The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-17 00:00:00

EAST INDIA SHIPPING.

The Lord William Bentinek, from Madras, has arrived
off the Isle of Wight; sailed from Kedgeree June 10,
Madras Aug. 13, Mauritius Sept. 22, Cape, Oct. 19, and
St. Mena Nov. 4.
The Hero, fi om Bombay, has arrived in the Downs ;
sailed Aug. 1, St. Helena Oct. 22.
The William Lockerby, from Singapore, has arrived off
Dover ; sailed July 27 ; St. Helena Oct. 23.
The Allerton, from Calcutta, has arrived at Liverpool ;
sailed July 23 ; Saugur 29th, St. Helena Nov. 1.
The Mary Bibby, from Bombay, has arrived at Liver-

pool.
The James Perkins, from Batavia, has arrived off
Dover ; sailed Aug. 28 ; St. Helens, Oct. 27.
Arrival. at Bombay—The Tigris, from Buhire, June 28 ;
the Tauze, from Calcutta, Jul) 1 ; the Sultan, from
Mocha, 12 ; La Pactole, from Bordeaux, 14 ; the Mary
Bibby, from Brazils, 17 ; the Lowther Castle, from Eng-
land, and St. Helena, 18 ; the Lady Faversham, from
London, and Lady of the Lake, from Singapore, 19 ; the
Spence, from Port GlasgoW, 28 ; the Gulnare, from
Singapore, 24 ; the Surrey, from Sidney, 25.
Departures from Bombay--The Virginia, for Cal-
cutta, July 3 ; the Earl of Clare, for China, 4 ; the
Ranger, for Liverpool, 15 ; the Cambrian, for China, 15 ;
the Elizabeth, for Calcutta, 21 ; the Thames, for China,
21 ; the Hall, for Calcutta, 22 ; the Herefordshire, the
Lady Melville, and Farquharson, for China, 30.
Arrivals at the Cape—The Sherborn, from Portsmouth,
October 12 ; the Sophie, from Hamburg, 12 ; the Mal-
colm, from the Downs, 13; and sailed 17, for Calcutta ;
the Childe Harold, from the Downs, 12 ; the Cybele,
from Rio Janeiro, 13 ; the Leda, from Calcutta, 14 ; the
Severn, from Portsmouth, 11 ; the Margaret and Ann,
from Falmouth, 3 ; and George and Mary, from London.
14; the Mary and Jane, from the Mauritius, 16 ; the
Triad, from Madagascar, 16 ; the.Diamoud, from Bombay,
17 ; the Andromeda, from Batavia, IS, put in for repairs.
Departures from the Cape—The Glenalvon, for the
Mauritius, October 13 ; the Childe Harold, for Calcutta,
the Osmond, for Singapore, i.nd Emerald, for the Mauri-
tius, 15 ; the Lord Hobart, for St. Helena, 16 ; the
Amsterdam, for Batavia, 17 ; the Mary and Jane, for
London, 22.
Arrivals at Singapore—The Boering, from Batavia
July 4, and sailed 10, for Rio ; the Dodelay, from Bombay
5, and sailed 10, for Siam ; the Avoca, from London and
Madras, 7 ; the Hope, from Pedier Coast, 12, and sailed
16, for China ; the Colonel Young, from the Mauritius,
12 ; the Reliance, from Batavia, 17, and sailed 18, for
Pontianale ; the Charles, from Batavia, 22 ; the Hibernia,
from Liverpool, 22 ; the Helen, from Bombay, 22, and
sailed 24, for China; the Edmonstone, from Bombay, 22,
and sailed 24, for China ; the Germania, from Pedier
Coast, 22 ; the Universe, from Batavia, 21 ; the Emma,
from Batavia, 24 ; the Clive, from a cruise, 25.
Departures from Singapore—The Anne, for China, July
4 ; the Susannah, for Macao, 5 ; the Cecilia, for China,
5 ; the Victory, for China, 9 ; the Sweet, for Penang,
10 ; the Alexander, for Rio, 11 ; the Diamond, for Ma-
lacca, 20 ; the Diana, for Batavia, 23.
Arrivals at Madras—The Judith, from the Mauritius;
the Research, from London, and Yare, from Bengal, June
30 ; his Majesty's ship Alligator, from Singapore, July
6 ; the Prince George, from London, 13 ; the Thalia,
from Ennore, 15 ; the Coote, from a cruise, 14 ; La
Emilie, from Bordeaux, 19 ; the Merope, from the
Mauritius, 20 ; tha Arab, from London, 23 : the Runny-
mede, from London, 23 ; the Larkins, from London, 26 ;
the Lady Munro, from Bengal, 26 ; the Sir Achibald
Campbell, from the Mauritius, 28.
Departures from Madras—The Ripley, July 3 ; the
Research and Arab, 5, for Bengal ; the Hon. Company's
schooner Recovery, for Viz igapatatn, 8 ; his Majesty's
ship Alligator, for a cruise, and Bencoolen, for Singapore,
13 ; the Thalia, for Bengal 18 ; the Hon. Company's
schooner Coote, for Coringo, 21 ; the Hon. Company's
ship Buckinghamshire, for Bengal, 22.
Arrivals at St. Helena—The John Craig and Maria,
from the Mauritius, Nov. 1, and sailed 3d, for England;
the Juliana from Madras, and sailed 4th, for London ; the
Tyrer, from Calcutta, 4th.
Ships spoken with—The Elizabeth from London to
China, Aug. 21, lat. 10, N. ; the Mary, from Leith to
the Mauritius, Sept. 27, lat. ; the Lady Nugent, frcm
London to Bombay, 28, lat. 31. 57. S. long. 19. 41. W. ;
the Catherine, Fenn, from London to Bengal, Sept. 1, all
well ; the Robert Quayle, from Liverpool to Bombay, 20,
lat. 14. N., long. 24. W. ; the Vistula, from Mauritius
to Greenock, Oct. 13, on the Bank of the Lagullas ; the
Fairlie, from London to New South Wales, Nov. 19. lat.
6. 47. N., long. 22. 3. W.

