. E.
Bruce, Lord E. Heyworth, L. , Russell, Lord John
Bulkeley,Sir It. B. Higgins, G. G. Russell, F. C.
Bunbury, Edward }Hadley, Charles SalWey, Colonel
Busfeild, W. Hobhouse, Sir J. Sanders, J.
Buxton ,sir E. Hobhouse, T. B. Scholefield, W.
Calvert, Frederic • - liodges,,,T. L. Scrope, G. P.
Campbell, W. F, Hodges,. T: Twisden Seynicur, H. D.
Cardwell, Edward nogg, Sir J., Seymour, Lord
Carter, John B. Hollond, Robert Sha to, R. D.
Cauheild, J. M. Horsman, Edward Shelburne, Earl of
Cavendish, C; C. Howard, C. W. Slaney, Robert A.
Cavendish, G.H. Howard, J. K. Smith, R. V.
Cavendish, W. G • . Howard, E. G. Smith, J. A.
Childers, J. W. Howard, P. H. Smith, M. T.
Clay, James Hume, Joscph'' Smith, John B.
o:ay, Sir W. Il num lieu, Aid. Somers, J. P.
Clements, C. S. Hutchins, E. J. Somerville, Sir W.
Clerk, Sir G. Hutt, William Spearman, It. J
Clifford, 11. U. Jackson, William Stanley, W. o.'
Cobden, R. Jermyn, Earl Stanefleld, IV. R. C
Cocabura, Sir A. Kershaw, James Stanton, W. H.
Colebrooke, Sir T. Kildare, Marquis of Staunton, Sir G.
Collins, William King, P. J. Strickland, Sir G.
Copeland, Alderman Labouchere, Henry Stuart, Lord l).
Cowan, Charles Langston, J. H. Stuart, Lord J.
Cowper,,.W. F. Lascelles, W. S. Tancred, H. W.
Craig, Sir W. G. Lemon, Sir C. Tenison, E. K.
Crowder, It. B. Lewis, Sir T. Thicknesse, R. A.
Currie, Itaikes Lewis, G. C. Thompson, Colonel
Curteis,• H. A.I. Littleton, E. It. Thornely, T.
DaTymple, Captain Locke, Joseph Towneley, Join)
Dashwood, Sir G. Lockhart, A. E. Townshend, Capt.
Dawson, T. V. Loveden, Pryse Trail, George
Denison, Edmund Lushington, C. Trelawny, J. S.
D'Eyncourt, C. T. 'Mackie, John Millen, Henry
Divett, E. Mackinnon, W. A. Vane, Lord H.
Douglas, Sir C. M'Gregor, John Verney, Sir H.
Douro, Marquis of M'Taggart, Sir X. Villiers, Charles
Duff, G. S. Magan, IV. H. Wakley, Thomas
Duke, Sir James Mahon, O'Gorman Wall, C. B.
Duncan, Viscount Mangles, R. D. Wahnsley, Sir J.
Duncan, George Marshall, J. 0. Walter, John -
Duncuft, John Marshall, William Watkins, Colonel
Dundas, Admiral Martin, John Wawn, J. T.
Dundas, Sir David Martin, C. W. • Wellesley, Lord C.
Ebrington, Viscount Masterman, John Westhead, J. P.
Ellice, Edward Matheson, A. 'Willcox, Brodie
Ellice, E., jun. Matheson, James 'Williams, John
Ellis, John Matheson, Colonel Williams, W.
Elliot, J. E. Maule, Fox Williamson, Sir H.
Enfield, Lord Melgund, Viscount Wilson, James
Estcourt, J. B. E. Milner, W. M. Wilson, Matthew
Evans, Sir De Lacy Milton, Viscount Wood, Sir Charles
Evans, John Mitchell, T. A. Wood, W. P.
Evans, William Moffatt, George Wortley, J. S.
Ewart, William Moldsworth, Sir W. Wrightson, W.B.
Fagan, William Morison, Sir IV. Wyld, James
Fergus, John Morris, David Wyvill, Marmaduke
Ferguson, Col. Mostyn, E. Young, Sir John
Ferguson, Sir R. Mowatt, Francis
FitzrAy, Henry Mulgrave, Earl
Fitzwllliam, G. W. Norreys, Lord
Foley, John H. Norreys, Sir D.

TELLERS.
Hayter, W. G.
Bill, Lord M.

JESUITS AND OTHERS.

