The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-07 00:00:00

AGRICULTURAL

EMPLOYMENT IN-

STITUTION.

A very praiseworthy association under the
above name has lately been formed for allotting
small portions of land to the deserving poor,
for cultivation during their unemployed time, in
the parishes where they reside. The appeal to
the public is so forcible that we cannot do bet-
ter than to quote it here, earnestly recommending
the objects of the institution to the considera-
tion of those who have the means and the dis-.
position to promote them.
".The general distress which has overspread the king-
dom for a considerable time, and the consequent increase of
wretchedness and crime, are apparent to every individual.
Vast numbers of our fellow creatures, from the want of
employment, are suffering the most severe privations,
without the hope of amelioration ; and many are unhappily,
led to violate the laws of their country, and become out-
casts, or miserable inmates of prisons; who, had they been
trained to habits of industry, and furnished with the means
of employing themselves in useful labour, would, in all pro-
bability, have become valuable members of society.
" THE OBJECTS OF THE PRESENT INSTITUTION ARE-

" To afford a remedy to these evils, by giving to the
destitute but industrious poor, useful and profitable employ-
ment; to enable them to support themselves and their fa-
milies with credit, and to bring up their children in habits
of honesty and industry ; and thus, in a great degree, to re-
lieve parishes from the dreadful burden of the existing
heavy poor-rates, and to diffuse the blessings of content-
ment and happiness, unknown among the poorer classes of
this country for many years.
" To obtain land by gift, grant, lease, or purchase ; to
divide the same into smaller portions where advisable;
and, by letting it to the poor, to bring it into a state of pro-
fitable cultivation, whereby all expenses, whether of outlay
or otherwise, may be gradually repaid, and a small rent
charged upon the occupier, leaving a comfortable subsist-
ence for himself and his family, until the outlay and cur-
rent expenses are satisfied : and to furnish implements, in-
struction, and other means to the occupiers, to attain these
desirable objects.
" It is not intended to prevent the labourers from work-
ing for the neighbouring farmers, or others, whenever they
can obtain such employment.
" By Order of their Lordships, and other Members of
the General Committee,
" HENRY F. RICHARDSON, Secretary.
" REPORT.

" The Committee beg to inform the subscribers and the
public, that they have purchased a great part of the land
in the parish of Cholcsbury, Buckinghamshire.—The ex-
treme wretchedness to which this parish was reduced, was
the reason which induced the Committee to select it for
the commencement of their labours; justly conceiving
that if successful here (of which they entertain no doubt)
they would be certain of success in every subsequent effort.
" The destitute condition of this parish, it is hardly pos-
sible to describe. The whole of the land was lying waste
and uncultivated, the occupiers having abandoned it, in
consequence of the poor-rates absorbing the entire rental
and profits of the land. The labourers were thereby
wholly dependant on the poor-rates for support, which in
1832 amounted to 325. in the pound, at a rack rent. No
funds could be raised at Cholesbury, and they were main-
tained by rates in aid from the adjoining parishes; from
the precariousness of which they were often totally destitutt
of all relief for weeks together, as intervals necessarily
elapsed from the period at which one rate was exhausted
until the next could be obtained. A more detailed account
of the state of this parish will be found in the first report of
the poor law commissioners.
" The Committee can with confidence appeal to the pre-
sent state of Cholesbury, to exhibit the benefits already re-
sulting from the operations of the society ; and they trust
that the public will benevolently assist them in their im-
portant undertaking, and enable them to extend their sphere
of usefulness throughout the kingdom.
" Subscriptions will be thankfully received by the trea-
surers, the various Bankers ; the agents ; and the secretary,
at the office, 35, Abchurch-lane, Lombard-street ; where
prospectuses, and every information relative to the institu-
tion may be obtained. Office hours, 11 till 4.

EARTHQUAKE IN COLUMBIA, AND DE-
STRUCTION OF THE CITY OF PASTO.

From Bogota Papers received last night, we gather
the following details of this awful occurrence :—Pasto
was a place of considerable extent, remarkable for its
manufacture of a curious imitation of japanned goods
in wood, and was at one time very flourishing. In
consequence of the civil wars, it has, however, been a
great sufferer before this last visitation. It is but
a little way from the equator.

" OFFICIAL DESPATCH FROM THE GOVERNOR OF PASTOR

TO THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.

" At seven o'clock on the morning of the 20th instant,
this city experienced a most horrible shock of earthquake,
which continued without the interruption of a single hour
up to three quarters past four o'clock on the next morning,
every fresh shock being more violent. Several bodies were
taken out of the ruins of houses, and up to this date they
amount to fifty and upwards. Nearly as many have been
bruised or injured, some more severely than others. Of
the whole of the churches only one remains; this is not
much injured, except in the tower of the chapel of Jesus
del Rio and San Andreas. But the rest, the cathedral,
the churches of St. Francis, St. Dominick, of Gratitude,
of St. Augustin, with their respective convents; the
churches of St. Sebastian and Santiago, the whole have
been reduced to fragments. With the exception of three
or four houses, which were only partially damaged, the
rest suffered the fate of the churches and convents. The
whole population, in a state of perfect consternation, are
now suffering severely from the heat of the sun, the burn-
ing power of which is quite unprecedented, and also from
the moist atmosphere at night, in the places where they
collect to implore the mercy of God ; and before them is
the hourly prospect of being swallowed up in the earth.
The verdure of the plains was quite destroyed by this at-
mosphere, and the powerful heat of the sun.
" The nuns of the Conception inhabited a placebelong-
ina to the congregation of St. Philip de Nori, but were
obliged to leave it in consequence of there being no room
for the bodies to be buried in the remains of the church
and convent. The churches in the suburbs were also tum-
bled into fragments. The road to Quito and Cuitara was
blocked up in one of its most dangerous places, and that
of Popayan has also suffered in several places. The office
of the treasury was protected with the edifice where it is
placed, and the place where the archives are kept, was put
into a condition in which it cannot any longer be used.
Great risk threatens the house where it is. In fact, there
is no place to perform the duties appertaining to the office,
and the shocks still continue. In order to communicate in
detail the whole of these unfortunate events, I have peti-
tioned the authorities for information respecting the parti-
cular facts. As soon as lam able, I shall send the results.

