The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-07 00:00:00

beaten down unhappy Pelartil—t hey saw the Austrians op-
pressing Italy—and they SaW Prussia only seeking for an
opportunity to put down all free institutions; would they,
would the people of England, at such a moment lend
their aid to crush the spell( of liberty which bad been
suddenly ignited in a little corner, in a little nook, of
Europe?--(Hear, hear.) He hoped they would not lend
themselves to any such object, mid that they would have
the satisfaction of feeling, that if 'hey had not assisted the
struggling Portuguese, at least they hail not been gui:ty of
opposing their efforts in the cause of freedom.—(Hear,
hear.) The Gallant Member concluded by moving, in
effect, " That an humble address be presented to his Ma-
jesty, expressing the regret of that House at the protracted
hostilities in Portugal, and, at the same time, thanking
his Majesty for the judicious policy which he had pursued
with respect to the affairs of that country,"—(Hear.)
Viscount MORPETH rose to second the motion which
had been recommended to the House in a speech of so
much ability by his Hon. and Ga ]ant Friend. The last
time that the question of Portuguese affairs had been
brought before the House, it had been sustained so tri-
umphantly in argument, as well as carried so overwhelm-
ingly in votes, in favour of the conduct of Government in
those affairs, that he was not surprised, putting every
thing else out of view, that the next motion introduced
was a motion not to arraign, but to avow and confirm
their policy. Indeed, it seemed to him, that if any per.
son, tither a contemporary witness or a future peruser of
these transactions, could question the entire propriety of
tl e resolution before the House, it would arise from e
detibt whether this country hail assumed a moral attitude
sufficiently elevated—had exhibited a moral countenance
sufficiently constant to the Sovereign whose rights she
had unequivocally acknowledged—sufficiently constant to
the parties whose hopes she had inevitably encouraged—
sufficiently constant to the principles which she must ap-
prove and cherish, because they were alike the principles
of truth and her own.—(Hear, hear.) Convinced, how-
ever, of that imperious obligation which compels the con-
duct of Governments to be regulated, not by the tempta-
tions of the particular case, but by the maxims of a gene-
ral rule, where the tendency of this rule was obviously to
preserve the invaluable blessings of peace, he would bow
to the stern necessity of the case, and admit the propriety
of our Government maintaining a neutrality even during
the late glorious struggles of Poland to burst her galley
chains, even pending the resistance now made to the usur-
pation of Don Miguel. Under the circumstances, how-
ever, of the present contest in Portugal, he was sure
that the House—t, at the country—would be of opi-
nion that over forbearance and passiveness ought
not to extend one inch beyond what was strictly
necessary.—(Hear, hear.) As matter of charge was
brought against the Government, to them, of course, it
would he wise and proper to leave the details and minutiae
of their defence. All that he should say was, that, from
all that had reached him of the general tenour of their in-
tended vindication, he thought it was perfectly satis-
factory, and even more so than he had been induced to
expect—he would not say more so than he wished. It
appeared to him that as a Government they had commi•ted
no act which was decidedly i❑ favour of either con ending
party. In this, then, they had proceeded in conformity
with their own recognised principle; but they bad
Buffered the usual interchanges of trade with respect
to military stores to be carried on without respect
to either party, and both parties had availed them-
selves of the benefit. As to the men, they had
left it open to those with whom they had no
concern to enlist themselves equally on either side, and the
roportion had been regulated by the sympathies of man-
kind. He would admit, that with those on whose ser-
vices they had a claim, the case was different; the party so
enlisting acting under a penalty, which he had no doubt
tin mature and complete proof of the fart would be ex-
acted ; and under the same circumstances it was plain
that in common fairness the precedent of Admiral Sarto-
rius must be applied to the case of Captain Napier. He
would not conceal from himself an independent question
might arise as to how fa- a man is justified in the eye of
Heaven for taking up arms in any case, save that of his
country, which must always be deemed to rest on the
ground of national defence, as any act of individual vio-
lence could only be justified on the ground of personal de-
fence; and then the question followed as to how far the
nation ought to take charge of individual responsibility
and conscience by interfering to prevent what was thus
assumed to be wrong. He trusted this view of the
sutiject would receive its due consideration, but assured
he was that the question itself rested on higher grounds i
than any which had been called as yet in question,
and did not mix itself up with any dispute upon neu-
trality. He would admit that it would be both a super-
fluous and an easy emolument to heap terms of vitupe-
ration upon Don Miguel, but it might be asked, on the
other hand, whether there were not those in whose eyes he
might appear clothed with certain redeeming attributes ?
They had heard much of Don Miguel being the choice of
the people and the delight of the Portuguese. It bad
been published in 1831, that upon a calculation it was
found there were in the prisons and hulks of Portugal, or
transported as convicts, 27,000 individuals; of those
emigrating to avoid his vengeance there were no less than
13,000; and in hiding-places in Portugal there were be-
tween 4,000 and 5,000. Thus it appeared that, out of
a population not exceeding 2,600,000, there were not
less than 45,000 victims of political resentment, whom,
no doubt, these partisans of Don Miguel would,
include amongst those who, as they alleged, testified uni-
versal acquiescence in the dominion of the usurper. Per-
haps it would not be improper for him to read the fo'low-
ing extract from Young's work, who visited Portugal
about that time, to acquaint the House what was the real
state of society there. He relates—" The streets of Lis-
bin were crowded with soldiers, day and night, autho-
rizing the mob to insult whoever they pleased, and those
who made any resistance were to be conveyed to prison.
Each police soldier had anginlos (little angels or thumb-
screws) in his pocket, and I saw about this time several
respectable looking persons conveyed to prison with these
instruments of torture affixed to them. They often
screwed them till the blood started from under the nails—
I have heard them crying with agony as they went along."
He might, indeed, be stained with rebellion, usurpation,
tyranny, and murder. He might combine all that we
read, and all that we could imagine, of the most detesta-
ble models in ancient history—the sullen perfidy of Tibe-
rius, with the sanguinary sportiveness of Commodus ; but
no matter ; somehow or other, despite this world of
charges and accusations, he represented the Conservative
interests in Portugal.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) And
further, he reflected, it would , seem, those interests in
Spain. In him were centred the hopes of Absolutists, and
the perpetuity of priestcraft.—(Hear,)
" His birth, his titles, crowds and courts confess
" Chaste matrons praise him, and grave Bishops bless."
