The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-04 00:00:00

joyed by Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds ?
These are the blots in the Constitution, which
Parliament must erase from the face of the Con-
stitution ; and we trust and believe that there are
honest men in Parliament who will keep their eye
steadily on this petition and the borough of Stafford.
The election petitions disclose a corrupt and defec-
tive state of the representation, demanding further
remedial measures. If the Ballot is not conceded,
some specific must be administered. The bribery of
L•verpcol and Norwich stinks in the nostrils of •the
Country. The" i►:fluence" in Hertford and War-
wick, detailed in the respective petitions from elec-
tors of those towns, cries aloud for redress. By
such corruption has the nation been brought to its
present critical condition; by the extinction of it
can the nation alone be saved. The common apo-
logies for corruption, as a supposed necessary engine
of Government, have been solemnly repudiated by
Lord Althorp.—Morning Chronicle.

The "determination of the Government to with-
hold, at least for the present, any proposition for
the introduction of poor laws into Ireland is a bad
omen. It augurs badly for the remedial measures
about to be introduced that this, the most impor-
tant of all, is to be denied or postponed, and that
the Tories, as well as the Whigs, have declared in
favour of delay through the leaders of their respec-
tive parties. To the avowal of Mr. Stanley we
have now to add the avowal of Sir Robert Peel,
that the adoption of any system of poor laws for
Ireland is amongst those matters which may be, not
only with safety, but with propriety, deferred to a
future day. We have also, on the part of Mr.
O'Connell, something very like a concdrrence in the
same opinion. Poor laws are, therefore, to form no
part of the remedy for the evils of Ireland. The
question of the Church Establishment is to be
settled—the question of tithe is to be settled ;
every question is to be settled, and every want
is to be supplied, with the exception of the want
of food. But can any man, or set of men, flat-
ter themselves that such an exception will not prove
fatal to the whole project ? Will starvation be so
far reconciled to the Irish peasant by the con-
sciousness that the Protestant Establishment is
curtailed, or that the tithe is paid by his
landlord, as to induce him to lie down and prepare
to perish with a good grace, and with as little noise
as possible ? There is no pretext for supposing so.
When all hands on board a vessel are put upon short
allowance, in consequence of the failure of her
stores, it requires the utmost authority and address
on the part of the Commander to carry even so rea-
sonable a proposition into effect; but to make such
an attempt, without the necessity which could alone
justify it, would lead at once to coufusion. It is so
with a nation as with a ship's crew—men will not
be put upon short allowance, in either case, while
they are surrounded with plenty, without showing
a disposition to resist the attempt. Tranquillity!
there can be no tranquillity in Ireland, or any where
else, while famine is permitted to domineer without
any check from law. Despair woold rather sue to
fear than to charity; and, if means be not taken to
prevent despair, it would be more rational to think
of preaching to the storm than to the mind possessed
by such a demon. Indeed it is with deep regret
that we contemplate the announcement of the in-
tention to exclude poor laws from the remedial mea-
sures for Ireland, because we feel convinced that,
without bettering the condition, it will be impossible
either to raise the sentiments or to calm the turbu-
lence of the poor. For this reason, amongst others,
we lament that that benevolent and enlightened,
though in some respects, as we conceive, mistaken
politician, Mr. Sadler, has no longer a seat in the
House. He, at least, would have stood aloof from
the Irish aristocracy on this question, and exerted
his eloquence to prevent so absurd a compromise as
that which would sacrifice the more important to
the less important consideration in the attempt to
abate the disorders which have always unfortunately
prevailed in Ireland. We repeat that no compro-
mise can be successful which overlooks the com-
forts of the great mass of the population, or affects
to provide in any ether way for their contentment
than by removing them from the constant dread
and frequent experience of starvation.—Morning
Herald.

(From the Examiner)
THE PLEAS FOR A TYRANNY.
So spake the fiend, and with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds.

" Undoubtedly," says Mr. Stanley, " his Ma-
jesty's 'Ministers have proposed a measure of a very
arbitrary and coercive character." " The proposed
law is founded on an uncontrollable necessi.y ; and
the more its principles are at valiance with the Con-
stitution, the more strongly did it recommend itself
to his judgment." This we can all believe ; it is
the only part of the Secretary's statement to which
we can give implicit credence. Lord Althorp advo-
cates the measure on the same ground ; he takes
his stand oti its exorbitance, he makes evil his
good, and contends that the very intolerableness of
the law is its recommendation, as recourse will
not he had to it on less urgent occasion. He says—

" The fact undoubtedly is, that if in measures of this
kind we attempt to take a middle course, and to mitigate
the excess of power beyond the ordinary law to such a de-
gree as to make men regard it with less dislike than as
Englishmen we ought to feel, we do snore mischief than is
occasioned by Bills of greater force and effect, inasmuch as
we may induce those in power to bring forward their
milder plans when the occasion is not so urgent as to de-
mand them. * * * Therefore, I do not
consider the dislike it will probably meet with among the
people in some respects a disadvanrage ; and for this,
among other reasons, I prefer the enactment contained in
the Bill upon the table." _ _

The same plea would always warrant the demand
for powers enormously exceeding the occasion.
The authors of the massacre of St. Bartholomew
doubtless pursued the same course of reasoning ; it
was of an enormity that would not allow of light re-
petition. Murder is, by the same rule, better than
chastisement. A blow may be struck with the hand
on slight provocation, but if we never strike but
with a knife we shall have a care of striking, witt.-
ont those good reasons for murder on which Roderi-
go insists. When Mr, and Mrs. Moss rubbed red
pepper into their slave's eyes and wounds, their
coercive measure had the Ministerial recommenda-
tion of an enormity which would not be lightly
practised by other masters. England has hitherto
been a Mother Brownrigg to Ireland; and to tem-
per her hand she is now to take to the sword in-
stead of the whip ; for, as Lord Althurp and Mr.
Stanley argue at the prompting of the double..
tongued, double-dyed, arch-apostate himself, instru-
ments of this deadly sort will be more reluctantly
taken up in future. And why not improve further
on the principle ? Why not make the law less
likely to be drawn into precedent by aggravating its
heinousness ? Why not declare the Viceroy Bashaw
of West Barbary, make his word the law of the
land, and the people bow down to it, and reve-
rently.
murmur, " to hear is to obey Is" Honest lago
had the reasons„which Roderigo
,required for the
murder of „Michael Cassia. Honest Lord Althorp
has reasons for strangling the constitution of Ireland.
Every body.will allow, and no
_one more readily than
myself, that nothing but the most pressing necessity can
warrant the course we rec anmend."

This case of necessityfor suspending the liberties of
a people, and sending the sword in mastery among
them, he stated in a catalogue of crimes and out-
rages which it cost him an hour's breath to recite.
It is obvious, that such a collection of cases, with
an official license for attributing motives and co-
louring circumstances, may easily be made with very
appalling effect, and yet without representing with
any truth the state of a people. We have had hor-
rible barbarities in England. Let us for a moment
suppose the Government of this country in Ireland,
and a Secretary full of Hibernian passion and preju-
dice reciting the Newgate Calendar, and pointing
out with due execration special cases—such as that
of the unnatural monster Sheen, who cut his child's
head off, but was acquitted, after the clearest evi-
dence of the fact, upon a technicality. The Irish-
man would argue with as much show of reason as
Lord Althorp or Mr. Stanley has yet exhibited, that
a people amongst whom such an atrocity could be
perpetrated with impunity were not to be intrusted