" tAMAS ESPANA

" Pasto, Jan. 22."
Another despatch, from,.the same authority, of Feb.
5, says :
" The authorities instituted an inquiry into the origin
of this earthquake, and some intelligence has been obtained
which throws considerable light on the cause. It appears
that on the right side of a lake near the city stands a low
hill which has poured out a considerable quantity of stones.
It is true also that the deserted place called Bordoncillo,
presented very large and very deep excavations, and even
half the desert, with other portions of hill, were tumbled
down, and covered a large extent of space, overwhelming
roads, and forming marshy grounds, that they diverted the
course of the river Balsayaco, the stream at which form -
ing a large current, destroyed the land and crops of Santi-
ago, carrying its waters as far as Putumayo."

(From El Cachaco de Bogota of March 2.)
The earthquake which was felt in this capital on
the morning of the 20th of January last, has occa-
sioned the almost total ruin of the city of Pasta. The
details of this awful occurrence, and the consequences
which led to it, as set forth in some private letters,
are enough to make the heart bleed. The greater
part of the churches, all the convents, and a vast num-
ber of private houses have been levelled to the ground,
in too many instances the inhabitants of the latter
being buried under their ruins. Up to the 22d of
January there had been dug out fifty dead bodies, be-
side a great number so badly wounded that it is doubt-
ful whether they will survive.
In the midst of the consternation occasioned by this

event, humanity will be consoled by learning that the
Government has taken the earliest and most effectual
means for assisting the suffering survivors. It imme=
diately ordered 2,0001. to be distributed amongst th e
most necessitous, and has ordered a general subscrip-
tion throughout the Republic on their behalf. This
grant would have been larger if the Government had
not been pressed by other claims. We hope the Con-
gress at its next meeting will take the matter into its
consideration. The province of Pasto, so long a sld-
ferer from the horrors of civil wa., and now from na-
tural causes, well deserves compassion and consi-
deration.

We cannot conclude this article without making one._
observation. There was a time when some malevolent
fanatics used to say that earthquakes occurred in IC,,w
Grenada because the convents were suppressed. But
in the devoted city of Pasto it appears that the con-
vents had not been suppressed ; but still the place was
not, therefore, the more respected. Who, then, shall:
in future presume to attribute these phenomena to the
anger of a God whom they would impiously represent
as a vindictive being, to the shame of a religion of
peace and charity ? These events take place because
the invariable order which the Creator establiihed in
nature directs them, without reference to the actions
of men, and those who pretend to connect them with
the proceedings of government are interested knaves,
wanting in principle, and who wish only to impose
upon their fellow-creatures.

( From the Gaceta of Feb. 23.)
Having stated the-probabilities that the earthquake
in Pasto had its origin in the volcanoes of the province
of Inebabura, we looked forward with great anxiety for
the arrival of the courier from the south to this capital'
of the 17th ; but the advices received by it prove that
no damage had been done in the districts of the Ecu-
ador. A letter from Popayan of the 4th contains the
following : " We are relieved from all apprehensions as to
the shocks having reached Ecuador. Letters from Quito
of the 21st of January are silent upan the subject, and
those from Paste assure us that the earthquake had
its origin in a volcano, called Patascoy, situated in
the interior of the Cordillera of Mucca, whence erup-
tions had already taken place. Some accounts state
that the damage done has been so great in the dis-
trict of the Lagurio, that the whole surface of the dis-
trict has disappeared. This is, no doubt, an exag-
geration, but the ruin of Pasto is very considerable.
Besides the deaths already reported, it is thought that
there are some more under the ruins of. St. Sebastian,
for after four days they dug out a man who was saved
by some beams falling in a favourable manner upon
him, and he affirms that he heard the groans of others
from beneath the ruins. The Cordillera of Alma-
guer has also suffered greatly, the churches were
shaken, and some houses were also so shaken as to be
torn down. In Cruz sixty persons died from violence.
It is said that the river of Mayo was completely
stopped up by a hill, and that if the water had not
been expeditiously let off the people of San Pablo
would have perished.

