The Sun.
London, England, 1834-08-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It. is not expected of a journalist, who is often.
obliged to write on the spur of the occasion, and to
decide on what may turn out to be partial statements,
that all the opinions respecting men and things which
he may deliver in the course of a series of years,
should so strictly harmonize with each other as to
leave no opening to an ill-natured opponent. He
must be judged by the general scope and tendency of
his labours, and to him in a particular manner a liberal
allowance must be made for the failings--
Quas aut incuria fudit,
Aut humana parurn cavit natura."
But there are inconsistencies so gross that no extent of
charity can possibly reconcile them with honesty, and
and that must be set down to a downright settled in-
tention to deceive. The Times newspaper is noto-
riously now, and has always been, utterly reckless with
regard to principle—except the principle of supporting
whatever opinions its conductors suppose may be accept-
able for the time, and that of destroying, no matter by
what means, whomsoever they deem it their interest to
destroy for the time. It was said by Rochefoucault,
that there is something in the distress of our best
friends that we are not grieved at ; and perhaps the
Times, in continually looking out for victims, is
guided partly by a wish to impress the world with a
high idea of its power by the constant displays of its
ferocity, and partly by catering for the supposed ma-
lignity of our nature, in which the French philoso-
pher believed. Like everything else, however, wicked-
ness may be carried too far ; and we are much mis-
taken if the utter disregard of all decency lately
shown by the Times, ever since the Ministry chose
to disregard the oracle of Printing-house-square in
the case of the Poor Laws, the malevolence displayed
towards the men whom, but a day before, they had
lauded to the skies, will answer the purpose of our
contemporary. Every man of any mark in the pre-
sent Ministry, with the exception of Lord Melbourne
(and to be exempt from the censure of the Times,
under such circumstances, is a distinction of which his
Lordship ought not to be covetous), has been assailed
with a coarseness of vituperation unequalled by any-
thing in Cobbett. Lord Althorp has obtained grace
for a few days ; but the Lord Chancellor is victimised
day after day. The readers of the Times cannot,
surely, be so indifferent to the reputation of public
men, and so malignant in their nature, as to receive
gratification from these repeated attacks of a writer
actuated, most unquestionably, by the basest motives,
and indifferent himself even to the appearance of hav-
ing any regard for truth. The Times of yesterday
has an article commenting at some length on the
Lord Chancellor's speech on the Poor Laws. On
that speech we made some observations when it
was delivered ; and judging from the extracts from
the revised copy (for we have not read the whole),
we should say we differ from the Chancellor in
many of his views. But criticism is one thing,
and abuse another. The Times, quoting his Lord-
ship's remarks on the presumption of ignorance, ob-
serves, " We have never seen a remark so strongly
supported by example as in the speech before us. The
speaker has hit himself off with singular truth. Per-
haps the portrait may be a little strengthened in like-
ness, by substituting quackery for ignorance, though
persons acquainted with the furniture of Lord
Brougham'a• mind, know that it is like the specimens
of an upholsterer's show-room—some piece of every
set, but nothing in completeness and arrangement—a
lumber of fineries, odds and ends, at once more and
less than necessary to the fitting of any one mansion of
the understanding." On Saturday last the Times
spoke of Lord Brougham in these words :—" The
Times for fifteen years praised, supported—or, if you
will, patronized his Lordship. So long as we sup-
posed Lord Brougham to be actuated by honourable
and elevated motives—guided by fixed and enlightened
principles—aspiring to power through none but direct
and manly means--disposed to use it virtuously, and
capable of using it wisely, we did by every possible
exertion, through evil report and good, zealously,
