The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-13 00:00:00

upon a kind of tacit diplomatic ticket-of-leave t th( consequences, which may be far more serious
This, literally, is the "swag" secured for a while *a.m, lie at present has any adequate conception
to Persia by these nefarious means, at the secret \ (3f.
instigation, we may be sure, and for the particular
advantage, -ulteriorly, cf Persia's hidden arch-
aecomplice, the wily Russian AUTOCRAT !
No wonder, with Herat actually seized by
MURAD SHAFI. on the 26th of October, with
NASR OOD-DEEN urging on his forces upon Aff-
ghanistan,
with the Paris Conferences at the
same period about to be resumed, and Russia
about to assume once more her haughty and arro-
gant pretensions—No wonder war was at length
declared against Persia on the Ist of November
at Calcutta ! Further delay, under the circum-
stances,would have been nothing less than infamous.
At any rate, now that we have at last actually
mustered resolution enough to meet the lawless
outrages of Persia by flinging down the gage of
battle into the arena, committing the result of the
struggle, while we do so reverently but confid-
ingly, to the decision of the GOD OF ARMIES—
now, now, at least, let not the frightful experience
gained during the late disastrous but glorious war
in the Crimea be lost ! The sword being drawn
—let the blow be struck as England can strike
when she lists—swiftly, keenly, daringly, trench-
antly, irresistibly !

Among minor matters this session we see that
a 7 rigorous attempt is to be made, under the aus-
pie es of Lord SHAFTESBURY, Lord CALTHORPB, a
nu mber of other philanthropic laymen, and a
co wmittee composed chiefly of clergymen connected
ith the Church Missionary Society, for " the Sup-
r,ression of the Opium. .16Ionopoly in India, and of
ithe contraband traffic in the drug in China." Every
man of common humanity must wish that the
object of the Society should be accomplished. It
.is, therefore, with no hostility to that object that
we invite the attention of the gentlemen concerned
•to the facts of the case. Neither do we wish
:for a moment, by exaggerating difficulties, to
deter from an enterprise to which, if practicable,
;and if its success would not defeat its own object,

we too should cordially wish success.
The first evil attacked in the prospectus is the
Government Monopoly of Opium is India. The
word itself, in these days of free trade, is sufficient
to brand the system in public opinion. It would
seem, by employing it, that the Society does not,
however, contemplate interfering with the large
trade carried on through Bombay, which is no mo-
nopoly, but a fair traffic in the drug. It is pro-
duced in great abundance in Central India,
in the territories of the nominally independent
Princes, and we believe not less than twenty thou-
sands chests are annually shipped through the
port of Bombay. All this, however, is grown
like other agricultural produce—is in no sense
whatever a monopoly ; it merely pays a Custom-
house duty to the Government of four hundred
rupees per chest. The Society, we presume, in-
tends this immense traffic in the drug to remain
untouched—a. traffic, too, which must immensely
increase, if the suppression of the " monopoly"
really prevented the cultivation of the drug in
Eastern India.
But will it do so? In the Presidency of Bengal
the cultivation is carried on through Government
agents, who make advances of public money to
the cultivators, and who require, under very
heavy penalties, that the opium poppy shall be
grown for the Government only, and that the
entire produce shall be deposited under the lock
and key of the Treasury. Here the " monopoly"
terminates ; the opium is sold by public competi-
tion, and the Government has nothing further
to do with it. It is of course known, as in all
trade, where the article will find its ultimate
market. Every one is aware that it is
destined for China and the East ; but,
even as a manufacturer, our Government has,
properly speaking, nothing more to do with the
ultimate destination, than Manchester cotton
manufacturers with the destination of the fabrics
which they know will be carried into Spain by
smugglers in defiance of Spanish law.
It is, however, somewhat repugnant to English
feelings that Government should be a manufac-
turer, for profit, at all ; and above all a manu-
facturer of an article in which it is discreditable
to traffic. We tolerate the taxation of spirits
here because we regard it as a check, and the
only possible check on their yet freer use. Were
the Government to make the spirits, and obtain
its profit directly through the sale of them, the
thing would be considered so disgraceful that it
could not survive the discussions of one session.
What it really does is, however, less discreditable
in point of form merely. In either case the object
:is just the same—such a tax or such a profit,
'shall realise the greatest revenue is the point
aimed at. If too much or too little be added to
the prime cost, the revenue loses ; in one case by
A restricted sale ; in the other by the extent of
sale not compensating for the reduced charge.
:No Chancellor of the Exchequer intends to
diminish the sale of spirits, and drunkenness ; he
regards the revenue only. It is only fair to own,
therefore, that, morally, our spirit duties legisla-
tion, and the opium monopoly in India, stand on
the same basis. The appearance only is better

The nation is indebted to Mr. WILLIAMS, the
Member for Lambeth, for the complete returns of
the income and expenditure of the country, dur—

ing the eventful years ending in March, 1855.

