The Sun.
London, England, 1851-04-04 00:00:00

CEYLON.

Mr. HUME wished to ask a question of the Hon.
Member for Inverness-shire. The Hon. Member had
given notice of a motion on the subject of the affairs of
Ceylon, and he should be glad to know when the lion.
Gentleman intended to bring his motion forward.
Mr. BAILLIE said notwithstanding what bad oc-
curred in another place on Tuesday night he should still
persevere in his motion, which he should bring on as
early as possible.
Mr. HUME—Before or after Easter?
Mr. BAILLIE could not get a day before Easter, but
the earliest day after he should take.
MISCELLANEOUS ESTIMATES.
Mr. HUME asked when the Miscellaneous estimates
would be laid on the table of the House ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was
understood to say in two or three days.
CIVIL BILLS, &c. (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. REYNOLDS asked the Attorney-General for
Ireland to what day he intended to postpone the Civil
Bills, tic. (Ireland) Bill, which was one of the orders on
the paper to-night ?
Mr. HATCLIELL said when the Bill was called on
he should be prepared to give au answer to the Hon.
Gentleman's question.— (A laugh.)
Mr. REYNOLDS—Does the lion. Gentleman intend
to propose the second reading to-night?
Mr. HATCHELL—That will depend on the state of
the business in the House.—(Laughter.)

INQUIRY INTO THE AIANAGEMENT AND
TERRITORIES OF THE EAST INDIA COM
PANY.

Mr. ANSTEY rose to move the following resolution :--
« An address to her Majesty, representing that it is
now necessary that the true condition of the territories
under the government and management of the East
India Company, and the real feelings and wishes of our
fellow-subjects inhabiting those territories, as to such
government or management, should be fully ascertained;
and for that purpose, praying her Majesty to take mea-
sures for the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry,
with full powers to take evidence in India as to the
operation and results of the laws now in force, touching
the government and management of the said territories,
and to report such evidence, together with the opinions
of the Commissioners thereon, to her Majesty in Par-
liament."
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said that, before the
Act of 1833 should be renewed either in its present
shape or with such amendments as Parliament might
think proper, he considered it necessary that some pre-
liminary inquiry should be instituted, and that such in-
quiry should be conducted on the spot. When Mr.
Want, in the year 1833, introduced the. Bill which now
constituted the Act under which our East India terri-
tories were governed, ho distinctly stated that he called
upon the House to,undestake an experiment of no ordi-
nary kind; that in proposing an extension of the term,
contrary to his original intention, from fifteen to twenty
years, during which the East India Company and the
Board of Control were to bo intrusted with the conduct
of the experiment, he had in view only those precau-
tions which were necessary to render the experiment
successful. Upon that ground the House was induced
to agree to tits proposition, thinking that when the
next renewal came before Parliament the company would
have no reason to complein that sufficient time had not
been allowed. That meesure was sot brought be-
fore the House until the 13th of June, and it then came
on in the shape of a preliminary resolution.
At that period of the session there were
considerable arrears of public business, and it
was impossible to discuss the matter with that
calmness and deliberation which int, rests of
such magnitude required. A similar objection ex•
isted to the proceedings in the years 1781 and 1793,
when political events prevented an ample consideration
of the question. Sir James Mackintosh, on the 17th
Juno, 183; foretold what would be the result of intro.

drcing the question at that late period. He said "the
uorstior, wf en it comes, will be taken up in haste, de-
rOed in haste, rand we shall crowd the di,.:cussion into s
few we( he, or postpone all discussion until the eve of dr-
eision.” On the 10th July, when the Bill was actually
in Committ(e, Mr. Ch:-xls Wynn quoted thee wercia,
and added, " I regret that Sir James Mackintosh's pro-
phecy has been so closely fulfilled." Mr. Grant, in in-
troducing the Bill, declared that the political existence of
the natives would be acknowledged. Now Parliament
had a right to demand in what way the recognition by
the Bill of the existence of 100,000,000 of men had been.
acknowledged by those to whom the trust was consigned;
and the House ought not to hesitate to grant au inquiry
on the spot, conducted by men above the suspicion
of partiality. By the Bill of 1833, the removal of

certain grievances was supposed to be provided for.
Tne House was bound to atcertain whether those

