The Sun.
London, England, 1851-05-30 00:00:00

THE SUN,

ierent individuals—namely, Sir E. Tennant and Mr. Work-
house. Now, there was no foundation for such a charge.
The letter dated the 31 of May, to Sir E: Tennen:-, was one
of the most plain,.commen-place notes that could posaiiily
has'a been written. :;'here wee no authority whatever for
saying that there was a coincidence in the dates of the two
!eteers sent to Sir E. Tangent and Mr. Wodeheuse. He
asked them to look fairly at the evidence, and how many
3lembers of that House would look at it ? He was afraid not
many of those who were prepared to vote upon it. By
that evidence it would be sees that in no one single instance
hod Lord Torrington acted without the consent of the civil
and military authorities; that -in 'no, one instance had
Lord Torrington acted M opposition to public .oninion—
(Hear, hear)-and' when he left Ceylon he was
addressed by nearly all the planters. An Honour-
able Member had thrown great' discredit upon addresses
of this description, but the remarks -of that Honourable
Gentleman led him to believe that he had not attended
much to colonial subjects. Lord Torrington was
addressed by the merchants almOst unanimously, and the
name of the first person whose signature was attached to it
was known to him, and he could say that signature eh:Me
rendered the address of great value. Lord Torrington was
also addressed by the Roman Catholic bishops, to which ad-
dress perhaps some lion. Gentlemen would not on that ac-
count attach much value.—(Hear, hear.) But it, with'
others, served to show that Lord Torringtou's Government
had met with Oue approbation of all classes, civil ano
mih-
tary. -(Hear, hear.) He did then confidently appeal to the
douse, and ask whether 'any grounds had been laid for pass-
ing a censure not only upon Lord Torrington, but also upon
every subordinate officer who had taken part in these trans-
ictions ; and whether there were any grounds for cen-
suring the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial De-
partment, for merely acting in strict conformity with what
he believed to be the discharge of his duty.—(Hear,
hear.) lie was confident that there were no grounds to
justify the course now adopted, and that the good sense and
good feeling of the House would alike induce it to negative
the motion of the Hun. Gentleman the Member for lover-
nese-shire.--(Hear.)
Mr. GLADSTON E said the Hon. Gentleman who had
just sat down had handled the subject with his usual
ability, and with a degree of fairness that did him honour.
It was refreshing to hear the Hon. Gentleman speak after
the display of personalities which had occurred in regard to
this case. Much had been said with respect V, the per-
sonalities directed towards Lord Torrington. But Lord Tor-
rington was a Peer of the realm, and was backed up by the
Government, and was, therefore, well able to defend himself.
But what was to be said of the personalities that were directed

against those who couid not defend themselves? The Right
Hon. Gentleman then complained of the injudicious course
pursued by the Honourable and Learned Member for Cork
(Mr. Sergeant Nturphy), w4o appeared in that House the
representative of Lord Turrington—( Hear, hear)—by vilify-
ing the character of all the persons in the colony, from the
Chief Justice down to Mr. Selby, because they had expressed
themselves in opposition to the policy pursued by Lord Tor-
rington. He contended that Mr. Wodehouse was justified
inconsequence of the attack:made upon him in the Committee
in producing the letters which he had received from Lord
Torrington in justification of his conduct. It had been stated
that the object of this motion was to cast censure on Lord
Torrington, but he wished to show what was the intention of
the present discussion. He contended that they were now
discussing the conduct of the Government, and not that of
Lord Torrington, and would not, therefore, allude to the dis-
patch of Earl Grey, under the circumstances of the time, be-
cause that would be most ungenerous; but what he meant to
allude to was, that Earl Grey had sent that dispatch without
any knowledge of the circumstances of the state of the colony.
He hoped that the House would bear in mind the argu-
ments of the Honourable Member for Honiton (Sir. James
Weir Hogg), and reflect on his arguments, which he should
rather call assertions, when he stated that this motion

