The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The expressions, in themselves remarkable, used
by M. de Broglie in corroboration of the speech of
M. Bignon, spoken on Tuesday last, appear to have
been caught at by M. Mauguin and other members
of the Liberal Opposition, with an eagerness which
might have much embarrassed the regular action of
the French Government in its policy towards the
east of Europe. M. de Broglie therefore felt him-
self called upon the day after to restrict with more
caution than he had at first employed the sense in
which the Chamber should be authorized to under-
stand his adhesion to the views of M. Bignon. He
declared that his language referred merely to "al
development of principles relative to the conduct of
France in case the existing treaties should not be
faithfully executed by foreign Powers." If M. de
Broglie had stopped there, we think that he would
have acted with quite as much both of discretion and
dignity as by proceeding to hint that the state of
things " was in no respect changed by the late
treaty between Russia and the Porte," and that
" no exclusive rights were conferred by it upon any
European Power." Now, if it were true that
Russia had derived from that treaty no rights to the
exclusion or detriment of other countries which did
not exist before, the first clause of M. de Broglie's
allegation must, of course, be admitted. But we
suppose that the obligations inseparable from office
compelled the French Minister for Foreign Affairs
to disguise considerably his own private sense
of the real bearings of that alarming contract,
because it is a very different thing to leave
Turkey a discretionary power of opening or
closing the Dardanelles to the armed vessels of
all other Powers, as she might herself think fit,
and as she has always exercised it—a very d.fferenf
thing, we say, from binding her by a positive en-
gagement to close those straits against two or more
great Powers, at the bidding of any individual
Power, and that Power the one to which she so
engaged herself. This is a compact which does
essentially " alter the state of things," and which
does " confer upon one European Power exclusive
rights" which she could not before lay claim to.
We respect the integrity of M. de Broglie, and can
even find in the necessity under which he found
himself of making some (though not a satisfac-
tory) explanation—that is to say, in the hasty
suergy of his previous remarks upon M. Bignon's
speech—a proof and earnest of the depth to which
the mind of the whole French Government is
'penetrated with indignation at the designs of
Russia, and with a determination to resist them.
The activity of the Holy Alliance and its agents
in trying first one topic, then another, on which
to intimidate France and England separately,
or to fill them alternately with suspicious jealousies
of each other, and so break up a union which no
confederacy of armed despots can venture to resist,
is exhibited in a multitude of forms. An article
under the head of German Papers, and extracted
from the Allgemeine Zeitung, presents a good spe-
cimen of the double game of bullying and wheedling
—the first directed against Great Britain—the second
against France. This Government is threatened
with the revival of the " continental system" of
Bonaparte, to be forced by Russia, and her Aus-
trian and Prussian vassals, upon the inhabitants of
Turkey, Germany, and Italy, at the bayonet's
point, while it is gently insinuated into the ear of
Frarce, that she ought to " take advantage of the
circumstance, and to profit by the damage thereby
inflicted on England." Here, then, lies the whole
of their honest, but somewhat shallow game. They
plan a partition of Turkey, as they did of Poland,
trusting that France and England have gained no
experience, that they are blind to their own inte-
rests, and to those of all civilized nations, as the)
were from 1772 to 1791, and no more capable of
protecting the weak from spoliation, than at those
disastrous and disgraceful epochs. The Holy Al-
liance, we hope and trust, will find itself ere long
undeceived.—Times.