grievances had been redressed. He asserted that there
was net one grievance in existence at the time which
did not now exist in all its original deformity. Take,
for instance, the question of monopoly. When Mr.
Buckingham brought the question of the land revenues
under the notice of Parliament in the form of a motion,
Mr. Grant said, " that is rather a matter fit for the con-
sideration of the Governor-General and his legislative
council, and I trust be will be able, with the accession of
power we propose to give him, satisfactorily to dispose of
the p neral question. The particular subject of the
ryotwar rent Is a subject for the Law Commission." On
the following tray Mr. Grant said, "I am happy to be
able to assure the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wilbraham)
that the Government, both at home and in India, have
agreed that the taxes on opium and salt shall be removed.'
New up to this moment the Governor-General had not
legislated on the laud tenant question—nothing had been
dose by the Law Commission relative to the ryotwar
rent, and the monopolies still existed. At the present
moment the House was only in possession of the evi-
dence of those whose interest it was to stifle inquiry,
and endeavour to obtain the prolongation of their power,
for no one imagined the East India Company an aegelio
hierarchy, or the Board of Control a community of
archangels.—(A laugh.) Ho would now draw the
attention of the House to a remarkable document,
which would show that the natives of ludis were
' keenly alive as to their grievances. On the 12th
of February, 1840, an address, signed by no less
than 100,000 of the natives in Madras and its vicinity,
was presented to the then Governor of that Presidency,
in which they said: " We are the people of this country.
inheriting this land for thousands of generations; from
our industry its wealth is supplied; by our arms it is
defended from foreign foes; by our loyal obedience to
the established Government its peace and its safety are
maintained." Now, he would ask the House if it was
just to ignore the existence of such a people? Not only
did the grievances complained of in 1833 still exist, but
the people were in a worse condition than they were at
that time. He would not trouble the House with any of
the evidence adduced before the Select Committee to in•
quire into the growth of cotton in India, but would con-
fine himself to the language of the report, which bore on
the face of it every mark of compromise. That report,
which was unanitnously adopted by the Committee, of
which the Honourable Member for Honiton (Sir J. W.
Hogg) was a member, thus describes the condition of the
natives of India now under British rule:—" The very
low and abject condition of the cultivators of the soil,
the absence of capital, and the extent of the Government
demand for rent or revenue, circumstances which were
brought prominently under our notice, rendered it ne-
cessary fur your Committee to enter at considerable
length into an inquiry into the system of land assess-
ment, and to take the evidence of several officers of the
Indian Government on the subject. It appears from
the testimony of almost every witness, that the condi-
tion of the cultivating population of India is one of ex-
treme peverty; and this is stated to be the case in every
part of the country to which the evidence with regard to
cotton caltiv,tien specially refers." This was the con-
dition of the people who had enjoyed the blessings of
British rule, under guarantees imposed by the British
Parham ,nt in 1833, for a period of seventeen years.
The Committee spoke of the extent of the Government
demand for revenue. Now how was the revenue oF India
made up? Of direct taxes, indirect taxes, monopolies,
and wholesale confiscations. The servants of the come
pany went to India under the pretence of delivering the
people from the tyranny of their Mahommcdan and Mah-
ratta conquerors,,but according to the unanimous testimony
of all the witnesses examined, and the documents produced
before every Committee, the company in every case
had improved even upon the maximum exactions
that existed under either the Mahommedan or Mantle
rule, for they never claimed the direct sovereignty
ef the soil of India. Mr. Carnac Brown being
asked to define his notion of a native cultivator of land
in India, said, " to me he has always appeared to be a
person whose whole province has been to raise revenue
for the East India Company." To raise this one article
of revenue—the rent laid upon the land occupied by the
natives—nine. tenths of them were sold up every year,
unle,s it should please the collectors to show a little
mercy. These parties had the power to imprison persons's
in default; but Mr. Williamson, who was for a long
time connected with the presidency of Bombay, said
" the power of imprisonment has, in most cases, fallen
into disuetude, because it' the insolvent is in prison he
must be fed." The company must feed him, but the
company did not choose to undergo that expense, It
appeared from the report of the Committee of 1813 that
the power of constraint and sale was a much more vex-
atious and oppressive power, and much more unpopular,
than the power to imprison. Notwithstanding these
enormous exactions, the net revenue never amounted to
20,000,0001,, although, under the comparatively mild and
equal system which existed in the worst time of their
former conquerors, 13,000,0001. were easily annually
raised. The revenue derived from land was in no case less
than 45 per cent. on the return. The assessment on which
this exaction was made, was a one-sided assessment;
founded, perhaps, on some data in the archives of the come
pony, which existed long before the idea of low prices;
and on this data they had proceeded to calculate the
