The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-25 00:00:00

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LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 25, 1833.

In the House of Lords last night, on the Or-
der of the Day being moved for the re-committal
Of the Local Jurisdiction Bill, Lord ELDON pro-
l'Ned an amendment (which was negatived) to the
effect, that " the Bill be re-committed that day six
Illnnths." In support of his amendment, the Noble
414 Learned Lord argued, that if there was" one
thing of more importance than another it was,
dmt the opinions of the people, as to the laws
aild their administration, should not be disturbed.
1:1 is measure tended to disturb them most essen-
tially, and was therefore pregnant with danger."

Had Lord ELDON flourished a century ago,
lostead of at the present age, he would have
argued against the abolition of the law that
the
witches with death, on precisely
:,,(4.! same grounds as he now argues against
'"e Local Courts Bill. He would have
sail that " the measure was pregnant with
d
the
because it disturbed the " opinions of
1„4 people as to the laws and their administra-
r); that, therefore, it was highly expedient
that witches should still be continued to be
uerned alive. To permit such delinquents to
ceaue scot-free, and even ride on broom-sticks
through the air with impunity, would, so help
him God, be a revolutionary " experiment,"
tviticli he could not think of without a shudder,
and to which he never, never would give his
consent.
Lord ELDON dwelt much on the word " ex-
Periment" last night. " In his opinion, the
in was a mere experiment—a species of legis-
lation which, he thanked God, that House had
trlot hitherto sanctioned." His Lordship is per-
fectly right here. He a much to thank God
fOr. Th het Peers have till s lately seen so many
reasons to be satisfied with the existing state of
things, that no wonder they entertain a horror of
1111 thing like an " experiment." In their
, hew of the subject, the word is but a
IPnonym for improvement, which of course they
gate, as the devil is said to hate holy water. It
"as an " experiment " that annihilated their
14fluence in the Commons, and it is an
experiment," which will soon, we
hope, disembarrass them of the presence
the El:iscopal Bench. But, taking the
Pirate in a more enlightened sense, what is
every great national improvement but an " ex-
?" What else was the Repeal of the
iTest atol Corporation Acts—the improvements
!1 the Criminal Code—the Catholic Emanci-
pation Bill, and a hundred other such beneficent
Were
that we could mention ? These
cere all " experiments," and to object to them
4141[4 that they were such, is to check all moral
I(lpolitical improvement, without a why or a
wherefore,i at the threshold. Nay, to descend
tottfot great to little matters, from things to pet--
11.11; what was the elevation of Lord ELDON
himself to the woolsack, but a Tory experiment,
tvhich has answered no earthly purpose that we
heard of, except to cram his Lordship's
headlong
to suffocation, and drive the country
to the very edge of despair ?
tlt Were Lord ELDON seriously desirous ()Hieing
tte patriot he would be thought, he would
hire from public life at once and for ever.
th:18 country would be grateful to him for
attire
act of public virtue, which would be the
welcome by reason of its utter novelty.

His Lordship holds no one Opinion in common
with the present age. He can neither under-
stand nor feel its spirit ; hence, like a benighted
traveller in a morass, he is bewildered at every
step he takes. Really it is high time that lie
should shake hands with the world, bid it good
night, and retire to sleep at Encombe.
The CHANCELLOR'S reply to Lord ELDON'S
twwldie was in every respect worthy of him.
It left the poor old Earl not a leg to stand upon.
Lord LYNDHURST made subsequently a show
of fight, but was left pretty much in the same
predicament. The Noble Ex-CHANCELLOR
talked much and loudly of the absence of all
factious spirit on the part of himself and his col-
leagues, while, at the same time, he was bursting
with party rancour. indeed, so great was his
overflow of gall, that Lord BROUGHAM was
compelled ironically to observe—" these discus-
sions tend very much to raise, or rather to sus-
tain, the high character which this House main-
tains out of doors." This is bitter irony, and
must have cut clean through the thick coatings
with which pride and vanity have fenced their
Lordships. It must have galled them to the quick.
Lord HOLLAND spoke to order, and prosed,
in terms polite, about the impropriety of alluding
to " party spirit" in such a patriotic, conscien-
tious place as the House of Lords. Was
this ironical too ? If so, it was worthy even of
Lord BROUGHAM.

We can see quite enough in last night's
debate to confirm our suspicions that the
Ministers have little or no hold in the Upper
House. Whatever they may be in the Com-
mons, in the Lords they are deplorably
weak. There, they are at the mercy of a fac-
tion, in whose hands are the issues of life and
death to a \Vhig Ministry. What should this
teach them ? To conciliate the kindly feelings
of the people, to act boldly for the public good,
and trust as boldly to public gratitude for support.

