The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-09 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

The Duke and Duchess of Gloucester went from Bag.
sliot Park on Thursday to Brighton, on a visit to their
Majesties.

The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria walked
for some time in Hyde Pai:; yesterday.
The United States Charge d'Affaires, and Sir Benj-imin
!'Urban, the Governor of the Cape of Gond Hope, trans-
acted business yesterday at the Colonial office.
Viscount Althorp arrived in town yesterday afternoon.
The Duke of Richmond, Mr. Secretary Stanley, and
Sir James Graham were expected to leave the seat of
Viscount Melbourne, in Hertfordshire, yesterday for their
respective residences.

FASHIONABLE IN I'ELLIGENCE.

DINER AT LEEDS TO THE MEMBERS
FOR THE BOROUGH AND WEST RIDING.

On Wednesday, a dinner was eiven to John Marshall,
'un., E q., and T. B. Nlacauley, Esq., Members for Leeds,
and Lord Morpeth, one of the Members for the West
Riding. George Strickland, EN., Lord Morpeth's col-
league, was also invited, hut circumstances prevented his
attendance. John Clapham, Esq., was in the Chair, hav-
ing Lord Morpeth on his right, and Messrs. Marshall and
AI icauley on his left. The Vice-Chairmen were Hutton
Stanfield, Esq., Joshua Bower, E-q., and R. A. Buttery,
Esq. The entertainment was given in the Commercial
Rooms, and the company consisted of upwards of 200
gentlemen of the first respectability. After the cloth had
been removed, the Chairman gave in succession " The
Kin'," " The Queen, the Princess Victoria, and the rest of
the Royal Family."
The CHAIRNIAN prefaced the next toast with a high
eulogium upon Earl Grey, lauding the acts of his admini-
stration, and the reformed Parliament. He particularly
instanced the slavery question, upon which he formed one
of the Leeds deputation to London, and to the honour of
that Ministry it would be spoken, that the men who had
abolished the slave trade, had also been ordained to abolish
slavery itself.—(Loud cheers.) He gave—
" Earl Grey and the Reform Ministry."—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. MacautEar rose to acknowledge the toast, and was
received with enthusiastic plaudits. He was not, strictly,
one of his 'Majesty's Ministers, yet he was connected with
them sufficiently to say that he joined in their feelings,
and returned thanks on their behalf. He felt the deepest
gratitude to them for the late services rendered to this country
in the passing of the Reform Bill, and for what they had
subsequently done by means of that Bill. They knew that
from one branch of the Legislature they were likely to
encounter opposition, whenever it might be fatal to them ;
they knew that a great and extensive interest had been
created by former Governments, and a great portion of the
patronage so bestowed had been used against them ; the
Church, which for many years had been allied to the ex-
isting_ Government, was opposed to them—(Applause)—
but amidst all these, the greatest of all was the high
expectations which had been raised throughout the errantry,
and the state of excitement in which the Reform Bil had
Inc the people. He coulri acquit himself and the Govern-
ment of having raised such expectations—his languace
always was, that the reform in our institutions must lie
gradual—that it was impossible one session could do away
what a hundred years of misrule had produced. To restore
the interests of this country to a sound and healthful state,
it was necessary to move by degrees. The Parliament
met, and had to deal with expectations which any Minister
who had not auperuateral power,—unless he had the rod
of Moses, and could cause the water to burst from a rock,
and manna to fall from heaven,—it was impossible for any
but such a Minister to satisfy them. The very state of
the House of Commons sufficiently indicated in what an
agitated condition the Reform Bill had left those judicious
men for their labour. On the very first day of the ses-
sion—on the day the King made his speech—at four
o'clock in the afternoon, notices to occupy two-thirds of
the et ssion were in the books, and at the end of that
session, they were sufficient to occupy three years.—
(Laughter.) Now the session was ended, and they
came befire them, having completely carried into effect
great and important changes, any one of which would
honour and distinguish the session, and which taken alto.
gether entitled hint to say that no ten sessions of Parlia-
ment, since the revolution, had proposed such measures of
real good to the people as this.—( Loud cheers.) Slavery
extinguished—lndia thrown open to the settlement of
Europeans—the vestry cess abolished in Ireland—law
reforms of great extent and importance, some proposed,
others carried (and if any failed it was not from any fault
of the Government)—a searching inquiry into the muni-
cipal governments of the towns of England—(Cheers)--
retrenchment carried to such a height that the whole
expenditure which was under the control of Parliament
had been, since the accession of the present Ministers to
power, reduced from 15 to 12,000,000/.—(Loud cheers.)
and whilst this had taken place, public credit re•
mained inviolate, peace with foreign powers was
preserved, and that country which the Ministers
found when they came into office in a state of disor•
der unparalleled, was now tranquil, and he believed
in his conscience in a way of returning and advancing
prosperity.—(Cheers.) He was not unacquainted with the
