The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-11 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING OF DEC. 7.
M. Bignon—Gentlemen, the discussion having ar-
rived at the passages of the address relat've to foreign po-
litics, as it is probable that all the questions of this nature
will be treated at once, I think it my duty to address
myself to you, because I am persuaded that I may be
able to meet the different sorts of propositions and ob-
jections which shall be made, by rendering them useless
by the observations I have to submit to the Chamber.—
(General movement of attention.) Paragraphs 10, 11,
12, 13, and 14, do not appear to me to furnish any
subject for controversy. In the passages which regard
Spain and Portugal the Chamber will find, we trust,
that the commission has sought to meet its views, by
expressing .‘ the solicitude of France for those nations to
whose welfare her interest and sympathies attach her."
Relative to the 15th paragraph, which bears upon
the Ottoman empire, an Hon. Orator (M. de Lamartine),
whom we heard for the first time on Saturday last, was
of opinion, that the Chamber should not answer in so
precise a manner as the project of the address
proposes that passage of the speech of the Crown,
nor adopt on that point the sense of the same speech.
The Hon. Orator thinks, that to the minute interests of

nations, and to the exclusive calculations which have
directed the Cabinets up to the present day, it
would be well to substitute a more extensive policy, a
policy of high morality and philanthropy, which should
embrace the great interests of human nature. There is
no contradicting that a Government which should expose
a new plan, by which all the Cabinets should at once
stipulate in the views of the common welfare of mankind,
would be acting a magnificent part ; but, on the other
hand, gentlemen, it would be highly imprudent in a single
Cabinet to open such a path, without being sure that it
would be followed in it by the other Powers. 1, more
than any one else, would wish that so happy a thought

were not the dream of a brilliant and generous imagina-
tion ; for tie present, we are led to think, with deep re-
gret, that the time is still far distant in which such a
dream can be realized. We remain, therefore, in the
position of actual thing., and think that the Chamber
ought to adopt the 15th paragraph, such as the commis-
sion proposes it.
M. de Lamartine—l ask leave to speak after M.
Bignon.—(Sensation.)
The President—Messrs. de Corcelles and de Brique-
stifle are inscribed before you.
M. Bignon—l will pass on to paragraph 16, in which
several objects are mixed, and which, together with the
foregoing one, forms the principal point of our external
politics. On the latter paragraph, the commi,sion, of
which I have the honour to form a part, has charged me
to give some explanations to the Chamber. Here is the
text of it—" France, in her quality of a party to the great
European contracts, has supported, and supports with a
rare disinterestedness, the state of possession so onerously
established to its prejudice ; she has made no effort to
change it ; but by that itself she has not and cannot
acknowledge, to any one Power, the right of destroying
or altering without her what has been regulated with her
concurrence, or what exists in virtue of a previous assent.
She relies upon the wisdom of your Majesty, disposed as
she is to make all the sacrifices that the preservation of
her interests and the defence of her rights may require."
This paragraph, gentlemen, is but the expression of a
general principle—of a simple principle, inoffensive in
itself, and only draws the inferences which the Govern-
ment may be pleased to give to it, but which contains the
seeds of the most ext.nsive consequences, if it be conve-
nient to the Government to give them growth. There is
here an important distinction to be established. The
Chamber establishes a principle, but it does not go further,
it does not engage the Government ; and, above all, it
would not pretend to engage it contrary to its wish; it
always appertains to the Government to determine when
the principle may be applicable, and how its application
should take place. This application may be effected in
many different ways, either by acts or by speeches, or
even by silence, but reserving to act when it may be judged
opportune and useful. In this respect the Chamber does
not prescribe any thing ; it refers itself to the wisdom of
Government under its own responsibility; only it con-
siders that it ought to keep the attention of Government
vigilant over all the national interests. The interests of
a great state like France extend themselves almost every-
where ; and they may everywhere be' compromised.
They were compromised in Poland, and may still be
in the Ottoman empire, and in Germany and Italy.
Wherever our interests may be wronged, there would
the principle expressed in the project of the commission
be applicable. Its wording, you see, gentlemen,
embraces the past and the future. " France has not ac-
knowledged and cannot acknowledge." For the past, the
fact alone speaks for itself, and I hold the mission to
declare
_formally it relates to Poland. If the name of
of Poland, which at the same sittings of the commission

