The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-04 00:00:00

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ieveral respects necessary to Europe, and chiefly to
Jgland and to Hungary. Turkey is a neighbouring
country to my fatherland. We have enemies enough.
lam no impractical theorist to make of a neighbour a
new enemy, instead of respecting his interests, but
would have him, if not an ally, at least a friend
for his own interest's sake. As to the glorious
Republic of the United States, which has thrown
its protecting flag around me, let me hope that
the common sympathy which these two kindred nations,
England and the United States, bear to the cause of my
country and to myself, will be the first link of a closer
union of the politics of the two countries in respect to
Earope,which union,convenient as it is to both your great,
glorious, and free countries, would make a happy turning
point in the destinies of humanity. I should not have lived
in vain should I have lived to be the opportunity of such a
consummation. And here I would not, were it not my
duty to reflect upon certain circumstances which I con-
sider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail my-
sell of this first opportunity which offers itself to meet
openly. The circumstance is that I considered, and
consider it still, to be my duty not to mix with any
great patty question of England, or of any other
country. I wish the non-admission of foreign interven-
tion in my own country, so I must have clean hands
myself in respect to other countries. That is
my position, to which I will conscientiously adhere.
1 consider, therefore, that my ditty, as well as the
respect to your laws, honesty as well as prudence,
oblige me not to play here the passionate part of an
agitator, not to coquet with the reputation of being a
revolutionist. In fact, I came hither not to get
this reputation, but rather I declare my conviction to be
that England wants no revolution at all, because, firstly,
it wishes but a progressive development, and, secondly,
because England has sufficient political freedom to he
insured that whatever England may still need it will
not only carry out, but will carry it out
peaceably. Now, this being my duty and my reso-
lution, I act consistently—my ground was, is, and
will be in England, this : such and such are the true
facts of the past struggles of Hungary. These
facts, I confidently hope, are certain to secure the gene-
rous sentiments of England to my country's cause. I
stated that, in my opinion, the form of government ean
be different in different countries, according to their
circumstances, their wishes, and their"wants; England
loves her Queen, and has full motive to doso • England . • • feels great, glorious, and free, and has full 'motive to
feel so; but England, being a monarchy, that can be no
sufficient reason to her to hate and discredit republican
forms of government in other countries, differing
in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On
the contrary, the United States of America, being
likewise a great, glorious, and free country, under
republican government, the circumstance of being
republicans cannot give them sufficient motive to
hate and discredit monarchical government in Eng-
land. This must be entirely left to the right
of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns.
Therefore, all I claim for my country, also, is, that Eng-
land, seeing out of our past that our cause is just,
should acknowledge the sovereign right of every
nation to dispose of itself, and, by acknowledging
this, England should not interfere, but also
not allow any power whatever to interfere with the
domestic matters of my country, or of whatever other
nation. The rest should be left to the respective nations
themselves, the more because it is worthy of that inde-
pendence and freedom for which we struggled. I
therefore thought that this was not the place for
me to speak about the future organization
and form of government of my country,
because that is a home question of ours, with which
nobody ought to interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But
my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I
hoped. I met rather in certain quarters the remarks
that I am slippery, and evade the question. Now, on the
sense of sincerity, lam particularly susceptible. I have
the sentiment of being a plain honest man, and I would
not be charged with having entered by stealth into the
sympathies of England without displaying my true co-
lours. Therefore I must state clearly that in our
past struggle we made no revolution. Wo began
to transform in a peaceful, legislative manner the mo-
narchico-aristocratical constitution of Hungary into
a monarchicho-democratical constitution; we con-
served our municipal institutions as our most valuable
treasure, but gave them as well as to the legislative
power for basis the common liberty of the people; instead
of the class privileges of old we established the personal
responsibility of Ministers; instead of the Board of
Council of old, which being a nominal body, was of course
a mockery to that responsibility of the Executive, which
was our chartered rights on paper. but not in reality.
However, we but conserved that which was due to us by
constitution, by treaties, by the coronation oath of every
king, to be governed as a self-consistent, independent
country by our own native institutions, according to our
laws. We established the freedom of thought, of the
word and pen, and secured the freedom of conscience.