accusation- brought a2ainst the Governm nt and the Par-
liament. They commenced from the firs: di of the see-
don, before it wan possible for Ministers, to have propound - I
ed any public ..i. ~..- rr.:-....:,:.-. !1:, N.,.:-...- P.i,n4 sata-
petii) can,e in for a share—he proposed the first motion
upon which they made a stand. He moved that the
Hon. Manners Sutton should take the chair. Mr. M.
Sutton then defended that motion, contending that the
business of the Speaker was nothing hut to maintain
order—that he gave fair play to Reformers when they
were in a minority, and they wanted nothing more than
fair play now that they were in a majority. He continued
—then there was the malt tax. The Reformed House
of Commons, it was said, showed the most strange Mean-
sist: ncy, because en one evening they resolved, by a small
majority, to rescind half that tax, and the next day they
passed a resolution to keep the whole tax on. His evi-
dence for resc nding that vote was in the words of Sir
Robert Peel, in which he most cordially concurred ; lie
said—" If I were shout to repeal the malt tax, I must
consider that repeal with reference to the whole question of
the corn laws." He would say, that to give that vast
boon to the agriculturists, without stipulating for a com•
plett, tevivon of the corn laws, would be to betray the
inanufact;:trers' interests and of the country.—(Cheers.)
This brought him to the corn laws, upon which his
opinion differed very little with that of Earl Fitzwilliam.
Dot he saw this distinction in the case of the corn laws,
that while most abuses had existed for the benefit of the
.oligarchy, and were opposed by the general sense of the
people. yet, unhappily, in the case of the corn laws, it
was ono part of the people at rayed against the other, and,
in consequence, it was an extremely difficult question. It
was a very different thing in such a town as Leeds to what
it was in Devonshire, Dorsetshire, or the North Riding of
Yi rkshire. It was a very different thing to carry
through the abolition of a great abuse when they had
the people behind them, and when they had them di• idea
into two parties. Let them suppose the Ministry unani-
mous on the question of the corn laws, and that they
brought, in a satisfactory measure, and they were to
carry it through the Lower House, though he was at a loss
to know whether they could or not. (Mr. Marshall in-
timated that he did not think they could.) He (Mr.
Alacauley) thought they might by a small majority. (Lord
But suppose they had a majority of
Morpeth thought not.)
250 to 230 ; then it had to go into a llouse almost
exclusively composed of landholders, where it. was
certain to he thrown out by a great majority.
And what was the remedy ? They knew what it
was in the case of the Reform Bill, but it was a
very different thing to create Peers to carry the
Reform Bill—when there was nobreat popular power
throughout England but was crying out for it, and when
tl.ey had 250 members from Leeds and Bradford, &c.,
,-y.d 230 from Devonshire, Dorsetshire, &c. He did not
ianow that any Sovereign would create Peers for such a
purpose. —( Appl ruse.) What, then, was his opinion ?
ft was that he believed they had truth on their side, and
that discussion would bring it out. He believed that
discussion would enlighien the agricultural interest, and
in a few years, by fair discussion and the inculcation cf
sound principles, they would be brought mood into as
loud a cry for repeal of the corn laws; asy bad for
reform.—(Lund cheers.) He sa,a this, :to explain his
past and future conduct. He considered the earn laws
to be a great evil up,-, she country..—so great, that if it
were put to lilt"- .enether he would abolish them, or any
otter great evil of our institutions, he did nut know but I
be o,,,uhi say—t, rho corn laws."—(Cheers.) But be
I,dieesd ~s would be town against country—he believed
these would be a doubtful conflict in the House of Corn-
Irons, and a certain victory in the House of Lords. A
doubtful c(4:,flii tat an election—be would not say, for none
could tell abet ft would he, if it came to personal con-
flict. It mos his earnest advice to all who had influence,
that they would apply themselves to the dissemination of
;sound views upon this questipn, Mut it might be rendered
aeoner ripe for a satisfactory decision. ;Nothing would
give him greater pleasure, than to snake any asorifice
whatever that he believed would tend to the settlement of
that question. He had now told them, as be would his
most intimate friend in the closest privacy, what his senti
meets and his sincere opinions were, and be left them to
judge of them.—(Loud cheers.) There were one ar two
other topics upon which great interest was felt ; one was
shortening the duration of Parliaments, and the other the
ballot. As to the question of the duration of Parliaments,
he would repeat then what he had before said, that he
thought the feriod of seven years might he shortened, but
short. No Government would
that the ea abi ,
whenN the country was
willingly . t s"•• I election
.1. o Parliament had
in ao,,tivc:l4„.tia,,ik,istress.
sinat '.. - * )tikar../.04. I. ,at for seven years ; they
must consider
La* .0S ~ oWlYiklxol- that. They
trie ',- ill' iliSaints to a biennial. flebad not that
I
! • ttrabla 01 n annual Parliaments which
wa seb i \ ' iliqtllist" d:".'4," tffas said they were too demo.
%tio."."i4W•teVresentative oftener before the
•ituency._ tifikuW ion could take place without any-
' q ' ' •ct
It e cartiiiiKtdeliberate judgment, without aniins-