- - -
SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The comparative numbers of the majority and
minority on Mr. Strutt's amendment of Monday
evening, ought, considering the state of parties in
the House of Comnions, to be regarded as a triumph
on behalf of the liberal interest, whose sole object
was the investigation, and so far as possible, the
correction, of flagrant, though past, abuses. The
ministers divided 311 votes, and the opposition 230.
But if the Tories, amounting to above 100, with
Sir R. Peel at their head, be deducted from the
supporters of Government, the total strength of the
Whig ministry on that occasion will be found to
have fallen short of 210, including all their adhe-
rents ; in other words, they wereleft in a minority
as regarded the liberal party, and owed their salva-
tion as a Government to the disgraceful reinforce-
ment of Sir R. Peel and his friends ! Now, under
the plain and well-known facts of the case, can any-
thing be imagined much more humiliating to an
administration professing to found itself on public
opinion, than the circumstance of its being actually
outvoted by the bulk of those members of Parliament
who really represent that opinion; and being indebted
for what we may fairly term a factitious majority
over them to that very party against whose corrup-
tions the motion for inquiry was in a manner ex-
clusively directed, and whose voice is seldom or ever
given but for purposes hostile both to the will and
the welfare of the community ? In truth, from this
hour the fate of the Whig ministry is in the hands
of the Conservative leader. At any hour of any
day when a contested motion is looked for, the
Tories need do no more than join the Liberals, and
out the Whigs must go. This is not quite as
.it
ought to be. A reforming ministry ought not to
be in danger from its natural friends, and main-
tained in office only by its natural enemies. A re-.
forming ministry should not despise the loud re-
monstrances of the people, and listen only to
the whispers of the Court. Why was it that
Sir Robert Peel strained all his efforts of decla-
mation, invective, and ridicule, to detach as many
votes as might be practicable from the support
of each of Monday's anti-pension motions. Why,
obviously because the right hon. baronet felt that it
was not the Whig but the Tory battle which he
was bound_ to maintain,—because the strenuous at-
tack of Mr. Whittle Harvey, and the feebler one
of Mr. Strutt, were levelled at abuses of which a
Tory governMent, or a succession of such, had been
the perpetrators,—that any disclosure of corrupt or
unworthy practices in relation to that astounding
list would have lighted on Tory reputations,—that
any curtailment or revocation of grants from that
extraordinary list would fall upon the pockets, not
of Whig, but of Tory connexions,—that, in short,
the Whig ministers were no more than auxiliaries
(subsidized, must we say, by their enemies to re-
main pro tenzpore in office ?) for the sole purpose
of fighting through this essentially Tory conflict,
and that the becoming place for him, Sir R. Peel (thiit
Tory chief), was at the head of the allied troops,
and in front of the general onset and wen did
he play his part, and skilfully did tlAs sur-
vivor of many defunct colleagues s:astain the
character and genius of their coAmon policy.
pensions, forsooth, were vested rights, and no indi-
vidual pensioner could be legally molested ! There
was this difference between Sir R. Peel and Mr.
Strutt that the former personage swaggered
and flourished—nay, revelled in the daringness
of his own assumptions ; while Mr. Strutt, less
self-possessed in his game—less clear-sighted as to
his object—with double, treble, nay multiple invo-
lutions in the enterprise which had ber,ln confided to
his half-experienced hands, hesitc,ted, murmured,
asserted, retracted—now made a step towards
" vested rights," then one irk the opposite direction
towards the right of rurliamentary inquiry,"—
then sidled off towards a " solemn compact" with
the Crown,—and, finally, so managed his argu-
ment on behalf of a committee, as to rest, its prin-
cipal recommendation on the assurance that even-
tually it could lead to nothing, for that in
his opinion no pension already granted ought
to be touched by Parliament ! Such was the
partnership exhibited by the motion and the speech
of the hon. member for Derby—such their con-
sistency, and such their practical tendency, that
hardly anything is so surprising as the notion con-
ceived by Ministers, that a proposal which its own
author had so industriously and succfssfuly neutra-
lized could have done their Tory friends and 'pa-
trons the slightest imaginable harm. But, for vested
rights—does mere
e "possession of any property be-
stow a vested right Is there no such thing as a
title being tainted ab mato by some indelible vice in
the mode and origin of the. Acquisition ? Can a
wrongful possession become legal by the lapse of a
few short years ? jf the constitution declares that
the dispensers Or public money—of the pension
fund, for example, which is but one form of pub-
lic.money—shall be at all times responsible to Par-
liament for the conformity of each pension to certain
conditions which the legislature has prescribed as those
according to which it shall be invariably granted,
can any honest man call that a vested right which
*has set at defiance one or more of the above known
regulations? Suppose the Crown, on the lapse of a
um-417 of pensions, should have been advised, ten
or a dozen years ago, to grant a pension of 20,000/.
per annum, and that without exceeding the groSs
amount of the pension list, to some one who as little
deserved such a mark of favour as one-half of
those whose Ilalltea now figure on the return--.would

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 7, 1834.

The debate on the Irish Tithe Bill last night
will be read with the highest interest. Indeed
we consider it one of the most important that
has taken place during the session. It brings
to light two points which the parties have
hitherto anxiously concealed—the real cause of
the opposition to the bill, and the mode of
appropriating the surplus that remains after
providing for the Protestant churches. Mr.
O'CONNELL, by his proposition, candidly ad-
mitted that he did not object to the principle
of the bill, but to the amount of tithe to be
levied on the landlords, and was willing to
compromise all differences if the government
would let them off by paying two-fifths. Why
not have made the proposition at first, and
then the house would have known how to deal
with it ? He contended that the proposed
valuation is too high. This can easily be as-
certained ; and if such is the fact, the British
Parliament will never enforce it. The great
objects of the government are to secure the
amount of tithe, to prevent it from going
into the pockets of the landlord, and to
set it apart for ulterior purposes. But the
great point is how the fund is to be appro-
priated ; and from what fell from Lord JOHN
RUSSELL and Mr. O'CONNELL, hardly a
doubt remains but some provision will be made
for the clergy of the Catholic church. We have long
contended for this as a matter of justice as well
as policy, and it is gratifying to find that the
two parties are now likely to concur in such a
plaii—a plan which we reckon essential to the
peace of Ireland. Indeed the necessity for the
measure is so apparent that its completion may
be reckoned certain. Press of matter prevents
us from writing more on the subject now, but it
is one to which we shall often have to recur.
From the feeling evinced on both sides of the
house last night we look forward with confi-
dence to the pacification of that unhappy
country.