boldly, and indefatigably,—nay, if we had said
affectionately—it would be no more than the
fact—strive to maintain, and extend the influ-
ence of Henry Brougham, throughout all classes
of society ; we supported the man whom we believed
to be true, upright—whatever we might sometimes have
thought of his discretion." The Times is either here
sincere or it is not. If sincere, what are we to think
of the judgment of a journalist who pretends to this
high degree of intimacy with a public man, and sup-
ports him for fifteen years as a man possessed of the
utmost elevation of character, of the most enlightened
principles—as a man aspiring to power through none
but direct and manly means, and capable of using
power wisely,—and all at once discovers that he is a
knave and a quack—that he knows nothing as he
ought to know it—that the furniture of his mind is
like the specimens of an upholsterer's show-room, some
piece of every set, but nothing in completeness ? By
the showing of the Times, if it is sincere, its opinion
is utterly worthless ; for Justice Shallow himself would
not have confessed to holding the same man a high-
Minded sage for 15 years, and discovering him in a
single day to be an arrant quack. We do not think
so low of the penetration of our contemporary as to
suppose that truth has anything to do with the pre-
tended discovery of Lord Brougham's quackery, after
a delusion of 15 long years. What, then, are we to
think of the matchless effrontery—the utter indifference
to all that is even in appearance honest and honour-
able, that could allow a writer to turn round to-day on
the idol of yesterday, and thus rudely attempt to dash
it in pieces ? Is England so lost to regard for prin-
ciple as to tolerate this barefaced attempt at moral
assassination ? Who is safe if literary bravos—men,
who from sordid and selfish motives, for honourable
motives are out of the question—are to be tolerated in
thus endeavouring to destroy public characters ? If
the Times now lay claim to a regard for truth, it must
have been in a conspiracy to exalt Lord Brougham
beyond his merits. This would equally be unprin-
cipled. If we are to suppose that during the fifteen
years intimacy with his Lordship, during the preva-
lence of the strong affection entertained for him, the
Times acquired the intimate acquaintance to which it
now lays claim with all the pieces of furniture of his
Lordship's mind, and qualified itself to pronounce him
on Saturday last, an arrant quack, the incessant eulo-
gies bestowed on his Lordship were necessarily an im-
pudent and barefaced attempt to dupe the people of
England. To the moment the Lord Chancellor gave the
umbrage to the Times (respecting which the public are
are in the dark), the Lord Chancellor was with it all
that is noble and estimable, and wise, and experienced.
In the Times of no longer ago than 18th March,
1834, we find it speaking with reference to a state-
ment made by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords,
in these high-flown terms :—" That statement exhibits
to the public what is already known to that branch of
the profession practising in Chancery, that a more in-
defatigable—a more pains-taking—a more punctual
judge never presided in any court, in any period of our
legal annals. His Lordship, by his persevering assi-
duity, and his unexampled regularity, has afforded a
striking proof that talents of the highest order, and
eloquence of matchless power, can descend with cheer-
fulness and ease to the monotonous duties of the most
' laborious and painful drudgery. The dullest fag who
ever plodded, without a thought beyond the pale of
the technicalities of his profession, never worked so
hard and so constantly as the man whom even his ene-
mies allow to be endowed with the most comprehensive
and brilliant intellect of his age and country." The
lightning's flash is not more rapid than the conviction
which seems to have been wrought in the minds of the
Times with regard to his Lordship. He was a demi-
god with it to the very day that he became a demon.
These doings are enough to sicken men with the press.
The patronage of so unprincipled a paper is really a
severe libel on the people of England.—Morning
Chronicle.

