The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-15 00:00:00

regener..._

Gentlemen, his int-,
end was to separate the
State, and to destroy the Protest-dm.
land.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, when the
tion was made to his Majesty, what was the reply, what-...
the words of our beloved King f They were words which
ought to be engraved on the heart of every Protestant. He
exclaimed—" I will die first.."—(Bursts of applause.) Gen-
tlemen—then spoke William the Fourth—then spoke the
worthy descendant of George the Third.—(Renewed cheer-
ing.) Let us then adopt these words as our motto, and ra-
ther than submit to the yoke of those who would madly
undermine and abolish the the hallowed institutions of our
country, let us determine to die first.—(Great cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN gave, " The Pilot to whose care the
King has entrusted the Vessel of the State, and to whose
guidance the country looks with confidence, Sir Robert
Peel."—(Prolonged cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN had the honour to propose " The
healths of Lords Stormont and Sir James Scarlett, our
honoured Representatives, and the glorious remembrance of
their return to Parliament."—('Three times three, one cheer
more, amidst the waving of handkerchiefs.)
Lord SroastoNr rose amidst the most enthusiastic cheer-
ing, and spoke to the following effect :—Gentlemen, since
we last met great events have taken place ; events
to which, with your leave, I will slightly recur.
It is but a short time since the demise of Lord Spencer,
when Lord Melbourne waited upon his Majesty to explain
his own situation, and to explain the situation of the Cabi-
net. Gentlemen, we have had many reports—there have
been many surmises—as to the conversation between his
Majesty and Lord Melbourne. Gentlemen, I can only
say that 1 have not any authority, neither can I have, nor any
other person, for stating what that conversation was ; suf-
fice it for us to know this—the conversation was of such a
nature that the measures submitted to. the King by Lord
Melbourne and his Administration were not 'in conformity
with the sentiments of his Majesty, and could not in his
Majesty's opinion be entitled to the confidence of the
country. There were surmises as to what Ate late Mini-
stry intending to do respecting the Church of Ireland, and
other measures it was said were to be brought forward, on
which the Cabinet were said to be divided. But, what-
ever they were, his Majesty thought. fit to dismiss the Mi-
nistry, and to call to his councils Sir Robert Peel.—(Loud
cheers.) Gentlemen, Sir Robert Peel and his Admini-
stration are placed in circumstances of greater difficulty
than those of any statesmen that was ever called to pre-
side over the affairs of this country. The highest com-
pliment that could be conferred upon any man, has been
conferred upon him. He was residing at the moment
in a distant country, when he was called to the coun-
cils of his Majesty, at his Majesty's express desire. The
whole country has been kept in suspense, until it should be
known whether Sir Robert Peel could form an Administra-
tion. I can tell you that Sir R. Peel having been entrusted
with the formation of an Administration, has not the slight-
est doubt that he will be able to form such a one as will
receive the confidence of the country. Negotiations have
been going on with different parties, and some days must
elapse before the public mind is relieved from the anxiety
under which it labours. I have heard it asked why is
Sir Robert called to assume the reins of Government ?
Gentlemen, it is because in the present aspect of affairs he
is the man in whom it may well be presumed the people
have the greatest confidence.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen,
let us just look at the state of parties at this time. There
is one party who wish to place at the helm of the State a
man of education, a man, I admit, of talent, and at the
same time a man of strong pride and ambition.--( Hear,
hear.) There is a man who, great as are his talents, from
what we know of him, we are satisfied would sacrifice those
talents and would use his utmost exertions in order to
obtain the reins of office ; there is a man who would
stick at nothing, who, to promote and obtain his own
ambitious desires, would court and flatter, and hold out
the most lavish promises to the people, and it is not sur-
prising that the Rr.dicals should say that such a man
should preside over the destinies of this country. Gen-
tlemen, I will ask you whether you prefer the statesman-
like views of Sir Robert Peel, or whether you would aban-
don your country to that quack doctor, that political St.
John Long, the Earl of Durham ?—(Laughter and loud
cheers.) Gentlemen, we are to look not only to the indivi-
dual himself who is placed at the head of affairs, but also as
to what is likely to be the character of the future Cabinet
he may be able to form. I ask you whether you think that
the Chancellorship of the Exchequer would be very safe
in the able hands of Mr. Joseph Hume ? I ask you whe-
ther you think the keepership of the King's Conscience
should be entrusted to the integrity of Mr. Whittle Har-
vey ?—(Renewed laughter.) I ask you, Gentlemen, whe-
ther you would desire the safety of the Protestant Church
of Ireland to he confided to the tender mercies of Mr.
O'Connell ?—(Laughter and cheers.) I will ask you whe-
ther you think the maintenance of our Naval and Military
Departments ought to be entrusted to that vulgar, but I
admit clever, pamphleteer, Mr. Lytton Bulwer ?—(Laugh-
ter.) I ask you whether these are not the kind of persons
that Lord Durham would naturally. wish to call to the
King's Councils ? If to minds like these .the destinies
and the glory of the country were to be confided, I
will ask you where we should be this time twelve-month ?
—(Hear, hear.) Lord Melbourne, the King has thought
proper to dismiss ; to Lord Durham his Msjesty has
not thought fitting to send ; there remained then no others
to whom his Majesty could look for advice than the Duke
of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel.—( Loud cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, the Duke of Wellington is not one of those dirty
persons who seek place and power regardless of conse-
quences ; the Duke of Wellington holds the situation of
Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and I think there is no man
but will agree with me that there are not abler hands to
which that office could be confided.—(Hear, and loud
cheers.) Gentlemen, there was an expression I met with
in a French paper when the Duke of Wellington was called
to the councils of his Majesty which particularly struck me.
I read in a French journal this expression—" England will
no longer remain in the anti-room of the councils of Europe."
Gentlemen, what must be the state of that country, a coun-
try which is the first country in the world ; a country that
once held as it were the destinies of Europe in its hands—
what must be the state of that country I say—what must be
our feeling of shame at the bare idea of such a slur being
affixed to us, that England should have been con-
sidered during the predominance of the Whig Ministry as
standing in the waiting room of France or of any other
power whatever ?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, if you feel in-
cl.:frition, if the whole country feels indignation, how much
more so must our gracious Sovereign at the conduct of the
ministers he has dismissed, for having placed the country
in such a tuation ? But we have now one to take a lead
in the Councl,.'s who, if any one can, will regain for England
her proper statibus•
country. The persons Gentlemen, it has also been said that
the Administration
i..
:anhos
wuthti Its. to be formed are going to intro-
Iluce great and manfoia Reforms in the institutions of the
lye said so express only their
•