We partake of the incredulity avowed by the
Times respecting the harsh treatment of Sir
JOHN CAMPBELL, so hastily attributed to
Don PEDRO, and so bitterly lamented by Lords
LONDONDERRY and BERESFORD. Accord-
ing to every principle of law, Sir JOHN
CAMPBELL is a prisoner of war. The very
term implies constraint and detention, and
whatever is bona fide necessary to prevent his
escape, is consequently lawful. Beyond that point
restraint or coercion would unquestionably be

cruel and unjust. A prisoner of war is not
punished for an offence (though the Duke of
WELLINGTON'S strange notion of sending this
case before the Juiz Dumturgador under the
treaty implies that his Grace makes such a
jumble of things entirely distinct) ; but he is
simply detained on the principle of self-de-
fence and self-preservation. Now, up to the late
removal of Sir John CAMPBELL to Belem, his
confinement has been strictly of that character,
p rzcautionary and not vindictive. Indeed, we
have been assured, by no mean authority, that
he expressed surprise, and even thanks, for the
consideration with which he was treated, con-
trasting, no doubt, his own treatment with that
experienced by persons in a similar predicament
by Don MIGUEL. Since that period toe
know that he has enjoyed for his own and
exclusive use one of the largest and
most airy rooms in the Castle, having
to himself a space in which, without being
exceedingly crowded, no less than seventeen or
eighteen Constitutionalists of rank were con-
fined, under the merciful reign of Don MI-
Gum,. Late accounts say he is removed to
Belem, but they also assign for that removal a
reason which would amply justify some further
restraint—namely, the detection of a corre-
spondence with the minister of the Pre-
tender. The QUEEN'S government is, we
believe, incapable of cruelty, nor are they likely
to suspect an officer, who has been in the Bri-
tish service, of a base breach of his parole ;
but yet, surely, they may have some prudential
reasons for not releasing altogether an active
partizan of an usurper in arms in the heart of
Portugal. They may apprehend that his civil
services as an agent in Lisbon might be, to
the full, as formidable as his military prowess
at Santarem. We fear the testimony of Lord
BERESFORD, however honourable to both par-
ties, would not entirely dispel all apprehension
of the effects of treasonable correspondence and
active intrigues.
As to Prince TALLEYRAND, the unman-
nerly and unparliamentary attack of Lord
LONDONDERRY on a 'man invested with a
character which all civilized nations respect,
served only to draw forth a warm, eloquent,
and we believe just encomium from Lord
GREY (as it had formerly done from the Duke of
WELLINGTON) of that able statesman. The
sin of great abilities and uniform success, for to
that the notable charge, though conveyed in
scurrilous language, amounts, is certainly one
that cannot be retorted on his accuser, though
employed and, if we recollect, largely remune-
rated, for a diplomatic mission. But if, as Lord
LONDONDERRY somewhat extravagantly sup-
poses, to M. de TALLEYRAND, entirely
and exclusively, is to be attributed the comple-
tion of a defensive league between the con-
stitutional states of the west of Europe,
with England and France at their head, we
should not hesitate to say that he deserves, and
will obtain, the gratitude of the world and pos-
terity by securing the peace of mankind, and by
raising a permanent and insurmountable bul-
wark for the protection of liberty and civiliza-
tion against any unholy conspiracy forming,
formed, or formable by the despotic powers of
the East and the North of Europe.

We perceive by the votes of the House of
Commons that the Southampton Rail-way Bill
is reported. We hope it will soon pass through
its remaining stages and receive the Royal as-
sent. In its line it will prove as great a boon
to the country as even the Grand Western
Rail-way, which we hope also soon to see in
operation. In conjunction with these improve-
ments, the completion of Portland Breakwater
would prove a wonderful advantage to the mer-
cantile interests of the West of England, as
well as with the East and West India trade.

The French papers of Monday have been re-
ceived. They mention a report that some import-
ant differences had arisen between the great
European powers, partly occasioned by the
treaty of the PEACEFUL ALLIANCE, and
partly by the tone taken by Switzerland in
answer to the representatives of the Holy Alli-
ance. That the latter should feel annoyed at
the western compact is not surprising ; but
they ought not to wonder at it, and they
have no right to complain. The Russians are
evacuating the principalities, but they have
taken care to bind the SULTAN hand and foot.
No evidence has yet been discovered to con-
vict any persons of note as parties to the late
disturbances at Lyons or Paris. It is stated
in letters from Spain that QUESADA has gained
a great advantage over the Carlists.

:FRENCH FUNDS.—Paitts, MAY 5.
Five per Cents., 105 E 104 f. 95c 105 f. 15c.
Four and a Half per Cent, 99f. 75c.
Four per Cents., 93f.
Three per Cents., 78E 75c. 90c. 95c.
Treasury Bonds, August, 354.
Bank Actions, 1,795 f. 1,792 f. 50c.
Rente de Naples, 95E 75c. 65c.
Roman Five per Cents., 974 %.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 31 30%.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 4 1%%.
Royal Spanish Loan, 84% St
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 72% 73.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 98%54.3
Haytian Loan, 265 E
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
tine month, paper, —f. —c. ; money, 25f. 35c.
Three months, paper, —f. —c. ; money, 25f. 25c.
—fours Authentique.