The persecuted liberty of the Press in France has
obtained a new triumph by the heroic conduct of the
Editor of the National--the able, eloquent, and indefa-
tigable lover of his country and opponent of despotism
—Armand Carrel. There is no man in France to
whom the regal persecutor of the Press—the ungrate-
ful Bourbon—is so much indebted for the Crown he
wears as to this gentleman, who, many times since his
elevation, has had to pass through the fiery ordeal of
a State prosecution. If we are not mistaken, M.

Carrel was foremost among those editors whose resist- '
ance to the violence of the gendarmerie who came to
the printing offices to enforce the absolute ordonnance
of Charles X. brought on the crisis of the revolution
—a revolution of which the " brave " Orleans faced
none of the dangers, but of which he contrived to steal
all the fruits, leaving the duped Lafayette to lament in
the evening of his life the octogenarian credulity which
made him again entrust the destinies of France to the
hands of a Bourbon, though promising " a monarchy
surrounded with republican institutions." What was
the imputed crime of the Press in the case, which,
through that old English institution of the trial by
jury—the only protection against the centralizing despo-
tism of the Tuileries—has so signally triumphed ? It
was the daring act of commenting upon the King's Speech
as if it were the speech of his Ministers. But the
' French Charter, in imitation of that antiquated English
Constitution, which some of our own Doctrinnaires
are so anxious to subvert, proclaims the political
maxim that " the King can do no wrong," which is,
of course, grounded, as with us, upon the constitu-
tional principle that always supposes the King to act
by the advice of his Ministers, who are responsible for
all his acts. This principle, however, Louis Philip
has set at nought ever since he found himself, as he
believed, firmly seated upon a throne ; he has acted,
and continues to act, as his own minister, or as the
President of his own Cabinet. This may, some day or
other, involve him, or some equally obstinate successor,
if the Monarchy should survive himself, in a very
awkward responsibility ; for a King who acts without
the advice of his responsible Ministers in a represen-
tative Government, disclaims the impunity which the
Constitution throws round him. N. Carrel, in his

powerful address to the jury, more than once invoked
the principles of the English Constitution, and ap-
pealed to the great commentator on our laws to ex-
plain the true meaning of regal inviolability, and to
show that it did not extend to interdict strictures on
the acts and personal influence of the King. This
inviolability has been carried to a ridiculous length in
France ; and speaking of this extravagant perversion
of a good principle, M. Carrel said, "In Eng-
land those who pretend to understand the Constitution
shrug up their shoulders when they hear of ours. In
England the principle contended for dispenses the
Crown from replying to a judicial accusation. There
are parties in England who admit no more than that
as to Royal inviolability ; but on its side the regal
power has the good sense to observe an absolute neu-
trality, and to keep within the limits of its prerogative.
Here the pyramid is reversed, the King is the chief of
a system. It is the Crown seizing upon prerogatives
which do not belong to it. Deplorable agitations have
been the result of this." Such is the consequence of
the King of the French making himself the centre and
apex of a system, but that system cannot stand many
such shocks as this, arising out of intemperate and
foolish collision with the press. Such prosecutions of
the Press may one day produce a re-action as terrible
and instructive as the ordonnances of Charles X. If
the " Citizen King" be not as infatuated as some of
his Bourbon predecessors, he will take warning by his
past discomfitures. If he be not as destitute of reflec-
tion as he is regardless of all political principle, he will
avoid those conflicts of the Royal power with the great
engine of opinion, in which defeat is so humiliating and
victory itself ruinous.—Morning Herald.

The Whig scheme for making the negro population
in our West India Colonies happy and contented is
just beginning to work, and precisely in the way we
long ago predicted, by producing a determined refusal
on the part of the freemen to labour as apprentices,
unless compelled to do so by some rigorous measure of
coercion unknown to him during his existence in a
state of bondage. As our friendly admonitions, how-
ever, were unheeded by the Liberals in Downing-
street, who yielded most unwisely, as we think, to the
humane legislators of Aldermanbury, we will now fur-
nish them with a little information which may perhaps

