The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP. THE punile JOURNALS
.• . _

The Duke of Welling—ton, in his natural sphere,
at the bead of a gallant British army, must be con-
sidered one of the greatest men that modern Europe
has produced. This meed of praise will friend and
enemy allow him ; and for his public cervices in the
above most important character, no reward nor dis-
tinction--no tribute nor homage—no wealth nor
rank—has been, or ought to have been, withheld
from him by a grateful nation. If, moreover, there
be one individual of the community more prompt
than another to honour or encourage military ser-
vices of the most transcendent order, it is the highest
personage in the realm. The public, therefore,
would under ordinary circumstances he more pleased
than surprised at the circumstanee of the King's at-
tending an entertainment, which may be called a
public one, at the house of the illustrious Duke.
But now, when it is apprehended, almost univer-
sally, that the party of which the Duke of Welling-
ton is acknowledged chief, meditates a speedy and
fatal blow against his Majesty's confidential advisers,
—en act which must of necessity be followed by
events of the most serious, if not calamitous, de-
scription—at such a moment it does strike reflect-
ing minds as unfortunate, that these should be even
the semblance of a want of cordiality in the breast
of the King towards his servants, and of a friendly
leaning on behalf of those whose first and most
anxious object is their downfall. The moral in-
fluence of Lord Grey and his colleagues is ender'.
gered by it. Even within the House of Lords there
are many who nod, and wink, and whisper, " The
King is, in his heart, with the ultra-Tories." is it
not possible, we ask, that votes in both Houses
may, by such means, be diverted from the Mini-
sters ? Is it possible, that when the conflict comes
—as come it must, for the Tories will, some from
fanaticism, some from more sordid, though equally
short-sighted, views, fight the battle to extremity
—is it, we say, conceivable that suspicions of
the King's bona fide attachment to his ad-
visers should not affect, and sensibly too, the
issue of that struggle to which they are about
to be exposed ? Such is the reasoning, not un-
founded, of many friends of the King and the Go-
vernment, but we trust and believe that this appa-
rently anti-reform escapade will be more than
balanced by some counter demonstration—by some
kind proof of confidence on the part of his Majesty
in those who have been sworn to advise him to the
best of their understandings, and by some remodel-
ling of a Court whose frivolity is not at all times a
proof that it is harmless, but many of whose mem-
bers, great and small, are there deposited as the
means of Tory conspiracy and machination against
the Government. Meantime, to prevent that extra-
vagance of delusion into which this visit to Apsley
House may hurry some of the high-flying Tories,
we will, out of pure compassion, administer to them
a little cooling medicine, by our information that on
Thursday (to-morrow)his Majesty will honour Lord
Holland with his company to dinner ! Times.
Mr. Cobbett is all alive at the expected collision
between the two Houses of Parliament, and hopes
to register an explosion. He is, therefore, naturally
lauding the Bishops to the skies, and we should
not be surprised if he was promoted to the next
vacant see. He is now curiously exercising his
versatile talents, and appears excessively enamoured
of his old enemies the Tories. The Whig Govern•
ment 'a everything that is execrable in his eyes, end
the House of Commons is represented as every
thing abominable and destructive. When not in-
structed we are always amused by his epistles; but
a public writer, whose motives have been al ways so
much doubted, should not deal in such vituperation
and personal abuse. In the article of prophecies,
also, he would do well to be more cautious. It is
scarcely a calendar month since he predicted the end
of the political world about the month of Novem-
ber; and last night his scriiitures fortel that Lord
Althorp's Bank project will blow up our monetary
system in " four years." There is great temerity
in these rash predictions, and hence the authority of
his writings have become so apocryphal. Mr.
Cobbett is the last man who should accuse others
of backsliding—he who has made so many doubles
himself. It is exceedingly amusing to observe
him come out in the new character of Defender of
the Faith—denounce revolutionists, and as the mau-
soleum-owner of Paine's bones,express such anxiety
for the long life of King, Lords (Temporal and
Spiritual), and Commons. Mr. Cobbett is a san-
guine as well as a suspicious man; always ant;ci-
pating time. He will not, for some time yet, be
Chancellor of the Exchequer, or carry his Manches-
ter propositions as resolutions in the Lower House.
We have always done justice to his great powers
as a political writer—to the remarkable excellency
of his miscellaneous works—to his advocacy of po-
pular representation and Parliamentary reform ; but
he has written too much and too rabidly against his
old foes the Tories ever to be able to reinstate
them in the favour of the people; nor has his ill
success in recommending candidates to electors ex-
hibited any remarkable influence with the consti-
tuency. His endeavours for the Tories would be
very likely at a general election to cause them to
lose all their seats; perhaps this is his real object in
apparently playing their game at the present mo-
ment. We have heard, however, other reasons
assigned for Mr. Cobbett's sudden fondness for the
Tories. It is well known, for instance, that Mr.
Cobbett is only strong in assailing—that when he
is roughly handled, he generally shrinks. This has
been particularly exemplified in his late want of
pluck in the House of Commons, to the great grief
of some of his warmest partisans. Mortified vanity
may lead him to revenge himself on the reformed
House of Commons and Ministers, for his own
want of tact and nerve, and thus to propitiate the
enemies of the Whigs, and the enemies of Consti

