The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-12 00:00:00

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confidence of the people in the Constitution may be
revived, and when the crafty and sinister policy of
Toryism may be for ever crushed. The Reformers of
England may again be aroused to vindicate their po-
litical rights, and to rally round the standard of a Re-
form Administration. The people will respond to
the call, if they see that those who summon them are
alive to the demands of the crisis. But they must not
be trifled with. The time calls for bold and energetic
measures, and without them all will be unavailing ; for
it is only by acting with decision that we can hope for
the support of the people.—Morning Chronicle..
The country still continues without a Government,
and without any immediate prospect of a Government
being formed. The attempt of Lord Melbourne to
make up an administration out of the wreck of the
Grey Cabinet is understood to have been signally un-
successful. How could it be otherwise ? Would the
country have endured to see its Government composed
of a body of men, part of whom believe, and are known
to believe, that the British Constitution is bad for Ire-
land, while the. rest profess to think it is good ? Is
Ireland of so little importance, is the British Con-
stitution of so little importance, that any Cabinet
composed of honourable and conscientious men,
divided upon such a question as we have de-
scribed, could have attempted, even for a single
day, to go on together ? The Whigs attempted
this so long as it was possible to conceal their
division from the country ; but to present themselves
to the country as a Government now that this im-
portant difference of opinion is universally known, is
too much even for them. As to what will be the
issue of the present crisis, no man can form at this mo-
ment even a rational conjecture. A portion of the
late Government, with the Lord Chancellor at their
head, arc resolute in the determination not to quit,
office till the latest possible moment. "Whether this
resolution is founded upon patriotic or merely selfish
motives, will appear when we see whether they make
any sacrifice of principle for the purpose of bringing
recruits to their standard. The Lord Chancellor, it
must be recollected, by recent and repeated speeches in
Parliament, has inscribed upon that standard these
indelible words : " In Ireland the British Constitution
cannot now be maintained consistently with that pro-
tection to life and property which the subject has a right
to claim in exchange for his allegiance." Some of our
Contemporaries are labouring to excite in the minds of
their readers a feeling of alarm lest a Conservative
Administration should emerge out of the present dan-
gerous and embarrassing position of affairs. The
country, we imagine, has already had too much ex-
perience of an Administration the reverse of Conser-
vative to be very susceptible of this feeling ; nor can
the Conservative party be very eager to occupy such a
bed of roses as the Whigs have provided for their suc-
cessors in office. But in the refusal or acceptance of
political power the Conservative party will act as they
have generally acted, not with a view to the gratifica-
tion of their personal inclinations, but with reference
exclusively to the welfare of the country, and the exi-
gencies of the public service. In the absence of au-
thenticinformation, we abstain from noticing the various
rumours with respect to negotiations, conferences, and
messages which were last night in circulation.—
Morning Post.
Down to a late hour last night, we believe that
nothing—literally nothing—was done towards recon-
structing the ruined Government of Lord Grey, or
forming a new Cabinet. Rumours, which abound in
proportion as facts are wanting, flew about yesterday
in all directions, but gained no credit anywhere. It
seems to be understood by those who are usually well
informed, that endeavours have been made to thrust
in a Tory phalanx upon the residuum of the Grey
cabinet, on pretence of having what is called (no
doubt ironically) a "combined" and vigorous Adminis-
tration. This attempt is one to which no man with
the slightest knowledge of English history, with the
slightest experience of coalitions, as they have worked
from the close of the American war downwards, with
the least capacity for turning to practical uses his own
recollection of the adverse circumstances which have
occurred since Lord Grey's Cabinet came into office,
and which have all tended to produce the catastrophe
that has now befallen it—the attempt, we say, to• force
such a sinister expedient on the nation in its actual
temperature, is one to which no well-instructed States-
man could think of lending his assistance or his name.
The inconveniences of a Cabinet not united with re-
gard to many important questions must have been
deeply impressed upon Lord Melbourne within the
last twelvemonths. But the Grey Cabinet, even at
the worst, was a mild form of heterogenous--that is,
of noxious—mixture, when compared with that against
the introduction of which into the Government, if
current opinions be correct, Lord Melbourne has had
to struggle, or is at this momont struggling,--we mean
the infusion of some avowed and leading anti-Liberals
into the new Administration. It is plainly impossible
that such a Cabinet could work together for a single
week, without being destroyed by its own internal fric-
tion. The elements of what was happily termed by
the Standard " spontaneous combustion" would be a
thousand times more active and irresistible in such a
Cabinet than in the Grey Ministry, which yet it
is certain was destroyed by them. We take it for
granted, therefore, that as the issue of such an experi-
ment must be obvious, not only to Lord Melbourne
but to any politician who has his eyes and ears about
him, it will not be made at present—at least by a
Liberal or a Whig statesman. Then what happens ?
If the Court should think otherwise, Lord Melbourne,
or whoever is co-operating with the Noble Viscount
for the formation of a Ministry, must throw up the
game, and leave the King to seek advice from other
quarters. His Majesty, of course, will not apply in
the first instance to any public man more liberal than
the acting Secretary for the Home Department. The
alternative is, that his Majesty resorts to the Tories.
But the Tories, with all their infatuated arrogance,
understand the people of England well enough to know
that their accession to office would now be premature.
The Duke of Wellington's rude, unfeeling, and vin-
dictive reply to Lord Grey on Wednesday evening,
showed pretty broadly where the shoe pinched him.
His Grace was out of temper because Lord Grey had
virtually broke up his Ministry before it suited his
Grace's convenience and that of his party, to succeed.
Months ago we warned the Ministers and the nation
of the game of which both were to be the victims. We
told them that the Tories waited only until the session
of Parliament should be near expiring, to oust the
Whigs, and play such gambols during the seven
months' vacation (perhaps kick up a general war for
one of them) as might enable them to divert the spirit
of the country, to throw an unnatural share of power
into their own hands, and turn a dissolution to the
credit side of their own account with fortune. We told