(Immoderate laughter.) Grave Bishops ! He would say
one word on that subject. He trusted, indeed be knew
he was by no means wanting in attachment and fidelity to
the establishment of which he was a Christian member,
and he had not hesitated to profess that attachment, as
well as respect and forbearance, towards the heads of that
church, in places arid it *times when it was not very con-
venient or easy for him to do so; but when he found that
those Right Pow. Persons, who had declared to the other
House that :' eeald not be discreet in them to legislate
for the bette. Juservance of the Sabbath—be it observed
be did not quarrel with them for that opinion so delivered,
still less with the very eminent person from whom it pro-
ceeded ; whilst at the same moment a portion of that Right
Rev. Bench—happy was he to say but a portion, and that
not headed by their natural leaders as their brightest orna-
ments—did not find it beyond their praise or beneath their
care, not merely to interpose on a nice, a complicated
question of worldly policy, but to inculcate greater for-
bearance on the part of Britain towards a cause built upon
the disregard of every obligation, and stained by the com-
mission of every crime, he might ask, what infatuation in-
duced them to convert the support of those who are not
ready to proffer it into coldnees and alienation ? Into the
many collateral topics which might suggest themselves in
the present posture of affairs, he did not feel it his duty to
enter. As for any apprehension which might arise re-
specting a permanent change in the system and principle
of government, be was persuaded, after an emphatic de
claration by that House upon the particular point at issue,
and the full, and precise, and satisfactory declaration of
his Noble Friend the Foreign Secretary of State, the other
night, that no person could take it' into his head to con-
ceive that any serious consequences could possibly follow
from so preposterous and absurd s matter. Weightier and
more serious affairs awaited their deliberation and decision,
and whilst they proceeded to encounter these with all the
care and consideration they demanded, be confidently
trusted that no efforts of party tactics or of ambition could
distract these who, in the moment of need, would form
the stoutest rampart against revolution, from that march
of steady improvement in which at present reposed the
only prospect of our national safety.—(His Lordship sat
down amidst loud cheers.)

Sir H. HARDINGE felt it imperative on him to state
his sentiments on this occasion, not only because it was
a question intimately connected with Ole honour and inte-
rests of the country, but because he Lai himself worn the
Portuguese uniform, and commanded Portuguese troops.
The real question was, whether in this civil contest a strict
neutrality had heen maintained by the British Govrrn
meat. In the whole course of what had been said by the
Noble and Gallant Officer, he bad not applied himself to
that point, He had made no defence of Ministers, but

indulged altogether in a series of recriminations. He had
called on the House to mark what former Governments
had done, and he alluded to sending a British army to
Lisbon. Now, upon that point, he would refer to the
Noble Lord (Palmerston) opposite, who could state the
reasons for such a step having been taken. The Noble
Lord was, together with Mr. Canning, a Minister at that
period, and it was under the auspices of Mr.Cennine, and
with the concurrence of the Noble Lord, that those troops
were sent to Portugal. He knew that the Hon. and
G,llant Officer opposed the Foreign Enlistment Bill with
all his might ; and therefore he undoubtedly had a right
to state his feelines in favour of any act that was
opposed to the provisions of that measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Still that was only an individual opinion. Many
of the present Minis•ers had also opposed the
Foreign Enlistment Bill ; but what had they said when
they got into power? Why, they explicitly declared that
this. country should remain neutral. It was notorious
that Don Pedro had been supplied front this country with
arms, with ammunition, and, above all, with men.—
(Hear, hear.) The very sweepings of the poor-houses
had been vomited forth to take part in these civil wars
(Hear, hear.) If such a system were tolerated, they
would shortly have the ports and harbours of this country
conceited into nests of pirates, from whence expeditions
might be sent forth to annoy all the peaceable states of
Europe. He did not rise to defend the character of Don
Mie.uel. It was not perhaps worth so much notice, but
when they spoke vituperatively of that individual, he
perhaps might incidently be allowed to ask what was the
character of Don Pedro ?—(Hear, hear.) There was
not, he believed, a single man of common sense or of com-
mon reason in that House who did not feel that if Don
Pedro were successful, he, and not Donna Maria, would
he the Sovereign of Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) He was
perfectly convinced that any vote of that House, or that
any step which might he taken to assist Don Pedro,
and by so doing to further the purposes of France,
would in the end recoil upon this country. The
Gallant Officer then entered into a very brief review of
the conduct of Don Pedro from the commencement of
the present contest, and argued that his career had
been begun for the purposes of ambition, and was
continued for the purposes of pillage.—(Hear, hear.)
The most unwarrantable meats had been adopted for
strengthening the army of Don Pedro. In one instance
a German, who had proceeded to Portugal for commercial
purposes, was absolutely impressed, and compelled to join
the army. An individual who had joined Don Pedro from
this country, was punished with 500 lashes, because he
dared to complain of P 1 treatment. And he could add,
that the conduct observed towards the Irish regiment in
Don Pedro's service, was not a whit better than that ex-
perienced by other portions of the troops enlisted in his
eervice. Since the meeting of Parliament Captain Na-
pier, an officer in the British service, had taken out an
expedition, the object of which he openly declared to be
the Tagus, avowing that he was employed by Don Pedro.
Where was the neutrality of Government, when it per-
mitted such a proceeding ? He knew it might be said,
that whatever interference had occurred, was not the act
of the State, but of individuals, and that England was
as open to furnish supplies to Don Miguel as to Don
Pedro, if the former could prevail on people to afford
them. But lie argued that the State ought not to per-
mit its subjects to assist either party, or both—if it did,
there was an end of neutrality. That word was not
derived from ambo, but from neuter, and implied a re-
fusal to succour either side. Sir William Scott, now
Lord Stowell, bad distinctly promulgated this doc-
trine, and stated that " the very meaning of the word
neutrality implied that they were to withold succour from
both parties." The object of the Foreign Enlistment
Bill was to enable the Government to enforce an ob-
servance of that principle upon his Majesty's subjects.
The Noble. Lord opposite had voted for that Bill, and
supported it in every stage, as did the President of the
Beard of Control, and! the Judge Advocate-General, the
latter of whom delivered an exceedingly able speech in
favour of it. Let it be borne in mind that the expedi-
tionary army at Oporto had not made a single step in ad-
vance during nearly a twelvemonth. If there had been a
predilection in favour of Don Pedro amongst the Portu-
guese, we should have seen not only considerable deser-
tions from the army of Don Miguel, but the whole nation
rising en masse to place him upon the throne. However,
nothing of the kind had occurred. This consideration
might appear somewhat beside the question, but he sub-
mitted that the reluctance of the Portuguese to receive
Don Pedro heightened our injustice in it flirting upon the
nation miseries to which it ought not to be exposed.