tutional liberty.—Morning Chronicle.
Considerable progress was made in the Irish
Church Temporalities Bill last night in the Com-
mittee. We suppose all the clauses will be dis-
posed of to-night. An amendment was moved by
Mr. Pryme to the forty-second clause, fixing the
rotation in which the Irish Bishops should sit in the
House of Lords. The amendment went gradually
to reduce, and finally to extinguish the representa-
tion of the Irish Bishops in the House of Lords.
The principal objection to this amendment was,
that the exclusion of the Irish Bishops from the
House of Peers, ought to be the object of a separate
measure. It was truly stated by Lord Althorp,
that the subject was not one merely affecting the
Church of Ireland; for no one could say, that if it
was improper that the Irish Bishops should sit in
the House of Peers, it was proper all the English
Bishops should sit there. So far so good. But Lord
Althorp seems determined that Mr. Cobbett shall not
steal a march on him in gaining the favour of the
Bishops. Indeed if his Lordship's speech were to ap-
pear in any newspaper, with the words " Goul-
burn" or" Sir Robert Inglis" prefixed to it, the public
would believe his speech to be really that of either
of these gentlemen. " For his own part (said his
Lordship), he should be extremely sorry to see any
such change effected as that which the proposition
tended to produce. He hoped and trusted that,
whatever might be the wish of individuals, the time
would never arrive when the general feeling of the
House and of the country would be, that the church
of England should not be represented in the House
of Lords.---(Hear, hear.) There might be those
out of doors who indulged in sarcasms upon the sub-
ject; but he was sure that no man who valued the
Constitution would consent to so great a change in
that Constitution, without much stronger reasons for
it than any which had hitherto been advanced." These
observations of his Lordship gave inexpressible de-
light to Sir Edward Knatchbull, arid the other
Tories in the House. It is amusing to hear Lord

Althorp talking of thusc out of doors who indulge
in sarcasms against the Bishops. Those out of duels
were, however, of some account, when the Bisln

tried to trip up Me heell of his Lordship and col-
leagues. Those our of doors may be of some
count, should the Bishops succeed in tripping up
the heels of the Whig Ministry, and throwing the
country into confusion. His Lordship may think

that he has a fast hold of the Bishops at present,
and that all danger of collision is blown over. We
would not have him to be too sure of that. The
Bishops have always proved themselves determined
enemies of every measure which has the good of
the people for its object, and they will be con-
sistent to the last. It would absolutely appear as
if the only way to get a good word from the Whigs
was to plot their overthrow. Nothing gives them
so much pain as to be thought to share the ore-
nions of those who support them. In order to
stand well with their enemies, they appear to be
ashamed of having any sympathy with their own
partisans. The moment the danger is over, they
treat their friends as enemies, and their enemies as
friends. It is this which emboldens the Tories, and
induces them to take courage to overthrow them if
possible. Such language does not conciliate the
Tories, but stimulates them to renewed hostility
and litterness.—Morning Chronicle.
The result of the debate on the Local Courts
Bill in the House of Lords, if it prove nothing else,
proves this, that confident assertions may be made as
to the presumed intentions of that House by persons
who know very little about them. The public
were told that the Bill in question was to be
thrown out by a large majority, and a sufficient por-
tion of indignation was bespoke on the faith of a
statement which has been discredited by the event.
It now appears that, instead of being defeated by a
large majority, the question did not even go to a
division. There was a speech from Lord Lyrid-
burst, it is true, but besides that the speech was de-
molished by the Lord Chancellor in a reply of great
spirit, it was not supported by any considerable
portion of their Lordships. The Bill, therefore,
went through its most important stage—the last in
which its principles could be contested—without
even a formal manifestation of resistance by the
House itself. May we not hope to find that, upon
another occasion, which still greeter pains have been
taken to announce as big with the prospect of a
collision and civil war, the predictions of some of
our contemporaries may vanish in the same way on
being brought, as they shortly will be, to the test
of actual experience. As for the Local Courts
Bill we should have regretted its rejection, both for
the sake of the House and for the sake of the country.lt
is evidently in its principle a good law. If we had any
doubt as to its advantages,the objections of LordLynd-
hurst, so frivolous as unworthyof his acute mind,would
drive us at once to recognise truth in the cause and
wisdom in the measure to which his ingenuity could
oppose no better arguments. The idea of refusing
cheap law to the people, who, in the mass, might as
well have no law at all as law for which they are
unable to pay—the idea of refusing them cheap law
lest a particular profession should suffer in its
character through its emoluments, borders too much
on the ridiculous to suggest itself to such a mind as
Lord Lyndhurst's, except in a case where the dearth
of argument had a tendency to drive an advocate to
desperation. A drowning man will catch at a straw;
but it does not follow that the drowning man will
be saved by it Lord Brougham's exertions in the
cause of law reform comprise the very brightest
passages in his Lordship's political life. He knew
the profession well enough to be aware of the op-
position which he must experience in the pursuit of
that great object. We hope that neither the fears
nor the forebodings of others will ever turn him
aside from a purpose which it was creditable to have
conceived, but which it will be glory to accomplish.
We rejoice that the House of Lords did not set
themselves against this Bill. Some pains have been
taken even since their decision to induce a belief
that they intended to have done .so, but as the
actions of men are, after all, the best criterion of
their opinions and intentions, we think it more
reasonable to suppose that the House of Lords in-
tended to act as they have acted, than that our
Ministerial Contemporaries, who foretold their resis-
tance, were true prophets in spite of the result.—
Morning Herald.
The Tories have already struck the flag which
they had nailed to the mainmast of despotism, and
sworn to stand by to the last—in other words they
have, if we are rightly informed, either deserted
their intended plan of operations against the Minis-
ters upon the Irish Church Reform Bill, as being
impracticable, or effected such a compromise with
them as to induce them to withdraw their opposi-
tion. We always thought that this petty 'and ill-
arranged plot would come to this at last. They
have no standing—they have no influence in the
country, except that which wealth bestows upon
them. Their day is long since gone by—their opi-
nions at least half a century too old—their ideas of
Government utterly repugnant to the sense of the
community—and the recollection of their malprac-
tices during their long and ruinous tenure of office
so strong in the public mind, that we are more in-
clined to admire the ignorance or impudence which
could have prompted in their minds the possi
bility of a return to office, than to wonder tha

