The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-14 00:00:00

t-7.37-, 1r; ur2o:!-:.7.7,7.ing sut:ll a mission, Wt:er :h?
mar, who stands by his Sovereign in doubtful Attd
cult times ; but we know of no principle of morality, Or
of political obedience, which can render it a duty on
the part of a subject, to expose his character to the
hazard of misconstruction, much less to the charge of
unfaithfulness to the principles which he has always
professed. Even as a negotiator on behalf of the King,
Lord Melbourne ought not to have been seen in it—
if he really, as we have but too much reason to believe,
has had any thing to do with it. With regard to Mr.
Stanley, we are bound in justice to that gentleman to
state, that no application has been made to him, and
that for the present, at least, he is inclined to court that
retirement from public life, which, after his very ex-
traordinary and most unbecoming attack upon his late
colleagues, we counselled him, in a very friendly manner
to cultivate. Indeed, we believe we may state, that so
sensible is he in every respect of the necessity of such
retirement, and of the foolish part which he has played
since he quitted office, that he will not again make his
appearance this Session in the House of Commons.
On the other hand, we are assured by the friends of
Lord Melbourne that he has not failed in forming a
Government, as we stated on Saturday, and that he
will not fail. Please God that he may not ; but what
sort of government are we to expect from one who is
said to had dealings with the enemies of the people ?
However, we take it for granted that all will still go
well, and that if Lord Melbourne has, out of a false
sense of duty to his Sovereign, erred in attempting,
in obedience to his commands, to form a coalition
Cabinet, he will not fail in forming a liberal Cabinet—
no other, he may rest assured, will stand the test either
of the present, or of any other, House of Commons
that may succeed it. Corporation, ecclesiastical and legal
reform, must be inscribed on the banners of the Go-
vernment that succeeds that of Lord Grey, and to a
greater extent than would have been demanded from
his. On this point there is no mistake, and can be no
mistake. The declaration now in course of signature
by the liberal Members of the House of Commons,
including both Radicals and Whigs, sets that matter
at rest.—(See the Chronicle article.)—The above ad-
dress—to their honour be it mentioned—proceeded
rather from what may be termed the Whig-Radical
side of the House, than from that which has hitherto
been most prompt to support the late leader of the
House of Commons—namely, from Mr. flume and
Mr. Tennyson. The latter was, we are informed, the
first to sign it, as well as the successful negotiator in
amalgamating both Whigs and Radicals in one com-
mon bond. The task could not be an easy one—it
could not be a pleasant one—but Mr. Tennyson no
doubt felt that it was better that the liberal sides of the
House should each abate some portion of their diffe-
rences, than risk the infliction of a Tory Government,
by standing doggedly out for their own particular
theories. Their decision is, in every respect, creditable
to them; and though the names of flume and O'Con-
nell figure with a bad grace in the matter, after their
recent conduct, yet shall we hail them as repentant
sinners, and forgive the past for the sake of the future.
That future is full of hope—so full of hope that we
care not who will, or who will not, be appointed Pre-
mier, or who may form his staff. The King may ap-
point, but it is the House of :Commons which has—
thanks to Lord Grey—the veto upon the selection.—
Morning Advertiser.
'from the delays, however natural and necessary
they may be, which have arisen and may still continue
in the construction of a new Ministry, it is unavoid-
able that all sorts of surmises should be indulged both
as to the cause and probable result of them. Saturday
and yesterday were rich in the circulation of rumours
that Lord Melbourne had failed, and left the cards to
be shuffled by Lord Brougham—that Lord Brougham
had also been scared from the attempt, and that a
great personage had then summoned Sir It. Peel to
his assistance,—and finally, that on the Right Hon.
Baronet declaring a Tory Government to be at this
moment impracticable, his Majesty had, though with
much repugnance, thrown himself on the late Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, with permission for his Lord-
ship to undertake the formation of a liberal Cabinet.
We shall not trouble our readers by exposing the
worthlessness of all these tales, but shall be content to
make a remark or two on those subjects of general
notoriety or apprehension which are beyond the
pale of frivolous and idle gossip. The main
anxiety which seems to disturb men's minds is,
lest the Conservatives should force themselves upon
the nation through the door which recent circum-
stances have opened for them. This anxiety has
assumed the character of fear and alarm, on account of