This pretended neutrality was a pehry pettifogging way
of proceeding. We had got into a dilemma with Spain,
end we endeavoured to sneak out ot it by this petti-
fogging course.—(Laughter from Ministers.) He per-
ceiv.d that the expressions he had used caused laughter—
he had used them with deliberation—(A I iugh)—tbey
were not his words, but those of the late Mr. Canning
on a motion of Lord Althorp for the repeal of the Foreign
Enlistment Bill on the 16th of April, 1823. Mr. Can-
ning said—" If I wished for a guide in a system of neu-
trality, I should take that laid down by America in the
days of the presidency of Washington, and the secretery-
ship of Jefferson. In 1793, complaints were made to the
American Government that French ships were allowed to
fit out and arm in American ports, for the purpose of
attacking British vessels, in direct opposition to the laws
of neutrality. Immediately upon this representation, the
American Government held that such a fitting out was
contrary to the laws of neutrality, and orders were issued
prohibiting the arming of any French vessel in American
ports. I do nut now pretend to argue in favour of a
system of neutrality ; but it being declared that we intend
to remain neutral, I call upon the House to abide by that
declaration, so long as it shall remain unaltered. No mat-
ter what ulterior course we may be inclined to adopt—no
matter whether at some ulterior period the honour and in-
terests of the country may force us into a war—still,
while we declare ourselves neutral, let us avoid passing
the_strict line of demarcation. When war comes, if come
it must, let us enter into it with all the spirit and energy
which becomes us as a great and independent nation.
That period, however, I do not ev,sh to anticipate,
and much less desire to hasten. If a war must come, let
it come in the shape of satisfaction to be demanded
for injuries, of rights to be asserted, of interests to
be protected, of treaties to be fulfilled ; but, in God's
name, let it not come on in the paltry pettifogging way of
fitting out ships in our harbours to cruise for gain. At
all events, let the country disdain to be sneaked into a
war. Let us abide strictly by our neutrality, as long as
we mean to adhere to it; and by so doing we shall, in the
event of any necessity for abandoning that syStem, be the
better able to enter with effect upon any other course
which the policy of the country may require." He fully
concurred in those sentiments, and was ready also to say,
it a necessity for war must cam-, let us meet the case in
a manly and straightforward manner,—let us openly de-
clare ourselves in favour of Don Pedro or Donna Maria;
but do not let us sneak into a war—let not the King's
name and the honour of the country be compromised by
our professing neutrality and acting as pariisans.—Hear,
hear.) He maintained that we had not acted fairly by
Spain in requiring her to keep neutral on the understind-
Mg that we also would continue neutral, and then break-
ing our engagement. On this subject he would quote the
eloquent speech of Mr. R. Grant, which applied very
closely to the present occasion. The Judge Advocate pro-
ceeded to examine the opinions of Bynkershoeck. He
proved Bynkershoeck's authority to be wrong or mis-
quoted ; and as to Vattel, he quoted him as saying,.
" Shall I suffer the neutral, under a pretended neu-
trality, to do me all the mischief in his power ? No ;
the law of nature—the law of nations obliges me to
he just, but does not condemn us to be dupes."
The Right Honourable Gentleman then added on that
occasion, " A strict fulfilment of our engagements is due
to Spain ; otherwise Spain may turn round and say, You
call me base, and abject, and degraded ; but if, after
having plighted to me your neutrality, and while pro-
fessing to keep that promise you keep it only to the ear,
—if, safe in your pretended neutrality, you take advantage
of my weakness to overwhelm me,—and all this while
you are affecting a more than ordinary feeling for the
rights, the interests, and the honour of nations,—then,
however base, and abject, and degraded I may be, I shall
have the consolation of knowing that there is one Eu-
ropean Government which has sunk itself to a point so
low as to incur the just reproaches even of the degenerate
4ingdom ot " He could add nothing to the force
and cogency of those expressions ; and should content him-
self with referring the Gallant Mover to the speeches of
gentlethen opposite for an answer to the arguments on
which be had founded his proposition. It had been said,
in another place that a Gallant Friend of his, Sir John
Campbell, had made observations upon the Government
unbecoming a British officer. He knew Sir John
Campbell, and had served with him in the Peninsula.
His Gallant Friend married a Portuguese lady, and na-
turally became attached to the people, as all who were
acquainted with them must, for kinder persons did not
,elifeyortisimAtmitoiinenniy.ttethh:ivest
Sirtworld.omti
:8 eh. Under these circumstances, it was
itreeaChorna:piu.
expressedth‘inikiti
insgt
himselfrsmi Portugalhwt ill-useditchc
some
it unbecoming in officers of the army or navyg to express
bemselves disrespectfully of them ; but if they were in the
rabic of frequenting some places tow Kich he sometimes went
—(Cheering and laughter)--he was glad of those cheers,
because they afforded bin an opportunity to say that the

'United Service Club contained as honourable men as
breathed ; and if such individuals were biassed against
Government, what was it but to say that Ministers were
unpopular with many intelligent and high-minded men,
who were not afraid to give an independent expression to
their sentiments ?—(He tr.) If it were supposed unbe-
coming the honour of a British officer to speak disrespect.
fully of the conduct of Ministers, God knew that was
very frequently the case.—(Laughter.) He repeated, Sir
J. Camp' ell might have spoken with acrimony of Mini-
sters, but that his Gallant Friend had ever, expressed
himself with disrespect of a higher and more sacred per-
son he entirely disbelieved.
Mr. ROBINSON argued that the other House of Par-
liament had a light to express its opinion on this subject;
and having exercised its undoubted and constitutional pri-
vilege, it was neither necessary nor expedient to bring
forward a motion like the present, the direct tendency of
which was to place the Commons in collision with the
Lords. Besides, he objected to the motion on the ground
that it expressed approbation of the judicious course pur-
sued by Ministers in the affairs of Portugal in the absence
of any information on the subject. He regretted, there-
fore, that he could not agree in his Gallant Colleague's
proposition.—(" Hear" from the Opposition.) It had
been stated that there was a short road by which to
settle the question. Undoubtedly there was a short road
from the top of a precipice to the bottom, but it might
not be wise to take it.—(Hear.) Was it a wise thing to
accelerate a collision between two branches of the Legisla-
ture ?—(Hear.) The Hon. Member proceeded to say,
that in the contest now carrying on in Portugal one
party had been favoured to the exclusion of the other.
lle feared the result would be, that we should no: ac-
quire the respect or goodwill of either party. Don Miguel
was naturally dissatisfied at our conduct, and the friends of
Don Pedro did not think we had gone far enough in their
favour.—(" Heir," from Mr. Stanley.) He could inter-
pret that significant look and cheer of the Right Hon.