con*titl.
tbiu2 bu

sity or ill will, he should say that annual Parliaments
would be extremely good and beneficial. The only
question as it appeared to him was whether general
elections ts ere not productive of a great deal of irrita-
tion, excitement and bail feeling amongst the constitu-
ency. And if the beginning of one election was to join
on with the triumphant dinners and processions of
the preceding one (which it would he if they had elections
every two years), his opinion was that this excitement
would be unbearable—it would be felt as such by the
most respectable part of the community, and then they
would decline performing the duties committed to them,
and their places would be filled by men who made such
things a profession. He should not feel any objection to
quinquennial Parliaments—Paliaments of five years, which
would, in effect, be Parliaments of four yews. To such
an arrangement, although he did not think it of pressing
necessity, he should not have the slightest objection.—
(Cheers.) Then a word upon the other question, that of
the ballot. He held the ballot to be a security against
one great evil—intimidation. He held it to be the only
legal security against intimidation, because they could not
have any efficient punishment for persons who intimidated
others without violating the most sacred rights of pro-
perty. There was one principle applicable to all property,
that " a man shall do what he will with his own."—
(Laughter.) And hence arose the difficulty of dealing
legally, for they had two persons having a legal right, the
landlord saying, " Have I not a right to do as I will
with my own? This is my inessuage ; go out"—and
the tenant replies " I have a right to do as I will with
my own—my vote is my own." He did not see
any legal way of getting over this without voting in
secret.—(Loud cheers.) Then he might turn out his
tenant for the most absurd reason imaginable_-because he
did not like the colour of his hair, and a thousand similar
—but be could not turn him out on account of his vote.
Therefore he said that the ballet was the only legal secu-
rity ; but then the question still remained whether there
might not be securities against intimidation which were
not legal, and lie was inclined to think there might be
—that in a sound state of public opinion, growing from
popular institutions, they might find a sufficient remedy
for this. He did not think he was wrong in that because
he thought he could find in the English History a very
strong case. It was a most undoubted fact that, for 200
years, intimidation of juries was as common as that of
voters hail been. It was the practice of judges to fine
juries and send them to prison, unless they found verdicts
as they wished. The jury who acquitted William Penn,
in the reign of CI•al les 11., had fines set upon every one
of them by the Recorder, and sent to prison until they
paid it. How was that got rid of? Not by Act of
Parliament ; but the public aversion to it grew stronger
and stronger ; it was opposed by spirited jurymen,
and Sir Matthew Hale refused to adopt it, until at
last, about the time of the revolution, Jeffries himself
would not imprison jurors.—(Loud cheering.) Wit-
nessing the advancing intelligence of the people, and the
growing moral feeling of all classes, he was not without a
hope that, by means other than legal, they might put down
this practice, and if they could, he held that would he
superior to the ballot, because, though there were great
disadvantages in open voting, there were great advantages
by bringing the voter under what ought to be restraint
—the appearance of his respectable neighbours around
him. He did hope, that in a better state of public
opinion, they might do without the ballot; but if that
party which struggled against the R. form Bill were
restored by intimidating voters, then, come what might,
the votes must be respected, and if the ballot was ne-
cessary for that purpose, it should have Lis strenuous
support.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Macauley again expressed
his acknowledgments for the kind manner in which he
bad been received. He hoped that for many succeeding
sessions they would see important reforms gradually
and steadily proceeding. He alluded again to corpora-
tion reform, and promised, that to it his best attention
should be directed.—(Cheers.) There were many other
reforms, but it was impossible he should know the
precise order in which it was the intention of the Govern-
ment to take them up. He hoped and believed that two
subjects would receive most serious attention—one was the
question of church rates in England, and the other a
most important one as respected a large class of dissenters,
he meant a full mode of registration without reference
to the doctrines of any one set of people.—(Cheers.)
He was as sure as he was of his own existence, that
the feelings of his Majesty's Government were as strongly
those of Reformers as when they brought foriv ird the Re-'
form Bill. That Bill was intended as a means not as an
end. and they were determined, if the people would trust
support eh.. State
that Reform they had introduced into the House of Com-
mons.—(Cheers.) Tbat they would have the support ..f
the people he could not cionbt, and there was not one of
those noble persons, in whose name he returned thanks,
who would not feel his desire to serve his country in-
creased, when they found that they were, in the manner
they had been, approved of by that assembly.
The Hon. Gentleman, on concluding his speech, was
greeted with several rounds of applause.
Mr. HUTTON STANFIELD, after some prefatory com-
plimentary observations upon Lord Morpeth, and expressing
his approval of his general Parliamentary conduct, give—
" Lord Morpeth and the Landed Interest."—(Cheers.)