was in the mouths of all, as the sympathy of her misfor-
tunes was in their breasts, is not to be found this time
pronounced in the address, it is because the paragraph in
which this heroic nation is implicitly brought into question
comprises likewise, in an eventual manner, other nations

which are not, more than her, nominally designed. The
general situation of the political world being of a nature
to give rise to more or less uneasiness on the fates of
several other countries of Europe, the commission has
judged that, in the unfortunate hypothesis that changes
should take place which would alter the mode of existence
of some nations or the limits of their territory, it ought
to be well understood that France cannot acknowledge
such changes operated in violation of the treaties, to the
prejudice of the European order of things, to her preju-
dice, and without her concurrence. This declaration, of
which I have the honour of being the organ, I make,
gentlemen, is the name of the commission—in the name
of all its members unanimously, who agree in the same
sentiment. _ . .

The Duke de Broglie (from his place)—There is not
the slighter objection to that.
M. Bignon—.With respect to the developments I am
about to submit to you, although I am persuaded that they
agree likewise with the way of thinking of all the members
of the commission, I must apprise you that they have not
yet been communicated to them, and that thus they belong
to my person.ll responsibility. By proposing the para-
graph which I come forward to support, the commission
flattered itself that it met at the same time the opinion of
the Chamber and that of the Government. In the first
place, with what relates to Poland, we are assured before-
hand of the assent of the Ministry. Facts which have
already transpired guarantee it to us. You will recollect,
gentlemen, that at the last session, in the address of the
Chamber, in answer to the nine's speech, I had the honour

of presenting to you an amendment, which was accepted
almost universally. The Ministry did not make any real
opposition to it. Since then the Ministry has made one
step more in the path we had opened to it ; and no doubt
that circumstance has not escaped ycu. You have all,
gentlemen, followed up with lively interest the interest-
ing discussion which took place, on the 9th of July
last, i❑ the English Parliament on the subject of a pro-
ject of address made by a generous champion of the cause
of humanity, by a courageous and persevering defender of
the Polish nation, my Hon. Friend Mr. Fergusson. You
have seen in England, as well as in France, the different
shades of opinion mingle in the same sentiment which
had united us all. You will have heard with satisfaction,
above all, the British Ministry adopt to their full extent
the reasonings of the Hon. Author of the proposition, and
repeat several times, " that the right of Russia to the
possession of Poland only dates from the treaty of Vienna,
and is founded upon the sanction of Europe ; that the
insurrection of Poland did not dispense Russia from the
obligations which were imposed upon her by that treaty ;
that the Powers which took part in the Congress have the
right to insist that the constitution of Poland be respected;
that the true and just interpretation of the treaty required
that the constitution should remain the same, Russia
possessing no right to abolish it." With respect to the
address proposed by Mr. Fergusson, if the British Ministry
did oppose it, it was because it required less than the Eng-
lish Government bad done. In fact, the proposition did
not go further than to express the wish that the English
Government should refuse to give its sanction to the actual
political state of Poland. " Well, then," answered Lord
Palmerston, " we have done more that the nation de-
mands ; not only have we refused to sanctio❑ the system
established over Poland by Russia, but we leave protested
several times against the injustice of that measure, which
Russia bad no right to take." Such, gentlemen, is the
language held by the English Ministry i❑ the House of
Commons. I should have wished our Cabinet to have ex-
pressed itself thus from the beginning of the last session,
and I endeavoured to give it an opportunity to do so : I
should wish, indeed, that it would seize this opportunity
to-day ; but, however far from reproaching the Minister,
1 congratulate him upon his having begun to pronounce
himself candidly on this subject in an article of the official
journal. The Gazette of St. Petersburgh of the 13th
of August last, having opposed and condemned with bitter
violence the declaration of the English Government, it

would have been agreeable to you, Gentlemen, as wtli as
• - -

to myself, to see that the insertion of the Russian article in
the Moniteur bad been accompanied by disapproving
notes, tending to replace the question in its true light, and
to stigmatize the sophisms of the Cabinet of St. Peters-
burgh. The observations of the ?loniteur were to this

