The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-12 00:00:00

ILDREN.

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5.94% dis.
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'tNf„n. 'Cli
41R „„ „A TEk AT LONDON BitIDGIC TO-MOR KOW.
after 8. Evening...lB minutes after 9,

tr ti
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`,..,,,,...._*•*......„(5:jece550r to Henry Colburn.)

etav,:*wa
m-vAtz4 *an*

LONDON,
*IkII)AY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1833.
,r
liot he CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER does
thor aPpear yet to have made up his mind
fi °lighlY as to the precise character which his
ona•ncial expose shall assume, and it is probably
to this delay that reports are current of a
loarl-f:agreement between him and his colleagues
°ee' the subject of the Budget. Lieu-w 51144 DitummoND, the CHANCELLOR'S he e
tiellicretary, Las
been actively engaged for some
days t 1 to in finance calculations, and in a few
W result
of them must be made known.s
II: believe that it will not be so satisfactory as
1t Persons have been led to expect.
1.11 has been stated by the immediate friends of
that he ALTHoRp, and upon his own authority,a
p'iliihe cannot venture to remit more than
t() fide of taxes, and that he has a great aversion
a.e)Race that amount of relief upon the assessedifef
to th— His Lordship is anxious to afford relief
eat i4dustrions classes by a remission ofil.
so-
441ip,ixe; but even this million, if who
t4l:jW°4l(l do but little, considering syvhaft
1.
(tr''ous portion of the whole amount o
P30r.4)4 Paid on articles of consumption by the
It is
41,T4 to be the intention of Lord
44teill 34, previously to making his financial
elbbiAent in the House of Commons, to as-
hts a considerable number of the Members at
froilO`Th residence, for the purpose of ascertaining
be - them what mode of relief the House wouid
b iiNined to support. This would, perhaps,
e
eveq wisest course that he could adopt; but
for trie4 he must be prepared to think and act
torfl:bitrlself, the Members having
so many
Itat''ting interests to represent.ln the present
wti? °f the country, Lord ALTHORP would do
'
state
le remember what brought France into a
a rim revolution, and to profit by the ex-
whes,ie The hesitation of the Government
'tale ki.etrenchment and economy on a large
'valet
4tl become necessary, and its attempts. to
Eli
tat convulsion by temporary delusion,
'43tq t about those calamities, which, although
°ll moral causes, were virtually hastened
1\ conduct in affairs of finance. Oura
htlief47 should not delude themselves intoiet
Net ttat, because the people are now
thesufferings, those sufferings may not
44ity rouse them to an effort at changell.
34btriiPtiVe do not desire convulsion, and will
where i'° Many privations to prevent it ; but
whca,is the logician, in or out of Parliament,
11°t be utic"vince them that material relief could
tai°ed from retrenchment and economy?
A pa LI
1,11,z Net has just been published by Mr.
as which c 441. NT on the subject of the Corn Laws,
heat,cntailts some of the most novel, as well
seeo for I"stegether pieces of sophistry we have
atte,„„t
to
Among the novelties is an
(14,1.
,t 0 Prove ,
inUtio4 of, that Cheap bread occasions a
8"otild
Please -the Population ; so that, if it
tleaven to rain quartern loaves

