The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-11 00:00:00

positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to
prove them so have been anticipated.
The States severally have not retained their entire so-
vereignty. It has been shown that in becoming parts of
a nation, not members of a league, they surrendered many
of their essential parts of sovereignty. The right to
make treaties—declare war—levy taxes—exercise exclu-
sive judicial and legislative powers, were all of them
functions of sovereign power. The States, then, for all
these important purposes, were no longer sovereign. The
allegiance of their citizens was transferred, in the first
instance, to the Government of the United States--they '
became American citizens, and owed obedience to the
Constitution of the United States, and to laws made in
conformity with the powers it vested in Congress. This
last position has not been, and cannot be denied. How
then can that State be said to be sovereign and indepen-
dent, whose citizens owe obedience to laws not made by
it, and whose magistrates are sworn to disregard those
laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by
another? What shows conclusively that the States can-
not be said to have reserved an undivided sovereignty, is,

that they expressly ceded the right to punish treason—nat
treason against their separate power, but treason against
the United States. Treason is an offence against sove-
reignty, and sovereignty must reside with the power to
punish it. But the reserved rights of the States are not
less sacred, because they have for their common interest
made the general Government the depository of these

powers.
The unity of our political character (as has been shown
for another purpose) commenced with its very existence.
Under the Royal Government we had no separate charac-
ter—our opposition to its oppressions began as United Co-
We were the United States under the Confedera-
ion, and the name was perpetuated, and the Union ren-
dered more perfect, by the Federal Constitution. In
none of these stages did we consider ourselves in any other
light than as forming one nation. Treaties and alliances
were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for
the joint defence. How, then, with all these proofs, that
under all changes of our position we had, for designated
purposes and with defined powers, created National Go-
vernments ?—How is it, that the most perfect of these se-
veral modes of union should now be considered as a mere
league, that may be dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an
abuse of terms. Compact is used as synonimous with
league, although the true term is not employed, because it
would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It
would not do to say that our Constitution was only a
league ; hut, it is laboured to prove it a compact (which
in one sense it is), and then to argue, that as a league is a
compact, every compact between nations must of course
be a league, and that from such an engagement every so-
vereign power has a right to recede. But it has been
shown that in this sense the States are not sovereign, and
that even if they were, and the National Constitution had
been formed by compact, there would be no right in any
one State to exonerate itself from its obligations.
So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession,
that it is necessary only to allude to them. The Union
was formed for the benefit of all. It was produced by
mutual sacrifices of interests and opinions. Can those
sacrifices be recalled ? Can the States who magnani-
mously surrendered their title to the territories of the west
recall the grant? Will the inhabitants of the inland
States agree to pay the duties that may he imposed with-
out their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for
their own benefit ? Shall there be a free port in one
State, and onerous duties in another? No one believes
that any right exists in a single State to involve all the
others in these and countless other evils, contrary to the
engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that
the other States, in self-defence must oppose at all hazards.
These are the alternatives that are presented by the
Convention. A repeal of all the acts for raising revenue,
leaving the Government without the means of support;
or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by the
secession of one of its members. When the first was
proposed, it was known that it could not be listened to
for a moment. It was known, if force was applied to
oppose the execution of the laws, that it must he re-
pelled by force—that Congress could not, without in-
volving itself in disgrace and the country in ruin, accede
to the proposition ; and yet, if this is not done in a given
day, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the
State is, by the Ordinance, declared to be out of the
Union. The majority of a Convention assembled for the
purpose have dictated these terms, or rather this rejec-
tion of all terms, in the name of the people of South
Carolina. It is true that the Governor of the State
speaks of the submission of their grievances to a Con-
vention of all the States, which, he says, they " sincerely
and anxiously seek and desire." Yet this obvious and
constitutional mode of obtaining the sense of the other