Secretary—they implied that the dissatisfaction of the
party of Don Pedro was a proof of the neutrality of Go-
vet nmenr.—(Mr. Stanley—" Hear, hear.") But all he
(Mr. Robinson) contended for was, that our conduct had
been such as to alienate from us the Portuguese of both
parties. He did not know that Miguel was an usurper,
but he was undoubtedly a perjurer, and disentitled to re-
spect or support. Therefore he (Mr. Robinson) did not
pursue his present course from any wish to side with Don
Miguel. The Government, however, had offered to re-
cognise Miguel if he would de Blare an amnesty.—(Cheers
from the Ministerial side of the House.) He did not
know whether the present Government made that offer,
but undoubtedly the former Government did.—(Renewed
and continued Ministerial cheering, at the conclusion of
which a solitary cry of " Hear, hear, hear," so loud and
shrill as almost to amount to a shriek, proceeded from the
Opposition side of the House, and excited considerable
laughter.) He thought that when Miguel assumed the
supreme power, the British Government of the day
might have displaced him, and that it would have
saved considerable embarrassment which subsequently
occurred, if this course had been adopted.—(Mini-
sterial cheers.) However, he did not know that Don
Miguel might not lie as fit to govern Portugal as
Louis Philip was to govern France.—(Hear.) The
Noble Lord, the Member for Devonshire, the other night
stated that they were not only called upon to express
their opinions on this subject, but that they were called
upon to express an opinion diametrically opposite to that
of the House of Lords upon it. Now, he would ask
Hon. Gentlemen what would be gained by their coming
to such a vote that night ? He looked to the votes of
that House as they affected the country; and he would
again ask what would be gained for the country by their
coining to such a vote? He might be mistaken in his
opinions, but they were opinions honestly and sincerely
entertained. He would now consider such a vote as it
affected the future policy of the country and his Majesty's
Ministers. The vote to which the other House of Par-
liament had come called upon that House, it was said—
so, indeed, his Gallant Colleague had contended—to come
to a vote of a directly opposite description. Now, where
would be the use of placing this House in direct collision
with the other House of Parliament on this occasion ? But
it was said that if they did not do so, it would be thought by
the world that the Commons of England were opposed to
his Majesty's Ministers. Now, it was well known to
the world that the great majority of that House supported
the views and measures of his Majesty's Government,
and the vote to which his Gallant Colleague required the
House to come was not necessary to establish that fact
What he would repeat, would be gained by their coining
to such a vote? Would it not have a t,n,ency to create
an indisposition amongst many Noble Peers towards that
branch of the Legislature ? Would it not be said that
the result of such a vote was to call in question the rights
and privileges of the other House of Parliament ?—(Hear.)
For his part be could not conceive a proceeding more un-
worthy of the Legislature of a great country like this,—
could any man conceive anything more mischievous to the
country than the thus gratuitously bringing the two
branches of the Legislature into collision ? Was it con-
sistent with the dignity of that House to act in such a
manner ? Would it be wise on its part to do so ? Were
they to set such a dangerous and undignified example?
It had been stated out of doors that last year this House
had came to a resolution, under analogous circumstances,
opposed to the House of Lords. He (Mr. Robinson) was
one of those who voted on the majority on that occasion,
but he would deny that there was any analogy between
the two cases. The case which then occurred was one
of strong pressing necessity. His Majesty's Ministers
had tendered their resignations, and it was under-
wood that his Majesty intended to accept them.
Upon that occasion he (Mr. Robinson), thinking
that it was necessary for the country that they
should be retained in office, voted certainly in
the majority. But was there, lie would ask, the
least likelihood of a change of Ministers now ? Was it
not, in fact, noterious that the Government would con-
tinue as it was at present constituted ? Where, then,
would be the use of coining to such a vote as this? He
(Mr. Robinson) was not prepared to concur in a vote of
that kind, and if, before the close of the debate, no other
Hon. Member should do so, he would move, as an amend-
ment on the original motion, the previous question.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Gentleman
who had just sat down, had no doubt expressed his sin•
cere opinions upon this subject. In opposing the motion,
that Hon. Member had laid the principal stress of his
argument upon the danger of that House coming into
collision with the other House of Parliament. Before
he replied to that part of the Hon. Gentleman's speech,
he would just advert to some other points that had arisen
in the course of the present debate. He would not say
that it was not necessary to di&cuss the character of Don
Miguel, but that character had been so often discussed
before, that it required but little illustration or remark to
set it in its true light before the world. Indeed, he did
not think that it was at all necessary to add a word to the
condemnation which had been pronounced in the other
House of Parliament not very long since, ley a Noble
Lord, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs, upon the con-
duct of that Prince, whom the Noble Lord called false,
cruel, and cowardly.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.)
There could not possibly be imagined any three
qualities more disgraceful—qualities which could more
degrade a man or a Prince than those which had been
then enumerated by the Noble Lord in question, as dis.
tinguishing the character of Don Miguel.—(Hear, hear.)
He would not say whether or not the Noble Lord had
expressed himself in unusually strong terms in that in-
stance, more especially considering the office which the
Noble Lord held at the time ; but this he would say, that
events which had happened since that period hail most
completely convinced him of the great discrimination
which the Noble Lord then evinced upon the subject.—
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He would not say anything
further regarding the character of that Prince beyond
this, that it was not fair to assume that it should be mat-
ter of indifference to us. He was ready to admit that,
generally speaking, such was the principle which should
guide this country in such cases, and had we no more
connection with Portugal or with Don Miguel than the
United States of America had, it would have been per-
fectly consistent for us to have adopted the same course
that they did without at all inquiring into his character ;
but when it was recollected that Don Miguel had bound
himself by a solemn treaty to this country and its allies,
that he came over here, and in the presence of the Sove-
reign of this country made the most solemn promises to
act as Regent and not as King, it was obvious that this
country was called upon, in justice to itself and to its
own honour, to keep a strict observation upon his
character and conduct. This gross violation of all
those solemn promises, thus made in the presence of the
Sovereign of this country, was the reason that the conduct
of Don Miguel did nor, as it ought not to, satisfy this
country,—was the reason that he had not entitled himself
to the good-opinion of this country, and that his recogni-
tion had been delayed up to the time when the present
Ministers came into office. They then found, indeed,
that his recognition had been proposed to him by their
predecessors on the condition that he would grant an am-
nesty. A more unfortunate proposition there surely could
not have been made. It was a condition, the fulfilment
of which required at least the possession of good faith and
nunianity on the part of the person on whom it was im-
posed, and it was a mere mockery to demand such a con-
lition from a Prince who was notoriously deficient in both
Ilion requisite qualifications......(Hear, hear.) The que.-

tion then was, as the Gallant Member for Worcester had
stated it, whether, since that period, as we had not ac-
knowledged Don Miguel, we had Rot preserved that neu-
trality which we were called upon to maintain? Now, upon
the subject of neutrality and the course which had been
pursued, the question was, whether or not this country
had, as a state, furnished assistance to either of the con-
tending parties ? The question, he repeated was, whether
the state had furnished men, arms, or equipments to both
parties, or to either of them ? Now, no one would
dispute the necessity of the state, when determined
to maintain a neutrality, abstaining from furnishing
such assistance to either of the contending parties ; but
in areuments upon this question he had to observe
that the state was not unfrequently confounded with the
snhjects of the state. Indeed, he had often heard quota-
tions which meant nothing more than that the state should
not assist either party, applied where such an application
was most erroneous,—namely, to the case of the subjects
of the state assisting either party.—(Hear.) Now, with
respect to the furnishing the munitions and equipments of
war to belligerent parties by the subjects of the state, he
believed that a neutrality of that kind had never been
attempted in this country; lie believed that we had never
attempted to prevent our subjects from furnishing arms
and ammunition to either party engaged in a contest, with
regard to which this country as a state preserved neutra-
lity ; and of this he was convinced, that if we ever at-
tempted to do so, such an attempt would not only produce
great embarrassment in trade, but would lead us into actual
collision with either one or other of the belligerent parties.