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effect..." That it abstained from entering into estions of
facts and of rights, which would lead too f ." but it
con, lodes nevertheless, " from the avowal of 'aside, that
at St. Petersburgh itself the principle of the validity of
the stipulations fixed in 1815 is acknowledged to
assure to the Poles a distinct administration, a re-
presentation, and national institutions ; that from
that also they acknowledge to all the Governments that
signed the stipulations the right of examining, if they
continue in vigour, and when they shall consider that they
have directly or indirectly been infringed upon, the right
of demanding explanations from the Russian Cabinet, and
to appreciate, if there be reason for so doing, the validity
of such explanations." By the side of the energetic
speech of Lord Palmerston, these remarks of our ( abinet
are undoubtedly somewhat weak ; but while we regret
that the Ministers should have left the honour of the
initiative, and of so vigorous an initiative, to the English
Government, we are obliged to them for their accession,
such as it is, to the principles announced by England.
Thus, gentlemen. respecting Poland, the Ministry has
already expressed itself in the same sense as the commis-
sion. Thus, according to the solemn declaration of the
English Government, to which our Cabinet has given its
adhesion, the present state of Poland is but a material
fact which neither England nor France acknowledges. If
Poland is subjected, oppressed, crushed, it is by despising
the general treaties of which the Cabinets of Paris and
London are signitaries and guarantees. On account
of the difficult circumstances in which Europe is in-
volved, England and France have abstained from taking
up arms for the defence of treaties. But England has
protested again't their violation, and France has asso-
ciated herself in the English protestation. The possession
of Poland under the title of a Russian province has not
been recognized as an European right. If the sword has
established the fact of physical possession, the sword con-
stitutes no right.. The day that the Poles themselves shall
break their chains—.the day when other nations shall en-
franchise them from the bloody yoke which is weighing
them down—on that day right resumes its empire, and
humanity triumphs over barbarism. All is nut lost for
Poland ; there remains a patriotism in it which all the
confiscations, prisons, and tortures cannot destroy; there
still remain for her generous affections in the hearts of
several kings ; there remains for her the sympathy of all
nations; there remains for her Providence and the future.
—(Profound sensation.) Independent of Poland, whose
misfortunes have a right to our first interests, alarming
prognostics still call elsewhere the solicitude of the
Chamber and of the Government.—(Hear.) The
strange state of the east, south, and centre of Europe—the
projects to which the singularity of this situation
may give rise—the possibility of secret engagements
contracted between such and such Governments, as
well as conditional arrangements begun with other
Cabinets—yesterday, here and there interviews of sove-
reigns—to-thy a congress of Ministers ;—these, gentle-
men, are circumstances which may be considered so much
the more worthy of meditation, as England and France
have nothing whatever to do with them. It would be
useless to bide from oneself, that in so many royal con-
ferences, and so many Ministerial conferences, there are
not some French interests seriously engaged—interests of
dignity and honour—interests of relative power and influ
ence—interests of commerce and navigation—interests of
independence for states whose fate we cannot remain in-
different to. As misfortunes have been accomplished for
Poland, so also are similar misfortunes threatened to seve
ral other states. We are more than warranted in believing
that there is danger in the chances of an approaching day
for the Ottoman empire, danger for the secondary states
of Germany, and danger for Italy. From the ruin of Po-
land to the dangers of Turkey the transition is not too
rapid ; the latter are the natural consequences of the for
mer. For the Turks, as well as for the Poles, it is under
the veil of an apparent protection that the invasion is pre-
paring. We wish we were able to put faith in the sincerity
of the disinterestedness of Russia. But, gentlemen,
besides the terrible example of Poland, there are other re-
collections which, in spite of us, render our confidence
very backward. Without resting upon facts generally
known, there are some which history has not yet revealed,
but which, no doubt, it soon will reveal. And here is
one which publicity calls for especially at the present day.
In 1608, immediately after the interview of Erfurt, at
that period of great intimacy between the Cabinets of Paris
and St. Petersburgb, the epoch when the ambition of the
two Emperors explained themselves to each other with a
candour exempt from every shade of hypocrisy, the Em-
peror Alexander insisted upon a division of the Ottoman
empire, whereas Napoleon did all in his power to hinder
this "partage." To tempt the French Government, the
concessions which were proposed to it were immense:
besides Russia abandoning to it the whole of the Spanish
peninsula and the Italian peninsula—besides admitting as
an acquired right its ascendancy over Germany, she left
Napoleon master to appropriate to himself whatever might
be convenient to him in the greater part of the Turkish
empire—Bosnia, Albania, the Morn, and the islands de-
pending upon that empire, and even offered to lend him
troops to make the conquest of them; but in compensa-
tion for the part allotted to Russia, the Emperor demanded
that Constantinople and the Dardanelles should be com-
prised.—(Great sensation.)
Several Voices---It would have been the " lion's" dis-
tribution.