The Brussels and German papers contain
nothing of importance.
VIENNA, APRIL 26—Five per Cent. Metalliques,
97 2-5; Four per Cent. ditto, 87%; Bank Actions,
I,242%.—Algemezne Zietung, May 1.

We are glad to learn that the project of a
breakwater for Portland Roads, which originated
with the late Mr. JOHN HARVEY, engineer of
Weymouth, is daily attracting more and more
the attention of the public. The utility of such
a work cannot for a moment he called in
question. It would secure to the navy of
England the full and uncontrolled sweep of the
British channel, presenting a middle station
and refuge between Portsmouth and Plymouth,
in a harbour of four square miles, surrounded
by superior dock-yards for ship-building, mili-
tary arsenals, depots, provisioning and refitting,
with a certainty of getting to sea at any mo-
ment. Vessels would be quietly moored during
all gales without tide, a most decided ad-
vantage, by enabling them to ride head to wind,
unexposed to the sea ; whereas, at present,
they pass by Portland when it blows hard,

seeking that protection which so many have
sought in vain. To merchant vessels, East
and West India shipping, &c., it would be
highly advantageous, whether as a central
place of trade, or place of shelter : in truth,
the structure proposed would be found not only
a naval protection for shipping in time of peace,
but a national bulwark—an unassailable in-
trenchment in time of war. In addition to all
these recommendations, the proposed break-
water would, by employing several thousand
labourers for five years, lessen the poor-rates in
no ordinary degree, nor can we imagine any pe-
riod so favourable for the experiment as the
present, when the country is enjoying all the
advantages of profound peace. The harbour of
Weymouth could be extended into the sea to
any depth required, under . the protection that
would be afforded it by the Portland Break-
water, which would prevent a recurrence of the
disastrous effects of the storm of November,
1824. Situated as Weymouth is in a direct
line with Bristol, what an efficient auxiliary
may it not be made, for transporting merchan-
dize and Portland stone from so central a depot
of the British channel, and in the direct line of
thoroughfare to and from Guernsey and Jer-
sey, as well as the South of France. By the
following correspondence, it will be seen that the
contemplated project has very properly been
brought under the notice of the Navy Board :

" Weymouth, Aug. 22, 1831.
" Sir,—As eminent public men are at once the surest
and most proper means of introducing any object of ge-
neral interest to notice, I hope I do not presume too much
in requesting the favour of your acceptance of the accom-
panying " Remarks on the Subject of a Breakwater for
Portland Roads." lam assured your well-known liberality
will excuse this liberty ; the importance of the subject
speaks for itself, and will be a sufficient introduction, and
however it may be regretted that it has not fallen into abler
hands for illustration, I feel a conscious pride in adding,
that it could not have fallen into more zealous.

" I have the honour to be with great respect, Sir,
" Your most obedient humble servant,
" JOHN HARVEY.
" To Lieut.-General Sir Herbert Taylor,
&c., &c., Windsor."

" Windsor Castle, 26th. August, 1831

" Sir,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 22d instant, and its enclosures, with many thanks for
the communication. I have had the honour to submit
them to the King, who was pleased to order me to refer
them to the Navy Board.
"I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,
"H. TAYLOR."
To Mr. John Harvey, Weymouth.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

THIS DAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 7.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at a quarter-past twelve.
Petitions were presented by Mr. ABERCROMBIE from
the inhabitants of Edinburgh against the Police Bill for
that town ; and by Mr. WALTER, from Reading, against
the Great Western Railway.
The report of the amendments on the Dumbarton Road
Bill was brought up by Mr. Dunlop, and ordered to be
committed ; the Brighton Waterworks Bill was read a
third time, on the motion of Lord G. Lennox ; the report
of the Hammersmith Parishes Bill was brought up by Sir
E. Knatchbull ; the Montgomery Roads Bill was read a
third time.
LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK.