Lord Moserrii rose amidst thunders of applause. In
returning thanks he expressed the pleasure it afforded him
to have his name connected with the landed interest.
During his Parliamentary career he hoped be had learnt
to think that in the discharge of his public duty he should
never entertai❑ an exclusive psi tiality for any interest, but
that the national interests should be one and all.—
(Cheers.) Alluding to the past session, he said they
came before them again--they the representatives of that
important town and extensive riding, and he deeply re-
gretted that, owing to imperative circumstances, his
colleague (Mr. Strickland) was not there to partake of
the pleasures of that evening. They came before them
after a session unprecedented, he believed, in length,
unparalleled, he was sure, in libour ; and they came before
them with their head erect and their glance steady, not
he trusted with the presumption of conceit, or a show of
indifference, but because thry could tell them, without
the possibility of contradiction, that they had at least set
out upon the high mission to which they had sent them.
—(Loud cheers.) The whole work, indeed, was not
done—the entire harvest was not reaped—but then it was
a work for succeeding races of men, and a harvest for the
gathering in of ages.—(Repeated cheers.) But they did
bear the marks of toil—the sickle had been in their hands,
and some of their sheaves were with them.—(Cheers.)
Ills Lordship sat down amidst loud and long continued
cheering.
Mr. Jositua Bowmt proposed the next toast,
" The health of George Strickland, Esq., and a judicious
abolition of monopolies."--(Cheers.)
Mr. BUTTERY proposed, after a few observations,
" The health of John Manball, jun., Esq., and success to
the Commercial and Manufacturing Interests of the
' West Riding."
The toast was received with loud plaudits.

Mr. MARSHA LL re.urned thanks, end entered into an
explanation of his parliamentary conduct, which, except
those topics touched upon by Mr. Macauley, principally
related to the borough of Leeds. lie was loudly cheered
at the conclusion of his address.

Mr. RAINES, atfer a high eulogy upon the character of
Mr. Macautey, and detailing the service be had rendered
to the country and India by his exertions upon the India
Bill, proposed

" The health of Thomas BAbington Macauley, E.q., and
the extension of knowledge, liberty, and commerce in

the East."

Mr. MACAULET again addressed the assembly at great
length, acknowledging the high personal honour paid him.
Mr. BOWER asked if Mr. Macauley had not held a
situation under Government, would be have agreed to the
compensation clause as well as the seven years' apprentice-
ship?
Mr. MACAULET said when he gave that vote he did
not at the time believe himself to belong to his Majesty's
Government—his resignation being then in Lord Althcrp's
hands, though be afterwards resumed office.—(Thundets
of applause.) He voted against the Government on Mr.
Buxton's division on the twelve years' servitude. He
thought the grant a matter of absolute justice.
Mr. RICHAnDSON, in a somewhat extended address,
bore his tribute to the exertions of Lord Brougham whilst
upon the 7.voolsack, and concluded by giving—
" The Lot d High Changellor of England, the Champion of
Legal Reform and Cheap Justice to the Poor by Law."
—(This toast was received with long-continued cheering )
kieveral other toasts were given and addresses made, but
as they were chiefly of a local nature, we do not report
them. Several glees were sung, and so long as we remained,
harmony appeared to reign with unbroken sway,

We thank our Leeds Correspondent for the excellent end
full report he has sent us of the dinner given to the repre-
sentatives of that town on Wednesday. It would have
been niost acceptable, bad not that which we have given
been In type when his arrived.