the Whig Ministry not to wait for the ripening of such
machinations. It was our prayer to them to resign at
that very hour—to tell the Sovereign that they could
not carry on the Government for his honour, or for the
national well-being, without more enlarged powers,
or with so _ extensive an adulteration of anti-reform

spirit as then existed among them ; it was, as
the event proved, a reasonable and friendly prayer,
though perhaps not so regarded. Had they lis-
tened to us, they would have been enabled to defeat

all the schemes of the Conservatives ; the latter
would have confessed themselves unprepared to govern
England ; and the liberal Ministers must have had
carte blanche from the Crown. Now, again, we tell
the remnant of Lord Grey's Cabinet, and specifically
the Noble Lord who is in confidential communication

with the Court, that their soundest, surest, and wisest

policy is to throw up the cards and force the Tories to
declare whether they will or will not undertake the Go-

vernment of this country We have heard of a re-
quisition now in progress, the object of which is to pre-
vail upon the late Chancellor of the Exchequer to re-
sume the station of leader of the House of Commons,

against which, we have the word of Lord Grey for
stating that Lord Althorp's resolution was a few day's
ago " unchangeable." We have objections both to
this proceeding and to the purpose of it, which we may
hereafter, if it be necessary, develop. But we shall
now confine ourselves to observing, that if Lord Al-
thorp gives way to such a solicitation, from whatever
quarter it may springy, he will incur the suspicion of
much levity, or of what is worse, extreme insincerity