value of the land without consulting the natives. In
districts where the assessment was permanent, the per-
sons who are subject to it never get it altered or reduced;
and on the other hand, in districts where the assessment
is annual, the most exorbitant levies were raised, and the
services of the collector were valued in proportion to the
sums which he succeeded in extorting from the inhabie
tants. In estimating the amount of the collection the
value of the crops for the year was always taken into
consideration, and the smallest possible pittance upon
which life could be supported was left to the wretched
population. But these were not tire only grievances of
which the native of India had to complain. He also paid
a house-tax and a trade-tax; and as an instance of the
manner in which the latter tax operated, it might be
stated that a carpenter paid twice the value of the tools
which he used fur licence to carry on his trade. There
was also all through India a tax upon water drawn frond
wells, an article especially needed in the warm climate
of India, where it was used by the husbandmen in the
cultivation of their land. And in addition to all these •
taxes end confiscations, and indirect taxes levied on ins'
ports, and, until a recent period, upon exports also, the
natives had further to endure monopolies of some of the
great necessaries of life, which the East India Company
retained in their own hands, and which, by a just retri-
bution of Providence, were gradually, but surely, reduce
ing the revenue which those monopolies were originally
intended to enhance, besides contributing more and
more every day to the misery of the people. These
monopolies were those of salt, opium tobacco, beesma+
tumeric, and other articles. With regard to the mono' ,
poly of salt, he need not remind the House that salt was
an article of prime necessity to a rice-consuming poor'
lation like that of India. Now, it could bo demonstrated
that the price of salt imported into India could not pose
sibly exceed one shilling a bushel on the quays of Madras
or Bombay. But, by the internal laws of the country.
salt was made a contraband article, and the natives were
forbidden to import it, or to make it for themselves
either on the coast or in the interior. This prohibition
was enforced by tremendous penalties, in regard to
which it would be sufficient to mention one provision re-
cognised by the courts of law. By this regulation, any
native bringing salt water from the sea, and subjecting it
to evaporation for the purpose of extracting the salt,
was guilty of a violation of the monopoly with respect to
salt, and he might be conveyed before a collector, who
was also a magistrate, and, upon conviction, might be
imprisoned and kept to hard labour for a term of two
months, besides being obliged to pay a fine cf some
hundreds of rupees if he was considered able to dis-
charge it. Now, what compensation did the Com-
pany make in return for this monopoly? They bed
certain manufactories of salt, one in particular in the
Sunderbund, a district which, under European rule, had
become a waste of sand and jungle, flooded by the waters
of the Ganges in the wet season, and at all times infested
by tigers. In this spot was the principal manufactory
of salt, where the company compelled a certain troop of
ruseves, who were bound by tenure to this service, to
work in the manufactory. These natives, living in 11
climate too pestilential to admit of a European residing
in it, were ceased off in hundreds by disease, they.
were con; lousily swept away by the winter floods, and
it was calculated that from forty to fifty of them were
annually carried off by the tigers which infested the
spot. Now the salt which might be purchased on the
quiets of Bombay at Is. a bushel could not be bought
in the Sunderbund under Is. 6d. a bushel. After it was
made is was carried to the depilts,of the East India Con
pany,. where the monopoly price was fixed; and it was
fact that, whatever the prime cost might be, it was alwityl
enhanced 280 per cent. at the depots of the company. TI -e
salt was then sent off to other depots in the interior, the
price
being further enhanced by the way, to that by the
time it reached the hands of the consumer, the price often
rose to 10 or 12 rupees, or from 20s. to 245, a bushel.
An Hon. Gentleman behind him reminded him that all
alteration had taken place with respect to the salt
monopoly. True ; but what was the nature of that
alteration? From the evidence of the collectors, given
before the Committee on Cotton, in 1848, it appeared
that when, with the view of conciliating some share of
the public approbation, it was agreed that the tax should,
be taken off exports, the East India Company demanded
some equivalent for this concession, and they accordingil
raised the price of salt, which was now 25 per °en!.
higher than it was in the year 1833. It was a remark"
able circumstance that the appearance in India of the
mysterious and formidable disease known by the name
of cholera, was simultaneous with the creation of the
salt monopoly. They both came into that country at
the same time with the East India Company, and the./
have never since disappeared from the soil; and it we°
Baited by the scientific witnesses before the Committee
alrfady referred to, that the use of vegetables by the
natives without salt, together with the wretched sae',
t try condition to which the country was reduced, forme",
together the direct causes of cholera.—(Hear, beer/
He would now pass from the salt monopoly to that 10
opium—a monopoly which, he need hardly remind the
House, was the cause of a bloody and disgraceful vier
with the Empire of China some years ago. Now, bee
found that the East India Company was directly►
en'
solely responsible for the monopoly of opium. P.