be useful, and induce them to take the necessary steps
for preventing or repairing the mischiefs that seem
likely to arise from the rash and inconsiderate
measure which they adopted merely for the
sake of hollow and ephemeral popularity. Minis-
ters are chargeable with gross neglect of the
most important interests of the empire in omitting to
reinforce the garrisons of the West India Islands,
after they have been repeatedly warned that the
number of troops already there is totally inadequate to
the preservation of tranquillity. We have received
advices to the 15th of July, and from sourcer on which
we place the utmost reliance, that in St. Kitt's the
negroes had refused to work. They had openly de-
clared their determination not to submit to the system
of apprenticeship, demanding not only to be made free
unconditionally, but also to be left in full possession of
their houses, land, and all other indulgences as here-
tofore. This is pretty well for a beginning, and fully
accords with the " spirit of the age." Our intelligence
unfortunately does not end here, as we find
that the representative of his Majesty, the Lieute-
nant-Governor of the Island, had been compelled
to submit to a severe pelting with stones,
dirt, &c., by the well-ordered and subordinate popula-
tion in several parishes of the island, and that he had
a very narrow escape from witnessing the appalling
spectacle of a foul and atrocious murder committed by
an infuriated party of blacks on the person of the ma-
nager on one of the estates. A vessel had been dis-
patched to Antigua and Barbadoes for assistance, but
we have reason to know that the Commander-in-Chief
has it not in his power to answer all the calls that will
be made on him at this crisis, the more especially if
the negroes in the other islands should follow the ex-
ample of those hi St. Kitt's. We now earnestly call
on the Executive to be prompt in their arrangements if
they are at all anxious to preserve these dependencies of
the Crown, which they cannot but value as productive
sources of revenue, however they may disregard the
safety and the rights of their white inhabitants.—
Morning Post.
We cannot help calling the attention of our readers
to the very extraordinary articles which have recently
appeared in some of the leading papers. Who, a year
or two since, would have expected to find the Standard,
the ultra Tory journal, complimenting, and receiving
compliments, from our contemporaries the Herald and
the Times? At first these " sweet words" were con-
' fined to their respective opinions upon the merits of
the Poor-Law Bill. Now they are moving on, and
the Herald and Standard are quoting one another's
opinions on the Police Bill, and all three are abusing
what they are pleased to call the principle of cen-
tralization, which the Tory, on the one hand,
and our " Granny" (as the Times once facetiously
called the Herald,) on the other, . state to be
creeping over the land, and threatening the total
subversion of the liberties of the country. The
Times is too cautious and too wary to allow
itself to be run away with, as its contemporaries are.
It affects to be virtuous, honest, and consistent, and
endeavours by the violence • of its language, to prove
the sincerity of its writings. Not so with the Herald—
no one can tell its principles, if it has any—it affects
not consistency—it knows it not in the leading articles
of one day, much more for a longer period—and in this
respect both of our morning contemporaries are infi-
nitely inferior to the able and consistent Tory journal,
the Standard. It manfully declares its purpose and
object. It leaves no stone unturned to uphold reli-
gious bigotry and Tory politics. We like such an
adversary—we can understand it, and can clearly see
through its anxiety to applaud any principles in the
Herald or Times which accord with its own, and by
supporting which, it imagines that it can divide the li-
beral interest, and thereby weaken the determination of
the public to uphold religious liberty and liberal politi-
cal opinions. But our morning contemporaries are sadly,
in our opinion, mistaken in the course they are pur-
suing. By their inconsistency—by their want of
candour and honesty, they are lessening their influence
over the public mind—they are written as they might
have been twenty years since, when the public had no
other means than through the daily press, of obtaining
knowledge. The cheap literature of modern times has,
however, raised the class of readers above the influence
of the violent writing which has of late distinguished
the journals to which we have alluded. The mandates
of the Times are no longer attended to. Its abuse of
the public men whom only a short time since it lauded
to satiety, falls harmless. It may send forth its
thunder against Lord Brougham ; but it scathes not

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 27, 1834.