-
The subscription for the erection of an
" Institution for the Indigent Blind," in the city of York,
in memory of Mr. 'Wilberforce, as unanimously agreed to
by the Committee, amounts to 2,500/.

•.,
tam TO MR. O'CONNELL IN CORK.

(Abridged from the Cork Southern Reporter of Toesday.)

This entertainment, for which extensive preparations
had been made for several weeks back, took place yester
day in the Chamber of Commerce. About two hundred
and fifty gentlemen sat down to dinner—amongst whom
we perceived the Members for the county and city ; Mr.
Galway, the Representative for Waterford ; Mr. J.
O'Connell, for Youghal ; the Messrs. Copp inger ; the
Messrs. O'Connell, brothers and nephews of the Hon.
Member for Dublin ; the Messrs. Crawford, Beamish, &c.,
and a host of other gentlemen.
WILLIAM FAGAN, Esq., Chairman of the Committee
of Merchants of Cork, prtsidad. Mr. O'CoNNELL, who,
of course, sat on the right hand of the chair, looked well,
and was in high spirits.
The cloth being removed—
The CHAIRMAN rose and gave—
" The King—God bless him."—(f.oud cheers.)

The next toast was—
" The People, the only source of legitimate power."—
(Loud and long continued cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN, after a short time, called for another
bumper, and said—
" The Marquis Wellesley. May his pledge to raise Ire-
land into national independence be speedily redeemed."

(Loud cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN—The next toast on the list is—
" Old Leland as she ought to be, great, glorious, and free,
First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea."
The CHAIRMAN-Gentlemen, is it necessary for me to
call on you to fill an overflowing bumper to our great and
distinguished guest, Daniel O'Connell?—(Loud cheers.)
Gentlemen, here he is, the " best abused wan in Europe."
—(L iughter and cheers)—and yet I ask you, does he not,
in spite of the efforts of a malignant and designing press,
retain and carry with him the increased regard and affec•
tions of the Irish people ?—(Cheers.) Why is this ?
Surely and simply because he'deserves them.—(Hear and
loud cheers.) I give you, in the words of the toast,
" Our distinguished guest, O'Connell, the liberator of
his own country, and the eloquent assorter of universal
liberty in every clime without distinction of class, colour,
or creed."—(Trem,ndous cheering.)
The toast 1. acing been drunk with nine times nine—