every morning, that all might have an abun- '
dance for nothing, the inevitable result must be,
according to Mr. BARTON, that the country
would very shortly be depopulated. At first, we
imagined he meant to contend that cheap bread
was a bad thing, because agricultural labourers
must then have low wages; but on going into the
matter a little further, he tells us that it is out
of pure kindness to the manufacturers that the
corn monopolists make them pay more for bread
than they ought, inasmuch as if the money now
taken from them were left with themselves, it
would inevitably be spent in gill to the utter
destruction of their morals ! What good, kind,
considerate creatures these people are that relieve
the starving manufacturers of their superfluous
cash, lest they should make beasts of them-
selves and get drunk ! Lest our readers
should imagine we exaggerate Mr. BARTON'S
impudence in laying claim to disinterestedness,
for a set of the most miserably selfish beings
that ever took advantage of power to oppress
their fellow-creatures, we will quote a part
of a paragraph which concludes a section de-
voted to showing, that, as the landlords have
already much, more should be added unto
them. Mr. BARTON says, " There is no
reason to think that the proprietors of land
would be losers in the end, even by the most per.
feet freedom of importation. If, therefore, a pro-
prietor of laud could be so devoid of humanity as
to look lOrward with indifference to the ruin of the
industrious tenants, and the destruction of the
labourers, now earning a decent maintenance on
his estate, he might be induced to support the mea-
sut es of the partisans of free trade from considera-
tions of personal interest." We agree with Mr.
BARTON, that the proprietors of land would
not be losers in the end, any more than other
men are losers in the end, by maintaining them-
selves by their honest industry, instead of pick-
ing their neighbours' pockets. It is, neverthe-
less, true that few thieves are by that reflection
induced to drop their old habits ; and we much
fear that the landlords have too long had the
power of compelling their customers to pay
the price they choose themselves to fix upon
their commodity, ever voluntarily to acknow-
ledge that the buyer ought to be left at liberty
to go to another shop, if he thinks he can
there get more for his labour.
The fallacies advanced in the pamphlet before
us are so numerous that we hardly know which
to select for exposure ; but we select the fol-
lowing as a bugbear which has been most com-
monly relied upon by our fe-fa-fum rulers to
frighten the people from the conclusions to which
their growing intelligence must inevitably lead
them :—" It is more than probable that the
channels of commercial industry, at all times
liable to the most capricious and inexplicable
changes, will one day desert us, and this whole
kingdom would then become one great decayed
manufactory." If this argument be good for
any thing, it is good against our having any
manufactures at all ; for it is clear, that
the more extended our commerce is, the
greater must be our distress when that
more than probable circumstance, the whole
kingdom being one great decayed manu-
factory, occurs. Mr. BARTON says that
he has no confidence in the predictions of the
political economists who say that we shall
maintain our manufacturing superiority " in
all forthcoming time." Neither have we, if
there be any such, except in Mr. BARTON'S
own brain ; but without troubling ourselves with
what may happen in " all forth-coming time,"
we are content to say that we will now get as
much bread as we can for our labour, that we will
enlarge the market fur our labour as much as
possible ; that we will do the best we can to
place our prosperity on the broadest possible
basis, and will raise the superstructure as high
as we can, leaving onr descendants to guard that
basis from contraction. The question at issue
between the advocates of free trade in corn, and
those who pretend to desire to exclude
foreign corn, not for their own advantage, but
for the advantage of the poor (!), and the
other reasons alleged by Mr. B A RTON, is
simply whether, when the population of
the island has reached a certain height, it shall
be kept by starvation from going farther, or whe-
ther it shall be allowed to multiply as long as it
can procure food in return for labour, let that
food come from what quarters it may ? Indeed,
it is evident from Mr. BARTON'S schemes for
encouraging emigration, that he considers this
to be the question really at issue. The
only marvel to us is how a man can ac-
knowledge excess of population of any kind
to exist, in other words, acknowledge that the
island does not grow food sufficient for those
born in it, and yet maintain the monstrous pro-
position that we should exclude the food which
their industry could procure from abroad.
There is only one other point in Mr.
BARTON'S pamphlet to which we shall advert,
and that only because a contemporary, usually
more clear sighted, has fallen into the mistake of
supposing him in the right. The Morning
Chronicle says, " We cannot conclude these
desultory observations without remarking that
Mr. BARTON shows, that when a district loses
a particular source of employment, the super-
fluous hands do not emigrate, and that political
economists, in their calculations of profit and
loss, are but too apt to lose sight of the perma-
nent loss arising from the above cause." Sup-
posing the fact to be as here stated, we believe
that a political economist would answer that the
law of settlement prevents the natural flux of
labour from a spot where it is not wanted to one
where it is, and that, in stating what would be
the benefit of leaving an arm at liberty, he did
not calculate upon having his fingers tied up.
It happens unfortunately for our contemporary's
argument that even with the impediments to free
action created by the law of settlement and the
other parts of our poor law, to the operation of
which alone we ought to attribute the increase
of population to which he refers in Sussex, even
with these impediments we say, the principle is
that when a district loses a particular source of
employment surperfluous hands do emigrate;