If we were to say that no arms or ammunition should go
to Buenos Ayres because that state was at war with Peru,
or to the Paella of Egypt because he was at war with the
Sultan, such a determination would lead to a state of
things wherein it would be impossible for us to avoid war.
—( Hear, hear.) It had always been the practice of this
country, therefore, to allow stores of that kind to go out,
and in this instance, certainly, they had been most impar-
tially obtained by both parties. If we allowed stores and
'munitions of war to go out to Don Pedro, they bad also
been allowed to go out to Den Iliguel ; a large quantity
was sent to him by the Thetis. He received by that
conveyance 600 shells and a gun, which had been recently
purchased at Birmingham for 1,1001., and within the
last three weeks shells had been discharged from that gun
upon Oporto.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be said
that we were entitled to prevent the sending out of such
supplies. The tact was, that though the Foreign Enlist-
ment Bill had been passed to effect that, among other ob-
jects, it had been found impossible, under its provisions, to
prevent the subjects of this state from sending out such
supplies to belligerent parties. The Right Hon. Gentle.
man opposite had quoted the authority of Mr. Canning.
Mr. Canning was certainly amongst the most forward in
procuring the passing of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, but
what bad subsequently happened in Mr. Canning's time,
during the contest between Greece and the Porte? Was
it not a notorious fact that steam. boats went out of this
country with supplies of arms and ammunition for the
Greeks against the Porte ? When that fact was mentioned
in the House of Commons, what was the defence made by
Mr. Canning? He would quote the statement of Mr.
Canning from a pamphlet which professed to give his
very words on that occasion. The Noble Lord here read
the statement of Mr. Canning, which was to the effect
that, as the parties had so managed as not to come within
the purview of the law, by sending out the vessels and the
ammunition apart without a fixed destination, and then
combining them in some foreign port, it was impossible
for the government to prevent the exportation of such
articles, even though they were ultima ely destined for
the assistance of one of the contending parties.
The Noble Lord proceeded to say that it was clear, then,
that it was not possible, under the Foreign Enlistment
Bill, to prevent the subjects of this state from sending out
to either party, for the sake of the cause, or for the sake
of profit, such munitions and equipments of war. He
now came to the case of the subjects of this country en-
gaging in the service of a foreign power. That, he be-
lieved, was the case as regarded the vea,ela detained by
the Commissioners of Customs, and to which reference
had been made by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Those
vessels were detained under an order from the Secretary
of State for the Home Department, who, having been in-
formed that a question had arisen regarding them, the
issue of which was doubtful, ordered them to be detained
until it was determined. They were accordinely detained
by the Commissioners of Customs and bis Majesty's
Ministers referred the case to the law-officers of the
Crown for their opinion upon it. The King's Advocate
and the other law-officers of the Crown to whom the case
was referred gave it as their opinion that the information
in this instance was too vague too authorize the detention
of those vessels. The Right Honoured. Gentleman told
them that other lawyers had given a different opinion.
He (Lord John Russell) would ask whether the Govern-
mew, instead of asking the opinion of the King's Advo-
cate, and of the Attorney and the Solicitor General, should
have gone to that learned person Sir C. Wetherell—
(Cries of " Hear")—and to other such learned persons
for their opinion upon it ? Were they to say to those keened
persons, " We care not for the opinion ()four own law-offi-
cers, we want your opinion, and by it we will be guided
in our conduct in this instance ?" The Government cer-
tainly could not be accused of adopting such an insane
and absurd course of proceeding.—(Hear.) The law-
officers of the Crown having, then, given the opinion he
nad mentioned, nothing was left to his Majesty's Mini-
sters but to tell the Commissioners of Customs to let the
vesse;a depart. They were all well aware that in the
more ancient periods of our history it had not been the
Policy of this country to prevent its subjects from engag-
ing in the service of foreign states. They—all of them
who had heard or read the able and eloquent speech of
Sir James Macintosh on the Foreign Enlistment Bill—
were aware that in the times of Elizsheth and of James I.
such a principle as that of preventing the subjects of this
country from engaging in the service of a foreign power
had not only not been acted upon, but refused to be acted
upon, even at the solicitation of Spain and France—that in
the reign of James 1., despite the remonstrances of Gun-
domar, the Spanish Ambassador, troops levied here were
allowed to serve in Flanders against the Spaniards, and
that, in fine, to use the words of his lamented and eloquent
friend, " What we had reeused to the greatest of modern
military tyrants and despotic Sovereigns—what we had
denied to Louis XIV., and to Philip 11., we were
required to give to such a man as Ferdinand VII."
There was no doubt that it was at the instance of
the ambassador of Ferdinand VII. that the Foreign En-
listment Bill had been pissed ; but before that time it
Fad not been the policy of this country to prevent its sub-
jects from engaging in the service of a foreign power.
He might mention that in the time of Charles H. the Duke
of Marlborough entered a foreign service, and made his
first campaign, in which he learned the art of war, under
the celebrated Turenne. The first time that the new prin-
ciple--that principle on which the Foreign Enlistment Bill
was founded—was introduced was in the time of George
11., and then it was introduced because the subjects of this
country, while they engaged nominally to serve under
Louis XV., really engaged to serve under the Pretender. It
was to prevent that, that the 29th of George IL was passed,
and while the first part of that Act went to prevent the
subjects of this country from entering the service of the
French King, which it declared to be disgraceful and dis-
honourable, the second part of it went to allow the sub-
jects of this country to enter the Scotch brigade which had
heen raised for the service of the United Provinces, thus,
instead of taking away, acknowledging the right of the
people of this country to enter a brigade of troops raised
for the service of a foreign power.—(Hear, hear.) Sup-
pose that the United Provinces bad at that period gone
to war with Prussia, or with Russia, and that it was then
argued that this country had violated its neutrality because
the Scotch brigade in the service of the first-named power
had been recruited from amongst its subjects, there was
little doubt that the Ministers of George 11. would have at
once repudiated and scouted such a doctrine. Since the
passing of the Foreign Enlistment Bill assistance had been
given by subjects of this realm to Greeceand South America.
Had the persons who had thus entered the service of foreign
states been punished for a misdemeanor under that Bill ?
Had not his Gallant Friend Sir Robert Wilson, who with
his own hands had pointed the guns at the defence of
Corunna against the French, been subsequently restored
to his rank of Lieutenant-General in the British army,
notwithstanding the offence which he had conarnitted in
violating the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Bill ?
He quoted that instance because it had occurred during
the late administration. Under the present Government,
a Noble Lord had been restored to his rank in the nave,
though he also had violated the Foreign Enlistment Act.