We understand that the last official accounts
from Vienna are of such a character as to make
it probable that another strong remonstrance
will he made by our Government to Russia on
the subject of the occupation of Constantinople
by the troops of that power. If our recollec-
tion does not fail us, the triple treaty of 1827,
generally called Mr. CANNING'S treaty, laid it
down as a basis that neither of the parties
should avail himself of any advantage that it
might present, except in concurrence with
the whole. The circumstances which pre-
ceded the last attack upon Turkey by
Russia, showed how little regard the Em-
peror NICHOLAS paid to the main principle
of that treaty, many of the advantages of which
were laid hold of by him to promote his views
on Turkey. By another treaty—that of Adria-
nople—it was agreed that Russia should never
require for herself privileges in the Bosphorus,
which were not to be common to all the great
European Powers. Yet now it seems she has
insisted upon the exclusion of all foreign ships
of war, during the occupation of Constan-
tinople by Russian troops, which occupation
may be protracted indefinitely, as it is not to
take place until the costs of the Russian inter-
position shall have been paid by Turkey. From
all that we know of the Turkish finances, many
years may elapse ere the Emperor NICHOLAS
can be repaid ; and, therefore, the only way of
putting an end to the occupation of Constanti-
nople by the Russians, will be for the British
and French Governments to come to some
arrangement, by which the Emperor of RUSSIA
may be convinced that he will not be permitted
to continue with impunity his system of violence
and spoliation.

Dr. BowRING, who has just returned from
Paris, reports very favourably of the state of
public opinion there, as to the proposal of a com-
mercial treaty between France and this country,
but he confirms the account given by the
Paris Correspondent of the Times of the oppo-
sition of the monopolists. We understand from
another source that the chief obstacle to an
arrangement is the refusal of our Government
to pledge itself to the immediate and extensive
reduction of the duty on French brandy. Until
this be done, the party in France, hostile to
the proposed treaty, will not withdraw its oppo-
sition. Our Government have intimated that
such a measure may be fairly expected after a few
more concessions from the French, but that we
have already made many concessions which have
not been reciprocated. It appears that the ad-
vantages of the late alterations -in the tariffs of
the two countries, have been five to one in favour
of the French nation.

We have before us two publications of Mr.
MUNDELL'S on the subject of the Bank Charter.
The first is a pamphlet published some few
weeks back, entitled " The Dangers of the Re-
solutions relative to the Bank Charter," and the
other a series of propositions on a single sheet
of paper, published by Mr. MUNDELL since
his appointment as agent of the country bankers,
and is, we presume,to be taken as an earnest of his
exertions on their behalf. We are happy to see
that so sound a thinker as Mr. MUNDELL con-
curs with us in the view we have taken of the
dangers attendant upon the CHANCELLOR of
the EXCHEQUER'S plan. He says—

"It seems matter of astonishment to me, that men
with the power of observing what has passed, and thereby
of reasoning from the past with regard to the future, could
ever think of putting the country in such a volcano of uni-
versal danger.
"No price whatever will compensate for danger. But
what does the Chancellor of the Exchequer propose to ob
tain for the country, for the immense means of benefit,
at the expense of its industry, which he opens to the
Bank of England by these resolutions? Truly, no more
than 120,0001. a year, subject to the repayment by the
public, of one fourth part of the debt, now due by the
public, to that corporation : that is, power over the
whole industry of the country is to be sold to the Bank of
England for 120,0001. a year, minus about one half per
cent. per annum upon 3.471,700/. to be borrowed, in
order to repay one fourth of the debt, due by the public to
the Bank, at present lent at 31. per cent.
" Former Chancellors of the Exchequer have looked
more to revenue than to industry, as if revenue did not
depend upon industry, and as if revenue must not fall off
if industry be repressed. But such a wholesale bargain,
affecting the industry i,f the country for so paltry a con-
sideration, was never made, or proposed to be made, by
any yrevious Chancellor of the Exchequer."

Mr. MUNDELL'S ultimate views, of course,
tend to giving the public the protection to be
derived from unlimited competition ; but we
hardly think that he sufficiently sees the impor-
tance of now making a stand against the conti-
nuation of any part of its monopoly. He
speaks of agreeing to the terms proposed
by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER with
the exception of limiting the Charter to a dura-
tion of three years after notice, such notice not
to be given for seven years, and to limiting it:
privileges to within thirty-five miles of London.
We object to yielding the Bank the power over