the Noble Lord any more than the breechless urgin
who never heard of the existence of our able, but not
very consistent, contemporary. Nay—the continued re-
petition of its attacks upon that illustrious nobleman—
the next best friend of the people, after Earl Grey, whom
this country has ever known—have already produced an
effect the very reverse of that which appears to have
been intended by them—it has disgusted, by its incon-
sistency and personality, all sound-thinking persons,
and actually induced the enemies of the Noble Lord
to think more favourably of his qualities of head and
heart than they had previously done. But this is a
digression—a digression, nevertheless, which our
readers will excuse, when we assure them that it has
been made simply for the purpose of enabling them to
value properly the writings of the journals we have
alluded to, upon that which they endeavour to
stigmatize as " the principle of centralization."
But whatever has caused the Times to adopt the
course recently pursued, it is perfectly dissimilar to
to that which influences the Herald. We hardly know
how to express our dislike of the conduct of that
journal.—lt has scarcely had manliness enough to
praise or dispraise decidedly any measure for the
last three or four years:—lts support of Reform was
equivocal—sometimes blaming for its approximation
to Toryism, and then alarming the fears of another
party, by stigmatizing it as an ultra-radical measure.
Look again to its articles on the Police, Church, Poor
Laws, Tithes, and last, though perhaps the most im-
portant, its articles against Free Trade, and in abuse
of the principles which are now happily regulating the
reduction of taxation. What is this principle of cen-
tralization? If we are to judge from the application
of the term by the writers in the columns of our con-
temporaries, we should be inclined to say, that it is
that principle of Government which places the execu-
tive power necessary to enforce the provisions of its
various statutes in the hands of a board appointed by
the Government, and responsible to it and to the Parlia-
ment of the country. Our readers must recollect that it is
only the executive power: the power to enforce the provi-
sions of particular statutes. The authority of those who
form and enact these statutes is not, and cannot, be in-
cluded in this principle of centralization. Now this
power has been recently given to two boards, viz., to the
Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, and those
just appointed to superintend the amended system of
Poor Laws. This is the extent of the recent applica-
tion of the principle which has so frightened our con-
temporary of the Herald and his coadjutors. Now,
before we enter into the question of whether this appli-
cation of the system is useful or not, or whether it
tends to increase or diminish the liberty of the subject,
we will just ask our friends whether it be a principle
of recent introduction, and if we can show that it is
not, it will be difficult to account for their alarm. But
we will show more, we will prove that other Boards
exist with almost irresponsible power—Boards contain-
' ing within themselves Courts of Record, from which there
is only a very slow and expensive appeal. Are not the
' Boards of Customs, Stamps, and Excise very superior spe-
cimens of the application of this principle of centraliza-
tion to those recently constituted ? Where do you
find in the constitution of these Boards the necessity
of reporting their proceedings annually to Parliament ?
; Are the salaries of the Commissioners annually voted?
[ Is any publicity given to their proceedings ? Look
again at the Court of Excise Commissioners sitting
with closed doors, and hearing appeals, and passim.-
sentence upon those. who have been previously con-
demned by their officers. Who examines the bill, or
inquires into the vexatious proceedings of the Solicitor
of Excise ? What appeal is there against any har-
rassing proceeding Which he may choose to originate ?
and all who are uder this Board well know the
haughty, and consequential demeanour of that import-
ant functionary. Every small trader knows that if the
penalties in the Acts under which those duties are col-
lected were to be enforced, he would be ruined, and he
is therefore allowed, either in consequence of

BANKRUPTCY COURT, AUG. 26.

(Before Mr. Commissioner HOLROYD. )

LAWS OF JERSEY.
JAMES LE COUTEUR'S BANKRUPTCY.