States on the construction of the federal compact, and
amending it, if necessary, has never been attempted by
those who have urged the State on to this destructive
measure. The State might have proposed to call for a
General Convention to the other States; and Congress,
if a sufficient number of them concurred, must have called
it. But the first Magistrate of South Carolina, when he
expressed a hope that, " on a review by Congress and
the functionaries of the General Government of the merits
of the controversy," such a Convention will be accorded
to them, must have known that neither Congress nor any
functionary of the General Government has authority to
call such a Convention, unless it be demanded by two-
thirds of the States. This suggestion, then, is another
instance of the reckless inattention to the provisions of
the Constitution with which this crisis has been madly
hurried on ; nr of the attempt to persuade the people that
a constitutional remedy had been sought and refused. If
the Legislature of South Carolina " anxiously desire" a
General Convention to consider their complaints, why
have they not made application for it in the way the
Constitution points out? The assertion that they
" earnestly seek" it is completely negatived by the omisson.
This, then, is the position in which we stand. A
small majority of the citizens of one State in the Union
have elected delegates to a State Convention ; that Con-
vention has ordained, that all the revenue laws of the
United States must he repealed, or that they are no longer
a member of the Union. The Governor of that State has
recommended to the Legislature the raising of an army
to carry the secession into effect, and that he may be ern•
powered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the
State. No act of violent opposition to the laws has yet
been committed, but such a state of things is hourly ap-
prehended, and it is the intent of this instrument to pro-
claim, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Con•
stitution, " to take care that the laws be faithfully execu-
ted," shall be performed to the extent of the powers al-
ready vested in me by law, or of such others as the wis-
dom of Congress shall devise and entrust to me for that
purpose; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who
have been deluded into an opposition to time laws, of the
danger they will incur by obedience to the illegal and dis-
organizing Ordinance of the convention—to exhort those
who have refused to support it to persevere in their determi-
nation to uphold the Constitution and laws of their coun-
try, and to point out to all the perilous situation into
which the good people of that State leave been led—and
that the course they are urged to pursue is one of ruin
and disgrace to the very State whose rights they affect
to support.
Fellow-citizens of my native State !—Let me not only
admonish you, as the first Magistrate of our common
country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but tae the
influence that a father would over his children whom he
saw rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal language—
with that paternal feeling—let me tell you, my country-
men, that you are deluded by men that are either deluded
themselves, or wish to deeeive you. Mark under what
pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection
and treason, on which you stand ! First, a diminution
of the value of your staple commodity, lowered by over
production in other quarters, and the consequent diminu-
tion in the value of your lands, were the sole effect of
the Tariff laws. The effects of those laws are confessedly
injurious; hut the evil was greatly exaggerated by the
unfounded theory you were taught to believe—that its
burthens were in proportion to your exports, not to your
consumption of imported articles. Your pride was roused
by the assertion, that a submission to those laws was a
state of vassalage, and the resistance to them was equal,
in patriotic merit, to the opposition our fathers offered to
the oppressive laws of Great Britain. You were told that
thisposition might be peaceably—might be constitu-
tionally 1)
made—that you might enjoy all the advantages of
the Union, and bear none of its burthens.
Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your State nride,
to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were
used to prepare you for the period when the mask which
concealed the hideous features of disunion should be taken
off. It fell, and you were made to look with complacency
on objects which, not long since, you would have regarded
with horror. Look back at the arts which have brought
you to this state—look forward to the consequences to
which it must inevitably lead ! Look back to what was
first told you as an inducement to enter into this dangerous
course. The great political truth was repeated to you,
that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all laws
that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably op
pressive—it was added that the right to nullify a law
rested on the same principle, hut that it was a peaceable
remedy ! This character which was given to it made
you receive, with too much confidence, the assertions that
were made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its
oppressive effects. Mark, my fellow•citizens, that, by the