they should have so soon discovered the folly
of their proceedings. They have been taught
a lesson which they ought not very speedily to for-
get; and the Ministers have also received another
of which we trust they will manifest the import-
ance, by pursuing a more straightforward, vigorous,
and popular course of policy than they have hitherto
done. Their intentions we believe to be as good,
if not better, than any that were ever entertained
by any Administration ; but good intentions alone
will no more fill the pockets, or administer to the
bellies, of the poor, than they will satisfy the urgent
demands of the people for the great retrenchments,
and more enlarged reforms than it has yer entered
into the brains of the present Administration to
concede. Upon the people, and upon the people
only, ought the Administration to depend for
support. It has already made the most humi-
liating sacrifices to the Tories ; and what has

it gained by them ? Increase of power—
increase of popularity—or increase of sup-
port and diminution of opposition from those whom
it has endeavoured to conciliate, at the expense of
its friends and supporters ? Neither the one nor
the other. It has decidedly lost the game in every
respect. It has not conciliated the Tories—it has
roused against it a strong feeling of disappointment
and opposition throughout the country. It has, in
a word, lost its popularity, as well as much of the
confidence which was formerly reposed in it, through
its leaning to Toryism ; and is now mainly indebted
for its retention of office, not to the esteem in which
it is held, but to the hatred entertained of the
Tories, and the difficulty of forming another admi-
nistration. We fear, however, that we are preach-
ing " to the winds," and that the experience which
the Administration has already had of the fatal re-
sults of its Tory inclinations, will be utterly lost
upon it. At all events the bargain which it is said
to have made with the Bishops exhibits no signs of
repentance.—Morning Advertiser.
The meeting for the purpose of supporting trial
by jury, and of determining what tribute of grati-
tude and respect shall be awarded to the Calthorpe
Jury, for the undaunted firmness which they dis-
played under trying circumstances, and the noble
vercUct which they delivered, takes place this day,
at twelve o'clock, at the Crown and Anchor ; and
we are confident that we only speak the almost una-
nimous wishes of the metropolitan public, when we
express a hope that it will be most numerous—that
it will he conducted with order—and that such re-
solutions will be passed by it as may not only do
credit to the cause for which it is called, but rouse
the country generally to a sense of its importance.
The question to be determined is not simply whe-
ther the Calthorpe Jury did, or did not, do their
duty—whether they returned, or did not return, a
Just verdict; but whether we are, or ore not, to
have a trial by Jury—whether this birthright of
Englishmen is, or is not, to be taken away
from them—and whether it be proper, on the
part of any court of law, to set aside, without
even a show of evidence, the solemn decision
of a body of men, free from influence or prejudice of
any kind, and sworn to do justice. This is the
great point at issue, and we doubt not that it will
be properly bandied at the meeting, as well as tuck