The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-22 00:00:00

It will most probably be presumed from all this
that the Noble Lord the Member for the City of
London would not object to be pitchforked into
the'Lords in the capacity of Ministerial Leader.
They know but little of the Noble Lord who do
not entertain grave doubts on this head. His
Lordship conceives himself to be an ill-used man,
and is as ambitious as of late years he has proved
himself weak and wrong-headed. The future his
friends contemplate for him, and the future he
contemplates for himself are two different things.
To his thinking, there is but too much reason to
believe, Lord JOHN is the coming Prime Minister,
who, instead of being " used up," is more capable
than ever of directing the affairs of this great
country, which always stands in need of his
services when deprived of them, while his friends
at best conceive he may be useful in a subordi-
nate capacity in the Lords. Are they likely to
succeed in converting him to their belief ? They
wish him to withdraw from the Commons
before it is too late for his reputation—before he
has drunk to the dregs the cup of humiliation his
vanity and weakness have prepared for him. Is
he likely to overthrow a superstructure in which
he delights, and listen to their advice ? The
chances are enormous against his doing so. The
sacrifice of personal vanity required at the outset
is too great. It is not to be hoped. To quote from
our contemporary :—" Urged on by a kind of
chronic restlessness, he is rather anxious to try once
more his fortune in the House of Commons.
Old predilections, old reminiscences, a craving
for the occupation of official life, a confidence
in his party followers, and a still greater
confidence in himself, all *flake him willing to bid
once more for popularity and power. We can
hardly wonder that he should delude himself with
the belief that liberal government is impossible
without him, when we find such a notion actually
received by others, in spite of the events of the
last few years. For many years past it has been
obvious to all, except a few bigoted partisans,
that Lord JOIN'S political reputation has been on
the wane. His conduct has on many occasions
exhibited that mixture of rashness and timidity
which often betokens the decay of great powers,
and gives warning of approaching feebleness. It
is natural that, in fear of such an event, there
should be a party desirous of inducing Lord
Jourr RUSSELL to accept the honourable retire-
ment and the high distinctions which all will agree
he has fairly earned. Should they succeed, no one
will rejoice more fully than ourselves." In these
remarks we fully concur, under the proviso that
no more is intended in his Lordship's elevation
than his failing powers would warrant. A de-
cayed Minister may be even more dangerous to his
colleagues than if in possession of his pristine
energies, understanding, and self-command. The
subject is a painful one, and we gladly dismiss it.

Sir JOIN PAKINGTON having tried the Rouse
of Commons in vain has put his hope in Man-
ehester. The highest servant of the Crown and
the Opblest of living patriots have recently taken-
and conferred honours there, and Sir JOHN sees
no reason why he should not have his share also.
Sir JOHN informs us that to him belongs the
honour of redeeming education from being a mere
party question ; and that his bill placed it on
common ground. Be it so—that is the reason
why his bill, or any one like it, will not in our
time bec )me an act. Sir JOIN and his coadju-
tors, honest and patriotic as we believe them to
be on this subject, have three antagonists which
they will not vanquish in our time—the priest,
the parent, and the parish. Any one of them
singly, formidable enough, but combined,
although from very opposite motives, they will
be a match both for Sir JOHN and Lord JOHN.
Take the Priest—the grand obstacle—who
will ever bend him ? He has a fixed persuasion
that the school is the nursery for the Church.
Very probably he exaggerates the efferj,; of the
Giurch or Assembly's Catechismson youthful
minds. In a free country like this the deference
of the youthful laity for the dogmas of their
school-books is small. indeed ; some say that
there is evv;, a tendency to throw the
Catechisrn's into the fire, as soon as oompulsory
lea='iiing ceases. Be this as it may, the clergy do
not think so. To zehearse a Catechism for an
hour, and then to submit to a two hours' service,
or at least to sitting or wriggling the service out,
is, they think, the sure course to discipline faithful
disciples for Church or Kirk. Each denomination
believes alike on this point. Each is well disposed
towards education, but nervously anxious that it
should train up adherents to its creed. Hence it
is that in Britain eleemosynary education has
fallen under the exclusive management of the
diverse, and generally hostile, religious bodies ;
and until this sectarian jealousy can be removed,
both secular and national education are simple
impossibilities. The wealthier laity are too much
wider the influence of the clergy to subscribe to
any plan which the latter will not sanction, and
they will sanction none which does not multiply,
as they believe, their own spiritual subjects.

When Sir JOHN cites America and Canada, he
forgets that in neither country is there any domi-
nant and richly-endowed sect: Perhaps the fact
that there is in England has had more to do
than any other cause with the deep seated
disaffection of the clergy of all creeds to
State education here. Dissenters fear that under
any national system the Established Church would
have the lion's share. It is so, indeed, with the
money now voted for education. The Church,
on the other hand, dreads the necessity the Go-
vernment is now under, of dealing on equal terms
with all creeds. The one dreads any augmenta-
tion of the privileges of which it is already jea-
lous ; the other shrinks from anything which
should put it on a level with unrecognised rivals.
In America, and we may say in Canada in a great
measure, this fertile cause of opposition to national
education does not exist. There are no favoured
76(xlesiastioal
sects, no Ecclesiastical Peers, no
Crown patronage, no teachr::„ authorised by the
State, scarcely
dei!„,":;ing to speak to the untho-
ed D teactier, and, in consequence, no
one that his creed or sect is in danger from
ris
to feel en -113 g
the seltoel supported by a Government vrhich
knows no distinctive sects, or by a rate which is
administered by Ecclesiastical equals. We be-
lieve it is impossible to exaggerate the indirect
obstruction to a national system of education,
arising from the fact of an Established Church,
surrounded by unestablished churches more than
equal to it numerically considered. But neither
Sir JOHN nor Lord JOHN contemplates dispens-
ing with the State Church fur the sake of State
education. It is singular that as soon as the
gre,ter part of the Scotch Church became
an unendowed church, it went immedi-