We are surprised to find that many of the pro-
vincial papers of last week have copied the para-
graph which appeared in a morning paper of the
30th of December, stating that the late Mr. James
Brougham, M.P., held two sinecure offices to the
...mount of 2,4501. per annum. This was generally
known not to be true, and our contemporary, with
a laudable desire to preserve his reputation for ac-
curacy, stated, on the follotsing Thursday, that
" the paragraph was a verbatim extract from the
Commons' Report on Members in Office," so that
whatever " error" there might be, it was the Par-
liamentary Committee's, and not his, It is due,
however, to the Parliamentary Committee to state,
that this " verbatim extract" omits the important
words " these offices expire on the 20th of
August, 1533." Mr. Brougham had, of course,
ceased from that period to hold the offices, and it
is almost needless to repeat what was publicly stated
by the Lord Chancellor, that he only held
them at all until they could be safely abolished,
when he was ready to receive no compensation. Had
the Chancery Act, which provides for that event,
not been delayed by the opposition which it met
with in the Lords, Mr. Brougham might have
ceased to hold the cffices before they had yielded
him sufficient to pay the fees attendant on his ap-
pointment. This misstatement is one of the almost
daily instances of the mode in which the enemies of
the Lord Chancellor conduct their opposition to that
eminent man. Tne baseness of it is its antidote. It
not only does not injure the object of the attack, but
it recoils with violence on the assailant. We have
reason to know that all the better class of Tories
are disgusted with this infamous species of warfare.
The misstatement we are disposed to believe was a
mere clumsy blunder on the part of the morning pa-
per with which it originated ; but the writer in the
Post, who greedily adopted it, must have acted with
his eyes open, or is it possible that malignity can
dim the sight as much as the most unqualified stu-
pidity 2—Times.

It is amusing enough to observe the hack Mini-
sterial prints congratulating their patrons and each
other upon the defeat of Mr. Sadler, at fludder
field, as if it were a proof of Whig popularity.
Some proof of the popular feeling being on their
side was certainly wanted by a Ministry that has
falsified its principles in so many instances, and in-
volved itself in the odium of so many gross jobs.
But we do not think any proof of the sort was sup-
plied on the present occasion ; and if the Treasury
scribes had not as inflexible a gravity, while dis-
charging the duties of official imposture, as the
Roman augurs, they would laugh in each other's
faces while attempting to practise such delusion
upon the world. What is the real state of the
case ? Mr. Sadler makes an effort to throw
open a Whig nomination borough, for it is a me-
lancholy fact, that some boroughs of that rotten
character have been created under the Reform
Bill. The Whigs themselves have boasted of Dun-
garvon being so close that it is folly in any man not
of Ministerial connection to attempt it. Something
of the same sort may be said of Chatham, Kendal,
Cable, Tavistock, and a few others, which it will
require an additional Reform Bill to throw open and
render truly independent, for it makes little dif-
ference to the country whether close boroughs are
held under Tory or Whig patronage. It Is freedom
and purity of election th'at the country wants—not
the transfer of borough influence from one party to
another. In the instance of the election for Hudders-
f►eld,Mr. Sadler,as we said, attempted to open a close
Whig borough, and was defeated, not because he was
unpopular, but because the borough itself is on an
unpopular foundation. The support which he got
under the circumstances, was in itself a proof of the
progress which those principles are making that are
advocated by the able opponent of Malthusian doc-
trines—the protector of the factory children, snd
the poor man's friend. The closeness of the
bo-
rough of Huddersfield may be understood from the
following passages of a letter, addressed by Mr. J.
Foster to the Guardian newspaper, previou'ly to
the election. That gentleman disapproved of Mr.
Sadler's coming forward as a candidate, on account
of the impracticability of the task which any man,
0 5"