not all of them, because they are paid to remain
where they are. The misfortune is that all the
independent in mind do migrate, leaving
none but the worst portion behind. As our
cmtemporary has founded his opinion upon a
sweeping assertion of Mr. BARTON, supported
by circumstances which can be explained with-
out reference to the cause from whence he ima-
gines them to proceed, we will produce to
him another assertion of Mr. BARTON'S.
At page 72 he says, " Indeed, in some of the
parishes of Sussex, matters are still worse ; a
number of labourers regularly migrate during
harvest to other districts, to seek fir employ-
ment which they cannot find at home !"
Of course they do, and so they would
in all parishes in a natural state of things.
Besides, we would ask our contempo-
rary from whence he imagines the 50,000
emigrants, who now go annually to Canada,
proceed ? Does he imagine that they come
from districts where there is sufficient
employment for the population, or from
districts where the population is redun-
dant, either from its having outgrown the
employment to be found for it, or from the em-
ployment it had, having left it ? Unless our
contemporary will prove that thousands expatri-
ate themselves annually, out of whim; we shall
t4ke the liberty of tbinking that political eco-
nomists are in the right and he in the wrong.

We every day receive letters out of number
calling our attention to the necessity or repealing
the particular taxes in which our several cor-
respondents are interested; but it must be evident
that no reduction of taxation upon the necessaries
and comforts of life on a scale sufficiently large
to be of any efficient service can be made with-
out a commutation of taxes for a property tax;
What our correspondents ought to do, therefore,
is, each in his district to stir up the people to peti-
tion for that measure of justice, and to instruct
their constituents to insist upon it. No man
ought to be elected who will not pledge himself
to imposing a tax upon property for the relief
of industry. The two taxes, however, respect-
ing which we hear most complaints, are, we
feel hound to say, the soap tax and the house and
window tax. The last is galling on account of
its partiality and injustice ; hut the former ap-
pears to excite opposition from its direct
attack upon the comforts of the poor.
If we are to have any reduction of taxes at all
this session we hope that the soap duty will not
escape the attention of the CHANCELLOR of
the EXCHEQUER. Any tax upon it is most
impolitic, but the present, opening the door
as it does, by its amount, to smuggling, is
against every principle by which Lord ALTHORP
has hitherto professed himself to be guided.

By a letter, dated Frankfort, April 5, and
inserted in Galignani's Messenger of Wednes-
day, it appears that though the riots in that city
have been put a stop to, yet the public mind is
still in a state of considerable ferment. The
whole accounts of these riots have very much
the air of a tumult, if not absolutely got up, at
least not discouraged, by authority, for party
purposes. Such things we know have been done,
even here in England, and more recently in France,
as in the memorable instance of the Pistol Plot.
The Frankfort riot is, we suspect, a second edi-
tion—a variorum version—of this notable farce.
But should it prove otherwise, then it is a sign
of the times, which the German Confederacy
will do well not to neglect. The following from
the Courier du Bas Rhin, dated Frankfort, is
significant :

" We learn that upon an application of the Russian
Ambassador, the Diet has come to a general deci-
sion which will create some sensation. By this de-
c sion all the Polish refugees residing in Germany,
without Russian passports, or such as have not availed
tht.inselves of the amnesty offered them by the Em-
p rtr Nicholas, are obliged, whatever their position or
conduct may be, to quit the States of the German Confe-
deration. One of the principal motives assigned by the
Russian Ambassador, on calling for such a measure, is,
that the presence of these refugees in Germany endangers
the tranquillity of Poland."

By this it would appear that the word of
NICHOLAS is law in Germany, as well as in
Poland. What a contemptible idea does his
insulting mandate convey of the boasted pride
and independence of the States of the German
Confe,leration ! From the East we have no
additional news of importance—unless it be a
rumour that a combined English atd French
squadron is expected in the Dardanelles.

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY).

CORN EXCHANGE.

The supplies of all kinds of grain this week are tolerably good,
and the return of Flour is plentiful. The Wheat Trade remains
very inanimate, and Monday's prices are supported for superfine.
Barley, Beans, Pease, and Oats unvaried.