Mr. O'Coleareei stood up, and was received with the
most enthusiastic shouts of applause, which were conti-
❑ued, peal after peal, for several minutes. The Hon.
Gentleman was apparently much affected, and after the
cheering had in some degree ceased, he commenced—
How have I deserved this ? How can I have merited
this overflow of your kindness? I have not, as has been
stated by your eloquent Chairman—any claim on your
approbation by the accidents of birth and fortune, not
more than the equal of all of you in one, exceeded by
many of you in the other. I have no title on account of
talents for this reception ; my only capability consists in
the ardour of my zeal and the sincerity of my devotion
for• our common country. I am proud, I own, at
finding such a congregation assembled ; I acknowledge that
toy heart beats high at the sight; and though my eye may
be suffused for an instant by a tear, because I feel the
magnitude of the compliment which has been paid me, yet
my natural elasticity quickly returns. It delights me to
have such an opportunity to send forth my voice in words
which will be heard from the Giant's Causeway to Cape
Clear—which will be borne across the waters of the
Western Channel—which will reach the British Minister
at Westminster, and will announce to him who dared to
trample upon Ireland, that though we bore it once, we
will bear it never again. I am not the man to recommend
physical force—l am not the apostle of armed resistance;
but this I say, that when the Coercion Bill once ceases to
continue in existence, my heart's blood shall be upon the
bayonet's point of him who shall endeavour to carry it
again into execution. —(Lowl and long continued cheering. )
Yet, 1 almost rejoice that it has passed, because, though
I teel that we are all slaves, still it has afforded us an
opportunity of affixing a brand as lasting as that of iron
on the authors of our degradation and oppression.—
(Cheers.) How durst they pass it? It was to gratify the
insolence of Stanley, and the obstinacy and pride of An-
glesea. It was not our Monarch that conspired against
our freedom ; it was not our King who endeavoured to rob
us of our rights ; no, it was the recreant and unworthy
Whig aristocracy. Lord Brougham forgot his eloquence
on the first algerine act ; Lord Althorp forgot his votes,
and Lord J. Russell ratted ; every one of them supported
every provision of that cruel and tyrannical Bill, which
they had heretofore, in principle; invariably oppos.•d.
The Rev. Mr. FALTEY here said, that in consequence
sins in the street. Mr. O'Connell
could not be distinctly
Mr. O'CONNELL—Let the people make their noise.—
; My Rev. Friend, I am snria is i:.,-a-
-panie of broaching or encouraging uns.)und doctrines.—
(Laughter.) But let me return to the Coercion Bill.
Perhaps you think your county embers and the other
Members by whom I am surrounded, have a privilege to
be pies-int at this dinner? 'Tis no such thing. They are
here only by the suffer ante of the Lard Lieutenant.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, as this Coercion Bill will expire on
the Ist August, 1634, I hope that when that period has
arrived, we will no longer endure that we should meet
only by permission or sufferance. I am told that I am to
get into office under these Whigs..---( Hesr, hear, and
Lughter.) When I went to enjoy the mountainous air of
my native country, the papers paid me the compliment of
saying that I could not be quiet unless I were in treaty
with the Government.—(A laugh.) They were never
more mistaken; I never was less quiet.—(A laugh.) If
they knew how many bustling scenes of delight I have
gone through since I retired to my native home; if they
could have seen me struggling up, with all my flesh about
me, to the mountain tops, and enjoying the breeze that
came across the Atlantic from the shores of the ITeited
States, from which, as it were, I inhaled liberty and health
in one draught—they would, at least, have done me the
justice to admit, that though I might have been politically
tranquil, I was not persona ly over quiet.—(Laughter and
long continued cheering.) But if I have been absent
from the busy scenes of strife and political contention, was
there nothing doing for Ireland in time mean time ?
Would they not allow nee to witness the effects pro-
duced by the double pronged probe which the wily
and sagacious Ministers placed at the disposal of
my acute friend Sergeant Perrin, by which the wl.ole
corrupted mass of the corporations of Ireland has
been examined and exposed ?----(Hear, heai, hear.) I
may safely say that there never was medicine more re-
quired or more useful, or a more necessary purgation than
that of the corporation ; and I believe the dose was never
better administered, nor could the pestel and mortar be
better stirred up than it was amongst you. This is not a
victory over a corporation, or over individuals, but it is a
victory which will teach the faction that has so long ruled
Leland that their dominion is at an end—it will take from
those who so long held them those funds which are derived
fur local purposes for the people, and which were intended
for their benefit. I don't wish to exasperate the feelings
or to raise the resentment of my brethren of any political
or religious sect; I am the instituter of a new political
sect, which is founded upon the principle that great re-
forms and ameliorations can never he brought about by
physical force and violence ; that blood, instead
of being the proper instrument and ingredient of
popular achievements, only increases the evil which
may have before existed, sows the seeds of worse conse-
quences, and instead of producing liberty, begets strife,
and contention, and oppression. —(Cheers.) Therefore it
is that I pronounce military rule an execrable despotism.
—(hear, hear.) Let me return to the Coercion Bill.
See what it was before it left the House of Lords. Under
it a libel could be tried before seven young officers.—
(Hear, hear.) That was not all. You don't forget the
Stanley smoke clause. By that clause a man may be
called on this day, and indicted before seven officers,
for making a signal by smoke three months before.
New that Bill was passed in that form by the House of
Lords, and approved of, of course, by Lord Grey, Lord
Brougham, and by Lord Durham too. Although he may
now speak with great liberality at Gateshead, I think it is,
yet he gave his vote in favour of the clause making time
Irish peasant guilty of an offence, of his innocence of
which he could not possibly give any proof.—(fear.)
These are the Ministers who tiara ruled the country, and
whose humble slave 1 am not much disposed to be.—(A
laugh, and cheers.) The pretence under which the clergy
got Stanley's Bill was, that they were in the greatest
distress, and that, if they got five per cent. on the tithes
due to them, they wou'd be the happiest men living ; ,:nd
we were told, in the most plaintive tones, of one reverend
Dector who was obliged to get rid of his coach and four,
and another, whose wife and thirteen children were coin-
pelted to go to Cheltenham. When Mr. Shaw, with a
good deal of blubbering, told us of such frets as these, I
bad scarcely a doubt that the men were in great distress,
and I therefore consented to, and vo•ed for, the grant of a
million of money, which was given to them. As soon,
boa ever, as they received this sum, their monitor advise,'
them not to abate one farthing of the amount of the
tithes due to them, and to collect them, if they were
driven to it, at the point of the bayonet. I feel it my duty,
therefore, in now addressing you for the first dine after the
last session of Parliament, to retract one opinion which
I was frequently in tie habit of advancing, and that was,
that the titablishment should be cut down to the wants of
the clergy, but that the existing interests of the Protestant