admission of your leaders, the unconstitutionality must Ie
palpable, or it will not justify either resistance or nullifi
cation ! What is the meaning of the word palpable, in
the sense in which it is here used ? That which is ap-
parent to every one ; that which no man of ordinary in-
tellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitutionality of
these laws of that description ? Let those among your
leaders who once approved and advocated the principle of
protective duties, answer the question ; and let them
choose whether they will he considered as incapable, then,
of perceiving that which must be apparent to every roan of
common understanding, or as imposing upon your confi-
dence, and endeavouring to mislead you now. In either
case, they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they urge
you to tre id. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you
will know how to appreciate the exaggerated language
they address to you. They are not champions
of liberty, emulating the fame of our revolutionary
fathers ; nor are you an oppressed people, contending as
they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vas
salage. You are free members of a flourishing and happy
Union. There is no settled design to oppress you.
You have indeed felt the unequal operatio❑ of laws which
may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally, passed ;
but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the
very moment when you were madly urged on to the un-
fortunate course you have begun, a change in public opi-
nion had commenced. The nearly approaching payment
of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a dimi-
nution of duties, had already produced a considerable re-
duction, and that too on some articles of general consump-
tion in your State. The importance of this change was
understood, and you were authoritatively told, that no
further alleviation of your burthens was to be expected, at
the very time when the condition of the country imperi-
ously demanded such a modification of the duties as should
reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as if ap-
prehensive of the effect of this change in allaying your
discontents, you were precipitated into the fearful
state in which you now find yourselves.
I have urged you to look back to the means that were
used to hurry you on to the position you have now as-
sumed, and forward to the consequences it will produce.
Something more is necessary. Contemplate the condition
of that country of which you still form an important
part ! Consider its Government, uniting in one bond of
common interest and general protection so many different
States, giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of
American Citizens, protecting their commerce, securing
their literature and their arts, facilitating their intercom-
munication, defending their frontiers, and making their
name respected in the remotest parts of the earth ! Con
cider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy
population ! Its advance in arts, which render life agree-
able, and the sciences, which elevate the mind ! See edu-
cation spreading the lights of religion, humanity, and ge-
neral information into every cottage in this wide extent of
our Territory and States t Behold it as the asylum
where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and
support ! Look on this picture of happiness and honour,
and say—We, too, are citizens of America. Carolina is one
of these proud States : her arms have defended—her best
blood has cemented this happy Union ! And then add, if
you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union
we will dissolve—this picture of peace and prosperity we
will deface—this free intercourse we will interrupt—these
fertile fields we will deluge with blood—the protection of
that glorious flag we renounce—the very names of Arne•
ricans we discard. And for what, mistaken men ! for
what do you throw away these inestimable blessings—for
what do you exchange your share in the advantages and
honour of the Union ? For the dream a separate inde-
pendence—a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with
your neighbours, and a vile dependence on a foreign
Power. if your leaders could succeed in establishing a
separation, what would be your situation ? Are you
united at home—are you free from the apprehensio❑ of
civil discord, with all its fearful consequences ? Do our
neghbouring republics, every day suffering some new
revolution, or contending with some new insurrection—do
they excite your envy ? But the dictates of a high duty
oblige me solemnly to announce that you cannot succeed.
The laws of the Ignited States must be executed—l
have no discretionary power on the subject—my duty is
emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those
who told you that you might peaceably prevent their
execution, deceived you—they could not have been de-
ceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition
could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they
know that such opposition must be repelled. Their ob•
ject is disunion; but be not deceived by names ; disunion,
by aimed force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur
its guilt? If you are, on the heads of the instigators of
the act be the dreadful consequences—on their heads be
the dishonour, but on yours may fall the punishment—o❑
your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the
conflict you force upon the Government of your country.
It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of which
you would be the first victims—its first Magistrate cannot,
if he would, avoid the performance of his duty—the
consequence must be fearful for you, distressing to
your fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good
government throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld
our prosperity with a vexation they could not conceal—
it was a st inding refutation of their slavish doctrines, and
they will point to our discord with the triumph of malig-
nant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them.
There is yet time to show that the descendants of the
Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Rutledges ; and of the
thousand other names which adorn the pages of your re-
volutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to sup-
port which so many of them fought, and bled, and died. I
adjure you as you honour their memory—as you love the
cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives—as
you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best
citiz ns, and your own fair fame—to retrace your steps.
Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganising
Edict of its Convention—bid its members tore-assemble and
promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain in
the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity,
and honour—tell them, that, compared to disunion, all other
evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation
of all—declare that you will never take the field unless
the star-spangled banner of your country shall float over
you—that you will not be stigmatised when dead, and
dishonoured and scorned while you live, as the authors
of the first attack on the Constitution of your country !
Its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace
—you may interrupt the course of its prosperity—you may
cloud its reputation for stability—but its tranquillity will
be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon
its nationa 1 character will be tronsferred, and remain an
eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder.
Fellow-citizens of the United States !—The threat of
unhallowed disunion—the names of those, once respected,
by whom it is uttered—the array of mil.tary force to sup-
port it—denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs on
which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, or
political existence, and perhaps that of all free governments
may depend. The conjunction demanded a free, a full, and
explicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my
principles of action ; and as the claim was asserted of a right
by a State to annul the laws of the Union,and even to secede
from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in rela-
tion to the origin and form of our Government, and the
construction I give to the instrument by which it was
created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest confi-
dence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opi-
nion of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with
equal confidence on your undivided support in my deter-
mination to execute the laws—to preserve the Union by
all constitutional means—to arrest, if possible, by mode-
rate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to
force ; and, if it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence
of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a
brother's blood should fall upon our land, that tt be not
called down by any offensive act on the part of the United
States.
Fellow-citizens !—The momentous case is berore you.
On your undivided support of your Government depends
the decision of the great question it involves, whether
your • sacred Union will he preserved, and the blessing it
secures to us as one People shall be perpetuated. No one
can doubt that the unanimity with which that decision
will be expressed, will be such a. to inspire new confidence
in republican institutions, and that the prudence, the wis-
dom, and the courage which it will bring to their defence,
will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our
children.
May the Great Ruler of Nations grant that the signal
blessings with which he has favoured ours, may not, by
the madness of party or personal ambition, be disregarded
or lost : and may his wise Providence bring those who
have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they feel
the misery of civil strife ; and inspire a returning venera-
tion for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate
his designs, he has chosen as the only means of attaining
the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the
United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the
same with my band.
Done at the City of Washington this 10th day of De-
cember, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight
hundred and thirty-two, and of the Independence of
the United States the fifty-seventh.
ANDREW JACKSON.