however popular, who was not a nominee of the
Whig patron, must impose on himself in attempting
to become the representative of a borough that was
' rotten from the first moment of its existence. He
says, "It is totally impossible for Mr. Sadler to
be returned for that borough without the concur-
rence of the Whig Sir John Ramsden, as every
house in Hudderlfield, with only one exception, be-
longed to that worthy Baronet. Mr. Sadler, there-
fore, if put in nomination, must be defeated, and it
will be eagerly seized on by his political opponent,
as a barometer of public feeling concerning him—
than which nothing can be more unjust. I, there.
fore, protest before hand against any such inference,
and I a,k what benefit do the public derive from the
destruction of the Duke of Newcastle's rotten bo-
rough of Boroughbridge and the creating an equally
rotten one at Huddersfield ?" Let the Treasury
scribes answer that question if they can, and when
they have answered it satisfactorily to the British
public, who want not the triumph of party but of
principle, let them talk of the superior popularity
of the Whig candidate, whom Government and the
influence of the Whig proprietor of the borough
place in the representation—but not till then.—
Morning Herald.
We call the attention of our readers to the re-
port of a great county meeting of the county of
Devon, held at Exeter on Friday last, of which we
have elsewhere given a report, abridged from the
Western Times of Saturday last. The object of the
meeting was to agree on a petition to the House of
Commons, praying for a commutation of tithes for a
tenth part of the rent. A very strong feeling
against tithes exists in Devonshire on account of so
large a share of the soil as one-half being the pro-
perty of the men who cultivate it. The word
" Yeoman" is not, therefore, an obsolete word in
that part of England. Lord Ebrington, Captain
Buller, and several other gentlemen protested against
the injustice of attempting a commutation on any
other principle than that of the fair value of the
tithes. The Devonshire Yeomanry, however, would
listen to no arguments against their determination to
pay no more than two shillings in the pound. We quite
agree with Lord Ebrington, that one of the unhappy
fruits of the determination to resist all reform is, that
when resistance is no longer possible, that which at
first would have been received as a boon, is rejected
with disdain. The Church stood out against all
commutation of tithes, when the people would
have been satisfied with a commutation on a fair
principle; and now that the Bishops have declared
that a commutation is desirable, the people demand
it on terms which would prevent it from being
carried. It is quite clear that Ministers never will
propose a commutation on any other principle than
that of a fair equivalent. The only effect of per-
sisting in carrying the commutations at a tenth of
the rent, instead of a tenth of the produce, would be
to defeat the measure. On the evening of the same
day a meeting of Protestant dissenters took place at
the Subscription Great Room, Exeter, to memo-
rialize Earl Grey on the subject of these grievances.
Those from which they want immediate relief were
thus briefly summed up :

" The payment of church rates and Easter offerings,
the necessity of being married at the altars of the Church
of England, the inability to be interred by our own
ministers in the parochial burying-grounds, the want of
a registration of births, deaths, and wills, unconnected
with any religious sect, and exclusion from the National
Universities."

We are pleased to see the readiness with which
the Dissenters listen to the counsel of their friends
to confine themselves to practical grievances. By
introducing claims for which the public mind is not
duly prepared, they would only throw obstacles in
the way of reforms, respecting which all are agreed.
In moving a resolution explanatory of the grounds
on which they poitponed the question of the con-
nexion of the Church and State for the present,
namely, " That although the connexion at present
existing between the Church and the State is con-
sidered by us both a grievance, pressing on ourselves,
and injurious to the general interests of religion
we are willing to defer urging its dissolution
until more information on the subject shall have
been diffused, and the sentiments of our fellow-
countrymen more fully formed and developed," it
was stated by the Rev. Mr. Glyde, as his belief,
" that the Protestant Dissenters, as a body, would
not be satisfied with any thing short of a dissolution
of the connection between the Church and State,
nor until the Episcopalians were placed on the same
footing as other denominations, and until all were
equally under the protection of Government." By
way of showing that the zeal of the people is suffi-
cient for the maintenance of Christianity, without
compulsory taxation, the Western Tinges remarks,
" That in an agricultural parish of Devonshire, of
which the Rector is one of the brightest ornaments
of the Church, there are three or four Dissenting
Chapels, and that these cannot have been established
from any dislike of the Rector, for all are happy to
offer him their humble tribute of praise for his great
talent and marked benevolence."—Morning Chron.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN. 11.

COOKE V. NITHITEHEAD.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved to set aside the verdict
given in this case for the plaintiff. and to have a new trial.
This was an action against the defendant, a money
scrivener, to recover damages ft,r not having properly in-
vestigated the goodness of the security on which an annuity
was to be granted to the plaintiff, who had intrusted the
defendant with money to purchase the same.
The Court granted a rule to show cause.
EX PARTE JAdIES BROWN.

Mr. KELLY moved for a rule to show cause why an
attorney at Lytnington should not assign to another
attorney the articles under which Mr. Brown bad entered
into his service as an articled clerk. The Learned Counsel
stated that the affidavits on which he moved represented
that Mr. Brown had, for some time before entering the
service in question, been practising as a notary ; that he
was a man of ability and experience, and that his services
were very valuable; that he had become an articled
clerk, in order to enable himself to be put upon the rolls
of the Court, but that he did not require instructions
like articled clerks who went to learn a profession.
The Court granted a rule to show cause.

ARCHES COURT, JAN. 11.