clergy should not be interfered with for their lives.
I_have altered that opinion, and I now think that not
a single one of these who have shown themselves to have
so little claim to humanity and benevolence, and who ap-
pear so ready to sound a second time the tocsic of dis-
turbance and contention, should be allowed to retain a
life interest in their livings.—(Hear.) There is one
thing, however, which I must congratulate you on, and
that is, the departure of the Marquis of Anglesey fAm
Ireland. I never knew a man whom the Irish nation
ought to execrate so much. lam for a moral movement ;
the principle which directs my political conduct is that
there should be sin revolution until absolute necessity re-
quires it ; I am not, Sir, for depressing any rank ; I am
for raising society to the level of the highest station by
giving to all men the power of protecting themselves, their
lives, their liberties, and their properties.—(Loud cheers.)
It is not in Derry alone, that the converts to democratic
principles are encreasing ; no, there is Sharman Crawford,
who has lately stepped forward at the head of the re-
pealers of the North. Would to God, that he were tie
general leader; how readily would I fight under his :can-
ners, and become one ut the " Tail," —(Laughter.) I
will join any man who is determined to serve Ireland.
Though I shall never shrink from repeal, though I must
consider that question the (grand remedy for the evils of
Ireland, still I will kiss the hand of any man, even though
it should smite me, which I think is intended for the
service of my country.—(Loud cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN, in rising to propose the next toast,
said, I hold it to be the duty of a chairman so circum-
stanced, to give from the chair any toast that embodies
the national feeling, provided that his opinions are not at
such variance with the toast, that he could neither give it,
nor drink it with honour or with honesty.—(Hear.) The
toast is—" The Repeal of the Union.".—(lmmense cheer-
ing and waving of handkerchiefs followed this announce-
ment.)

Mr. O'CoNnon was here loudly called on from all
parts of the room, and he came forward amidst loud
cheers. Gentlemen, the very sound of the word Repeal
would have made me irresistibly start from my seat ; but
your unanimous and flattering call makes me apprehen-
sive, lest I should fail in doing justice to the subject.
O'Connell has told us that he is our great teacher and
preceptor upon many subjects; you must therefore make
allowance for the diffidence which ever attends a pupil in
the presence of his master. But there is something so
che-ring in the sound—it is so long since I heard it more
than in a whisper—Repeal, now the standard of liberty,
is raised ; the colours of freedom are flying, and not a
hiding place is left in the land for the traitor to cover his
blush.—(Cheering.) Gentlemen, if I was trerely to
treat the Union as a question of degradation, I should en-
deavour to rouse your every feeling in hostile array against
it ; but whether we consider ;it as a question of degrada-
tion or one simply of taxation, it is equally obnoxious and
ruinous. Our Chairman has told you of his conversion
and his reasons. I also may be made a convert, but it
must be upon argument not by coercion.—(Hear, hear.)
I may be an anti-repealer, and shall be, when it is proved
to me that provincial degradation is preferable to national
independence—that hunger is preferable to food—that
nakedness is preferable to clothing—idleness to industry—
and freedom to slavery.—(Cheers.) Is there a man
amongst you who would not rather die a freeman than live
a slave ?—(Cheers, and cries of "no, not one.") Then,
till these things are proved, I shall be for repeal, the
whole repeal, and nothing but repeal.—(Loud cheers con-
tinued fn. some minutes after Mr. O'Connor concluded
his enthusiastic address)
It was two o'clock when Mr. O'Connell rose to quit,
and he was accompanied or almost immediately followed
by the whole company.