The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-09 00:00:00

piker for Foreign Affiirs had explained clearly the opi-
nion of the Government, and why and by what right it
felt itself obliged to detain the Duchess of Berry. The
Duchess has violated the law which condemned her

and her family to live abroad ; she has landed upon
our coasts; she has come to excite civil war amongst
us ; we have arrested her, and we detain her. We never

thought of throwing the responsibility of the act upon
others. Attached to the Constitution, we always accept the
responsibility which belongs to our acts; but we consi-
dered that an act of high policy could not take place with-
out our being called upon to give an account of it before
tLe Chamber, though without any discussion being pro-
voked upon it. The speaker then proceeded to eulogize
the revolution of 1830 as a necessary one, col:fined within
the limits of justice and humanity, that has gained the
esteem of the world; hence it has founded a Government
de facto et de jure. What right, he asked, could be op-
posed to the royalty of July? That or a dynasty which
infallible destiny had smitten and condemned for ever to
the character of foreign. So long as it shall be resigned
to the decrees of fate, and inhabits a foreign soil, I shall
regard it with respect ; but when it bursts its ban, and,
with the torch of war in its hand, comes to ravage the soil
f France, then will I war with it, and demonstrate the
justice of its fate. I now address myself to those who
complain that we have .-xceeded the limits of the common
law in respect of the Duchess of Berry; and I acknow-
ledge that we have violated the ordin try law. When we
arrested the Duchess we surrounded an entire quarter with
soldiers; we penetrab d in the night, without calling upon
the Magistrates, into the dwelling of citizens ; we vio-
lently demolished doors, and after a siege of fifteen hours,
we seized the Duchess of Berry. Is this common law?
Condemn us if you dare.—(From the centre, " No, no.")
M Maugin—You did right.
M. Tniers—Yes, we did right, I know, to exceed the
common law in an emergency where there was no ordi-
nary right, where everything was extraordinary. It is
for the same reason that we come to tell you we cannot
lilting the Duchess of Berry before the tribunals, and that
we wish to detain her as a measure of further safety. We
do not try Princes as in barbarous times, in times of re-
volutionary passion. I❑ civilized times we reduce them
to impotency. The trial of Charles I. was aII turant act
of hypocrisy ; that of Louis XVI. was a detestable hypo-
crisy ; the commission which caused the Duke d'Enghie❑
to be shot in a ditch at Vincennes was a lie. Gentlemen,

we are not savages nor hypocrites ; let us, then, dare to
detain the Duchess of Berry without bringing her to trial.
You may talk of tribunals for trying her, but how would
you draw up a process against her before a tribunal ? Jus-
tice requires a positive law against an accused person, a
specific fact, and witnesses who depose to the face. The
law which excludes the Bourbons condemns them, for
appearing in France, to exclusion only. The Duchess for
this offence must therefore he led to the frontier. To
condemn her to punishment, it must be proved that she
took part in the civil war,—that she headed the bands—
and commanded the Chouans. Where are the witnesses
who could depose to this ?—(A voice, " M. Berryer
could.")
M. 'Tiers-1 have not yet adverted to the inconve-
nience and dangers of the trial. If you bring the Duchess
of Berry to Paris, you will place between Paris and Bor-
deaux from 50,000 to 60,000 men.—(Great interruption.)
The Minister of Commerce and Public Works—Al-
low me to state the secrtes of parties. These scenes are
ardently desired by the factions of June, and by the
treacherous agents of Carlism. The former saw the oc-
casion slip from them at the trial of the Ministers. After
the death of the illustrious Perier, they thought an op-
portunity had recurred ; they soiled the ashes of the brave
Latnarque by a sanguinary riot, but they held with de-
spair all their opportunities lost, and themselves reduced
to isolated and impotent attempts. 13, hind them the agents
of Carlism, wishing also new occasions of disorder,
though their Princess should die in them, seek still a
dreadful day. These, Gentlemen, are the wishes of the
parties: you will not repiunge the country into disorder,
and will pass to the order of the day.--(" Very right.")
M. Salvere—We demand a trial—we demand the