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- -

Lord Melbourne has failed in the object which he
no dcubt had at heart—the reconstruction of a purely
Whig Cabinet ; and the general rumour, in conse-
quence is, that he has been commanded by his Majesty
to solicit Mr. Stanley and some of the leading Tories
to form an administration. Who the person may have
been who gave this advice we neither do, or pretend to
know ; but that he must have been grossly ignorant of
the real state, and of .the real feelings, of the country,
no one can possibly doubt. Who would bear a coali-
tion Ministry ? Who would for ever disgrace him-
self by forming a part of it ? What principles could
it profess ? What policy could it pursue ? To us, as
we stated yesterday, the idea of such a Cabinet is a
piece of madness, and a pure impossibility ; and we have
only to add, that were it to be formed it would
not stand even for one day I Who would trust men
with the management of their affairs who would
record in one moment white and black on the same
board ? Would not this be the case were Sir R. Peel
and Mr. Stanley, or the Duke of Wellington and Sir
James Graham to attempt to form a Cabinet ? But,
thank God, we have no occasion to enlarge upon the
matter. For the King we have every possible regard ;
but the times are past and gone by when Kings could,
without the consent of Parliament, make Cabinets ;
and we have the further gratification to state that the
majority of the Members of the House of Commons,
beginning with Hume and others, who have opposed
the Ministry of Earl Grey, are now signing a requi-
sition, the purport of which is to insist upon Lord
Althorp's acceptance of office as Premier, and to
pledge those who havw signed it to support his Ad-
ministration. After such a demonstration of just feel-
ing on the part of the Commons, we care quite as much
about backstairs intrigues as we do about the election
of Sir Charles Wetherell as Chancellor. The result
is certain. No coalition Ministry can be formed, and
Lord Althorp will, in all probability, receive the com-
mands of his Majesty to form a new Government.—
Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Joseph Ady, so well kno%yn to the community for his
correspondence with the public of all countries, appeared
before the Lord Mayor upon a summons to answer upon
an accusation of having unlatifully obtained a sovereign.
The examination excited much curiosity.
The Rev. Mr. Francis Tebbutt, of Welton, in Northamp-
tonshire, received a letter signed " James Laurie," from the
hands of his brOther, who received it by post, directed to
Clapton, from whence it was sent to Austin-friars, where
his brother resided. Witness paid his brother the postage,
and on coming to town on Monday, called upon a gentle-
man of the name of Hammond, who accompanied him to
No. 11, Circus, Minories, the address to the letter, which
in substance informed him that upon payment of 20s. he
should hear of something to his advantage, and intimated
that the amount of the benefit would be 250/. Witness
saw the defendant, who said that he was the representative
of James Laurie. Witness asked him whether he was re-
lated to the late Lord Mayor, to which he replied, " Yes,
he is brother to Sir Peter Laurie, and my partner." Wit-
ness asked him whether Mr. Laurie was in the way, or
whether there was anybody who would answer the letter
produced for him ; to which he replied, that he could
transact the business upon the payment of a sovereign. Wit-
ness said to defendant, " Is it in your power to inform me
of the sum of 2501. which I can receive on paying you a
sovereign?" The defendant said it was. Upon which wit-
ness mentioned to Mr. Hammond to pay a sovereign, which
witness had given to that gentleman to pay, in order that
he might be a witness. Witness then went to see whether
the information he received was correct, having paid the
money. _

Acly—Well, show the receipt.
Mr. Tebbutt handed in the receipt, which stated at the
bottom that the money should be returned if no benefit re-
sulted from the information. The paper which contained
the information from which the sum of 250/. was to come
to the right owner was also handed in. It contained a brief
history of a bankruptcy with which Mr. Tebbutt had nt-
thing whatever to do.

The LORD MAYOR—Was the information of any use to
you ? Mr. Tebbutt—Of none whatever. When I found
that the parties mentioned in the paper were nothing to
me, I said to the defendant, " It does not all concern me,
and I'll thank you to hand me over my sovereign." He
refused to return the money, and went and locked himself
up in a room, and we waited for two hours.
• Defendant—Yes, and you kicked up a pretty riot,
knocking and ringing at the door of my office, when the
door was wide open. .
Mr. Tebbutt—l dare say we were there for two 'hours.
Defendant—l told you, if you had anything against me,
the way to act was by civil action.—(Laughter.) You had
no right to knock and ring, and create a row.