v:s4:l;:ect7o'p:ifi 'imbuar;,
Ittss' ivf:hociausi lett b7n't
In ComP,
biElll3ePili
hPet'llsaea'a,its,ntPr:we'tielh,le°l
rial Patched
:14( I,:gce. eP;atdttri.ufeccf°tir:llll
("ne-fifth of
e
aptt
jayeotortruwifoensaelBo,snewciaoai
cons
what was th
oce
should it be i
I Pre)
pndr ny
res a ecoen gage
Tt eee
1e5,,,0t ciaiac,):Pttinhmthahrlitvinc,.
was propo
P'nY'a (
ter,ved the
vcrnuaent—b
salt should t
Bth of Joy
Right Hoc
Member for
the East Lid
the directors
leded to, bnus
„ very rea,
bi
aud
he, Yet the s
edc°U
monop
Z4ist to the
(n wee abolish,
ear he
in the, hanadrs."l
ebb Year
to
auvruse ecif
tobacco
b •th e pH'
CO produi
th
ammo
he natives, v
ad 110 'none)
was custom
collect'aser having
the po
was held, and
Itores He
head • ""
of ueY, or any
inrtuitior mom
t„'"ey. Such
.1011 Were ann
amount 20,00(
retie of our
..cl;th, °'bc)ocri t'4ae' ;bete
°tan
icif°ptooeilteol I°frhorms°serthse°l nyhileitbli re.s°s°nleernrdorifi:
46ht
: 'l9 inquiry
ntion to cute]
mace thisth rem'
•1, e machit
great decli
!h0 secret of
towards trans'
r,itates from the
rit ands of forei
trine in England
;Whore th
I°4lot On. envc
t y. to au
40 the servant!
? Into
The natives wl
ftl?,Er People. N
vetsteountry ni
tile even in
A:livest offi
dell, then,
she'
11°i4ttneut of
dreeese d.th at no
se"' t°r local
°ut t
sutho • 0 the
tion, rity)__w
bet re-t
11:w the band
d clikl not (
area read,
whiegol'u
tire, for °
So
digest
Illig:e.st the
1:118. into „o
the ,ss:
10,0001. WEI
!idled a 11 Year.
Ifsf, (Penal
tU4ttzfai
sone rirll
tOloulnrg the lay
the'in The r
leshe
thlj Year, Pbe °f
is 3,ear
t"toets"" Bo? 1
re co t
tae ti of nvenie
'th every
6 Indiand to
„Nrading the
tlne jejoicEd
(Innen Was a r
after to suppi
the fB"enteeP.
Gr4nr:ghtfot
is
i? nlaSte
h adneiniatrt
tecici9tY had no
natt:,°gs of the
tk. a.ble insta kr ease
of a
nr
th(,l!reoght
t4ist lodic
lx;tittels-action
Jar tractor in o
itqc and en pu
14 °F locum
iikcstody, and
Ivo„,,,ceuld be
1;i be ee •
ti:eued to have
l'obEl thought
tern in Indi
far ° tor the na
ladb,tho admit
of 1;i• Copan
1/43 Propos(;
.414 stcl'lnent
ik)s„,:il,ollse 11
tillbut of the
1,,Z1--,Nvehat th
ttkatiallieusi(
ot es With tE
h their •
e i
- tlrjl t
ittt
?Li
at
lo:(31
it
lel
It:y. I
Ipesursytart
depart
1;!, ilaeeaudi optioi
Ritll4ted in th
tev:t instancet
t!louNgta of
l'ke 61t of the;
t° know f
tki atilt
nont
„„,u_,
ha
the `4.rlty
""111008
tlatle.respEeted
'stet? tint wb
o.,secz suet
'ttt it or tb
Akhrecn.,elPed t
r"ethcr'e[bi to
ran(
4't Jreti
tboe !nle
e A Af
tri•ktl4ert 183.
oetltt.nkturPe°wen
, •
tlk the had len
blebho"hel
wev'
Cttliseth
°en
INI th
'l4 • 'ell. fin
- ,
lh 'll4 of 'B4B 6, ,
feEl,• lueui,
,ngs
of
Abl44, "0 re"ga
tia.tiona
lerv4o,
,611 Nt .0"E
kirt, eal par
'Llt he
tit,rt, Ml:lst
11‘16
et
hit(4l' 11(
Y
Yy. 4( ~1
Lot(
kt.PProt 4P4
,chin.
"
alth
t:,!, t°
kll,lfl3lltgoti
hj,t 9f
ttlit:t *ass',
t,'set) etid
" sYste
tit Of
I
if Ett
Ed to Ind,
10 I 41,114 fr(
0,e,t,„
co
h,
„ tow,.
'ltk,ed 14411.0.‘f
94 ay '4l,
tltit
c Yof
okAtitip
ti/eltE