When, therefore, persons of such high rank—Generals
and Admirals—were not punished for doing so, it would
be impossible to punish soldiers, mere privates, for having
entered a foreign service.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite had praised Sir John Campbell. Now,
he (Lord John Russell) did not think, with the exception
of Sir John Campbell's having the good fortune of having
a Portuguese wife—(A laugh)—that his case and that of
Admiral &atoms differed in the slightest degree.—( Hear,
hear.) It appeared, indeed, to him, that both those offi-
cers might very well bear off together; and those two
instances proved that his Majesty's Ministers, instead of
having been guilty of partiality, had been most completely
and decidedly neutral in reference to this contest.—(Hear,
hear.) When he said they were impartial in reference to
this contest, he was ready to say, at the seine time, that
he fully participated in the sentiment expressed by Mr.

Canning on the occasion of the French invasion of Spain,
when he prayed for the success of the Speniards against
their invaders. In the same spirit be (Lord John Russell)
did not feel it to he improper or unbecoming to express a
wish in a British Parliament, though it was our policy to
remain neutral in a contest between cruelty and bigotry
on the one hand, and liberal opinions arid liberal institu-
tions on the other, that the ones side, the side of liberry
and toleration, should prevail over the other.__( Loud
cheers.) He was willing to grant to the Right Hon.
Gentleman the cases which he had quoted against Don
Pedro; hut the statement as to Don Pedro's flogging a
young soldier, bad as it was, would not bear comparison
with the well authenticated stories which they had heard
of Don Miguel. Having now disposed of the question of
neutrality, which he trusted be had shown his Majesty's
Government had strictly preserved in this case, he came
to the point to which he had referred in the first instance
—he meant that which had been raised by the Hon. Mem-
ber for Worcester (Mr. Robinson). That Hon. Gentle-
man intimated that great danger would result from coming
to such a vote as the proposed one to-night, namely, a
collision with the House of Lords. If such a collision
should occur, it was not to that Hon. Member's colleague
(Colonel Davies) that the blime was to attach.—(Cheers
from the Ministerial, re-echoed from the Opposition
benches.) In that ease, be (Lord John Russell) thought
that the House of Lords, having declared an opinion,
which it appeared to him that they bad done, in the way
of a censure upon the late conduct of his Majesty's
Government, in reference to Portugal, it devolved on
the House of Commons, under such circutnstancee,
disagreeing, as it did, from that opinion, to
address his Majesty, as it had an undoubted right to do,
also upon the subject. Instead, therefore, of that House
standing, as the Hon. Member recommended, exactly in
the same neutral position that the country stood between
Don Pedro and Don Miguel—(A laugh)._he (Lord John
Russell) really thought that there could be no objection to
their carrying up to the throne their sentiments upon this
question, whether they were in accordance with those of
the Hon. Member for Worcester, who brought forward the
motion, or whether they were in accordance, which was
rather improbable, with the sentiments expressed by his
Hon. Colleague.—(Hear.) But whether the sentiments
of the majority of the House coincided with those of one
Hon. Member or of the other, it was not fair to say that
that House, in carrying up its sentiments to the Throne,
could be considered as at all interfering with the other
House of Parliament. He denied that in doing so they
would be seeking to provoke a collision with the H• use
of Lords. His (Lord John Russell's) object—the same
had been the object of all his Colleagues, but he had been
more prominently forward in regard to the measures to
which he was about to refer—in all his former conduct
had been to prevent the chance of such a collision, and
if in certain measures he had confined himself within
certain restrictions—if he bad abstained from pressing
forward opinions which were deep-seated in his breast—if
be had abstained in that instance from carrying into effect
views end opinions which the mote he considered them
the more he was convinced of their being most es-
sential to the happiness, prosperity, and welfare of this
country, let the House, let Hon. Gentlemen be assured
that he did not decline then urging those views in conse-
quence of any change that had taken place in his opinions,
or in consequence of any wish to preserve office or place,
but because lie saw there was no chance of then carrying
them into effect without bringing into collision the two
branches of the Legislature—a result which lie thought
they should not wantonly bring on—(Loud cheers from
the Ministerial benches, responded to by similar cheers
from the Opposition benches)—and for the bringing on
of which any men who ever took office in this country
would he most deeply responsible..—(Hear, bear.) These
were the reasons that, in that instance, had guided 'his
conduct and that of his Majesty's Ministers. He did not
think that, upon this occasion, they at least could be re-
proached with having done anything that was likely to
bring into collision the two branches of the Legislature.
They had pursued that course of policy with regard to
Portugal which they thought conducive to the best inte-
rests of the empire,—they had acted so as to preserve
unstained the honour of the country, and they now cheer.
fully and fearlessly appealed to the vote of that House to
prove that they had been right.—(Loud cheers.)
Captain YORKE said, the speech from the Throne
had led all the world to believe that a perfect neutrality
was to be preserved, yet it could not be denied that re-
sults had shown that a war had been carried ou against
Don Miguel. Vessels had been continually leaving the
ports of this realm, and it was impossible that they could
have quitted those ports without the Government being
cognizant, for as due., were to be paid, every information
as to their cargoes ar.d destination could be afforded to tire
Government by its own officers, in the various ports of the
kingdom. But he (Captain Yorke) w,shed much to know
what the slip- in his Majesty's service had been doing so
long in the Douro? Of the duty Of those ships were per-
forming the Government could not be uninformed, for the
Right Hon. Baronet (the First Lord of the Admiralty)
must have been regularly in receipt of returns from the
officers in command. Every vessel leaving the ports
of this country, must be provided with a clearance and r
manifest of her cargo, as the House could nut but know ;
and it was equally well known, that any variation be-
tween the contents of the vessel and those documents,
rendered her the lawful prize of any of his Majesty's
ships, and therefore if his Majesty's fleets in the Douro
had been made use of for the purposes of landing the mu.
nitions of war, he believed it was contrary to every regula-
tion under which a British officer ought, under such cir-
cumstances, to act. He must contend, notwithstoniiing
the speech of the Noble Lord the
_Paymaster of the Forces,
that neutrality had never been the object of his Majesty's
Government. How, then, he would ask the House,
could any officer in the service of Don Pedro be, with any
shadow of justice, visited in the manner that Admiral Sar-
torius had been treat -d by the Government of this country?