The LORD MAYOR—Did you pay the money to the
defendant in the belief that James Laurie, whose name is
at the bottom of the letter, was the brother of the late
Lord Mayor? Mr. Tebbutt—Certainly I did. We have
all unfortunate relatives, and I thought that Sir Peter
Laurie might have a brother in such adverse circumstances
as to be obliged to enter into the partnership.
The LORD MAYOR—You can't call the circumstances
of a man adverse when he receives a sovereign for nothing.
Mr. F. G. Hammond was a magistrate of Kent, and re-
sided at Greenwich. On Thursday he accompanied his
friend Mr. Tebbutt to No. 11, Circus, Minories, produced
the letter signed " James Laurie," and asked who that per-
son was. Defendant said that he was brother of the late
Lord Mayor, and his (defendant's) partner. Witness asked
him whether Mr. Laurie authorised him to receive the mo-
ney? To which he replied in the affirmative. " Then," said
witness, " nothing can be wrong," and paid down the sove-

reign.

Defendant—l have a charge against you, Hammond. I
charge you with a row, and taking away my papers.
Mr. Hammond—Yes, I took away several papers, of
which I hand your Lordship a copy.
The LORD MAYOR read the paper. It was as follows
" Z. A., page 3.
" The undersigned is able to inform you of something con-
siderably to your advantage, and hitherto overlooked, on receipt
of 20s. for his trouble.—Respectfully,
" JOSEPH ADY, Accountant.
" No. 11, Circus, Minories, London, July, 7, 1834.
"No letters received unless post paid. Personal attendance
daily from ten to three o'clock.
" VOLUNTARY REFEREES.—The whole of the Court of Al-
dermen vide the minutes of the Court, May 7, 1833, each and
all widtestify of personal benefits received through my re-
searches, more particularly Charles Farebrother, Esq.' Lord
Mayor; Sir Peter Laurie, Knight, who has spent 4001. City
money upon me, recommending me customers, &c. Scc. ; and
William Taylor Copeland, Esq., M. P., who will spend i,OOO/.
more, when needful, out of his own pocket."—(Laughter. )
The LORD MAYOR—I'd wish to know, as Chief Magis-
trate of London, by what authority you dare to use
my name to carry on this deception ? Defendant—You
take me by surprise. I wish to get counsel. I'd be glad
to. know how many of my letters did Hammond take ? He
threatened to knock my nose flat, and rang at the bell and
knocked at the door.
The LORD MAYOR—If you have been assaulted you cag
indict those who have treated you ill. You shall have the
opportunity of defending yourself to the fullest extent.
The defendant was then ordered to appear on Tuesday.
MARYLEBONE.

Yesterday a dashing Cyprian, named Eliza Smith, was
brought before Mr. HOSKINS, on the following charge :
Police Sergeant Godwin, 7 D, on the previous night,
as he was on duty in Bryanston•square, saw the prisoner
annoying two gentlemen, who were walking quietly along ;
they had much difficulty in gettini, rid of her, and on her
leaving them, he (witness) desired her to move on, but she
refused to do so ; and after laying hold of his arm " in a
rude familiar manner," told him he might take her to the
station-house if he thought proper, which he accordingly
did. She was at the time drunk, and her language was
very abusive.
Mr. HOSKINS (to the prisoner)—What have you to say
to this charge ? Prisoner—What he has stated against
me is false. I was neither drunk nor had I been drinking.
The fact is—
Mr. HOSKINS (to Inspector Wiggins)—Was this female
drunk when she was brought into the station-house ? In-
spector—She might have been drinking a little, but I hardly
perceived it.
Prisoner—The sergeant has a spite against me, your
worship. He has several times bothered me for my ad-
dress, saying that he should like to have the honour of
taking a bottle of wine with me ; and because I have al-
ways refused to satisfy him as to where I resided, he has
taken this opportunity of charging me with what I have
not been guilty of.
Mr. HOSKINS (to Godwin)—ln this true, that you have
requested this female to allow you to take wine with her ;
because, if it is, such conduct is very censurable ? God-
win (with apparent earnestness).— Upon my honour and
sacred oath, it is not true.
Prisoner.—lt is a fact, your worship ; he asked me for
my address last night, and has done so three times before ;
a short time ago when I met him in Oxford-street, he said
if I would only allow him the honour of partaking of wine
with me, he would visit me in plain clothes, and come to me
like a gentleman.
Mr. HOSKINS (to Godwin.)—This may turn out a