the temper which has been exhibited, and the language
very lately employed by the chiefs of the Opposition.
Our opinion of the Duke of Wellington's speech has
been already given, in so far as concerned his Grace's
personal demeanour towards Lord Grey, which, to say
the least of it, was neither generous nor becoming ;
but as it affected the public character of Lord Grey's
Ministry, we are bound, by an impartial sense of jus-
tice, to repel in the most positive terms the accusation
that the Government of the Noble Earl had been of a
harsh, much less a sanguinary, character in its admi-
nistration of the criminal law towards capital offenders.
It must be recollected that the practice of incendiary
fires had grown up during the. Duke of Wellington's
administration, and had reached a maturity of danger,
with which, by Sir R. Peel's own confession, the
Cabinet of that period found it impossible to cope.
Nor, indeed, from a party which has been used to re-
gard physical force as the only effectual means of put-
ting clown the criminal movements of the multitude,
was it quite reasonable, or at least guite natural, to
expect an appeal to more composed and temperate
remedies. However, Lord Grey came soon after
into office, and the law was tried as a protection
against the evil, which had been left uncontrolled
by the vigorous policy of the Tories. Special com-
missions, which were praised as excellent measures
by the Duke himself, were issued, and numerous con-
victions were obtained. But it is notorious that a
lenient and merciful spirit was displayed by the Admi-
nistration in the treatment of the convicts found guilty
of the offences then prosecuted, and we might refer
for proof to the dissatisfaction expressed repeatedly by
more than one of the learned Judges whose sentences
of death had been set aside by his Majesty's advisers,
and milder punishments inflicted. Even the detestable
Irish Coercion Bill has been administered mildly by
Lord Grey's Government, and a tolerant system of
arbitration has been exhibited between hostile parties.
So much for the candour of the Duke of Wellington
towards a rival Statesman, at the moment also of

his retreat from power, when some show of sympathy
for advanced age, struggling unsuccessfully with deep
emotion, might have been assumed, as an homage to
good taste, without any impeachment of his Grace's
dignity or manhood. But in the Duke of Wellington's
speech on that occasion there were passages which
carried with them a deeper and more extensive
interest than any which could be derived from simple
want of sensibility towards persons, or injustice
towards political parties. The vehement censures of
the noble Duke upon the policy of the Grey Cabinet
in respect to foreign Governments and nations,
were not mere passing sounds. They indicated
a soreness at what Lord Grey had effected in the west
and south of Europe since he had come into office,
which can be no otherwise looked upon by the people
of England or by their allies of France. Belgium, Por-
tugal, and Spain, than as sources of real danger to
the peace of Europe, should the Tories come into
power. The Duke of Wellington makes no secret of
lamenting the establishment of the Belgic Government
on its present footing—or the solidity of our league
with France—or the success of Lord Grey's liberal
Policy towards Spain and Portugal—or, in' short, the
general assistance which has been given, though cer-
tainly not with too bounteous a hand, to the
cause of freedom everywhere, and the consequent
advancement of national right and principle, as con-
tradistinguished from despotic power. This avowal 1,
of the Noble Duke has filled even his Tory friends with
alarm for the tranquillity of Europe. The people of
England must be on their guard. If the Duke of
Wellington disapprove the changes which have been
made since he was Minister, in the state of Europe—
if he would prefer the establishment of Miguel at
Lisbon to that of Donna Maria—if he would prefer,
as he is known to do, the dominion of Don Carlos,

who has just left this country to make war upon his