The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-08 00:00:00

b war or without war, as circumstances may require.
:leer, hear.) In short, that it will be a more active
participation in the destinies of mankind, and not merely
the passing emotion of noble hearts; not such compas-
sion as we give to the memory of the dead, whom we
cannot help, cannot restore to life, but that the public
opinion of England, declaring the sovereign right of
every nation to manage its own affairs, will be en-
forced with all the weight of its moral power and its
material power.— (Hear, hear.) It is not necessary
to discuss what power I mean, but it is to be hoped
that, according to circumstances, England will be as
good as the word of an Englishman, and become the
England of deed and of action as well as the England
of sentiment.—(Cheers.) I am firmly persuaded that
if you declare it to be the intention of the people of
England to come to a practical result, in each case I
am firmly persuaded that to carry out your principle
will not cost England one drop of blood or one shil-
ling of money.—(Hear.) Why ? Because every ab-
solute power upon the earth will consider the material
forces of England, and will pause before he runs the
risk of encountering them.—(Hear, hear.) But if you
say that in no case you will go to war, that will be
the surest mode of provoking war, because the ab-
solutist powers will consider that they have a free
charter to dispose of the fate of nations, and I must
fairly state my belief is, that in that case the con-
cessions of Europe would come home to England,
and that the material interests of England herself
would be hurt; because to injure England it is
not necessary that the Cossacks should water
their horses in the Thames. There are many inte-
rests in India, in the colonies, and all over the world,
that may be injured. There are so many arteries
that feed the power of England; and if one of them
were cut, England would be no longer what it is.
—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") Therefore, I believe that
should England declare her intention in no case
to speak the word " stop," with the intention of keep-
ing her word, in a very short time England would be
obliged to go to war for the purpose of upholding her
own interests ; because it is not possible that for long,
in different parts of the world, the two principles of
absolutism and freedom can go on in parallel direc-
tions, but the contrary. On the continent the former
now gains ground, because there is no freedom there,
except, perhaps, in Belgium—a country of so small
extent as to depend on its neutral position for its ex-
istence. England, then, is the only powerful repre-
sentative of the principle of liberty. All other nations
are either crushed or disappointed in their hopes, and
if England takes not up this principle of freedom,
absolutism goes on crushing the people of Europe,
and, as I believe, ultimately with the greatest danger
to the principles of freedom in England herself.—
(Hear' hear.) As to Italy, I need not say that I
entirely concur in the views, which you, by your
chairman, were pleased to express. I have already
had an opportunity to speak some words on this sub-
ject. I have declared the cause of Hungary to be
identical with that of Italy—that they are, in short,
like the two wings of a single army arranged against
one enemy.—(Cheers.) I have only one word to say
with respect to Blazaini, the man whom you have
particularly identified with the cause of Italy, and
named as the representative of that cause. Now, I
consider that for oppressed nations it is a very great
benefit when, whether by merit or by any other
chance, there is one man who constitutes the very
centre around which all the forces of that nation
unite ; who, in a word, is the medium of concentra-
tion both of will and of action. As for my poor self,
it is not for want of modesty I speak. I frankly
confess that I have not done enough to be regarded
by my people as such a man deserves to be—the cen-
tral point for all the forces of Hungary. Not my
merits, but rather the necessities of the time, have
placed me in that position ; but when I confess that I
have not merited it by what I have done, still I be-
lieve that it is my condition, in Hungary, and because
I know how difficult it is so to concentrate the con-
fidence of a people upon one man as to constitute him
its representative ; therefore I think it would be not
only a fault, but almost a crime, if I did not avail
myself of that condition to do as much good to my
country as I can. Now, supposing events to go on
with gigantic steps, I consider it rather a favourable
circumstance for the cause of Hungary, that my
poor people should have centered their hopes and de-
sires round one man, and having heard, not by uni-
lateral information, not from Italians, or from parti-
cular friends of Mazzini, because I consider it would
be as mischievous as it would be dangerous to rest on
one-sided information, and therefore I tried to get
knowledge of the situation of Italy, not only from his
friends, but from sources which I considered entirely
disinterested, not friends, not enemies of the man, but
men who went with the duty to get every information
and exact knowledge of the state of Italy. On such
information I declare, that besides myself, as regards
Hungary, I know no man of any nation in the whole
world who more fills the same situation of being the
representative of the hopes of Italy than Joseph Maz-
zini.—(Loud cheers.) That is not my belief, that is
my knowledge, founded not on unilateral information,
but on disinterested investigations, in which some
honourable Englishmen had given assistance.—
(Hear, bear.) This is my knowledge of the situation
of Mazzini with respect to Italy.—(Hear, hear.) I
will not say that there is not one or another party
which does not concur with him and his aims ; I
will not say that the whole Italian nation is included
in his individuality, but this I know that a very
large party—the only party that has a future in
Italy—is returned in his person.—(Loud cheers.)
And of course this conviction points out the neces-
sity, not only to be on a good understanding with
him, but if possible to combine the direction of the
exertions of both nations, as there is an identity .in
their causes. I consider therefore it is a happy
cir-
cumstance that there is a man who when we speak
to him we speak to Italy, as in my case
speak to me you speak to Hungary.when you
with these
opinions I can desire nothing more than frankly to
give my hand to combine honourable action for the
independence of Hungary and the independence of
Italy. As for the rest, as for Hungary I have de-
clared publicly that I believe my people share my con-
viction that the future organisation of our country—
provided circumstances beyond the reach of man to do
intervene—must rest on a republican basis. That is
my wish, because all our monarchical inclinations have,
by the repeated falsehoods of the house of Hapsburg,
been destroyed.—(Hear, hear.) I know that it is not
so much the form of government that makes the hap-
piness of the people, as it is the goodness and morality
of the governors.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore no go-
vernment can be good wherein people have not full
confidence in the governors and security for the future.
--(Hear, hear.) That is the case with Hungary.
As to Italy, although I am not unacquainted with
the aim of the Italian nation as resumed in the per-
son of Mazzini, still, as I stand here to claim the
sovereign right of every nation to choose its own