An entirely new Life of the Right Hon.
Edmund Burke, is at length stated to be in progress,
under the immediate sanction of Earl Fitzwilliam.
On Saturday an inquest was held before Mr.
Stirling, at the Hope Coffee-house, Lower Porchester-
street, Connaught-square, Edgeware-road, on the body nf
Mr. J. Pratt, aged 26. The deceased, who was a furni-
ture-broker, and of respectable connections, " had lately
!ed a gay life and drunk deep." He resided with a Mrs.
Willis, alias Windsor, who kept a certain description of
house, No. 47, Upper Berkeley-street-west. On Wed-
nesday last he was in Mrs. Willis's dressing-room, when
the servant said that he owed her 2d. Mrs. Willis ch_
served she would pay that, and the deceased then said to
Mrs. Willis, " Come, kiss me, Kate." She did so, and
the deceased then asked the servant to kiss him, but she
refused ; and the deceased walked into the front bed-room
and locked the door. In five minutes afterwards the re-
port of a pistol was heard, and on the door being broken
open, the deceased was found dead. It appears that the
deceased was very excited in consequence of excessive
drinking. Mrs. Catherine Windsor, alias Willis, in
giving evidence, said she had parted from her husband for
some time. She seldom quarrelled with him. A letter
addressed to Mrs. Willis, is which he trusted be should
be pardoned for his rash act, and affectionately dwelt on
the many hours of happiness he bad spent with his dear
Kate, was found in the bed-room. The following is an
extract :—" Pray, my dearest Kate, for my soul for the
act which I commit. I knew you am sure of
that, for which God will he good to you for this kind-
ness to one who loved you derear than his life. My dear
mother—dearest to me but one upon earth, that was
yourself, my dearest Catherine—my mother and sisters,
God bless them all—father also." The jury found a
verdict--Temporary insanity.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The naval preparations, of Russia and France
have rot some considerable period attracted the

notice of political abservers in every part of
Europe. The French Government has been
pushing forward a powerful armarnfot of men of
war in her southern dockyards, to be accom-

flied by 20,000 or 30,000 troops, for the Pur-
pose, as it is announced, of invading the
African province of Constantine, a dependency
of the former Government of Algiers. Perhaps
a more pressing service might be discovered, a
few hundred miles to the eastward of that new
French colony. Russia has a fleet in the Euxine,
within three short days'. sail of Constantinople,
consisting of not less than from twenty-two to
twenty-four ships of the line. Can any one
be surprised that the Government of Louis
Philip should hasten to be in readiness for all
contingencies, or that England should partici-
pate its just apprehension of the manifest designs
of Russia ? That England does share the feel-
ings of France on that important subject seems
plain from the fact, made known by all the
newspapers, that our Admiralty have, within these
few weeks, given orders to fit out for imme-
diate service several men of war, and first class