was especially intended to condemn the Secretary for the
Colonies; but he should say no, for the object of this
motion was to condemn the entire of the Government.
Whilst he admitted that there were some injuries, such as the
burning of 'a
few houses, yet he would not call that rebel-
lion. At the same time he did not mean to quarrel about
the meaning of the word, and he would add, that that act
was caused through excitement, and it was known to the
House that this so-called rebellion lasted only two days. He
should now state that he did not mean to complain of the
policy of the Ceylon Governor with respect to martial law,
but what he complained of was, the undue continuance of
that law. He assured the House that he did not wish to
excuse rebellion by any means, but he considered that there
were no grounds to show that rebellion existed in 1848.
He should next say that he admitted that the new taxes
were not the cause of the rebellion, if rebellion it could be
called, but he should say that there were several other mo-
tives to excite the people, such as the restrictions placed un-
justly on their religion. He did not mean to discuss the
right of their religion, but he should say that good faith
should be upheld, and that all obligations entered into with
the natives of Ceylon should be duly fulfilled. He therefore
asked, was not the infringement on their religious feelings
sufficient to exeite the indignation of those people? and in
addition to that he should say, that the sacrifice of property,
was also a breach of faith, and that was shown by the evi-
dence of Lord Torrington, as could be seen in the Blue-book,
where he stated that it was right to restore to the people
those religious rights which they have so long enjoyed by
prescriptive privileges. He consequently argued that those
deprivations were sufficient to excite the indignation of those
ceople; for such they did not endure under former Governors,
as the antecedent Governors always acted in such a manner
tnat, instead of alienating the good feelings of the priests,
the people, and the chiefs, they made them more attached. to
the British Government. He contended that there was no
proof of discontent among the majority of the people. He
considered that a distinction should be drawn between an un-

due assumption of power and an unjust assumption of
power, because he did not mean to argue against the pro-
priety of introducing martial law, but he certainly felt
Pound to speak against the prolongation of that law, for
which he considered that there was no justification wtliv.-
ever; and he should say, in addition to that, Lord Torring-
ton's account did not in the least justify his conduct. He was
not aware of a single testimony given before the Committee
in favour of prolonging the existence of martial law.
The Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the
Colonies had quoted Colonel Braybrooke as an authority, for
the having recourse to martial I ,w in the first instance, bat
then Colonel Braybrooku was against prolonging it. The
Chief Justice of Ceylon was of the same opiuion,and in fact
not one witness could be produced who could say that it was
at all necessary to continue it for so long a period. The
Hon. Gentleman quoted an- address from the Legislative
Council of Ceylon to Lord Torrington, where they thanked
him for the prompt manner in which he had put down the
rebellion, but they did not in that address say one word as
to the propriety of keeping martial law in force so long.
There was therefore actually nothing in the evidence which
could justify its being continued so long. The rebellion, if
it was to be called a rebellion, was suppressed on the 13th of
July, not a man in arms having been seen after that date,
and yet for more than two months after that period, that
monstrous state of things which martial law necessarily gave
rise to was allowed to continue. On that ground, therefore,

on the ground that martial law was prolorig.d fOr a longe;
period than it ought to have been, he considered that the
Government was liable to censure, inasmuch as they had
made themselves responsible for the acts of Lord Torring-
ton. So much, therefore, for that part of the resolutions
which referred to the prolongation of martial law. There
was, however, another point, and that was the only one
with which he would trouble the House. it was a most
serious and important one, because even the prolongation of
martial law would not have induced him to vote for a motion
of this kind, had there not taken place, under the exercise
of that law, a great sacrifice of human life, and most unjust
interference with the personal rights of the inhabitants.
How did the House stand as regarded those military execu-
tions wh ch had taken place at Ceylon ? ( Hear, hear.)
When Government affirmed the proceedings of Lord Tor-
rington in Ceylon, he affirmed that they put themselves into
his place. That Noble Lord had been recalled from his go-
vernment, and the House had, therefore, nothing to do with
him, unless they preferred an impeachment against him,
and he supposed no one would talk of that.—(Hear, hear. )
The question, therefore, for the House of Cammons to con-
sider was, whether Government, having placed themselves
in the room of Lord Torrington, the House would place them-
selves in the position of the Government.—(Hear. hear.)
The Government had taken upon them the responsibility of
Lord Torrington, the question was, whether toe House
would take upon it the responsibility of Government. What
he complained of was, the execution of 18 men, on the ground
of their having taken part in this rebellion, after it was sup_
pressed, and during which not a single life had been taken.
fhe dethnce on the part of the Government was, that the re-
bellion was fostered and instigated by the priests, the chiefs,
and the headmen; but whit t there was but one chief put to
death. [An Host. BlestnEa—,, There was no chief put to
death."] Very well, that was the better for his case. There
eras then but one priest put to death, and several headmen,
while the great majority of those executed were members of
the commonalty, of the lowest class, who were the mere
dupes of those chiefs, priests, and headmen; and there was
not an instance on record where, in the case of a rebellion,
the mere tools of those who fostered it were executed,
while the greater portion of those parties who were really
guilty were allowed to go free. That was an act which
he considered was not justifiable. No doubt it had