his liberality to the inferior officers, to carry on
his business as near to the letter of the law as
he can, and subject at all times to the threats
and annoyances of every officer, from the assistant to
the Commissioner.. Here, indeed, is a principle of
centralization in its most hideous form,--an irrespon-
sible Board, with enormous powers—one which can,
under an excuse of suspicion, send its officers into any
house in the kingdom—one which can expose the im-
provements and knowledge of one manufacturer to all
his competitors. Why are not our contemporaries
frightened at the existence of such a Board ? Those
of the Customs and Stamps have also great power,
but nothing to be compared with the Excise; and they
have always been conducted with much more enlight-
ened principles than the former, almost as if the re-
volting nature of the duty in the one case prevented
men of liberal opinions from accepting the office of
Commissioners to such a Board. To-morrow we shall
revert to the subject.—Morning Advertiser.
The Chancellor is the very opposite of that philo-
sopher of old who went about with a lantern at noon-
day in search of an honest man. Lord Brougham
discovers perfection at every turn. If he wanted a
phoenix, he would find one waddling and cackling on
the first common. For the Central Board he pro-
claimed that three paragons would be required, men as
great and extraordinary as their powers—" not politi-
cal persons--members of neither House of Parliament
—men belonging to no party—men unconnected (po-
litically speaking) with the administration of public
affairs, and unmixed with the contests of the State.
If," he pompously continued, " I should be consulted
as to the choice of the individuals, I would only say,
show me a person (and I think I know that person)
whose opinions on party matters differ most widely
from my own, and if he be a man of firm mind, of ex-
tensive experience as to the working of the Poor
Laws, of conciliatory manners, of sound discretion
—if he be a man whom I can trust for his temper
(one of the prime requisites in such a work), and
that man I prefer before any of those with whom
I most agree in politics." He then proceeded to
promise that there should be no favour in the selection,
and that qualifications and desert should be the only
consideration. Let us see how the appointments cor-
respond with the rule. First, Mr. Fran Hand Lewis is
appointed to the chair, according to the canon that
the Commissioners should not be political persons, or
selected from among the members of either House of
Parliament l Secondly, Mr. John Lefevre is ap-
pointed in as strict conformity with the above rule, and
also with the next, that the Commissioners shall be
men unconnected (politically speaking) with the ad-
ministration of public affairs I the aforesaid Mr. John
Lefevre having filled the office of Under Secretary of
State for the Colonial Department. The quibbling
answer will be, that these gentlemen are not now
in Parliament, and that the latter is now discon-
nected, politically speaking, from the Administration ;
but the promise of the Chancellor was clearly that
the Commissioners should be persons unaffected
with political bias, though, with his late inability to
observe consistency in any dozen words he utters, he
proceeded to say that he would choose a man politi-
cally opposed to him, if in other respects a paragon.
The third appointment, that of Mr. Nichols, comes
under the rule so far as politics are concerned ; but
from what we hear, he is not quite the prodigy which
the Chancellor had described as required for the office.
The Board is now composed, and if the Chancellor
has acquitted himself according to his design in the
choice of its members, we may, at this instant, look
upon three wonders of the world, found without the aid
of a lantern at noonday, and kept at the small cost for
such virtue, of 6,0001. a-year ; 2,0001. a year being the
present price of an improved Cato, skilled withal in the
management of the poor. They don't make Bishops so.
The recipe of the Chancellor for Poor Law Com-
missioners would be too severe a test for a Primate.
But there are more than three wonders of the world
sitting somewhere in 'Whitehall. There are three
wonders and a half, for in the Secretary, Mr. Chad-
wick, we have half a wonder, and an amazing half it
is, by the Chancellor's showing. In cases of propor-
tion, the unknown may be discovered through the
known ; and, ex pede as it were, from the qualifica-
tions of Mr. Chadwick we may measure, if merits so
great allow of mortal measurement, the exalted quali-
fications of the Commissioners. The question may be
put in the form of the rule of three Mr. Chad-
wick is worth so much, how much is Mr. John Le-
fevre worth, and so on. Let us then first see how

SHERIFF'S COURT, AUG. 26.

CLOW V. FIELDE.