By the President.
EDw, LIVINGSTON, Secretary of State.

MENU] PA PERS.

From the Messager des Chambers of Wednesday.)

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---
CHERBOURG, JAN. s.—The Flora frigate which has
came from Brest to join the squadron of Admiral Durcest
Villeneuve, in the Downs, anchored here yesterday. It
will immediately sail for its destination.
The Calypso frigate which was so much damaged, by
running foul of the TaTavera, has also arrived here ac-
companied by an English steam-boat to tow her in case of
need. This frigate will be immediately put into dock to
be repaired.
The Suffren, which it was said was to be dismantled
at Cherbourg, is to sail in a few days to Brest.
. .

It seems that it will disarm in that port.
We have also here the Bayonnaise corvette, and La
Bodine brig which wait for a new destination.
(From the Quotidienne.)

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PARIS, JAN. is now very certain, says a Minis-
terial Journal, that our troops will be very shortly recalled
from the Alorea to Ancona, The evacuation is to take
place immediately on the arrival of the Bavarian troops of
King Odin. The last column of these troops arrived at
Trieste on the 29th December, and was to embark in a feW
lays. The convoy was ready to sail.
The Courrier Fran cais speaks of the opposition which

the project of law (the law on the state of Liege seems to
be:meant,) as it has been amended by the committee, is
'ik ely to meet with : " Notwithstanding the numerous mo-
difications that have been introduced, the report appears
to he far from satisfying the several opinions which divide
the Chamber.
" In a preparatory meeting which was held yesterday at
the residence of the Duke Decazes, and at which there
were between 50 and 60 Peers, who do not always sit
together, it was foreseen that many objections would be
raised in all parts of the Chamber when the public discus-
sions should come on. However, nobody was prepared,
is the new project of law was known only by a rapid
reading of it. No modulation could be taken. In a few
flays there is to be another meeting at the Duke de Pras-
lins'; then, undoubtedly, means will he thought of either
co correct the law by new amendments, or to obtain the
entire rejection of a project, which is a violation of the
security of individual liberty."
The National affirms that the Chamber of Peers is re-
solved to reject the law of M. Portalis for abolishing the
ceremony of the 21st of January, voted by the Chamber
of Deputies.