frigates, now lying in ordinary at Plymouth,
Portsmouth, and Chatham, eight sail of the
line, we believe, and four or five frigates, which,
with the Victory and two others already in com-
mission at Portsmouth, would constitute a force
of eleven sail of the line ; and, added to the

squadron already in the Archipelago, would
compose a fleet of some sixteen or eighteen sail
of the line, including half a dozen three deck-
ers. Any longer indifference on the part of
England to the progress of Russian conspiracy
and trickery against the magnificent ruins of the
Turkish empire would be an insult to ;he
honour of this great people, a sacrifice of the
security of British commerce, and of the free-
dom of the Mediterranean, as well as a crime
against the independence and tranquillity of the
European Continent. We rejoice, therefore,
to learn from our brother journalists, that signs
of increased alacrity to meet, or, in other words,
to ward off, the evil which threatens, are visible
in the preparatory measures of his Majesty's
Government. if the Cabinet of St. Peters-
burgh shall be satisfied that France and Eng-
land really " mean what they say," and that
they rig out and man a formidable fleet, not for
ostentation, but, if unavoidable, for action, it is
our belief that the Czar will turn more than
once on his pillow before he dares the encounter
of such a confederacy. The safety of the whole
world, of law, of liberty, of political society,
everywhere, most reflecting men are conscio s,
must now depend on a hearty union of counc-ls
and of efforts by France and England to stem
the torrent of barbarian conquest in one quarter
of Europe, and to prevent the pressure of mili-
tary despotism from extending to every other.
If some Powers be not aware of that great
truth, we suspect that Russia is not one of the
ignorant. But M. Pozzo di Borgo may spare
his attempts, however dexterous, to sow discord
between Great Britain and her partner in this
righteous cause. France and England know
that they have a common interest, commercial,
colonial, military, maritime, moral, as against
time aggressions of the Northern Despot. They
know that by their union all those mighty in-
terests may.with ease and certainty be secured,
and that to withdraw from each other's standard
is to sacrifice them all without redemption. NI
Pozzo di Borgo will, therefore, lose his labour
—Times.

Prince TJetternich, as our readers must have
see by our extracts from the German and French
journals, has summoned the political doctors of
Germany to a consultation at Vienna, under his
own superintendence, on the constitutional
weakness or chronic distempers of the Germanic
suchter
removeded
aw rha
ocoot
ri
out effect
iaeol
ffinaeeyoret
d; had
the
eeb
prescribed
Confederacy. The usual medicines recom-
ompo e s nel
tyd eh. dda
had
bi
oy
snot
i
of nervous irritation under which the patient
laboured—and it seems resolved that a change
of treatment shall be adopted, in which a steel
regimen may be attempted by way of experiment.
Nearly the same body of diplomatic physicians
had assembled in consultation on the same pre-
text at the waters of Carlsbad, in 1819 ; they
had thence adjourned to Vienna in the beginning
of the following year ; and though they have
since met several times, the result of their united
ingenuity and experience has hitherto proved
fruitless in effecting a radical cure, or allaying
the feverish excitement. Though neither the
French nor German papers, last arrived, inform
us of the precise points to which the attention of
this German congress (to drop all metaphor) will
be applied, it requires no inspiration or revela-
tion from the Austrian Prime Minister, to
ascertain its views and objects. In June, 1832,
the diet at Frankfort published certain resolu-
tions, to which the sanction of all its members
had been given, abridging some of the most
essential franchises, and annulling some of the
most important rights of the constitutional states.
These resolutions, in the first place, abolished
the freedom of the press in one or two of the
principalities where it had recently been esta-
blished by law, and imposed a more rigid cen-
sorship on political writings in states where the
censorship had previously existed. In the
second place, they endeavoured to curtail the
freedom of discussion in the Legislative Cham-
bers of the constitutional kingdoms and princi-
palities, or, what was nearly as pernicious and
tyrannical, prohibited the publication of their
legislative debates. This was a stretch of power
which the Bourbons during the restoration never
attempted to exercise in France, though, in other
respects, the French press was frequently put
under a strict censorship. The tribune, in the
most alarming circumstances,
was allowed to be
free, while the journals were enslaved; and the
deputies of the nation could speak to the nation
from the Chambers, when the great body of the
citizens could neither be enlightened nor ad-
dressed from any other quarter, nor by any other
class of instructors. In the third place, the
resolutions of the Germanic Diet, in June, 1832,
prohibited public meetings for the expressittn of
political grievances ; and, in the fourth place,
they announced the determination of the Diet
for maintaining the authority of the Princes
against their subjects in the constitutional states,
by denying the right of the legislative bodies in
time latter to refuse the supplies demanded by
Lheir Governments. Since these despotic reso-
lutions were promulgated ill the summer of last
res of all the Constitutional
year, the Legislatu
VVirtemberg, Bavaria, • Baden,
States namely,
Hesse Darmstadt, Electoral Hesse, Nassau,
and other smaller principalities, have met and
protested against them, as an assertion of federal
tyranny, and an arbitrary infringement of their
independent rights. Their Sovereigns, on the
other hand, have endeavoured to justify Limo