Would it be just, in the same wey, to meet au officer of
undoubted courage and experience, who had taken the
command of a recent expedition in the same cause, and
who had made a declaration that he would be dead, or in
three weeks he would take Lisbon ?—( Hear.) He should
wish to know from the Noble Lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, what would be the effect of the French
troops taking possession of Lisbon ? Enough had already
been seen of the effects of the possession by the French of
Algiers, Ancona, and Belgium ; but it Lisbon should get
into the hands of the French, he was sati•fied the Noble
Lord would find it somewhat difficult to feel easy with such
a state of affairs. He believed that the vast majority of
the people of this country had no disposition to surrender
the rights and privileges which they enjoyed in commerce,
and their great influence over the seas, into the hands and
dominion of their ancient foes. With regard to the expe-
dition under Captain Napier, he deemed it right to state
that two steam-vessels bad sailed from Falmouth,—the
Birmingham, with 200 English volunteers, and the Bri-
tannia, with 256 volunteers, possessing a very soldier-
like appearance, and who seemed, as was stated, to un-
derstand the duties of a soldier. Now, he would main-
t tin that the number of volunteers was not to decide the
question of a maintenance of neutrality, and he would
boldly ask the House whether, even if that number, pro-
vided with ammunition, so left this country, a strict
neutrality was maintained ? He could not help deeply
regretting that this question was, to his surprise, brought
forward upon the present occasion, more to try the com-
parative strength of the two Houses of Parliament than
to try the tnerits of the question itself. He regretted this
the more, because he was sure that if the matter rested
on abstract principles,and was not biassed by party feeling,
as it was__( Cries of " No, no")—it would at least meet
with a calm and deliberate consideration. The neutrality
which had been spoken and boasted of by the Noble
Lord opposite had, he must again insist, not been main-
tained ; and he could not doubt the object of the Noble
Lord the Member fur Devonshire when he improvidently
rose the other night to play the same part which he had
done last year.--(" Hear" from the Opposition.) The
Noble Lord had again introduced his conception of a
coalition to be anticipated between the two Houses of Par-
liament—(Loud laughter)—of a collision between the two
branches of the Legislature. The House might enjoy its
laughter at his verbal mistake, but its laughter would not
in the least put him out of humour._-( Hear.) He, how-
ver, could not remain quiet—(A laugh)—after hearing the
Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) without thus
giving expression to his sentiments on this interesting
subject.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that in giving his support to
the motion before the House, it could not be supposed that
so humble an individu tl as himself was actuated by inte-
rested motives—(Hear, and a laugh)—but he felt ;t his
duty to come forward and inquire whether, when neu-
trality was spoken of, there was not, even now, a vote of
the other House of Parliament operating in favour of Don
Miguel ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") Don
Miguel had been protected and taken in charge by the
other House of Parliament, and truly a fit protege he was
for the Conservatives. It bad been stated that this subject
would have the effect of a collision between the two
branches of the Legislature ; hut the battle, if such it might
he called, was commenced elsewhere by the shield of pro-
tection having been thrown by a Noble Duke over Don
Miguel, who had to-night been admitted by some of the
opponents of the present motion to be an usurper, a
murderer, a traitor to his father, and a traitor to his coup-
try ; and yet this was the man who had the advantage of 1
the vote of the other House of Parliament sanctioning his

cause.--(Hear, hear, and cries of "No, not"
po,ition benches.) This was the first breach
and to restore it tht re must be a vote on the ,
this Ruse, and that vote would be productive
a moral effect in the world, as had the vote
favour of Don Miguel. By this would the m
much contended for, he restored. The real
that in this country there were now two parti
parry which had carried the Reform Bill, and
to to further, hut was apprehensive of their
being opposed elsewhere.—(Hear.) At one b
agt
he I
ood s
ir ense
tnouts.
position,eta ednts eea,n,ciui;:nnlstehsosof
uttghthieo
tsttehmeeeyl sse,mwainhg
dehrttei
wn
details of any measure, should not, by a deck
nation against the vast majority of the count
risk the nation itself. The country required!
and resistance to amelioration elsewhere sot
create risk, but tend to something worsereece
to return to the question at present before the
charge against the Government was not carry
effect and operation the Foreign Enlistment Bi
swer indirectly to that charge could not be ft
1, sun this country money bad been raised as
Miguel as for Don Pedro ; but the distineri
,isesnce had b,en taken upon the ground of
but why had not Don Miguel effected an enlists
aid here, but because he could no: find in this
man that would serve under his banners ?
might get the great captain elsewhere to .throw
of protection over him, but he could not obtain'
under his banners of Englishmen, Seatchmen,
It was possible he might enlist the services of
in another place, but it was a misfortune that
sates of his cause might be found to be encum
lawn sleeves.—(Hear, and a laugh.) It was
that Don Miguel was so bad, that no man co
Lim support, and even the Right Hon. and Gall
(Sir Henry Hardinge), whose talents mute
respected, whatever part he might adopt in a
had taken especial care that the high honour of
soldier should not be tarnished by one word on
approbation of Dun Miguel; in short, in ailudi
individual, the Gallant. Officer had most certain!,
complimentary. But again to revert to the
of neutrality. Even on the part of the preceding
ua nt, had there been no regiments raised in
the service of I)on Pedro, and which enihai
Cork under the command of Colonel Cotter at
Bale win ? Indeed, he himself had obtained
missions in that service for officers.—(Hea,
and laughter.) To be sure, they had embarked,
between six hundred and seven hundred fro!
as husbandmen, and though they carried with
pickaxes, and shovels, yet guns and aeirnunitim
a considerable portion of their stores, and there
a human being who then did not know that the
Enlistment Bill was then violated ; but nohodt
time impeached that course of proceeding—(M
indeed, could that be done under the construction
Foreign Enlistment Act, under which he would
man to make an infermation who was not a
crigninis.—( (fear, hear.) The House haul also
t tat the poor-houses had been cleared for the _
of the cause of Don Pedro. He could only say
wished they had been more so, for the unemphr
only risk their lives in a foreign service, which
better than risking their necks for worse climes s'
Such a class did not carry any capital away witl
and were not likely to afford an increase of capil
their lemur by remaining at home. He felt lest
that they should have so engaged, because they
bark d in a cause the just claims of which -
recognized by the late Sovereign in the person of
Maria, who had a great constitutional right,
his own part, lie was anxious to support,—the
of the constitutionalists of Portugal.—(Heir, be
Spain the jscobin principles of the French
had been adopted ; in Spain the country
cut into little squares ; the influence of the
ha I been extended, and war had been
against the cottage rather than against the
wealth had been added to the rich, while even
reief had been taken from the poor without the 1
of anything like a poor law provision ; while,
other hand, the constitutionalists of Portugal had
such injustice, but, on the contrary, had endeavor
establish a constitutional reform, and gradually to it
and advance the institutions and interests of their CI
—(Hear, hear.) This glorious course had been
rupted by Don Miguel; he who had violated hi
whose honour was tarnished, and was in Aorta ads
to be a monster indescribable, and, therefore, was
such a personage that Ministers were to be blamt
cause they would net carry into full vigilant roe
Act of Parliament for the prevention of foreign '
moat? He did not hesitate to say, that if it was
the risk of a general war, the Government would fie'
to be impeached if they did not take active steps and ti;io)
over one or two of the brave regiments in the 13r: 004
service, which would settle the question in half an °Jo,
He was satisfied that the time was come when the oyi
tish Legislature ought to make a declaration that Wisi
cheer the friends of Don Pedro, and by so doing 4%
that there should be an end to such a monster
Miguel, his opponent.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL began by observing that he could...if!