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(From Le Temps.)
PARIS, JAN. S.-The proposal of Mr. Portalis for the
abolition of the anniversary of Jan. 21 has reached the
Chamber of Peers, with the sanction of the Deputits.
But the addition of the 66 new Members has a little
modified the respective force of several opinions in the
Noble Assembly. A revolutionary cannot meet with fa-
vour there. It is said that the Committee to which the
proposal is referred is inclined to reject it. In order the
better to answer the success of its proposal, it delays and
puts off the moment for giving to the Chamber a report
of its proceedings. Thus, it is hoped, that as the 21st is
drawing near, the law cannot he voted in time for that.
The Chamber may forget without too much irritating
public opinion.
(From the Constitutionel.)
(PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.)
REPORT OF A CONGRESS.
FRANKFORT, JAN. 4.-The report of a Congress to
meet in our city to receive that at London begins to gain
ground. The German Confederation is to be heard in
the last instance on the question of the conditional cell'
sions and equivalents mentioned in the London Protocols,
rod it may be affirmed beforehand that the diet under the
influence of Austria and Prussia will not be content to act
a merely passive part in this affair. On the other hand, it
may be believed that those Powers will make use of the
diet either to cruse through it new delays or accelerate 4
final decision, or even (according to circumstances) an vet)
rupture.
This view is here considered as the more just, be-
cause, notwithstanding the evacuation of Belgium by the
French army, it does not appear that the Prussian argil
4 observation on the Meuse, is to be broken up. It ill
reported that the contracts for provisions and forage, are
prolonged to the month of March, and that the married
,fficers of the corps, cantoned about Crevelt, have seat
for their families, which does not look as if they thought
of returning to their former garrisons. Wagers have
been laid that we shall have foreign troops here in HO'
without, however, specifying of what nation they are
to be.
There is now no doubt that the Austrian Government
thinks of contracting a new loan, to the amount, it is
supposed, of eighty millions of florins. It seems that it
has not yet been able to agree with the contractors on the
eerms, and particularly the rate of interest.
The Four per Cent. Metalliqoes, being in proportion
much higher than the Five per Cents. it is evident that it
would be advantageous to the Government to have nevi
Four per Cents., but the contractors prefer the Five per r,
Cent. ve
amt rrnan P;
(From Gallignani's Messenger of Wednesday.) ,‘Drove,
A Ministerial decision of the 31st ult., directs that 0° hil, n'ent
passport, or visa of a passport, shall be granted to Polish him "Aity, 1
efugees for any new destination, except by the pevione ilig'self is not
sanction of the Minister, to whom the Magistrate applied "that ov
Vi at
hie hot
to is to communicate all demands for such passports. day a grant
We learn from Nates, that the trial of Mlles, DuguignP,
on account of the secret press and other materials for elltla ,
printirz, found in their house when the Duchess of Berri tO the ..PPea
was arrested, was called on before the Tribunal of Cor' Iv Spirit C
rectional Police in that town, on the sth instant. The •
:t ti-Oti e sirieerel
Court was crowded, and a great many ladies made tbe," ill - Y
appearance dressed in green and white. The pleadire
t tu,liltilli,,ear:bseoio
li r
lasted till half.pest two in the afternoon, but the judg' 4 ately it
meet was deferred.
The Journal du Havre states that the Siene, Captd () ill)
Lemaire, recently arrived at that port from St. Helene, 874 Prove at
when, on the 21st of November, being in o. 22 mie' ' ; ditto 4
south 1 ititude, and 21 deg. 15 min. west longitude, e%'
perienced a shock, when going at the rate of about fil
: A tare
knots an hour, which led the Captain to apprehend tto Pied , gpl
g h bv
she bad struck upon some sunken rock; but on soundie, 4-a , aei
1.0 bottom was found at forty fathoms of the line. 'lb: t• Per whi h
ship's course was not retarded, nor did she make all,l 14
to e
eaves ne
water. The only means of accounting for this extraora'' Pre . 81nCe
nary incident is to refer to a similar occurrence that bar c %dent j
pened to the Olinda and the Robuste many years aej 404
both! of which were, after their arrival in port, le' of It a, oci
down to be careened, when the end of the horn of in t ePreSen
fish called the sea-unicorn, but which is by many fleece rWO Bi&
fabulous, was found sticking in the part where it was or °. aC, '
posed the injury had been received ! th unvenl
,1 e
A letter of the 28th ult., from Cassel, announces th' 1 Tariff I
id 46PZ
uirec
the Administrators of the Treasury are seriously occUp.„ -v, and /
with the reduction to 4 per cent. of the bonds of IP,, lteß --" '
National Debt, which have been hitherto at 5 per Ce°:, co, SO mutt
Those bondholders who will not consent to the reducrie"
are to he reimbursed ; and to procure the funds necesfiri "11l a •
for this purpose, a part of the Metallics of Vienna in b the add, in
°lilla, the s
at the Treasury will be sold. ii t Position
We learn from Stockholm that his Swedish MajOi
has been seriously indisposed, but on the 21st ult. he 1, alluded
so far recovered as to be able to preside at a Council r
,4,ued to al
State. i lttt In case th
General Sir Robert Wilson landed a few days age k),llt by nava
Calais, and immediately proceeded to Antwerp. ‘, ilia Carolim
Mr. C. J. Ridgway passed through Paris yesterd'!„; Y',1828, ar
charged with despatches for Lord Ponsonby, British AP"' Set``" Carolin
bassador at Naples, t. 6 ee the wh
FRENCH FUNDS, JAN. 9.-Five per Cents., 100 f. 85c. soc., y 1:),, .In
100 f. 80c. 85c. 101 f. 101 f. 15c. 25c. 30c. 20c. 100 f. 90c. 101 f. 101,40 "te - cas
101 f.; Loan of 1632, 100 f. 85c. 101 E ; Four per Cents., S7t; tit eon,. Part o
50c.; Three per Cents , 72f. 50c. 60c. 70c. 75c 73f. 72. f. 75c., b 1141 t such
72E 70c. 35c. 40c. 50c, 55c. 50c ; Bank Stock,' 1,670; Renter el and - ,
36(1'11pagtiie,60‘;.:
Naples, 83f. 80c. 90c. 86f. 85E. 40c. 50c. ; Roman Five per Cev . errair,-- rni
sty, ys N, i,.; Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 12% ; 11 I 14 f'„ ,:a, the
Three per Cents, 3614 3A % N y.", 4 1,1 37 36% 37 36% %?, 4 "1" vol,
~ ta4
Loan, 1831, 79 78%.-Exchange on London, one month, Plit toty a'e to I
%Rzya6llSp6aoi3AlishoLo6alnl4, 84;
6lutysenlite P%e;rpeotoediir ,viii`elh.
251. 75c., money, 25f. 70c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 60c., tt to to
(icy, 251. 60c.-cours Authentique. iN'' 11.. i •
t .._ tint