been done in haste, and under much excitement
was so pregnant with fatal consequences to the character
and fame of this country, as well as to matters affecting
the obedience of the subject in these colonies, tha; he
thought it was the duty of the House to affirm the
motion of his Honourable Friend.—(Hear, hear.) There
bad been a useless sacrifice of human life in his opinion, and
no desire on the part of Honourable Members either to turn
out or retain a Government, could justify them in refusing
to vote, or in Ovine any vote on the matter, except that
which, after a full consideration of all the circumstances
connected with the case, they should consider to be in har-
mony with truth and justice, and such as would be for the
maintenance of the honour and safety of the country.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he would not long in-
trude on the attention of the House at this late hour. He
would, he confessed, have considerable difficulty in doing so,
even should he feel inclined, from the total want of evi-

........ ._
dence... which had been adduced by the other side in support
of the motion.—(Hear, hear.) He had anticipated that
some good grounds would be adduced for making these
charges, but what was the most extraordinary thing con-
nected with the question was, that the Right Honourable
Gentleman who had just sat down, at the close of the second
night's debate upon it, had altogether shifted the grounds of
attack.— (Hear, hear.) He was not unprepared for that
course on the part of the Right Honourable Gentleman, as he
had on former occasions seen him adopt that shifting system
"f Policy.-- (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman now said
that what he objected to was the prolongation of martial-
law,w but more particularly the sacrifice of human life which
thaesecNaiudseendceb.32,dtdhuHec trials which took place under that law.
Now he thought they had beaten them on both these points.
—(Laughter,) He
andto examine n
he
could intofind
ceived, was subject for
inquiry he understoord
nothing there to
judicial
thhaets ee
vcehrayr gmeasmn.piaitwTtnehhsile
gave matter,
hise
voicecon -
or decision uponmthaeo
in this uehus.dtiiocnialoiungqhutirytoonhlyav,
eantdakbeyna judicial
inquiry
hut-
mostear. pains
Now,to view
master of the case.—( Hear,
liberty of appealing two of the case, he would take the
(Laughter.) He would ask Hon.
. Gentlemen opposite.—
examined into the matter ?._(Criesowmany of them had ever
.. Divide, divide.") Hon. Gentlemen of " Oh, oh," and
but he would take the liberty of en
might cry " Divide."
t
they came to decide upon a question of
them that before
in itcly affecting the character of two public this kind, so inti-
ought to make themselves masters of thefunctionaries, they
did not hesitate toe av that this was a subject, and he
it was almost impossible le for them to come ttoion upon which
decision on
the evidence before them.—(Question, question.) He He did
think that in a question of so grave a nature, suet interrup-
tions a
were unseemly.—(Hear.) He said that in
of this nature, it was necessary for Honourable Geqnutrtion
on that side of the House to make themselves masters of
—(Cries of" Oh, oh, and " Which side. ") There could bite.
no mistake about the side of the House —he meant those
Hon. Members who came down to vote for the motion with-
out having examined the nature and facts of the case, and
which, before condemning two public servants, they were
bound to make themselves master of.— (Cries of " Oh, ~h.,,)
The case was referred to a Select Committee, which was, no
doubt, the propel course; but After all the evidence which