execution of the laws, and we are not factious per-ons ;
they are the factious who wish to extend their power be-
yond the law and the charter. A power above the law is
dictation.--(Great disturbance ensued.)
M. Odillon Barrot uas at length heard. The re-
porter's conclusions imply that the order of the day would
be only a declaration of incompetency on the part of the
Chamber. The Ministers, on their part, say, " This
pressed order of the day is the sanction of what we have
done—a bill of indemnity granted us for our exceeding
the ordinary course of the law." Beware, Gentlemen ;
you see what must be the consequences of such an order of
the day pronounced by the Chamber. I oppose it de-
cidedly. I have sworn to de'end the Charter, not to
violate it. I declare boldly, there is no person in France,
whatever lie his rank, whatever he has been or may be,
iu whom I recognise the right of inviolability ; and when
such a person is detained, deprived of liberty, and by her-
self or her friends applies to the Chamber to demand the
execution of the law, to sanction an arbitrary detention
is to do in an indirect manner what no one would
dare to propose to you openly. When the Duchess
of Berry was arrested, the Ministers, who then did
not recognise the right in themselves of disposing of
the liberty of any one, interrupting the course of
justice, and correcting the ordinary laws, announced
that they would leave the question to the Chamber;
that it would be by a law that the exception to the ordi-
nary law must be sanctioned if necessary; but now the
Ministers, deserting this course, come forward in a sur-
reptitious manner—(Murmurs)—to take advantage of a❑
order of the day, interpreted in a manner contrary to that
of the reporter himself. The Speaker then proceeded to
question and deny the omnipotence of Parliament, which,
be contended, was confined within the limits assigned by
the Constitution. The law, therefore, which was higher
than Parliamentary authority, should have its course. If
there be any exceptions in respect to the rank of the ac-
cused, the nature of the facts, the incompetency of the
Judges, or the inviolability of the person, it is a question of
law, which the judges of the law could alone decide.
The inviolability of a family that had borne the
crown of France was spoken of, but what was that
inviolability in the presence of their laws—in the presence
of their revolution ? He would proclaim aloud,
without fear of contradiction, from that tribune, that
there was not a more legitimate Government in Europe
than the Government of July.—(Loud applause. )
It was vain to talk of a violation of the charter.
The charter had disappe fired the moment that a perjurer
had torn it in pieces,—when it was buried under the bar-
ricades, and when Charles X. was conducted to Cherburg.
He proceeded to contend that all power of excepting
(pouvoir exceptionne. disappeared the moment that the
charter of 1830 was promulgated, that the laws resumed
their empire, and that it was not given to any power to
save an accused from their operation. It would be a sad
thing if they should proclaim in the eyes of France that
they were afraid of this trial.—(Much interruption from
the centre.)
M. Vigier—You wish, then, to destroy commerce?
The President—Do not interrupt him.
M. Wilton Barrot--The Hon. M. I,febvre, who has
interrupted me, speaks, I believe, of the exchange and of
commerce.—(Laughter on the left.)
The President—Do not answer interruptions.
M. Lefebvre—lt was not I that interrupted you; it
was M. Vigier.
M. Vigier rose in his turn, but his short address was
lost in the noise.
M. Odillon Barrot proceeded to contend that they
taught, by trying the Duchess of Berry before the Cham-
ber of Peers, to afford a solemn proof that there was no
one above the law in France. He dreaded nothing from
such a trial, which would establish the supremacy of the
law, but he dreaded much from the conduct of the Go-
vernment in shrinking from submitting the Duchess of
Berry to the supreme jurisdiction of the Chamber of Peers.
Ile resumed his seat amidst much applause from the left.
The President brought up the conclusions of the report
of the Committee.
M. Viennet—l demand that the order of the day be
explained upon the conclusions of the reporter.
The President said that the recommendations of the
committee were, that as to those petitions which seemed
to carry with them marks of delinquency and even of
crime, they should be referred back to the Keeper of the
Seals, that upon the others, and upon all the petitions in
general, the committee proposed the order of the day.
The reference to the Keeper of the Seals of those peti-
tions which were drawn up in unsuitable and culpable
terms, and of those which bore evident traces of falsehood,
was then put to the vote. The two centres and a great
portion of the second section of the left and of the right
voted for the reference ; the Members of the extremities
voted against it. It was ordered.
The order of the day was then carried by the same
majority, and the Chamber rose at three quarters past
six o'clock.

On Tuesday afternoon last an unmarried
woman, about 20 years of age, named ELITABETII RAY+
Naa, was found in Clifton Wood, about 200 yards from
her own residence, with her throat cut. She was last
seen alive on the preceding evening, and was in a state of
pregnancy. No weapon or instrument was found near
her by which the wound could have been inflicted.—
Halifax Journal.