M. Bignon—The Emperor Alexander pretended that
Constantinople would only be for him a country town—
that geography allotted it to him; and, relative to the
passage of the Dardanelles, he said that he must have the
key of his own house. Although Napoleon was then very
much occupied with the insurrection of Spain, and what-
ever price he attached to the alliance of Russia, so impor-
tant for him, not only against England but also against
Austria, who was preparing for a fresh rise, the demand
appeared to him so exorbitant, that he would never consent
to it. It was useless for the Emperor Alexander to allege
that they might conclude a treaty, which would assure the
passage of the Dardanelles to France, and even to all com-
mercial nations. Napoleon too well knew that such con-
ventions were only executed at the will of the Government
which holds the key in its hands, and that he who can
open the passage can always shut it. The Emperor
Alexander was forced to renounce his ambitious projects.
However, then they bad a kind of excuse. In abandoning
to France the three-quarters of Europe, Russia seemed au-
thorised to demand in the east a proportional aggrandize.
ment ; but who, at the present day, can justify such a
pretension on the part of that Power ? May it perhaps be,
that in case of a dismemberment of Turkey, there are already
compensations to the profit of some Cabinets, who would
resign themselves, for the worth of some fragments of domi-
nion and influence, to put up with Russian usurpations,
rather than resolve upon the efforts which would be neces-
sary to hinder them ? And in case of eventual conven-
tions of that nature, is it not to be feared that a part at
least of these compensations may be taken elsewhere than
in Turkey—as, for example, at the expense of the Ger-
manic and Italian nations ? Again, gentlemen, will it be
that without a convention with Russia—without an
engagement decided on with regard to the Ottoman em-
pire, that Austria on her side will follow with regard to
the Italian Peninsula the desire of an old ambition, which
will not be arrested until satisfied ? Will it be that Ger•
many, Austria, and Prussia, instead of fighting, as in
former times, to defend such ard such a state against the
other, will understand eaah other in die common task of
dividing among them the dcminations of certain states
comprised in a determinate circle ? It has been said for a
long time, that the independence of the German states
depended on the understanding between the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin. Have we arrived near to that day of
mutual understanding between those Courts, and is the
existence of Germany threatened ? Perhaps, gentlemen,
in Germany—and, for my part, I believe it to he so—
there is no question about acquisition of territory. For
the moment, in that country no change proposed to be
made in the frontiers ; but is there nothing of importance
to people and to governments but material and territorial
existence ? The independence of nations and governments,
is it intact because the nominal limit of their possessions
remains the some ? No, without doubt ; and it is too evi-
dent the object of the new Congress of Ministers, which is
assembling at this moment at Vienna, is to add some more
links to the chain which holds the secondary states of
Germany dependent on the Cabinets of Austria and
Prussia. I wish not to make sad predictions, but un-
easiness is more than allowable, and these are sad hypo-
theses, we are obliged to admit. If, then, from the new
arrangements which are preparing, it should result that
the independence of some states shall be endangered, and
the aggrandizement of Prussia and Austria secured—in
such combinations, gentlemen, there would be a destruc-
tion of the balance of Europe—there would be treachery
against France ; and whether France should or should nor
take measures in consequence of such arrangements, one
thing is certain, and that is, that France could not ac-
knowledge such combinations. It would be just the same
with regard to the new combinations they will, or wish
to, introduce, with respect to the mode of existence of
the Italian states. We wish to persuade ourselves that
' the alarm which has been felt on this subject may be
exaggerated, and that the project of an Italian Confede-
ration under the protectorate of Austria, either has never
existed, or, if it have existed, was proposed with the
most benevolent intentions. But if the project be real,
we hope that the Court of Rome will be the first 'to
oppose itself to its execution. A great example ought
to inspire us with this hope--I mean the example of