and 1856, which has just been published by orde r
of Parliament. They are indeed important doci t-
ments, and prove beyond the possibility of dotal at,
the vast pecuniary sacrifices so cheerfully su b-

mitted to by the people, in the vain hope o f
humiliating the pride and reducing the power o f
Russia. Similar returns should be present o 4

every year. They constitute a national balance

sheet that ought to be placed before every to x

payer, so that it may be seen where the sh o e
really pinches, and what can be effected in the w aor
of economy and retrenchment. We mean of Ulu)
economy, for there is nothing more unwise than, a
penny-wise and pound-foolish policy, alike discred t-
able and injurious to the best interests of the co t-
munity. These may be regarded as the years .of
actual war, during which our fleets and arm it
were in motion. The precious Treaty was signo d
on, the 30th March, although for his own rear-
poses the Chancellor of the Exchequer chooses to
ignore that unquestionable fact, and to conside r
it to have only dated from the ratification i. n
April—a point, however, in which he may b
considerably enlightened before Parliament has
been litany days assembled. They do not, o f
course, comprise all the outlay. There music
necessarily have been a heavy supplemental expen-
diture iu bringing home our troops, and reduciag
the surplus strength. But the war taxes for as
additional year should be quite sufficient to pro-
vide for all these charges, so as to leave no excusi3
for continuing the most onerous and inequitable
of all our war burdens until the sth of April,
1858, even if the paltry quibble that has bean
raised could be justified and sustained.
First, as to the income of the country, we find
that it has amounted for the year 1854-5 to
64,091,5711., and for 1855-6 to 70,552,1451.
Enormous sums, which have been chiefly realised
through the agency of the iniquitous Income Tax.
In ordinary times about fifty-six millions in round
terms is obtained, and with proper care it is suf-
ficient for all demands—for meeting the liabilities
on account of the public debt, and the efficient
maintenance of the national establishments. We
therefore see what may be regarded as the fund
in hand, with which the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer may deal in his next financial scheme,
and which be must dispose of with wise discretion
for the benefit of the community. Of these sums,
the costs of collection cost, in round terms, fur
the former year two millions and three quarters,
while in the latter nearly six and a half millions
more were collected for an additional sum of
140,0001. This, however, is by no means sur-
prising, as the full staffs were formed, and the
• chief extra charge would be the additional al-
lowances to the Income-tax collectors. We are,
however, convinced that, with ordinary prudence,
very considerable savings might be effected, that
would reduce those charges to a more reasonable

If the society succeed in abolishing the mono-
:poly, of course the cultivation will be free through-
out the provinces of Eastern and Northern India;
and we presume the necessity of the Bombay duty
being paid on all exported from any Indian port
-would be at once concurred in. But what would
this do towards lessening the growth of opium ?
It could not lessen the trade to China ; but the
'worst is, it would be certain to stimulate its
growth for domestic consumption in India, and,
so far, to demoralise yet more our own subjects ;
for what is now used by the natives, they have to
pay three times the cost of production. Under
free cultivation it is certain that the production
would be indefinitely increased, that China would
be flooded with opium ; and that, on account of
the lower price, the natives of India itself would
consume it to a vastly greater extent. Already in
the province of Assam, to which the opium re-
venue laws do not extend, every peasant grows
his own opium ; and the wretchedness and degra-
dation of the province are justly attributed to this

circumstance.
opium poppy oft
the
eh
act,extent
ia India,popfears
t 0
arbitrariness countryo of
As to absolute prohibition of the growth of the
PtlPePYin a
be impossible. As it is an article which each man
could manufacture from the growth of his own
garden, nothing but a system of repression, hardly
to be thought of, could hinder its production.
If, however, it could be accomplished by vigorous
police measures, there is little present prospect of
such an attempt being made, nor do we suppose
that the Society will demand it. Nothing else,
however, would attain their object, not only with
regard to India, but to China also. It would be
impracticable, of course, for us to keep up in
behoof of the Chinese a preventive service along a
coast of eight or nine hundred miles in
length, while Chinese junks visit all the islands
of the Eastern Archipelago. Indeed nothing
could prevent the smuggling of the drug into
China if it were produced anywhere in the world.
The profits would rise in proportion to the diffi-
culty, and would tempt the clever and adven-
turous to risk any danger.
We have penned these remarks, as we have
said, from no hostility to the objects of the so-
ciety, but merely to put the public and the
society on their guard. Unless their plans be
well considered, they may find that by abo-
lishing the only restriction on the growth of
opium in Bengal—the Government monopoly—
odious as that system appears, they have only
defeated their own object.

A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon at
the official residence of tht First Lord of the Treasury,
in Downing-street. The Ministers present were Vis-
count Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Sir George
Grey, the Earl of Clarendon, Mr. Secretary Labouchere,
Lord Panuaure, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir
Charles Wood, the Right Hon. R. Vernon Smith, and
the Right Hon. M. T. Baines.
Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.8., the
Inspector-General of Infantry, is to have the Army
Works Corps Office, in Whitehall-yard, for the accom-
modation of the personnel attached to his department.
Colonel Larcotn, Irish Under Secretary, has turned
to Dublin and resumed his duties.
The Lcrd Chancellor of Ireland, at the recommenda-
tion of Colonel White, I;eutenant of the county, has
been pleased to appoint Capt. Henry Lees a magistrate
for the county of Longford.