much Mr. Chadwick is worth, and from his value we
can find the value of those placed over. him. It' has
been said, that every kind of excellence is to be found
in Homer, but Homer did not write about the Poor
Laws, and it will be easy to show by the high critical
authority of the Lord Chancellor, who must be
admitted to be the very first judge in the land
—that Mr. Chadwick has surpassed Homer, and
that his report should supersede the Iliad, with those
who would improve their minds by the contemplation
and study of excellence. Having paid some high com-
pliments to the other Commissioners, Lord Brougham
proceeded :—" Most of them I before knew, but Mr.
Chadwick I never had seen, nor have I now more than
once or twice ; but I confess I have risen from the
perusal of his papers, admirable in all respects for ex-
cellence of composition, strength of reasoning, sound-
ness of judgment, and all that indicates the possession
of every species of talent—l say I have risen from the
perusal with a degree of admiration that I find it diffi-
cult either to suppress or to describe." The only
marvel is, that he ever did rise from the reading of such
papers, admirable " in all that indicates the possession
of every species of talent." He might reasonably
have been expected to exhale in the rapturous
contemplation of such unrivalled, such superhuman
perfections. Talk of Homer, indeed 1 Homer was
a fool to Chadwick: Many and hyperbolic as have
been the eulogies on Homer, there is not one of them
to compare with the above praise of Chadwick ; for
though indications of every species of talent have been
discovered in the Iliad by its enthusiastic admirers,
yet no one can pretend that Homer evinced any talent
for the collection of Poor Law evidence, and there-
fore, other things being equal,—for there is no ex-
ceeding every species of excellence,--Mr. Chadwick
is the superior. The poetic or inventive talent dis-
played in the Report the Chancellor has not par-
ticularly observed on, but of course it is included
in the praise of " every species of talent." When we
see Mr. Chadwick, then, filling the comparatively
humble station of secretary, according to the Chancel-
lor's rule of choice, which admitted no consideration but
quilification and desert, and declared a preference for
men out of Parliament, and unconnected with the ad-
ministration of public affairs,—when we see a man of
such matchless endowments, a man of a report indi-
cating every species of talent, and who was eligible by
the Chancellor's rule to the Board,—when we see
him, we repeat, filling a secondary place, what are
we to think of the men who have been preferred to
.the first posts for their qualifications and deserts only ?
As 1,0001. a-year is to 2,0001. a-year, so is Mr. Chad-
wick to Mr. Lewis,' Mr. Lefevre, or Mr. Nicholls.
Thus, wonder of the world as he at first appears to be
by Lord Brougham'weport, he is yet, as we have al-
ready remarked, but-half a wonder compared with the
prodigies over him, and those full wonders deserve
double the praise which the Chancellor endeavoured to
bestow on their secretary, and an endeavour only it
was, for he frankly confessed the difficulty of de-
scribing his admiration. We recommend all persons
who would see perfection before they die to hie them
to Whitehall to look at these paragons. No one can
now say that the poor are not well served. Their ma-
nagement is in the hands of demi-gods ; and parish
officers will have the privilege even in communicating
with the Secretary, of corresponding with a writer of
excellencies and talents more varied than those of
Homer and of Shakspeare. This is indeed, in the
theatric phrase, a superbly mounted commission.
Even for Secretary it has one praised by a great
judge as Milton was never praised.— Times.

IMPORTANT COMMERCIAL QUESTION RESPECTING THE

This case has caused some excitement among the com-
mercial interest. The bankrupt, a draper at Guernsey,
came to England some months ago and purchased goods to
a large amount, and then became bankrupt. A fiat was
obtained against him. The jurisdiction of the Court of
Bankruptcy was denied by the bankrupt, as he had been
proceeded against by his Guernsey creditors, and this ques-
tion has been the cause of much conversation among those
interested in the trade to Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of
Man, as in case the Court of Bankruptcy has no power
over the traders in the islands named, it will cause incon-
venience to the trade between England and those places.
The creditors at Guernsey refuse to acknowledge the vali-
dity of the proceedings of the Court of Bankruptcy here on
the ground that they are entitled first to have full payment
of their claims, having registered the debts, and proceedings
having been begun in the Royal Court of the Island of
Guernsey.
The final examination of the bankrupt was fixed to take
place this day.
The Commissioner understood that in this case the bank-
rupt had not surrendered. A letter received from him it
would be better to have read.
Mr. Bousfield, the Registrar, read the letter. It was
addressed to the Honourale the Acting Commissioners of
the Court of Bankruptcy, and was dated the 22d of
August, of the present year. It stated that the writer had
been informed that his presence would be expected at the
Court of Bankruptcy on the 26th inst., and wishing that
his absence might not be considered as contempt of the
Court, he took the liberty of observing that while in Lon-
don last May he was arrested, and on his return to
Guernsey he found that his effects had been seized, and,
together with his books, were in the hands of the Sheriff of
th Royal Court. He now understood that the British
creditors were proceeding against him in England, and that
the Guernsey creditors, with the agents of some of the Lon-
don houses, were proceeding also against him in the Royal
Court of Guernsey. He stated that he was utterly unpre-
pared with means to proceed to London, where he could be
of no service without his books. The letter concluded as
under :