Pope Pius VII. For three consecutive years the Pontiff
repelled all the entreaties of Napoleon, who, in order to
preserve the integrity of his possessions, only asked him
to become a member of the Confederation formed by
the kingdoms of Italy and Naples. Already, indeed,
we have to lament that Austria, by the presence of
her troops in Italy, has established a domination in that
country, which ought to enjoy the plenitude of its
independence. Already Austria has imposed on the Italian
people a servile silence under pain of military execution.
This is already too much. Farther than this France
cannot allow Austria to proceed. This is no question of
doctrine, no quarrel as to a dogma. For France, this is a
question of all times, and is as important to Louis Philip
as it was to Louis XIV. If, then, it should so happen
that some Power should seek to introduce into Italy a new
system of organ'zation, capable of deteriorating still more
the state of this unfortunate land, France cannot recogdze
such an alteration any more than she would the changes at
which I have hinted in Germany and Turkey ; nor any
more than she now refuses to recognize the state of things
established in Poland by Russia. It may be said that such
or such a Power in Europe may regard with disdain the
mere non-recognition of its acts by the French Govern-
ment; but believe me this disdain is only apparent. The
reserve of the right to act is a serious matter, and when
two great states like England and France unite and protest
no one can say that anything is settled whilst France and
England withhold their assent. Gentlemen, I wish it
were in the power of the Minister to tell us that our fears
have no sort of foundation ; that with regard to Turkey,
the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh was only a generous friend
—a magnanimous protector—without ulterior prctects—
without secret views ; that inGermany,Aujtria and Prussia
do not wish to increase their domination Over the secon-
dary states, nor attack the rights of the people in drawing
into narrower bounds the constitutional liberties they
already possess ; that in Italy, Austria has not and had
not the intention of extending and perpetuating her
domination, by giving to it a form more solid and durab'e.
These assurances, gentlemen, the Alinister will not give
us. He is too honourable to do so. He will not make
assertions in Which he does net believe himself, and if he
judges it prudent to give very vague explanations and
assurances, it is not the less true that be will place little
confidence himself in the protestations of foreign Powers.
Our Cabinet is too provident to be contented with the
security of a day ; it ought also to think of the security
of the morrow,—of a security red and well founded.
Certainly, gentlemen, it is not us who have been so cru-
elly, so outrageously oppressed by the conventions of 1815,
—it is not us who can desire that these treaties should
continue to subsist; but when we submit to all the rigour,
when, for the love of peace, perhaps an exaggerated love,
we slowly drench the cup of humiliation, the least we can
do is to require from the Powers that are enriched by
stripping us, that they remain within the extensive limits
they have. allotted to themselves,—it is the least we
can do to oppose them in increasing those limits,
and the least we can do is to protest against new
invasions. Well, gentlemen, as the three principal
countries of Europe are threatened with invasion—
as Turkey is incontrovertibly in danger —as danger
impends over Italy and Germany, would it not be
the height of imprudence to close our eyes in order
not to see the storm until the moment it is ready to
burst upon us? It is fitting, it is right, that the Govern-
ment should be beforehand acquainted with the opinions
of the Chamber. Hence, gentlemen, did it appear neces-
sary in the eyes of the Commission to place in the address
one of those essential principles which a Government can-
not abandon without aband.ning itself. The day when
the dictates of partial ambition alter, by the violation of
general treaties, or by a modification of an existing state
of affairs, the established equilibrium, displace influences,
hurt interests, and, by creating new relations,change those
which formerly existed between Gevernments—that day
there will be room for the application of the great prin-
ciple we have laid down. We repeat it, gentlemen, that
it is not we who are to decide where that application is
to be. The Ministry has told us already, that in the case
of a new modification of Europe, Government will not
wait to be informed of its duty, but will know well bow
to do it of itself.—(Strong marks of adhesion.) We do
not doubt that it will remember this promise; but before
we come to a readjustment of the European territory, such
as perhaps the Ministry anticipates, there might be put
into operation a series of gradual usurpations, which are
the more dangerous, as, by being tolerated at first, they
have a tendency to acquire by fact and by time a sort of
legitimacy. It is, therefore, against these we must for-
tify ourselves. We must commence by not recognising
them, by affixing our censure to them from their origin,
and declaring their nullity. There, Gentlemen, our game
is at an end, and that of Government commences. All
that belongs to as—all that depends on us—is to make it
known for certain, that in all questions where the honour
and the interests of France are at stake, the Govern-
mi nt will be able to assure itself of the votes of the
Chamber, and the voice of France; and that both these
will be ever ready to offer to any extent, and with all
energy, the most perfect accordance of which it can stand
in need. Our task will then, gentlemen, be fulfilled by
the conservation of a fundamental principle, whose ap-
plication, already bearing upon one accomplished event,
extends itself, in like manner, to all other events of a
similar' nature which are likely to transpire within a
period more or less near to its arrival. You will perform
an act of prudence towards the Government in adapting
the paragraph which your commission has unanimously
proposed.—(Heir.) The above speech was listened
to throughout with the greatest attention, and was fol-
lowed by the most lively demonstrations of applause.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—" Gentlemen," said
he, "I do not come to reply to the Hon. Deputy echo
has just quitted this tribune, but I come for the purpose
of thanking him, and also the commission by whom the
address has been prepared—an address, every paragraph
and every principle of which we adopt. We concur also
in everything that has been said by M. Bignon, and we
feel grateful for the praise he has bestowed upon several
acts of our Administration. The principles which the
lion. Member has put forward we admit; what he de-
sires, we shill endeavour to effect."—(Hear, hear; Very
well.) The Hun. Minister in continuation said, " I
shall beg leave to limit myself to these few words at
present, and reserve anything further I have to say upon
the subject of our foreign relations until after I shall have
heard the objections or attacks that may be made upon
the Foreign Department of the Government, in the sequel
of this discussion."—Adjournt d.