authority of the Diet, and have either dismissed
or dissolved their refractory assemblies, without
giving them satisfaction, or promising them re-
dress. In Baden the last words of the popular
Chamber to their Grand Duke contained a
demand for the restoration of their privileges,
and the abolition of the censorship, with the
expression of a solemn warning that the causes
which led to the expulsion of the Burbons might
produce a similar catastrophe in other countries,
where a similar despotism was attempted to be
established. The States of Wirtemberg,
particularly the Chamber of Representatives,
were equally decided. In Hesse-Darmstadt the
Prince dissolved his Legislative Assemblies with
precipitation, because they insisted on their
rights as against the arbitrary authority of the
Federal Council ; and the political trials which
have been going on in the Bavarian provinces
of the Rhine sufficiently attest the excitement
which the tyranny of the Diet, seconded by the
tyranny of the 'Bavarian Government, has
created in that part of the Confederation. It is
needless to say that the pretensions of the Diet,
if enforced by the troops of the Confederation,
would destroy every vestige of national freedom
or independence, and leave the smaller states
entirely at the mercy of the stronger. If one
journal is suppressed because it supports princi-
ples, which, though in unison with the feelings
of the state where it appears, may be disliked by
the arbitrary Governments of the Confederacy,
all other journals may be suppressed on the same
ground. If the speakers of the Legislative
Assemblies are only permitted to address their
fellow-citizens on such topics as to federal com-
missioners shall seem agreeable and safe, their
mouths may be entirely stopped, or their
language may be perverted by the same
a...ithority. But the abolition of the right
of refusing supplies more directly strikes
at the root of all representative govern-
ment. One of the great uses of a Legislative
assembly elected by the people is to control the
public expenditure, and the only check on a
bad or an extravagant Prince or Administra-
tion, short of actual revolution, is a refusal of
the pecuniary means of realizing their crimes
or their follies. The purse-strings may thus,
in certain cases, be the only cords by which
such parties can be bound. Yet such preten-
sions do the German Diet not only maintain
in principle, but enforce in practice, against
the protestations and remonstrances of the Con-
stitutional States ; and there is no doubt that
the Ministerial Conferences at Vienna are in-
tended to extend the principle of interference,
and to arrange the means of its more efficient
or prompt execution. The distinguishing fea-
ture in the situation of the German Constitu-
tional Kings and Princes is, that they have
one set of duties to perform towards the great
Council of the Confederation at Frankfort, and

another towards their own Constitutional As•

semblieS at home, and that these two kinds of
obligation may sometimes be not only at vari-
ance with each other, but even in absolute
contradiction. The Diet of Germany, be it
remembered, is only a Congress of Ambas-
sadors, delegated from the different Govern-
ments composing the Federal Union, to speak
the sentiments of these Governments, and to
a legislative assembly elected and deputed by the
people of each state, like the Federal Congress
at Washington. The former does not therefore
necessarily, or even probably, express the sense
of the people like the latter, and therefore are

moreliicelY to clash with the domestic legislatures
which are chosen by the people to control their
princes. This is the most likely to happen
when we consider the nature of the Governments
and the principles of the Sovereigns represented
by their Ministers in the Germanic Diet. Were
they nearly uniform in their institutions, or
nearly equal in their power or influence, little
danger or embarrassment might he apprehended
from their Federal Councils. Had they all
legislative assemblies,—had they all a free press,
—had they all popular elections,—a general
political sympathy might be established, through
the medium of a common language, strengthened
by common interests, and, at any rate, all motives
for a central control on these points, and of
course all grounds for an arbitrary military
interference, would be removed. But the state
of Germany furnishes a perfect contrast to
this representation. In the Federal Union
there are two vast monarchies whose rulers are
European Sovereigns in one capacity, capable of
entering into alliances and engaging in wars in-
dependent of their confederates, and component
members of the German Confederation in an-