3*A

the currency proposed to be given to it by the
CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER even for
a year, because if it made use of that power,
as we might expect it would, the difficulty
of returning to a sound system would be
infinitely increased. No compromise ought
to be made, or arrangement of any kind
agreed to, which will not curtail the privileges
of the Bank of England. The foundations of
those privileges were laid by ignorance ; the su-
perstructure has been raised by necessity. Ne-
cessity no longer exists to justify their continu-
ance, and the knowledge does exist which
enables us safely to overthrow them. Why
should we not take advantage of the absence of
the one and existence of the other ? Of
what advantage will the bitter experience
we have had of the misconduct of the
Bank be, if we do not now at least curtail its
powers of mischief ? The monopoly of the East
India Company was not half so injurious to
the country as that of the Bank of England.
The East India Company merely prevented the
receipt of the benefits to be derived from free-
dom of trade with the East, whilst the mono-
poly of the Bank not only deprives us of the
advantages to be derived from freedom of trade
in banking, but inflicts upon us positive and
enormous evils utterly unknown where such free-
dom exists. 'Within a period of forty or fifty
years, we have had seven or eight panics, fol-
lowed by the greatest commercial, manufactu-
ring, and agricultural distress, every one of which
may be traced to the existence of theßank mono-
poly. On the other hand we have, during all
that time, seen the circulation of Scotland,
founded on free trade, stand without injury
every one of the shocks of distress, short crops,
over-trading, and even invasion and rebellion,
which brought ruin upon this part of the island.
Can blindness he greater than that which, in-
stead of approximating our system to one which
invariably in all cases, in all times, in every part
of the globe, where tried, has been found bene-
ficial, runs wild into a system which, in all cases,
times, and countries, has been fraught with misery
and ruin?

Yesterday the country bankers had another
meeting at Brown's Hotel, at which a vast
number of Members of the House of Commons
attended, for the purpose of learning their opi-
nion on different points connected with the
pending question. As far as can be gathered
from the conversation that passed, it would ap-
pear to be the general disposition, both of the
country bankers and their friends, to stave off
the question for a year, in order to gain time to
make the public and the Legislature acquainted
with its true bearings. Looking to the manner
in which the House of Commons is choked up
with business, and to the late period of the
session, we should think that a postponement
of the question would not be unwelcome to
Lord ALTHORP—certainly it must be more
desirable than unsuccessfully attempting to carry
the Bill through the opposition with which it is
now threatened.

It will be seen by our report of the proceed-
ings that took place at the Court of Aldermen
yesterday, that the Recorder of London has re-
signed his situation. Better late than never.
" Black Jack" and " job Cox" will be by-words
in the condemned cells of Newgate for many a
day.

The French Papers of Sunday do not con-
tain any news of interest.

German Papers, received this morning, are
chiefly occupied with an endeavour to prove that
the recent disturbances at Frankfort and other
places were got up by French and Polish Emis
saries, but that no " respectable" people were
implicated ! The day of retribution is only
deferred—not forgotten :
S•ruTTcaan, JUNE 16.—The Russian Legatio❑ now
signs tie passports of persons desiring to go to Russian
Poland, if they only show that they possess the means
wcessary for ti,e expenses of their journey thither,—
Frankfort Papers. Jur.e 19.
VIENNA, Jurist 14.—Our funds have been depressed by
a report of the death of Prince Talleyrand. 5 per Cent.
M, tilliques, 95 3-32 ; 4 per Cent. Metallique,, 861 ;
Bank Shares, 12171.—Allgemeine Zeitung, June 19.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)

(Sittings at Westminster before the Lord Chief Justice and a

Special Jury.)
THE KING V. JAMS ♦ND ANOTHER.

This case, which was an indictment for a libel at the in
stance of Mr. Carmichael Smith, had been fixed for to-day.
When his Lordship came into Court,

Mr. CURWOOD applied to his Lordship to know why the
cause, which had been postponed from last Thursday until to-
day, had been again struck out of the list, as he understood it
had been.

The Loan CHIEF JUSTICE said it had been struck out by
his authority, in order that it might be tried at the most con-
venient time for the purposes of public justice. He had per-
ceived the streets placarded with bills, alluding most inde-
cently to this case in a very particular manner. That was
one of the reasons why he had ordered it to be struck
out. He was not sure that it was not his duty to
order some of the persons who carried those placards to be
brought into Court, and to commit them to prison, for a more
direct contempt of Court could not be committed. He had
one of the bills sent to him in a letter, and if he could fix on
the person who sent it, he would commit him to prison.
Mr. Smith, the prosecutor, rose to address the Court, but
" "

His LORDSHIP ordered him to sit down. He added, that
there were other reasons for crdering the cause to be struck
out of the day's list. _ _

Mr. Cuawoon said, as his Lordship had ordered it to be
struck out, he was satisfied. He supposed the cause would
not now be tried at the present sittings.
LOAD CHIEF JUSTICE—NO.

LIBEL ON THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND.