The Sun.
London, England, 1856-09-26 00:00:00

TBE DOUBLE GOVERNMENT OF INLI4.

(From the Times )
The astonishing anomaly of the double govern-
ment of India was never more strikingly exempli-
fied than in the discussion which took place on
Wednesday in Leadenhall-street upon the subject
of the annexation of Oude. Here is a measure
which has been hanging over the Queen's represen-
tatives in India for we know not how many years,
a dire necessity against which they have been en-
deavouring to struggle until further acquiescence
would have been participation in the foulest cruelty
and oppression—a policy which has been most anx-
iously and most frequently discussed here at home,
and which at last was carried into effect, after re-
peated and earnest remonstrances to the persons
whose interests were concerned, and vet Mr. Lewin
sees fit to oppose himself to the policy of the em-
pire. Are- we living under the government of
Queen Victoria or of Mr. Lewin ? It is bet er to
know at once where one s allegiance is due. We
cannot pretend, in the space to which thee' re-
marks must necessarily be confined, to enter into
the old traditions of the East India Company.
Time was, no doubt, when it was perfectly sight
and politic to grant powers in a distant region to a
commercial company, for then no serious effect was
produced either by their success or their disasters
on the general fortunes of the empire. The state
of things which justified such an arrangement has
long ceased to exist. It is necessary to consult
Orme and Mill before the mind can at all admit the
possibility of so anomalous a result as the abtual
double government of India. A number of gentle-
men who really have no more right to be heard
upon any question which affects the general wel-
fare of the empire than tl.e holders of Three per
Cent. Consols meat together, and affect, by virtue
of their investments, to control the policy of the
British Cabinet.
The process is simply this :—Any person who
likes purchases a certain quantity of East India
stock and is suddenly transformed into a legislator
for the British empire in India. In numerous
instances the qualification is a fictitious one, as in
the case of members of the House of Commons.
This, however, is of no importance, for there is no
reason why every tenth man to be met with in
Leadenhall-stree tbatween the hours of 4 and 5 on
a Friday afternoon should not be an Indian legis-
lator just as well as the holders of a certain amount
of East India stock. Why do we not entreat the
shareholders of the Great Western to take upon
themselves the government of our colonies Why
not apply to the forlorn proprietors of the Teames
Tunnel to occupy their leisure moments—and
they must have plenty of leisure moments—with.
Irish affairs? In bygone days the congress in
Leadenhall street had a certain meaning and sig-
nificance. So had the meeting of the welsh bards
in the good old times, ere L'ewellyn succumbed
before the conquering arms of the first Edward.
We should, however, be much astonished if we
found the Imperial policy with regard to the Prin-
cipality seriously discussed in that harmless associa-
tion of antiquaries who may now and then meet
together for the more legitimate purpose of investi-
gating the Triad, and talking a certain quantum of
nonsense about the departed glories of their hills:
The time has arrived when we must put an end to
so abnormal an arrangement. British India is as
completely a portion of the British empire and as
entirely subject to the British Crown as Middlesex
or Surrey. The Government of this country is per-
fectly competent to the discharge of its duties, and
can govern any dependency of the empire without
the intervention of a commercial senate.
The absurd part of the arrangement is, that the
Fast India Company's representatives in these
Leadenhall-street meetings really have no sub-
stantial power—that is to say, that they have no
power beyond that of talking nonsense. Every
man in England who has paid any attention to
public affairs is perfectly aware that Indian affairs
are in reality conducted by the Board of Control.
Another idea unfortunately prevails among the
natives of British India. They are still under the
influence of tradition. They remember the time
when the power of "John Company" was something
more than a name. They cannot conceive that
men who talk so big and so much have not any
substantial influence over the fortunes of their
country. Hence it follows that every Indian Prince
who fancies himself the victim of British policy
looks to the talk idol in Leadenhall-street for re-
dress. If the mischief stopped here even it would
be endurable. The fact, however, is that a tribe
of European grievance mongers has sprung up in -
British India, who tout about for victims, just in
the same manner as the clerks of the least respect-
able Old Bailey lawyers tout about in Newgate-
street for clients. They boast of the crsinterested-
ness of the Company—of the justice of the Com-
pany—of the power of the Company ; they might
as well talk to these deluded Hindoos of the might
of Convocation. When these ingenious gentlemen
have bagged a victim abounding in faith and ru-
p •es it is not a difficult matter to find a mouth-
piece in the august vestry for Indian affairs in
Leadenhallestreet. The poor creature gets a speech.
or two and abundant allowances of moonshine
for his money. While the money Lists the elo-
quence and the moonshine are also forthcoming,
but with failing supp:ies they also fail. Now, the
sooner this delusion_is put an end to, the sooner the
natives of India are saturated with the conviction
that their appeal lies only to the British Crown
and British Parliament, the better for them, and
the more creditable will it be fur us. Can anything
more monstrous be conceived than the adoption of
the cause of the ex-Royal family of Oude by any
public bodyin this country ? Mr. Lewin appears to
have mainly rested his motionupon some pecuniary
services rendered by the Government of Oude to
the East India Company in moments of necessity.
The security of the Company one should have
thought was reasonably good. Had the British
empire in India been ruined what would have be-
come of the King of Oude ? Mr. Lewin forgets to
sum up the services on the other side. But for
the assistance of the British Government and but
for the effective aid of the British arms this
worthless and cruel dynasty would long sines have
ceased to oppress its uulortuuate subjects. In his
anxiety for grievances it is only surprising that
the philanthropic director did not revert to the old
days of Warren Hastings and of the Treaty of
Chunar. Something we remember to have read of
an arrangement by which the Nawab of Oude was
relieved of all his debts to the Company on condi-
tion of his seizing the property of the Begun's—
his mother and grandmother—and delivering it
over to the spoilers. The tale would have rounded
a period far better than these miserable stories of
loans, which, no doubt, as far as the lenders were
concerned, proved excellent financial operations.
This, however, is not the time nor the place to
enter upon the history of the abominations which
wore so long perpetrated under the protection of
British rule. We can conceive no more hideous
tyranny—no more awful curse to a subject race—
t han the oppression of au emasculated and debauched
E intern Prince carried out and maintained by the
vigorous arms of British officers. Why should we
be parties to the infliction of all this misery and de-
solation—of this complicated torture and starva-
tion upon a harmless race ? We might, it is true,
have finally attained the results which have been
actually attained by the withdrawal .of all British
support from the native Government of Oude.
The result of such a policy would inevitably have
been the infliction of the most terrible sufferings
upon thousands and tens of thousands of our fel-
low creatures. A twelvemonth after the with-
drawal of the British the kingdom of Oude would
have been lying desolate, the R )yal family mas-
sacred or in flight, and the wretched natives dead
by thousands in every variety of human agony.
We had a right by treaty to interfere, and we exer-
cised that right most wisely and most justly. Mr.
Lewin, on the other hand, is of opinion " that the
seizure of the territories of Oude is one of the worst
examples of Indian spoliation, and an act of the
barest ingratitude towards the family of a native
Prince." The only idea with which such a resolu-
tion inspires us is that it is highly advisable to get
rid of that department of East Indian Government
in which it was propounded with all convenient
despatch. It is no sufficient answer to say that Mr.
Lewin's fellow directors defeated his motion at
once. There is no reason in State policy why we
should be any longer troubled, or our Indian fel-
low-subjects any longer deluded with, such a mock-
ery of government.