Mr. CLAY said, in rising to move the second reading
of the bill for enabling the London and Westminster Bank
to sue and be sued in the name of its chairman, he did not
anticipate any serious opposition to his motion. Some
doubts had arisen as to the exclusive nature of the privi-
leges of the Bank of England, and as it was clearly the
intention of the legislature to secure its privileges to that
establishment on the renewal of the company's char-
ter, a clause explanatory of those privileges had been
introduced. (The hon. member here read the clause.) On
the strength of that declaratory clause a society had been
formed, very numerous, highly respectable, and pos-
sessing a very large capital. They had commenced
the business of banking, were every day obtaining fresh
accessions of strength, and were thereby conferring
on the public those great advantages which every man,
conversant with commercial affairs, was aware must arise from
a secure system of banking. That community did not ap-
ply for any exclusive privileges or powers, but merely the
convenience of suing and being sued in the name of their
chairman, which would, in fact, be of greater advantage,
and be a greater protection to the public than to them-
selves. On these grounds, he (Mr. Clay) could not an-
ticipate that the Bank of England (although he had heard
that the Bank did not display avery friendly feeling towards
the new establishment), he did not anticipate, he repeated,
that the Bank of England would oppose the second reading
of the bill, because, whatever doubts might have arisen as
to their privileges, the clause to which he (Mr. C.) al-
luded, would convince the house that the present bill was
no infringement upon them. His (Mr. C.'s) opinion was
that it did not, in the slightest degree, infringe uponthem.
He trusted that the rumour which he had heard, that the
noble lord opposite (Althorp) meant to oppose the second
reading, was not correct. He knew enough of the noble
lord's sentiments to believe that he was friendly to the
principle of the bill, and he ( Mr. C.) thought he could only
do it because the noble lord stood pledged to the bank to
do so. He understood that the bank had accused the no-
ble lord of not having dealt with perfect fairness towards
them, but he believed such a charge was unfounded. [The
hon. member here read the letter of the 6th of August,
written by Lord Althorp to the Directors.] The
present was certainly not a question which involved the
interests of a few private individuals only ; it was a ques-
tion which involved a most important principle, and one
in which the whole community was deeply.interested.
The rejection of the bill would be an absolute denial of
justice to the people of England, and it would add one more
to the many disgraceful instances of legislative bungling.
He trusted that the house would not sanction such a glar-
ing injustice. He (Mr. C.) had no unfriendly feeling to-
wards the Bank of England—there were amongst its sup-
porters and managers many whom he reckoned as his pri-
vate friends. The respectable banks of London had
nothing to fear from the London and Westminster
bank. (Hear.) The law said that joint stock banks
may be established, and he (Mr. C.) claimed from that
house, that the London and Westminster bank should not
be put down. Within the last twenty years the privileges
now sought by that bank had been granted to no less than
42 institutions, and he could not see how that house could
extend the privileges_ in one instance and refuse them in
another. He claimed but justice for that establishment,
and with a perfect confidence that the house would do it
justice, he would content himself by moving that the bill
be now read a second time.
Mr. WILKS seconded themotion.
Lord ALTHORP, upon the question being put that the
bill be read a second time, said that the hon. member
(Mr. Clay) had said that he (Lord Althorp) had no wish
to prevent competition in banking establishments. He
certainly might have stated that he had no objection to a
competition between banks that did not issue their own
notes, but between those which did issue their own notes
he had stated that he entertained strong objections toa
competition. He confessed he did not thinkthat the public
would derive any advantage from such a competition, on
the contrary, he could easily conceive that such a competi-
tion might in many instances be injurious, because the ef-
fect might be, as we understood the noble lord, to continue
an excessive accommodation. He thought he could prove
that it would have a tendency to an excess of accommoda-
tion in the metropolis. He did not think that there would
be any advantage to the public from such a state of compe-
tition as this bill would give rise to. With respect to ano-
ther point, whether the Parliament ought to give any ad-
ditional privileges to joint stock banks, he felt no doubt.
In all the discussion upon the bank charter he had
stated that the clause which permitted the es-
tablishment of joint stock banks, though it took
away the privileges from the Bank of England, did
not increase the privileges of other commercial companies
against the Bank of England. The hon. member (Mr.
Clay) said that he asked for what was of no consequence
—if it was of no consequence why ask for it ? ( Hear,
hear.) But the whole of the hon. member's speech was
intended to show that it was of consequence, and that the
effect of it would be of advantage to the joint-stock banks,
for the exclusive privilege of the Bank of England interfered
with the internal arrangements of those banks, and thus
render it more inconvenient on their part to transact busi-
ness, and more disadvantageous to the public, and there-
fore they claimed additional privileges. That it was of
consequence was proved by the fact that it was necessary
to have an act of Parliament to obtain it, which should give
those banks additional advantages to what they had under
the charter. He (Lord Althorp) did not think that Par-
liament would be justified in so doing. (Hear, hear.)
They had made a bargain with the bank during the last
session, and he did not think that acccording to that bar-
gain they would be justified in granting any additional
privileges to those banks. This was the main ground
upon which he opposed this proposition ; besides, he did
not think that the public would derive any advantage from

it, and even if they were to, he thought that they were bound
not to depart from the terms upon which the last
charter had been granted. He did not know that
the present system of banking was liable to great objec-
tion. He would not, however, enter into that point at
present. He felt that the system generally acted upon
in
this metropolis, was as much calculated for the convenience
of the commercial interest as it could be. Looking at
the question in this light, and not feeling that there would
be any advantage in encouraging competition, but above all
feeling that, after the charter of last session, they wouldn9t
be justified in extending the privileges of association in
competition with the bank, he felt it his duty to oppose
the proposition, and he would therefore move that the bill
be read a second time that day six months.
Mr. STEWART said that notwithstanding what had
fallen from the noble lord, he thought the house could not
refuse to pass the bill, the subject of which was to remedy
a glaring evil in the law of partnership, and calcu-
lated to confer great benefit on the commercial
community. Nothing could be more explicit than
the discussions and explanations on this subject in
August last; and the privilege sought was equally the right
of the London and Westminster Bank Company as
of any other firm of partnership, and was only re-
fused because, forsooth, the company wished to trans-
act banking business. But there was no law against
them, and that had been stated over and over again.
The hon. member quoted from Lord Althorp's speeches
during the last session in support of the bill. The com-
pany was rich, respectable, and legal, and came before the
house to ask not any new or extended privileges, but that
which every partnership firm was entitled to. Mr.
Huskisson long ago told the house that the part-
nership laws required great amendments, and such
amendments the company now sought to ob-
tain. Sir Robert Peel, in 1826, on the subject of the
failures, (no less than 704 banks between 1810 and 1825,)
contended that the then system of banking was bad, and he '
proved it by contrasting this state of things with that of
Scotland, where only one failure took place in the same
period. The present company was founded on the basis that
had been-so beneficial in Scotland. It had been the practice
of those connected with the old system to denounce any al-
teration, yet never had any alteration taken place without
great beneficial results.
Sir J. WROTTESLEY said, he had stated before that
the " great panic" arose out of the misconduct of the Bank
of England, which, in order to get itself out of a scrape,
sacrificed the country bankers. ( Hear, hear.) But while
he said that he was a friend to justice, and contended that
the house had no power to recognise the establishment
of any banking company within 65 miles of London.
As to the success of the Scottish system, that was more to
be attributed to the careful habits of the people than to
its intrinsic merit. The Parliament had sanctioned the
monopoly of the bank for ten years, and it could
not be done away with but by a general act, to which he
would agree, but he could not agree to the motion of the
hon. member.