"-ere

-own belief, and have no suthority for what they say. I
avow, and I always like publicly to avow my sentiments,
for I entertain none of which I am ashamed, neither am J
ashamed to confess myself wrong when it is proved so to
my judgment—Gentlemen, I avow that I always had a
violent dislike to the word Reform—there is much in a
name, and I have strong feelings against that name. If by
Reform is only meant the correction of abuses I am a
Reformer—but if by Reform, used as it is by Whigs and
Radicals, is meant to overturn the institutions of the country.
then I say I am an anti-Reformer.—(Cheers.) It would
be contrary to our religion to say that anything made by
man is perfect. There are none of our institutions, none of
our laws, but may be capable of improvement. I can per-
ceive many abuses to reform, to use their own words—it is
not mine, I should say—to be removed and done away with.
With those who would set to work in earnest to improve,
but, at the same time, to maintain our settled institutions
in their pristine rigour and excellence, I will go heart and
hand for the benefit of the country. But to those who talk
of the " spirit of the age," and tell us we must alter every
institution, whether it has abuses in it or not; I and opposed.
These are the leading points to which I am desirous of di-
recting your attention, because it is said why should the
Whigs be diSmisSed from office, if the Duke of Wellington
and Sir Robert Peel intend to pursue the self-same plans
as the Whigs ? They will not do so, and if they did, I
would not support them. lam not the tool or creature of
, a party, hut an independent Representationd and
Trolonged cheering.) Gentlemen, there ie ono PorrX
which I would request your further attenticai—l mean on
the subject of the Established Church. I have been
brought up as a member, an unworthy member I fear, of
that Church. From my education I have been inclined to
look up with deep reverence to that Church. I am attached
to its doctrines and its tenets. But should it appear that
there are abuses which have crept in through time, or which
appear to be so in our enlightened age, if they did not seem
formerly to exist, I will willingly abide by those who desire
to correct such abuses, maintaining, at the same time, in its
full efficiency, the Church Establishment. I know that the
Church of England has many enemies. The Roman Ca-
tholic, the Socinian, the Atheist will attack it. 1 know also
that she has many friends and many supporters, and I feel
confident that the great majority of the people feel deep in-
terest in her safety and welfare.—(Cheers.) I would say
detect any fault, prove any abuse, and we will correct it.
With these views I am prepared to act towards'the Church.
one pf.ntlresheewho
rs. ) would die
Gentlemen;
hlerhadveefetnhcoeu.g—(l
If I am prepared to correct abuses in the Church, I am also
t Li
to updr apne dr
''.llv into a statement of my political opinions,
to enter thus-1 ~ 4s which have passed within the last
because, from the eve...
te that the space of time will
few weeks. I do not eonternp....
7! Parliament will take
be very long before a dissolution ~.
place. I know not, I cannot say hms; sow that event may
occur, but if it does take place, I shall presetit u.. self again
to my constituents in this city, and I shall ask them whe-
ther my services entitle me, or do not entitle me, to theu.
future support.—(Much applause.) It has been announced
to you, that in case Sir James Scarlett is promoted to the
Judicial Bench, you will have anether candidate to come
forward to fill his place as your Representative, and that is
my friend on my right hand (pointing to Mr. C. Scarlett.)
—(Prolonged cheering.) Gentlemen, I can say this, that
although Mr. Scarlett was not a Member, he became as in-
timately acquainted with the citizens of Norwich as if he
had been one of the Members. I say, Gentlemen, that he
toiled night and day—we fought a good fight together—
and as such I most willingly take him for my colleague, and
I will use the same exertions in his behalf.—( Loud cheers.)