NEW JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES —The following is a
lit in continuation of the one last given of the new
joint-stock companies incorporated under the new act
—Stratford-on-Avon Railway Company, British West
India Fibre Counpaoy, British Candle C•nupau), Man-
eliester and Ffestiniog Slate and S!ab Company, Cam.
brian Foundry Company, Maresfield Patent Gunp3wder
Company;'British and Colonial Agency Company, Weo t
of England Soap Company, Burley in Wharfdale Gas
Company, 'Provincial Gas Light and Coke Company,
Great Harwood Gas Light and Coke Company, Settle
Gas Company, London Unadulterated Food Company,
the Manchester Commission Agency and Lean Com-
pany, London Investment Co4any, Alford Corn Ex-
change Impany, the Californian Cmsoliclated Quar
:lining Company, Lambeth Baths and Wnstihou;ss
Company, Birmingham Waggon Company, Provincial
GAS Light and Cake Company, South Devon Shipping
Company, Birmingham Maclellan Company, Uxbridge
and Hillingdon Gas Consumers Company, Tunbridge
Stock and Cattle Market Company, Atherstone Corn
Exchange,Chelmsford Gas
Lightand oC,,aknetceroblnurpyanyM,
toHnall Mowbray Corn Ex-
chan 't-Ye and Public R 00,113 Company, Leicester Temper-
aneeHall Company, Balper G.,s Light and Coke Corn- •
pany, Haslingden Gas Light Company, and Maryport
Public Badding Company, making, with those previously
enumerated, n new companies incorporated under the
itevr aob.