u-iid "the
taste, de-
on into

he naive
of the
untrY
ad they
d it Yio
mmitteo
by the
11 sisal'
, forreel
that ill

wind t h
rful war

row, he,
3tly and
210

natives wished to be rid of it, and they would
butcultivate it unless they were ohlieel to do so,
eut h '
„ „ e collectors had orders to force them to
,:uthyate it, and in case a native received an ad
,a,ee° of money from the company, and refused to culti-
''Le opium, he was punished. The cultivation of opium
India
forbidden to every one, excspt those whom the East
ittAi% Company employed; and after it had been raised,
was purchse by the Company from the grower at
one e
*"fth of its red al legitimate price in the reerket. It
Was
l then brought to the Company's dee_Cgs, where an tn-
fteeed price was put upon it; and fleetly, it was clis -
Patched to the coast of China, where smugglers were
"toyed for the purpose of running it ashore. And
,twust was the result? The monopoly was the cause of
-eareitY; scarcity promoted competitien; and the Chi-
-8 -es° were beginning to grow opium for themselves, in
Pite of their law., which pronounced its cultivation to
be illegal that what happened to the salt mono-
Poly was about to happen to the opium monopoly. Nor
should it be forgotten that both these monopolies of salt
II"
opium were maintained at present in spite of an ex-
itpss engagement that they should be abolished. When
1., was proposed to introduce into the East India Cote-
Pony'' Bill of 1833 two clauses, which would have had
Ihe" c", 'et c'f putting an end to these monopolies, Mr.
men-a%as Greet stated to the Honourable Member who
e-p-veu the insertion of the clauses, that the Go-
ve-ntnentboth that at home and in India—had
8-aolenteshtoo the determination that the taxes on opium and
Bth of.;1.1:1 blB4ood. That was in 1833; and on the
(loiguhtr-to- , Lerd Sandon put a question to the
Baronet the President of the Board of
which was answered by the Hon. Baronet the
tkember for Iloniton (Sir J. W. Hogg), as a director of
the East is Company. The question was, whether
e directors of that company had taken any steps to
see
themselves from the manufacture of opium in
,a`ota• The answer returned was, that there had been
Jet 110 instructions sent out to India of the nature
al-
luded
nc; to, but that the whole question was under the
atb"°us consideration of the Court of Directors. Why,
eoe ',ivy reason for extending the term of the Cora-
rill's charter to t ears was for the express pure
'4)i° Companyenablinthewen to remove the monopolies;
k'd Yet
ba the salt monopoly, the opium monopoly, theto-
eat monopoly—in short, every monopoly continued to
t° the present moment, except those which had
men abolished by the inevitable laws of of
Isear.) The tobacco monopoly was so completely
:Vie hands of the East India Company, that they were
pe to opecify what districts should grow tocacco in a
r, and they compelled the unfortunate natives to
taise tobacco at a price named by themselves. And
13„ter the price had been fixed and enhanced, the to-
liquid produced was so bad that, unless steeped in
the ammonia, nobody would purchase it, except
haeduatives, who had no choice, and the soldiers, who
:°'oloney. With regard to the minor monopolies,
out es customary to put them up to sale, and the par-
teesr, having paid the stipulated price, was entitled to
„7"ect th police of the district in which the monopoly
ss held, gaud to perambulate it in quest of contraband
stor
arri• could even enter into private houses at the
be,— of his force, and make a search for bees-wax,
of °°Y, or any of the other articles included
the
the class
unnor monopolies for which he had paid purchase
P'ney. Such were the sources of the revenue of British
-edits in the raising of which nine-tenths of the popula-
tion
were annually sold up, and which never exceeded in
:tscunt 20,000,0004 notwithstanding the enormous in-
tbeade of, our territories from time to time. And yet
isse territories, when smaller in extent, and not sub-
J.,ected to monopolies and import duties, had yielded un-
der former dynasties a revenue never less than
"„01000,0001. per annum. If these things were true,
'tight they not to be corrected? and if they were not true
,/qlat possible objection could the court of directors have
an inquiry into the whole subject? It was not his in-
holion to enter at length into this question further than,to
reake.this remark. In the changes which have taken place
he"the 'machinery for the collection of taxes since we
thsine seised of the soil of India, we have the key to
e great decline of that country. For what had been
secret of those changes ? Had they not all tended
'oteards transferring the villages, the provinces., and the
states from the natives and proprietors themselves to the
bands of foreigners—raw, inexperienced boys—brought
et in England, for the most part at an exclusive college,
;were they were taught to consider themselves superior,
ac) the to the natives whom they were to rule, but even
° servants of the company under whom they were
44 ? Into their hands the whole power was given.
The natives were as fit to manage their own affairs as any
thhi:rePeople. Was any one of them who had ever visited
,atiteountry not fit to compete with the Company's ser-
the even in the highest offices? Yet it was only to
Well west offices that the Company ever appointed them.
toioLthent should we, without inquiry, without the ap-
ie" rent CI a Commission to visit India (for he be-
dresse ;eat, no inquiry could ever avail to effect any re-
teoto,,?l,l°°al grievances without a Commission being
Itith„::','° the spot and armed with full Parliamentary
hitgieotti,,ThiteLoY):wae it right, he asked, without investiga-
re-consign the Government of India
ola "ands of the East India Company? But
had ecif;" not confine the Commission to the subjects he
stice wie,P'utY mentioned; because,lif there was ono griev-
teen forteu More than another had claims upon English-
SZ.,titass, it was a corrupt administration ot jus-
ield eiSa int.4e Years ago a Commission was appointed to
~,coeflicting elements of what was called law in
had the-,7 Code. The result of that Commission (which
40,000/ "'"stance of an eminent lawyer, with a salary of