Mr. GISBORNE said this question was opposed by the
country bankers, by the London bankers, by the Bank of
England, and by the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer ;
he hoped the latter was not a Government opposition but a
local one only. (Laughter.) The article of trade with
banks was the circulation of the country, which ought not
to be refused one class of his Majesty's subjects any more
than another. (Hear, hear.) The act said that banks
might be established, and the noble lord said so too
(Hear, hear) ; but he added, " You shall be virtually
outlaws." He was willing to be bound by the words of the
act, but not by any private understanding between the no-
ble lord and the Bank of England. (Hear, hear.) He
could not believe the majority of that house would oppose
this bill, which was similar to those given to the Scottish
banks, and to Insurance Companies without end; and the
Liverpool Banking Company was exactly a case in point.
Mr. HUME would only occupy the time of the house
for a few moments while he begged to protest against the
assertion of the honourable baronet (Sir J. Wrot-
tesley), that an Act of Parliament prevented the
passing of this bill. The principle of it was one of
justice ; it was not the Company's interests which were
consulted, but the public advantages, in affording a faci
lity to any persons wishing to embark capital in the bank-
ing system. He (M. H.) was surprised at the opposition
given to the bill by the noble lord (Althorp) to a mea-
sure which was one of public utility and justice. The
monopolists were secured, but the public were neglected
by such a course ; and he hoped that the house would give
the company that facility which all joint-stock companies
should have.

Mr. JOHN SMITH expressed himself as opposed to
the bill. If it were passed, the effect would be, the crea-
tion of twenty new banks in London, and the consequen
withdrawal of the deposits from the Bank of England.
The right hon. the member for Tamworth, in his (Mr. S. 's)
opinion, had done an effectual service to the country by the
introduction of that bill which suppressed small notes un-
der the amount of 51. In Ms opinion that system had
been productive of misery to the people of England, and
the country was much indebted to the right hon. gentle-
man the member for Tamworth for having suppressed
the circulation of 1/. notes. He hoped the house would
maintain its engagements with the Bank of England.
Mr. A. BARING thought the whole question for the
house to consider was, whether the present bill interfered
with the privileges of the Bank of England. He denied
that it interfered with these privileges in any manner, and
on this point he differed totally with the noble lord oppo-
site. There was a particular restriction in the clause
which had been alluded to, against the issuing of notes,
and that being the only restriction, it was clear that banlis
might be established provided they did not interfere with
that restriction. ( Hear, hear.) He did not think either
the Bank of England or the private banks of London
would be injured by the bill, and it was absurd to argue
that the nature of our engagements with the Bank of Eng-
land were such as that they could not do a simple act of
justice.

Mr. PRYME supported the second reading of the bill.
Mr. CAYLEY supported the proposition, because he
conceived that the extension of such establishments would
make the Bank of England more liberal in its transactions.
Sir F. BURDETT complained of the illiberality which
characterised the transactions of the Bank of England, and
which would be obviated by the establishment of banks
like that under the consideration of the house. He cor-
dially supported the second reading of the bill.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON complained, that within
a twelvemonth after the government had entered into an
arrangement, by which the Bank of England gave up a
sum of 120,000/. annually, a proposition should have been
made to interfere with the privileges of that establishment.
The Westminster Bank, he admitted, was composed of
most respectable and influential members of that and the
other house, but they could not on that account come for-
ward and claim for themselves exclusive privileges not en-
joyed by any other Joint Stock Banking Company. The ques-
tion was, whether, consistently with its former acts, the house
could consent to pass that bill? (Hear.) He contended
that they could not ; and the Westminster bank had com-
menced their operations with their eyes open, and should
abide by the consequences. (The hon. member here read
the letter of Lord Althorp to the Bank directors.) He
thought that that letter was a sufficient proof that the go-
vernment had no intention to interfere with the privileges
of the Bank of England, and under these circumstances he
must oppose the second reading of the bill.
Sir T. FREMANTLE rose amidst loud cries of
" Question," and defended the conduct of the London and
Westminster Bank from the imputations of the hon. mem-
ber (Alderman Thompson) who had last spoken. The
hon. member called upon the house to keep faith with the
bank ; he called upon the noble lord to keep faith with the
public. (Hear, hear. )
After a few words from Mr. W. EVANS in support of
he motion, as we understood, the house divided, when
;here appeared_.
For the second reading

141

• Against it. _
35
Majority in favour of the secondreading -106
The announcement of the division was received with
loud cheers.

Sir W. INGILBY presented several petitions from
Spalding and other places, praying for relief to the dis-
senters, and also against the Beer Bill.
Lord G. CAVENDISH presented petitions from Ches-
terfield against the General Registry Bill, and from
two places in the county of Norfolk, in support of the
church. *OA
. .