understand the object of the Hon. and Learned Mew,
for Dublin in Supporting the motion now befell
House, and that object was, that this country eh"
reedy interfere with the constitution, and establish
ci
as a judge over the transactions of another countrPt.
which it was not to limit itself to disapprobation °.;),
to embark regiments to dictate to, the domestic p°l,
0,'",,0
a foreign nation ; in short, that this country shooldor,
to war to dispossess a Prince of his dominions( Goa
He (Sir R. Peel) believed the Hon. and Learned
dermal had belonged to the school which had ever $ do'
cated the noneintererence of this country with theft IS
mestic policy of other States—that it should be 000;)
every country to choose its own Goverornent.---( sbeif
He had thought that so powerful a competitor for
pot
principles as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wts)ld orid°'
have been guilty of trying to effect an interference,
the inertial affairs of a nation, and to force a ruler,to
a reluctant people, by the bayonet and physical for
Principles had, however, changed, and though sYr
had fled there was no tyranny under the name of dO
beralism which the Hon. and Learned Geotlenla° of
tiot seem ready to support, even at the expe°:i.
involving this country in a war, provided it W een
the maintenance of his own principles.—(Hearr, b
oor
and cries of .‘ No.") The Hon. Member for VOr ore
(Mr. Robinson) had stated that some public matt
saJs
me
mae ready to
hot
anods
tbr recognisee,epne
rjrue
reiterated
t eAndla
yi Miguel, uy,e,ntl ,eh
ewguhGiolatyliliaaondft beenaol l
fficrci dealer:etc/06700:o;
Davies), tu.d the Noble Lord opposite had laid that 'I/ $lO
his (Sir R. Peel's) side of the House. Did, however' 0°
Noble Lord remember, that eo far from objecting t°,,a,
policy of the Government of which he (Sir R. Peel)
a member, with reference to this question, it bad bee;d obo
mitted, on a former occasion, by the Noble Lord, Os Si.
time had come when, under certain conditions, n°noritli
guel ought to be recognised by this Government?, d,
the character of that personage he (Sir R. Peel) Pa
goer
the present occasion, nothing to do, and into the eharod,'
of Don Pedro he would not now enter.—(Hear.) e, is
those considerations involved unprofitable speculativ tto
the present instance, and he would ask the House Iooot
be led away by any appeals to their feelings and pawl fie
but to determine upon the grounds of public policyo to
did not know whether there had been any change 'A hi
principles which had ever heretofore been entertained
the Whigs in this country, but he found that in the denole
which arose in the year 1800, when the overtures
ow,
by the French Republic for a peace came under disc or
Mr. Fox said--" He was not justifying the Frencbteroal
striving to absolve them from blame, either in their in that
or external policy. He thought, on the contrarY'w, is
their successive rulers had been as bad and as execrBo„rite
various instances as any of the most despotic and °n
eipled governments that the world ever saw- Foci
regretted mitre than he slid the enormities which root
had committed, but how did they bear upon the
11:00
question ? Was this country to be deprived of the or
of peace becausi France had been guilty of injustice salt
error ?" Mr. Fox, on the same occasion, proceedeodZod.•
that " they had heard that night a great many ul.e. violet
coursem o n i ons
of
his
eo
invectivesnducatg,
in which he seized upon the reins of governmen•
so.
would not make his defence, but he thought all- thiss_joes
of invective, which was used only to inflame the.p :rod
aainndstaßgaoinnaspt Bonaparte,
napgrainincsitpledth
05:
and very impolitic." Such were the sentiments of I_ooo
Fox as applied to Bonaparte, and he (Sir R. Peel) to
of invective aPP' be.
now inquire how far the same spirit
as,
*tile
f the House and of the country, to be exceedingly 1101-:
Dun Miguel ? In the present case the question w
tier a Prince who was de facto sovereign. of a
in his state' another country to recognise him
chart'
was not for that nation to refer to the private
0, the,
ter of the Prince enjoying the approbation war'
whom he was called upon to rule. If 11_.e Ivor'
people over
enter into a
.gOO
to be charged with treachery, then openly e
with the entire approbation of that nation could. call efit.
with such a ruler; but if the people over whom he
t:y a long
twat he is their choice, any private grounds do
.nolvir,lic),,
nu interference, or the breach of the neutrality_ .
course of fidelity to his domination r4_,tty
under the law of nations, ought to be maintaiaew

17i

te;
0411 R, he,
bt fru'

no,o frhfnxed )tt
ie
orl3l:iocceettbreoinevtielejeifi :t of
:iheulf!rurf. en.
parties: n
and 0:0 Powers
ir good 4 tal!'s al
one :Ole ~"hi,,oati
'here he
tli
nd to 0 s'"' i
ight did 4 grievo
decided tht° °Ppl
countrit,
__°!th
red ante ..'foasieght
w
aould, th
.revol_otr Win
the . t"not,
carrying ret
It Bill. 1„...'° hitt,
a forgot -• the
as well 14 char
inct jos 0 :ftratt,
of eldi l'hat
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? Dotidell
,brow kith
taut the 4e exi,
en, or I ' %old
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hat moil "" t 0,,,
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ad w•
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Gallant.', toe,
must ' upoi
in adi 'thin if
rof the :o euhi
on Mgr ba' the
laity uitilirng lame
e 011' 'oitnatewri
in lei
he pr
eding Ist, 31
m harked',''eat ag
ter and aPower
ied two A:pot,"
(Hear, ZIOCAte
Iced, for in
from Y bele
3 thew . would
niacin ‘ fitted
there "r.n of r
the r 'lran
,body at h titnai
(Hear) j, Ittliteat
uct ion „„%ifo' th
tulddeq: 14tnr:,
a pa
lists bee" te wh
advao' • siParti
r sty tulit of
ployed. • use
Ch was Lc
3es at MI
with the G
capital Can
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ley bad„toes I
h has 'jags,
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of inal
b,. elb hi
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_the 14,:nade
, hear.) il;44t pri
Revels the K
r had Id e
thten
.10 to eta
ven
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rhbaedeee taabidPie:o:ool4,l e 4.'t
ad ecocieualrulaEri,
tile, os, laid d
reavourc" Znieh hi
to iloPitt Pone
-tleel2,
his "kd at
admi' ilteh do,
was it _
1.
, PP
)lamed, ' o
3, 01315
t effect, was a
sign
en
the eaa
was the To
aid dese have
to and,, tonotry
be
If an be'• British
(41.1! the
13 the "d Govei
hat ws" nature
ng des, . and
ter as h.,e.f the
could '%,t;71:40;
mew, sl
,efore „of fo,
„of
4tA v.. to