Jelled ; Year) was the preparation of certain documents
tye,"„Peuel code; but that collection of papers her Ma-
eocm,."o'rernment has laid upon the shelf. A further
testf7'ssion had also been appointed, for the purpose of
colotiurg the law equal for men of all religions and of every
!s the'
~u The result of that appointment appeared only
tart ee-m4e of those remarkable Acts of Council passed
his %Tar, but which he was aware had been disallowed
4cttel,ear bY th Board of Control, called the " Black
blot.,
00
jaßut the Indian Government.. had found the
msss of 'entent mode of establishing the equality. of
dthe totrery colour before the law, not by elevating
b"gr sen'an to the position of the Englishman, but by
441. Englisman to the level of the Indian.
duet it",,,-e"tat the " Black Acts" had been disallowed;
itehre:f_zea,ustttriemarkable fact that nothing had been
"'ter s supply the place of those enactments ; and
years of reform administration in India,
re%itert!giltil abuses so ably denounced in Sir James
The masterly speech remained still unredressed.
be • adritiniat 7 •
4 hr.. ratton of justice was still a.. mockery; trial
Nei," had no existence; and the publicity of the pro-
tcte,,tr of the courts of justice was denied. One re-
tt,
ea le instance of how justice was administered, was
had brought
of a native contractor for the Government who
the en action for an enormous amount against
'tie:tit:4a Company, but the Company brought, not
''.'clitsa-saetion, but a criminal prosecution against. their
J 10), °ter in one of their own courts, where no trial by
*riliel'ed.,no publicity were allowed, for the alleged for-
k ettar documents. On this charge the man was now
'Pep,
~u)dY, and before his own action against the Com-
Aptifir,'?Ulll be
.brought on, there was little doubt he
),lah,ll_,De-convlcted and condemned. He (Mr. Anstey)
doe to tO have an inquiry instituted as to what the na-
ils,. thought of such a system, and whether it was
Vaster in India; for he believed that neither the plan-
k, !ter the natives of India could be more incompetent
Isdine administration of government than the East
It hie Company had shown themselves. Another head
Proposed inquiry into the system of the Indian
rt,„,urilent should be its foreign department.
tie); qi.Ontes had a right to know what the natives
,eq't of the policy of the Government in this parti-
-4+o,hat they thought of such dispatches as that of'
Ntic,ttettsie refusing to be bound by the Company's
tbl with the native states, or to recognise their laws
tt> their institutions regulating the right of succession
adoption of an heir where a prince had no regu-
'itilft.gt e,,als descendant. This native custom had been
kteete:' the celebrated &Mara case, and other fla-
ky,t instances; and he wished to ascertain from the
ti64iltlig" of the native states of India what they
„its tr,, of their own rights in this matter. Ho should
nthknow from the natives under our rule whether
'4' continued so much impressed with our good
htha„rtd Our scrupulous observance of treaty obligations
;Ittiv ",,e` ,"re in the days of Lord Amherst. The last
ttlY had visited your shores had told us that the
th:h,-I",„tY for attachment to our power in the hearts
lt re tons of India, was their confidence that we at
loops toted justice and the claims of solemn oblige-
' • What was the course of the Indian Govern-
-1 41.1 tees Any act of aggression, however flagrant or
tt!t otlibilasured. impunity from the Court of Directors
illteettee met this one condition—that it increased the
Itt k_s of the company and added to its territory—
'str melPed to keep u h dividend of per cent.
44tse p t e
rth. tO the proprietors of East India Stock.
nranCh of the inquiry under the head of the
be tels,department related to these wars, those mop-
; ike 4rli'le;rets and aggressive wars, which England, or
Wee7rae in her history, had engaged in since 1833.
s to Affghanistan was one of these instances; and
ad. et of ,
tie ittery 1°33 had an express clause conveying extra-
tt.t,s ev,th PoWers to she Board of Control on matters of
11;:ters jiree; The secret committee of the Com tof Di-
-1,1% hosede lent themselves as an instrument for promot-
et,sy, hne.chemes of aggressive conquest. He rejoiced
11,h th-W,eyer, that the price of their subservience to
ttllised °Ceotlrt of Directors had looked had never been
r th •I' them. The expenses of the war had fallen
0.414 eilr finances;
la they amounted to forty-four mil-
ti;tit of t 81.48, and since that date there had been no ac-
feeliemem• Now he (Mr. Anstey) wished to know
lslsrbr erebs of India on these trausactioas, and wheth. er
egarded by the native population as redounding
the ier;eonet
character for honour and probity or not.
ants of the Company themselves had disapprovd
otqloceedinga. Sir George Wade appeared, from
k 1,11% hmajaPera, to have been in favour of the Affghan
„tstik ap,.'e (Mr. Anstey) could show that he was all
hklttieV.l4„,s, tit, and would pledge himself to prove his
domes „.,4ue tonsitlerations to which he (Mr. Anstey)
Veteir" adverted were chiefly those of justice and,
LotTy
$e knew that there were minds which
at:Pproteerit,Pahle of being moved by such considerations
let lion e mg Political subjects. To such be begged
titthoti elthough he was almost ashamed to reduce the
kont°auch miserable dimensions) to the analysis by
yob
of g°nlerY Martin, of the customs, arid other ac-
Ittiltli it 'n public) nature, laid before Parliament, from
it4:°„442,demonstrated in a most masterly manner
4t syZoad never been contradicted, that under the
itt.of to ev_rn of administration in India, under the
hiet,(l tltt'itte alone, 20,423,901/. sterling was annually
tiqs,
tie
on the price of only eight commodities,
Vets to tte e only had justice done her, would be sup-
-11,tk".111,N, 1011°.41 her territories. These eight articl, s
4,4
ititton, silk, rum, coffee, tobacco, linseed, and
'tsh°et %Jaen° had also read to the court of proprietors,
laoll4,l;`rstdiction, a statement showing that the us-
(S:,Syst,2k, if they were enabled by the Company's
tt tpy orlito consume only one-tenth per head of the
Nearn riti,h tuanfactures consumed by each mem-
I! POpulation in the West Indies, that
'l"4, %MAW eiOon trade of 72 millions slur!.