Motion made, and Question proposed, " That an humble
Address be presented to her Majesty, that she will be graci-
ously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this
House, Returns showing the number of Jesuits, and of the
members of any religious order, community, or society of
the Church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows,
registered pursuant to the Act 10 Gen. 4, c. 7. s. 28, in the
United Kingdom, subsequent to the 23d day of April, 1829:
" Of all licenses granted pursuant to said statute to all
Jesuits or members of any religious order, community, or
society, as aforesaid, to come into and remain within the
United Kingdom subsequently to the said date :
" And of all Jesuits, or members of any s::ch religious
order, community, or society, as aforesaid, who shall have
been prosecuted for any misdemeanour or offence under the
said statute, and subsequently to the said date:"_ Where-
upon Motion made, and Question put, " That this House do
now adjourn." The House divided:

MINORITY—AYES, 10.
O'Connell, Maurice {'yawn, J. T.
Somers, J. P.
Sullivan, Michael
Trelawny, J. S.

Blake, M. J.
Brotherton, J.
Greene, John
Megan, W. 11.
Mahon, O'Gorman

TELLZIII.
Anstey, T. C.
Keogh, William

MAJORITY-NOES, 103.

ITALY.
The Croce di Savoia contains the following:—
" We had already been informed from different points of
the frontier that the Austrian troops were being concentrated
in the direction of the Ticino. Now our information on that
subject is so positive that we feel bound to direct the atten-
tion of the country and Parliament to that military move-
ment. The events likely to take place in France, in 1852,
and the menace of an intervention in Switzerland, may be
the pretext or the real motive of that concentration; but
might it not also be contemplated to execute the magnificent
plan which the promoters of the league of Sante Foi mention
having been proposed at Bregentz, modified at Warsaw, con-
firmed at Olmutz, and ultimately concluded at Dresden?
Military hospitals and magazines have not been established
at Pavia for the sake of mere marches and evolutions, and it
is the duty of the Government to demand categoric explana-
tions on the subject.
suc-
cessor of SiccArma in the Ministry of Grace and Justice.
President The
Opinions
oi n f
Appeals,states thatwil Sl
ignor n
the
S r
probable A r.nzz o , e
h thee!
Coto uTrurt

ALARM OF FIRE IN THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Bumnisto,—Yesterday morning, between five and six o'clock, in-
formation was forwarded to the various engine stations, that a fire
had broken out in the new building for the Exhibition in Hyde-park.
It was ascertained that a fire had taken place at the west end of the
Crystal Palace, and although at one time it assumed a threatening
appearance, the d.:mage done, we are happy to say, was confined to
the destruction of a large quantity of shavings, but the building itself
received not the slightest injury.
TWO FIRES IN DEPTFORD.—Yesterday morning,
at an early 11, or, the Ship Defiance tavern, Grove street, Deptford,
the property of Mr. J. Rutter, licensed victualler, was discovered to
be on fire. The inmates having. beena ilirloieuspielli,ctel".:,cestlecftEedngalasnadte,
retreat, when it was found that the bar was in a blaze, and, from
the fact of the spirit pipes having become melted, it was feared that
istogtetrori2biler.clown.flivagrriagthiotn.
sleveodum/danfo,llow. Messengers were, therefore,
dispatched to London for the aid ofthe engines, and by the time they
arriveet, another fire happened at 22, High-street, Deptford, belong.
and Brigade firemen, succeeded in getting both fires extinguished,
but not until considerable domage was done to the two buildings,
and also to the valuable stocks ix trade. The origin of both fires is
unknown. Mr. Wright was insured in the County, and mi.. Rutter
in the Atlas, fire-offices.

STATE of TRADE.—MANCRESTER, THIIRSDAy.--
There is no change in the markets since Tuesday, the features still
continuing the same, with the exception that cotton has fallen about
per lb. The very
low prices-now current indUCO 130/310 little 113-
gula, 011011 COIIII.IIU. At Ye 7 19w prim. - -

THE. SHARE MARKETS

R RITIS li RA/ LWAYS-

Paid. Nominal Prices.

W 4
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L dis.

83 5% —5% Ells.
.7%

6 I 34 - 1 p.

28% - 29%
27 - 28

15 1 8%- 9%p
5 1 - 8 p

10,4 - 11%

100 184 —B6
17% i.I7U —17%
50 I 11% —l2
10 I 5% —b%
50
50

- 22

1% dia.
104

8 p.
31 p
69%

10
7 dis.'
1 Ni

128%

5 4 die.
—9934
153/4
die.
3 die.
—%
Alis•
136 p

.244
1334
64 p•
6' p.
314 P.
3 dis,
2% p•

3% dia.

1% 13% 12%
s:ti

214 20%
15%

6%7%

"34 %

4% '

32% 32

18 4
6%
13 %

43%
.3%

90% 4 90 It

12%
11%
% P

2% die.
62%

58% 59 58%

98 97% 98 }i

133 132%
23% 23
18 17%
4% 4
90 89% 90%

3234 31%

113 %
2% %

dis.
613 i 62 61U
19N fa %

93 9
DO%
11% 11 %

18% A 36 is

5% 4 dl3.
4% ti dig.

18)i h

26% % %
27 6%

21 % 20%

16 15%
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24% 5

93

1334
15% W
4

10%
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3%

323(

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