We introduced with the abolition of exemptions
equality in duties and rights before the law. We
obliged all to contribute to the public necessity, every
man according to his faculties; we emancipated the
peasants, or rather gave them the land they tilled, to be
their free property. We made the soil free, the la.
bourer free, the industry free, trade free; but
we spared all existing material interests of every
class, and resolved lull indemnification for every
material loss. We established trial by jury, pro-
vided for independent administration of justice,
cared for cheap government, and took care that the
national army should not become a tool of ambition
amongst ourselves, or an instrument of oppression against
foreign nations. All this we did peacefully by careful
legislation, which the King sanctioned end swore to
maintain. But this very dynasty, in the most perjurious
manner, attacked these laws, this freedom, this constitu-
tion, and our national existence by arms. We
defended ourselves by arms victoriously, and after
the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of Rus-
sia to beat us down, we resolved to defend our-
selves against this tyrannical invader also, but of
course declared that the perjurious Hapsburgs not to ha
more our Sovereigns—deposed them, banished, and
declared ourselves a free and independent nation, but
fixed no definite form of government—neither moiler-
chical nor republican—declaring rather to be willing to
follow the advice of the European circumstances. These
are facts which cannot be altered, because they are facts.
By this you see that in the past we made no resolution
at all as to the future. Every just man must acknow-
ledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted
every peaceful moans of self-preservation; it
is not under the rule of the King, but under
the iron oppression of a tyrant, who conquered
Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously, to his aid the armies
of the Czar. So 'Hungary is not under government,
but under a foreign intruder, who is not king of Hun-
gary, being neither acknowledged by the nation, nor
sanctioned by law. Hungary is, in a word, in a state of
war against the Hapsburg dynasty. Hungary can in
no other way regain its independence and freedom
but in that way in which it was deprived
of it—by war—as every nation which is free
and independent conquered its deliverance from its
oppressors, like Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal,
France, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States,
and England itself—(Cheers)—that is by a revolution,
as some would call it—by a war of legitimate defence,
us I call it. I will over respect the laws of England, and
do nothing here contrary to them; but so much I can
state as a matter of fact, that my nation will never ac-
cept and acknowledge the perjured house of Haps-
burg to become again lawiul Sovereigns of Hun-
gary—never will it enter into any transactions
whatever with that perjurious family, but will avail
itself of every opportunity to 'shake off its
yoke. Secondly, that though the people of Hungary
were monarchical for a thousand years, yet the continued
perjury of the Hapsburgs during 300 years—the sacri-
legious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own his-
torical existence, with the historical existence of my
nation, as also my country's present intolerable oppres-
sion—have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my
nation every faith, belief, and attachment to monarchy,
that there it no power on earth to knit the bro-
ken tie again ; and therefore Hungary wills and
wishes to be a free and independent republic,
but a republic founded on the rule of law,
securing social order, security to person and to
property, and the moral development as well as the ma-
terial welfare of the people—(Cheers)—in a word, a re-
public like that of the United States, founded on institu-
tions inherited from England itself. This is the conviction
of my people, which I share in the very heart of my
heart. I confidently hope the people of England will
appreciate the justice of these remarks, and appreciate
the honest convictions of my heart; neither will it falter
in its sympathy to that cause which it honoured
with its sympathy, which it judged to be righteous
and true, and which it consoled by its wishes and
hopes. All I entreat is, that the people of England may
not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the world,
but rather make, by its powerful position, respected
right of every nation to dispose of itself. Witdi this de
I thank you once more for your sympathy. I
beg
j. trusting leave,hyour
fatigued as I am, to retire, confidently
ill nw to divert thist i
noble-minded feelings cannot have the
demonstration of your sympathy into any party dis-
cussions whatever, in h I consequently could not
participate, but which still could not fail
's to
cause, whic increase the
countryh
difficulties, and do harm to m,.
you honour by your sympathy. ev
_( cheers )
But little of this admirable speech was heard by the
vast proportion of the multitude; but those who were in
the compass of Kossuth s voice cheered many passagea
in the address, and the cue being taken from this, the
whole populace joined in. The address was once
interrupted with a slight episode which excited alter-
nate groans and laughter. The Times, which had been
exhibited in the procession, was burnt, and its ashes
thrown into the duck pond. In accordance with the re-
solution of the committee no one addressed the meeting
but Kossuth, and the proceedings in Copenhagen-fields,
therefore, closed as they began, with lusty cheering.
The procession was re-formed after Kossuth had re-
tired, and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-
barn, where the occasion was celebrated by a public
(Inner. It was dusk before the ground was cleared.

BANQUET AT HIGHBURY-BARN.
In the evening the committee, with a number of
their friends, dined together at the Highbury-barn
11?,‘, ern, in the large hall, which is capable of con-
taining from five to six hundred people, and which
was quite occupied on the occasion. The company
consisted almost altogether of the working-classes,
and, though members of all parties and sections in
politics were understood to be invited, yet, as might
have been expected, the
general, if not the universal
feeling, was that of the extremest character of Eng-
lish democracy. Several of the banners which bad
been used in the procession were hung up in different
parts of the hall ; and conspicuous over all, directly
behind the chairman, was one bearing the motto,
" There is no obstacle to him that wills."
Mr. Thornton Hunt, the chairman of the oommitte