ing. That was an estimate of the price which the Bri-
tish people annually paid for not coercing the Government
to do justice to their fellow-subjects in India. By the Act
cf 1833 a compromise WaS effected between the two govern-
ing bodies of India. It: gave the Court of Directors ab,,olute
power within the Indian territory, and the Board of
Control was expressly prohibited from meddling with
the internal regulation of Lelia. But the Board of Con-
trol received such extraordinary powers that Mr. Hope
APlcen- and Sir Charles Cochrane had retired from it
with di,gust. In fact it could not be called a board. He
called it a commission, the whole of the powers being
virtually absorbed by the president. That was the na-
ture of the compromise effected by the Bill which the
House, in 1333, so hastily and improvidently passed.
The patronage of India was divided between the Presi-
dent of the Board of Control and the secret committee
of the Court of Directors, and, in fact, nobody in the
world exercised such powers as the Hon. Member for
Honiton had done in India, and Lord Broughton had at
home. Well, then, he asked the House whether they
would not institute an inquiry belbre they renewed such
a compromise? He thought the time had come when
the Government should retain the patronage of India in
its own hands; and they might safely take steps to abo-
lish the Court of Directors and the Board of Control. The
East India Company were originally a corporation or
merchants, having exclusive privileges of trading; but
now circumstances had greatly altered, and there existed
no monopolies in the trade with India but one. The
Hon. Member concluded by moving as above.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD seconded the motion.
Lord JOHN RU6SELL thought the House was
hardly in a state to enter into a discussion of all the
various measures on which the Hun. and Learned Gen-
tleman had touched, or into the whole question of the
government of India. It appeared to him that the
Hon. Gentleman had mistaken the position of the Go-
vernmen and the House on this subject. A Noble
Friend of his had already stated that it was not the in-
tention of the Government to move for a Committee in
the present year to consider this important subject,
adding that every information that could be procured
would be laid before the House previously to the re-
newal of the Act of 1833. His Noble Friend did not