SITTING OF JAN. S.

At one o'clock the debate on the address was resumed,
and the discussion of the loch paragraph, relative to the
foreign relations of the country, continued.
M. Alphonse de Lamartine, on ascending the tribune,
again developed the system which he had on the general
discussion of the address presented to the Chamber. Ile
then entered into a very lengthened and minute description
of the geographical position, manners, customs, and re-
sources of tLe various people that compose the Ottoman
empire, or are contiguous to it. The Hon. Deputy moved
the following amendment We feel confident that your
Majesty, with that wise forethought which the tottering
state of the Eist calls for and inspires, will immediately
open negotiations that may prevent the disturbance of the
Europeon balance of power, and at the same time binder
an event which ought to change the face of the world,
and enlarge the sphere of civilization, from becoming
the signal of a violent warfare, and a struggle without
any useful result for humanity. The Hon. Deputy
expressed surprise that the principle of his system should
have met with an opponent in the person of M. Bignon,
who for fifteen years had professed a policy marked
by liberality, and favourable to the progress of
civilization. "It is to the Chamber,: however," added
M. de Lamartine, " that I look—that Chamber that na-
turally represents the instinctive generosity of the nation."
In order to demonstrate the necessity there was for
France to encourage the progress of the Viceroy of Egypt,
the Hon. Deputy drew a striking picture of the organized
anarchy which reigns in Turkey, and predicted the near
and inevitable fall of the Sultan. " This Prince," conti-
nued M. de Lamartine, " already despairs of himself and
his people ; he is resigned to draw out the remainder of
his reign upon the semblance of a throne,—in a word,
the Ottoman spirit is extinct." The Hon, Deputy pro-
ceeded to ask, if France would remain an idle spectator
of the ruin of Turkey, and if she would allow that em-
pire to be dismembered for the exclusive profit of the two
Powers who were so eagerly desirous of sharing the
spoils.
The following is the substance of the measures which,
in the opinion of AI. de Lamartine, would be the most
proper to take with regard to the affairs of the East :
ht. A fundamental principle should be laid down that
no single European power should alone interfere in the
concerns of the East.

2d. A general and collective protectorate, composed of
the We•tern Powers, should be formed to take cognizince
of the affairs of the Last; and should be admitted as the
basis of a new code of international law.

3d. The various religions of the East should be pro•
tested, and their exercise guaranteed.
4th. In order to regulate the collective protectorate Eu-
ropean and Asiatic Turkey should be divided into partial
protectorates, or into provinces similar to those of Africa
and Asia, into which the Romans poured the overplus of
their population, and which should be placed at the dis-
position of the different European Powers for the same

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and Birch Plank, Oak Tops and Scantling, 35 Lots of
Oak Slabs, 30 Lots of Dry Oak Billet Wood, and other
Fire Wood, &c. &c.
To be viewed in the Royal Arsenal, three days previous
to the Sale, from Ten o'clock till Four, where Catalogues
may be had at the Storekeeper's office.
By order of the Board,
R. BYHAM, Secretary.