le

FRIDAY E,

,11:e allude(
r'sh and Fr(
the dispute 1
p
11ears that st;
,0144, and the
°PPosing
I,ll,eurs in all
10-110 there
I! of ereat
V
or,'" g the

The
Prene
ws °litnpor
seems) are
4111, which
llcerity of ti
arts
will be

The amusements of the masked ball at tiot bi 6,7,
Grand Opera, on Saturday night, were diversified tni
slight row. Sonic of the persons p esent, under the !oi (4 Autl
that the saturnalia. of the carnival permitted everyti3lJ flutalw"tate
commenced certain dances that, from their style, have ity of or,
been banished, not only by good society, but even 014 t Itwill b
the lowest classes where any regard for decency is C, C tira, e
served. The police stationed in the theatre to pre' ." bat
order speedily made their appearance, and, after ,rof Pea! tican
slight resistance, ala Cribb, conveyed the offenders Jit • to k
the ball. room. After some negotiation, however, ,t 1.11
parties were again released, and the amusements 0,11/ lo t Stai
night proceeded without interruption until about o becorn
on the Sunday morning. The director of the Opera 1,4 uel'B,
nevertheless, in consequence determined that the WO, of Co- Bth
ball, with ballets, as advertised, shall not take pled' cio„ tigres,
Galignani's Messenger.
~01 CON "ICU
INCEDIARISM AT HODDESDON.---Ali,l the Cg to
I o'clock on Wednesday night two stacks of barley e Q 41.01.
one of wheat were consumed by fire in a field about aO, Selves on
and a half from Hoddesdon, on the London-road; fp of for I
were all on fire at the same time, and the appearance° is \7/lich
lire, as sen at Hoddesdon, was terrific. In Februad beet),
if
year a similar destruction of property took place Pit' by
rte
same field. The stacks were the property of Mr. the
RIFERSON, of Hoddesdon,