say, and it certainly was not the intention of the Go-
vernment to say, that when that information was ready,
the House, if it thought fit, should not appoint, as on
former occasions, a Select Committee, which might
inquire into the whole of this subject before
the Act was renewed. His Noble Friend said that
the Government had no such alterations as were pro-
posed in 1812 and 1833, of such vast magnitude that
they themselves should think it necessary to appoint a
Committee with the view of considering those altera-
tions; but that if the House, previously to the settlement
of this great question for another term of years, should
think fit not only to have opinions before them, but to
refer those opinions to a Committee, and institute an
inquiry into the mode of governing India, there would
certainly be no objection on the part of the Government
to such an inquiry. The Hon. Gentleman had gone into
an immense detail of various measures relating to the
finance, law, and government of India; he had made
many statements and proposals, which on a review of
them would be found to relate, in many cases, to ar-
rangements that had been abandoned and were now ob-
solete, to exclusions that no longer existed, and to re-
forms which had been already carried into execution.—
(Hear, hear.) Of course it was not desirable that there
should be a debate in that House respecting all those
various subjects without more information being laid be-
fore them than they now possessed. But the Hon. Gen-
tleman said that the best mode of' obtaining that infor-
mation was to send out a Commission to India, in order
to inquire on the spot into all those topics. Now, he
entirely differed from the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman on that point. He believed that to send out
such a Commission would be the worst step the Crown
could adopt, or which that House could advise the Crown
to adopt, previously to the renewal of the Act of
Charter. With regard to the present Government of
India, the Hon. Gentleman himself had stated nothing
to show either that Lord Dalhousie was incompetent to
conduct it, or that any measures had been already taken
which the Government considered to be doubtful, or fit
subjects of inquiry. But he was sure that if, setting
aside the authority of the Government of India, they
were to send out a set of Commissioners there, who
were to make inquiry into all these things—who were to
set out with an announcement—for that would be the
effect of it—that the salt monopoly, that the laws re-
lating to opium and tobacco, and in short all branches of
finance, law, and government were about to be changed
owing to the report of those Commissioners—they would
only produce great excitement throuuhout India, and
would for the time destroy all authority in that country.
He owned be thought it would be far better, if the House
should think fit to make inquiries, that they should take
place, as on previous occasions, before a Committee of
that House, and that, at all events, the House should not
assent to the proposal to pray her Majesty to appoint a
Commission to go to India. A question of much less
compass than the present, relating to the growth of cot-
ton in India, was under the consideration of the House
no longer ago than last year. The House did not think
proper to adopt the proposal then made; but if there
were objections even to that proposition, there were ten-
fold greater objections to such a motion as had just been
made. The Hon. Gentleman, in the last place, as an
encouragement to appoint such a Commission, said that
they might govern India without the Court of Directors,
without the Court of Proprietors, and without the Board
of Control; he meant, therefore, to propose some en-
tirely new Government for India. Now, be contended
that that was not a question which should be submitted
to any Commission—
Mr. ANSTEY—On the contrary, I did not propose
anything of the kind.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—WeII, that was a question
which they could not now consider, but when it came
duly before the House, and Parliament was called upon
to legislate in respect to the renewal of the Act now ex-
isting, under which India was governed, it would be
competent for the Honourable and Learned Gentleman
to propose a substitute for the present system. As far
as his own belief went, he thought that whatever might
have been the case in former times, the government of
India was now an enlightened government. As far as
he was acquainted with their prcceedings, he regarded
the Court of Dir' ctors as a body of very able and expe-
rienced men; and for his part he should not approve that
change in the mode of governing India which the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman proposed. In the present state
of the House it was not fit to adopt such a proposition,
and he certainly could not on the part of the Government
give his assent to it.
Mr. HUME was very much obliged to the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman for bringing forward the subject,
though he did not agree with him on many of the points
touched upon. He should be the last man to propose
to govern India without the Court of Directors, or some
other competent authority. Undoubtedly he should say
that the greatest errors since the last charter had been
committed by the Board of Control. He was decidedly
of opinion that an inquiry should take place. When
the last renewal was made in 1833 a very important and
extensive inquiry took place into the various depart-
ments of the subject, which were all examined with great
attention, and the evidence of men of the first talents
and experience was taken. By the arrangement then
made the Company ceased to be traders, and on that
ground alone he thought an inquiry was needed, in order
that the consequences of the change should be ascer-
tained. In the courts of justice he believed great im-
provements had been made, but there was room for
more. He should, however, certainly not recommend
a Commission to proceed tojndia. He believed that
some of the ablest men among the servants of the East
India Company were now in England, and from them
they might obtain information concerning the presi-
dencies of the utmost importance. There was only one
department for information as to which it was necessary
to proceed to India; he meant the relations between the
Company and the native princes. A great number of
treaties regulating those relations existed, and it was of
great importance that we should not lose the character
we had hitherto held in India as faithful observers of
compacts; but he was afraid this was gradually happen-
ing. Acts of injustice had been perpetrated which had
made a very bad impression on the natives of India. An
instance of this was the deprivation of the right vested
in Indian princes of appointing their own heirs, in de-
fault of relatives, to succeed them. He could not think
it either wise or just in Lord Dalhousie to have made
such an unprincipled regulation, for so he must call it
it being contrary to all treaties, and that merely for the,
purpose of taking possession of Sattara. There were
other points OA which the opinion of a committee would
be usetul; fur instance, whether the practice of allowing
a Governor- General to proceed to the hill country for a
stay of six or eight months in the year, remaining
isolated during all that time and remote from the
seat of Government, was a wise one or not. He cer-
tainly thought objection could not fairly be made to
functionaries filling offices of great labour and responsi-
bility availing themselves of an interval of repose in
order to shake off the lassitude induced by the climate
of India and to recruit their energies. But, in the pre-
sent year, he understood that Lord Dalhousie had pro-
ceeded into the mountains, on the way to China—he did
not know how far off—but at an immense distance. He
saw by a paper which had been put into his bands that
the very moving of the Governor-General required
eleven thousand coolies, who were brought from eighty
miles distance, in order to provide means of transport.
And for what object ? To remove Lord Dalhousie so
far from the seat of his government. Why, that was a
number sufficient to employ at making a military road
from Kurnaul to the Punjaub, an improvement which
was almost indispensable. It was not on the ground of
expense merely that he objected to this, but because
Lord Dalhousie was thereby removed from the neigh-
bourhood of functionaries filling highly important
offices, with whom he should be in communication.
The Commander-in-Chief, too, was said, to be follow-
ing the example. He bad great doubt whether it was
wise to allow their officers thus to absent them-
selves from the scene of their duties. There was the Go-
vernor of Bombay, too, who was away for half a year.
In sae ing this, he did not wish to offer any opinion or
to cast blame,he merely mentioned them as matters de-
servingus consideration. Many matters enema-
ser serious
rated by the Hon. Gentleman had not much practical
Martin's theory, for example,
bearing on present circumstances. There was Mr.
m y
which would
not bear a moment's examination. He wanted to know
how far the Board of Control really acted as a check on
the proceedings of the Indian Government, which was
the purpose of its creation? The system which had
existed was enough to ruin any country. There was the
Affghan war, which bad been begun, conducted, and
closed, without the knowledge of the Court of Directors,
who were required to pay 12,000,000/. sterling, though
they knew nothing about it until after all the mischief
had been done. Then there was the Burmese war,
which entailed a debt of 9,000,0001. on the Company,
owing to an improper and incompetent person being
sent out. The secret committee, consisting of three of
the directors, might at any time send out orders to com-
mence a war, which would be carried on at the cost and