" The privileges of this island do not admit of the juris-
diction of the Coat of Bankruptcy. I have consequently
had no legal summons to attend your Honourable Court. I
trust therefore that you will not permit any default to be
taken against me, as you perceive I am not amenable to
your Hon. Court. All•my English creditors have agents
_representing their interests in Guernsey, and here also are
all my assets."
The 'Commissioner thought the bankrupt had been ill-
advised upon the matter, and regretted that he had not
surrendered. There was full proo that he had traded in
England, and had rendered himself liable by committing an
act of bankruptcy to the Bankruptcy Laws. The principle
was established by many cases, that persons arriving in
England to purchase goods only were liable to the Bank-
ruptcy Laws.
Mr. Whitelock then referred to a decision given by Lord
Tenterden, in which his Lordship decided that an Isle of
Man trader had rendered himself amenable to the Bank-
ruptcy Laws of England, and said the matter was of great
importance to the commercial world, as upon the decision
depended the fact whether Guernsey creditors could, by
registering their debts in Guernsey, participate in pro-
perty which had been purchased in England by a trader of
the island, and to the loss of English merchants. It was
intended by the London creditors, if the bankrupt was pro-
claimed in the usual way, to obtain office copies of the pro-
ceedings before the Court of Bankruptcy, and to raise the
question whether the bankrupt had not been guilty of felony,
by a prosecution at the Old Bailey.
The bankrupt not having made his appearance at three
o'clock, he was declared an outlaw, with the usual forms.
The proof of debts having been finished, it appeared
that the London creditors hadproved for nearly3,ooo/., and
the debts in Guernsey were calculated at about 4,0001.
more. There are some other claims in France, &c., but
not to a great amount.
Further proceedings were then adjourned.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

A Jury was empannelled and sworn to determine what
lands, goods, chattels, and tenements were possessed by Mr.
Henry Fielde, who owed Mr. Clow 8001., and, having fled
the kingdom, had had proceedings of outlawry instituted
against him, in order that the said property might be
escheated to the Crown.
Mr. Charles Phillips, Counsel for Mr. Clow, called Mr.
Richard T. White, an attorney, of Lincoln's Inn-fields,
who produced a deed of settlement, dated March 12, 1818,
from which it appeared that the outlaw has a contingent
interest in 7,5441. and 4,0321., 3 per Cent. Red. Bank An-
nuities, and also in 6,666/. 3 per Cent. Consols.
The Jury returned a verdict that the outlaw had no ap-
praiseablq and escheatable property.

We understand, and very reluctantly credit, that a
memorial is getting up by a party in this town, to be presented
to the King, for a complete remission of the sentence against
John Webb, of York, imprisoned for manslaughter in the
ignorant administration of Morrison's Pills ; and that this being
obtained, a subscription is to be entered into to present the
prisoner with a piece of plate, to compensate for the injury he
has sustained from the law in his endeavours to do good.—
Hampshire Telegraph.

BO IV- STREET.

CUTTING AND MAlMlNG.—lllichad Sullivan was charged
with having inflicted a wound upon the head of Jeremiah
Dalton, whereby he endangered his life.
The prisoner was remanded until it was ascertained from
the medical attendant of the prosecutor the nature and ex-
tent of the wound.