other, and therefore enabled to sway its policy
by an external influence. But even this influ-
ence of Hungary and Lombardy, belong to
Austria,—of Poland and the northern Prussian
provinces, belonging to the Court of Berlin,
though it may tell in the Diet at Frankfort as
more than a counterbalance to the opposing votes
of the princes whose dominions are bounded by
the limits of the Confederation, is not to be
compared in its malignant effects to their differ-
ence of political principles. These monarchies
are not only powerful by extra-federal territories,
but they are despotic in the principles of their
domestic government, and, in order to preserve
themselves from the contagion of freedom, must
either endeavour to lay it under quarantine, or
to distinguish it among their neighbour confede-
rates. Hence the development of the most
enlightened institutions,—hence the freedom of
the press, and the freedom of legislative discussion
—must be resisted, curtailed, or controlled by
Governments which have made the least progress
in political improvement,—hence an article of po-
litical intelligence, the announcement of a political
doctrine, or the adoption of a civil institution
which would he displeasing to the absolute
functionaries at Vienna or Berlin, must be pro-
hibited or persecuted at Munich, Stutgard, or
Carlsrhue. Not satisfied with what has been
done already against the rights of the constitu-
tional states, the Conferences, under the direc-
tion of Prince Metternich, at Vienna will
endeavour further to extend the tyranny of the
Diet, and to organize the military means of its
intervention. The stipulations adopted at the
late Congress of despots in Bohemia, against
what they call propaganelism, will thus first be
tried in Germany, as in corpore viii ; and if
the attempt succeeds, the despotic experiment
will be extended with new confidence to a wider
Happily, however, Europe
range of Europe.
will be prepared for resistance. Its free states
will know where to look for protection so long
as the alliance of continental despots is balanced
by the liberal alliance of France and England,
and the first act of invasion on the sovereign
rights of any German principality, to whose
rights we are guarantees, must be met by a
prompt energy of interference. We shall return
to the subject.—Times.

Alinisters having, as we always suspected they
would, put off the evil day to the latest possible
period, have at length definitively fixed to meet