Mr. ADAM presented a similar petition from the town
of Montgomery.
Mr. H. TYNTE presented similar petitions from
Yeovil and other places.
Sir W. RAE presented several petitions from Scotland
upon the subject of Church Patronage.
Mr. FITZ SIMON presented a petition from two pa-
rishes in Dublin upon the subject of Tithes, and also for a
Repeal of the Union.
Mr. KENNEDY was anxious to explain why he had
voted on a recent occasion with the hon. member for Dub-
lin, because of the allusion made to the conduct of a noble
lord in another place. (Hear.) He had done so, not
that he was an advocate for the repeal of the Union, but
that he considered it only just to grant an inquiry into
the effects of that union. (Hear, hear, hear.) If
a calm and deliberate discussion had taken place in
a committee, the truth would have been more fully elicited
than by a long and tedious one in the house.
Mr. WEYLAND presented a petition from the dissen-
ters of Henley-on-Thames.

After the presentation of several other petitions, the
SPEAKER left the chair.

His Majesty will inspect to-morrow morning
the Ist Regiment of Life Guards, now stationed at
Knightsbridge Barracks, and the Royal Horse Guards,
in the Albany Barracks, Regent's Park. The two
Regiments will first be inspected dismounted, and
afterwards mounted. The King is expected to order
a review of the household troops in Hyde Park, when
the new clothing has been distributed to the men,
on the 28th instant, the anniversary of his Majesty's
birth day. The new coats for the three regiments of
Foot Guards, will be nearly similar to the uniform of
the late Swiss Guard in France.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE--THIS DAY

(FROM LLOYD'S )
DEAL, MAY 6.—Wind S.W.—Arrived the Silistria,
from the South Seas ; Tickler, London, from Singapore ;
Black River packet, Baker, and Sarah Henrietta, Smith,
from Jamaica ; Spheroid, Stowe, from St. Vincent ; Com-
merce, Hewett, from Lisbon ; and Lowther Castle, Harris,
from China.

PORTSMOUTH, MAY 6.—Wind W.—Arrived off port
the Euretta, Gilmore, from Trinidad ; Marquis of Hast-
ings, Clarkson, from Bombay—sailed the sth January,
Cape of Good Hope the 6th March ; Thames, Greswold,
from New York ; and Diana, Lubeck, from Havannah.
Sailed the Sylvia transport, for Cork.
FALMOUTH, MAY s.—Wind S.W., fresh breezes.—
Sailed his Majesty's ship Scorpion, for Oporto and Lisbon ;
and his Majesty's ship Savage, for Plymouth.
LIVERPOOL, MAY s.—Arrived the Hope, Lassonby,
from Demerara ; Charlotte, White, and Appleton, from
Jamaica ; Amy, —, Perdonelle, Barker, and Ann, Un-
derwood, from New Orleans ; Lana Rookh, Watson,
Alexander, Leeds, and St. Lawrence, Shaw, from Mobile ;
Nile, Blanchard, and Varanino, Watson, from Savannah ;
Mary Miller, M'Kenzie, from Charleston ; Gratitude,
Clark, from Porto Cabello ; Saive, Bone, from Alicata ;
Canada, from Tarragona ; Emigheden, from Denmark ;
and Voltigeur, from Antwerp.
BRISTOL, MAY 6.—Arrived the Sybella, Candy, from
Jamaica.

DARTMOUTH, MAY s.—Arrived off port the Ealing
Grove, Falconer, from Dominica.
CHATHAM, MAY.6.—Arrived the Peruvian, from the
Mediterranean and Sophia, Knowing, from Dantzic.
STANGATE CREEK, MAY 6.—Arrived the Swift, Hop-
per, from Alazangan ; and Elizabeth, Holmes, from Gi-
braltar.

THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY.)

CORN EXCHANGE.

The arrivals of all descriptions of grain this week are
moderate. The Wheat trade this morning was very dull,
only supported the terms last noted. Barley, Beans,
Peas, and Oats, not so brisk on sale and prices 'a shade
lower. Flour unaltered.

ARRIVALS.
Wheat. Barley. Oats. I Flour.
English 4,910 qrs 1,260 qrs. 8,261 qrs. '2,790 sacks
Irish 4OO 500 7,840 -
Foreign - - - I -

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE 0' CL 0 CK.

We have received accounts from Rio Janeiro four days
later than the last information, by the ship Northumber-
land, of the 12th of February, mentioning that the local
stock of six per cent. was selling from 521 h to 523/4 cash
milreas, but was expected lower, in consequence of 2,000
policies of 10,000 cash milreas, to be issued immediately
for the payment of the remainder of the prize cases taken
in the River Plate.

The exchange on London ruled from 40 to 40i ; but as
the crops ofcoffee were nearly shipped, and no amelioration
of the infamous copper currency had taken place, it was
expected to be lower.
Singapore papers to the 3d of January have been re-
ceived at the North and South American Coffee-house.

Late accounts, of an authentic nature, received from Cochin
China, state that kingdom to be in a very disturbed state
at present. An extensive insurrection prevails now at
Saegen, the capital of the Southern and most fertile dis-
trict, and the Tanguenese are said to be in open revolt
against the King, who is reported to be a great tyrant.
By the Dutch schooner, Reliance, from Batavia, we
learn that the Dutch barque, Matilda, had been cut off by
her crew, near the coast of Java, and that Captain Living-
stone, his wife and children, and it is also said the first
mate had been all murdered. The crew, after having taken
out of the vessel a quantity of copper coin, sunk her. We
learn that most of these fellows are in custody at Saura-
I eaya. . - - - . - -

We hear from Malacca that on the evening of the 10th
inst., Mr. Wiggins, European overseer, was murdered by
a native convict.

We regret to observe that piracies have increased of late
to a dreadful extent.

By the French mail this morning we learn that two
grand camps are to be formed, one of 80,000 men, for
manoeuvring in the environs of Lyons, and the other for
the same purpose near Paris and St. Omer.