The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-11 00:00:00

of the court of last appeal shall necessarily be
politician and a party man. This anomaly should
be got rid of at the earliest opportunity. But Ulf
bill so fortunately set aside last night would, ii
carried, have perpetuated the evil. We want
thorough reform of the House of Lords. It ie
required no less for the benefit of the great bod 3,
of the people than of the privileged " few." Onf
of the first points to be regarded in this much
required measure will be the complete separation
of the legislative and judicial functions. The former
will be better discharged by its being completely
relieved from any abortive attempt at the latter,
and a much better tribunal may easily be consti-
tuted, that would give entire satisfaction in the exer-
cise of its arduous and important duties. The atten-
tion of Parliament should therefore be directed to
the construction of a proper Court of Appeal,
separate and distinct from the House of Lords,
and also to a reform of the Senate, so as to insure;
as far as practicable, a greater coincidence with
the opinions and wishes of the great body of the
people, and to render the chances of collision
between the Houses less likely than at present.
The question may now be argued coolly. The
voice of public opinion will speak audibly, and
we earnestly hope that Parliament will follow that
opinion when clearly and unequivocally expressed.

At Mr. PEABODY'S dinner General CADWAL.
LA.DER acknowledged that: the Americans are very
sensitive, needlessly so indeed, yet he asked of
the Press of this country to do their part towards
diffusing and establishing friendly feelings be-
tween his countrymen and ours. Now, we be-
lieve that every journalist here is ready to do his
part in the work of conciliation. But how shall he
do it ? Our American friends must remember
that we enjoy a practical liberty of the Press, to
to which they are at present in a great measure
strangers. We are accustomed in this country to
tolerate the advocacy of the most unpopular views ;
and, as in the case of the Manchester School
during the War, while nearly the whole Press
was opposed to them, yet instead -of executing the
judgment of Judge LYNCH on their persons and
their printing-offices, we rather show respect to
the moral courage which dares to differ and to
assert publicly the difference. Mr. COBDEN and
Mr. BRIGHT Fere at perfect liberty to denounce
all of us as they pleased. Under similar circum-
stances had_' What next, and next " been pub-
li'slled in' America; 'prObablY "thel" next " thing
would have been a bonfire of the whole edi-
tion, and possibly the printer's establishment ;
"and next" would have been a notice to the
Hon. Gentleman to shift his quarters. We may,
then, dissent from all Americans on some of their
favourite questions, but we must yet ask them to
let us express our views as freely as if we dissented
from the views of nine-tenths of the population
of our own kingdom.
They may, perhaps, hint that we should be
more guarded in our language about foreigners
than about our own people. There is something
in that ; but, on the other hand, they remind us
in the same breath that they are bone of our bone,
and flesh of our flesh—that they inherit our his-
tory, our traditions, our language, our laws, and
our literature ; hence it,is that we do not feel the
same restraint in speaking of them as of any
other foreign nation. They are, in truth, but h ill'
foreigners ; we know that they feel amenable to
the same civil and religious obligations as we do.
We should, for instance, be careful not to assume
that a Frenchman was an advocate of political
equality, or liberty, or of religious freedom ; but
we understand thoroughly the convictions of Ame-
ricans on these points ; we know that they are at
least as strong as ours. We feel gratified or an
noyed by their consistency or inconsistency in re-
gard to our common social and political principles,
and they must therefore bear with us if we discuss
their conduct rather as that of a section of our
own community than that of pure foreigners. The
freedom of our censure, as well as the heartiness
of our congratulations, are due to the simple fact
of our intimate knowledge of the very conscience
of cur near kinsmen. Some of their correspond-
ents may think we are very ignorant of their
parties and movements ; but it is only as we of
the metropolis may imperfectly understand, prior
to specific inquiry, the sectional politics of Lanca-
shire or the West Riding of Yorkshire.
Americans cannot, therefore, be surprised if on
the more important political and social questions
amongst them we should both entertain and ex
press strong opinions. It is rarely that English-
men denounce with any severity what is not con-
demned in much stronger language by some of
their own citizens. True, we have often been
here on the side of their minority, but then before
now that minority has in our time become a majo-
rify ; so that, like the middle-aged folk who will
not vary the cut of their coats, the fashion at last
comes round to us. Probably there is no point
on which Americans have been more sensitive or
Englishmen, and we may say Europeans gene-
rally, less capable of conceding to their touchi-
ness, than that of slavery. This odious " domes-
tic institution," however, has always had a vigo-
rous band of opponents in the family to which it
belongs, and even those who excuse it are un-
willing to call it by its proper name ; they have
been compelled to " plate sin with gold,"
even in communications from their Pre-
sident to his own fellow-citizens ; it is
inevitable, therefore, that Britons should
strip off the plating and call slavery, Slavery ; and
slaveholders, slaveholders. We must be allowed
to support that party in the States which, as we
think, supports those principles of rectitude which
must triumph at last ; it was impossible for any
Englishcnan not to blush that any of his race
could enact under any pretext the infamous Fugi-
tive Slave Law ; or that he should not feel indig-
nant to see the Free States of the North succumb.

ing to the South in repealing-the Missouri coin-
promise, or that ,pro-slavery zeal should be a
qualification for the presidency ; we feel humbled
in the eyes of all .the, civilised world that such
things should be done by the Republican half of
the Anglo-Saxons.

Whether, therefore, the Republican candidate,
Colonel FitEmoNr, succeed or not, Americans will
perceive that Englishmen will rejoice in what-
ever amount of success he achieves. English
respect for America must rise in proportion to the
ascendancy of ennobling principles in her policy,
by whatever party name their supporters there are
known. The seleotion of Mr. BANKS, as Speaker,
was highly gratifying to this country, and could
the northern parties so combine as to return Col.
FREMONT it would probably obtain the hearty
good-will for the Union of the whole Press of this
country.

General CADWALLADER himself could
. _

hardly wish for other than sincere praiies ; lei
him induce his countrymen to deserve them, and

they shall have them. Comparing the " plat-

form " of the Republicans with that of the Cin-
cinnati Convention, we may ask Americans whether
England and Europe can accord respect to the
Candidate who praises any " plank " of the latter,

compared with what they give the man who takes
his stand on the former. We give that of the
Republicans and Colonel FREMONT in brief

The first resolution declare& the new party in favour of
Preserving the Union ; being a reply to their opponents,