Parliament on the 4th of Feb. On this occasion,
besides their own share in the important business
of the State, and whatever new matter may have
arisen to fall hito other hands, they have to meet
no less than 134 notices which already stand
entered for discussion on the order book of the
House of Commons. This prospect, looking at
the past, it must be confessed, is somewhat ap-
palling. But when a man of business sees
himself likely to be overwhelmed with labour, in
the multiplicity of his concerns, instead or wait-
ing with his arms folded till the whole weight
comes simultaneously upon him, he endeavours,
by timely foresight and arrangement, to antici-
pate the difficulty, and seldom fails, by method,
to lessen the labour, and greatly facilitate the
accomplishment of that which remains. It is
one of the misfortunes of this country that her
public men, generally speaking, are rarely men of
business—that neither education nor habit tends to
make them such. Both at our public schools and
universities, though the higher sciences are
successfully cultivated—that is, if the aspirant
chooses to apply himself to them—at neither one
nor the other are the very first rules of arithmetic,
or any of those branches of education which
necessarily diverge from them, either taught or
thought of. Young men can speak and com-
pose fluently and elegantly in the dead languages,
to whom their mother tongue, as well as the
modern languages of French, German, snd
Italian, are, in fact, the literary terra incognita ;
but as for keeping accounts, or any of those
qualities tor which it might be supposed that
Napoleon bestowed upon us the sarcastic appel-
lation of " a nation of shopkeepers," those who
have to conduct the business of the nation rarely
know enough to enable them to manage their
own. This, we repeat, is a national, not a party
opprobrium ; and if it may hitherto have applied
more to the present Ministers than their prede-
cessors, it has only been because the latter, so
long habituated to office, were, of necessity,
somewhat more expert at its details than mere
novices could be expected to be. But to return to
the load of business which the next Session pre.
sents ; there is one mode of facilitating it, which
both Ministers themselves, and Members of Par-
lisment in general would do well to adopt, and
that is, by avoiding the too common habit of
overtalking everything. This, too, is one of
the vices of the age, and is a sad unbusiness-
like habit. Though we should be sorry to see the
higher class of eloquence lost, as it nearly is,
from among us, yet the eloquence of business
(if such it can be called) may, and ought to
be of a very concise and simple nature, far
removed, indeed, from that species of rhuho-
montade in which would-be orators, and too
many of them official persons, too often strive
to envelop the plainest subjects. This habit,
which arises in a great measure, if not wholly,
from a meretricious love of display, has become
so great a hindrance to public affairs that it
would well become a Reformed Parliament and
a Reform Ministry, to reform it altogether.
Laying aside great national questions, public
business cannot be made too much to assimilate
to the affairs of private life, and we need not
ask any man acquainted with them, how the
affairs of the counting-house, the manufactory,
the dock, the warehouse, or the office, would
proceed, if every topic were made a subject of
lengthened debate, in which, while the speakers
were contending for victory, the subject matter
of discussion actually passed away, or became
nugatory, and that to the total exclusion and
neglect of more pressing and important con-
cerns.—Morning Herald.
The mountebank Commissioners, acting under
the spurious authority of a lawless Commission,
mounted their stage yesterday at the Guildhall
of the city of London, for the first time. They
had, it seems, the license of the Lord Mayor
for the exhibition of their disorderly gambols,
which, in our opinion, ought to have been
withheld, and accordingly they were neither
hunted out of the city by the police, nor hooted
out of it by the mob. Yet it is evident that
they went into the city of London humbled,
mortified, crestfallen men ; and, as might be
expected in such circumstances, their per-
formances failed to excite the least applause,
or even to attract much attention. Mr.
Charles Pearson, and a few other Members
of the Common Council of similar cha-
racter, attended to give to the scene all the
eclat that their presence could impart, but,
from the scantiness and poverty of the audi-
ence, they seem to have thought it better to
omit the usual ceremony at the conclusion of
such exhibitions of going round with the hat.
The city authorities should have protected the
metropolis from this disgraceful mummery, and
we deeply lament that they have not done so.
But, if the authorities have failed in their duty
to the community, it is pleasant to reflect that
there are corporations and individuals in the city
of London whose bearing, towards these unau-
thorized pretenders to inquisitorial power, has
had the salutary effect of abating the arrogance
of their original pretensions. They dare not
trifle in the city of London, as their colleagues
have trifled in so many other places, with the
solemnity of an oath ; so that if the citizens could
not be spared the disgust which solemn buffoonery
must always inspire, their feelings, at least, are
not to he shocked by the open exhibition of
impiety. Mr. Merryman Blackburne, in-
formed the assembled group, " that some
difficulty had arisen from the clause in the Com-
mission empowering the Commissioners to ad-
minister an oath, and that some necessary wit-
nesses would object to be sworn. The Com-
missioners had not the slightest wish to ad-
minister an oath, for he was quite sure no man
would come forward to state anything which was
not founded in truth, and therefore the Com-
missioners would not put any party to his oath."
We should very much like to know how Mr.
1/lerryman Blackburne can be quite sure, that
no man will come forward to state anything
which is not founded in truth, and still more
should we like to know, how Mr. Merryman
Blackburne and his colleagues can expect to
touch their pay, for receiving loose declara-
tions under a Commission of Inquiry which
directed them to collect evidence upon
oath. Their easy substitution of gossip,
in the place of oaths, proves the entire
worthlessness and emptiness of the whole
proceeding, and proves, moreover, that the
Commissioners have been well chosen, that
they are entirely worthy of the authority under
which they assume to act, that the mode of
executing their job is to them of little importance
so that they do not permit it wholly to slip
through their fingers. There seems to have
been no attempt on the part of the Commis-
sioners to preserve regularity or order in their
proceedings. Several witnesses and several
examiners were all speaking at once. This was
quite natural, for in a promiscuous assemblage,
where every man present has the same right to
speak and be heard, it would be very odd indeed

if only one at a time should be in the humour
to talk. And what coal-porter or drayman who
passes along Cheapside has not as much right
to examine witnesses in Guildhall upon any
subject as Mr. Blackburne, Sir Francis Pa'grave,
Mr. Drinkwater, Mr. Ellis, and Mr. Joseph
Parkes ?—illorning Post.

COURT OF CHANCERY, DEC. 16.

MADDEFORD V. AUSTWICII.

This was a case which had been appealed from
a decision of the Vice-Chancellor. There were
two suits ; the first was instituted for the purpose
of setting aside an agreement between the parties,
respecting the purchase, by one partner in the
business of carriers, of the share of the other, on
the ground that accounts had been withheld, and
an insufficient consideration given. The other suit
was for the specific performance of the same agree-
ment. The Vice-Chancellor decreed the setting
aide the agreement, and the accounts consequent
upon that proceeding.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he had come
to the conclusion that his Honour's decision ought
to be affirmed, with the costs of the original suit
and of the present appeal.