ROBERT CAMPBELL SCARLETT, Esq.—Permit me, Gen-
tlemen, in the first place, to return you, in the name of your
present Representative, my father, my sincere and heartfelt
thanks for the honour you have been pleased this day to
confer on him, which I take as a proof of your continued
attachment. I have received his commands to assure you
of his undiminished respect, and the gratitude and affection
which he.owes in return for your suffrages. There is but
one eircumstance, Gentlemen, which has prevented Sir
James Scarlett from being. present with you to-day, which.
is that of the much-lamented deatii.' of his Royal Highness
the Duke of Gloncester, with whom fie euimed a friendship
of forty-six years standing. Of this excellent Prince he en-
joyed the long and continued confidence, and wilesz, plea-
sure it was, in his last moments, to confer on him all those
dear offices which on our departure one must do for another.
lie attended only as last night at Windsor on the occasion
of the funeral, and I am sure you are fully sensible that the
respect he entertains for his own feelings, and for those of
the Royal Family, makes it impossible for him to attend
here this day. Gentlemen, it is possible • that my father
may be called to fill a high situation, in which case it will
be incompatible for him to remain your Representative in
Parliament. Should such a change, Gentlemen, take place,
you will then be called upon to find another Member to
represent your interests in the House of Commons, a mem-
ber of the same orange and purple principles, equally at-
tached to your interests.—(Great cheers.) lam bound to
say, Gentlemen, if circumstances should permit,
.he will
still have the greatest pleasure in continuing your represen-
tative.—(Applause.) But if he is rendered incapable of
further serving you, I will not disguise my intentions, should
you see any thing in my services qualified to succeed him,
of offering myself as a candidate to represent your ancient
city.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if I should have. the
good fortune, and which from past circumstances. I doubt
not but that I shall, to become one of your representatives,
.it will be the highest possible point of my ambition. .1
pledge myself, Gentlemen, if returned to represent this
.city, and which I can entertain no doubt of from your opi-
nions this day expressed, and the flattering plaudits you have
conferred—l pledge myself in the great struggle now to be
encountered for the support of the Crown, the Church,
and the maintenance of those institutions which in my
opinion are essential to the happiness and comfort of
the nation—that no man invested with the elective fran-
chise shall want an opportunity of recording at the poll his
rote in favour of those sacred institutions.—(lmmense
cheers.) Gentlemen, the manner in which the Noble Lord
has this evening expressed himself adds to that power of
affection which I entertain for him. He expressed his will-
ingness to accept me for his colleague, and I feel assured
that in associating my name with his it will ensure for me
success, and that we shall again witness another great, and,
for us, triumphant contest. You will naturally expect from
me, gentlemen, a declaration of my political views and
opinions, but that will be the less necessary, as, on this
occasion, my opinions have already been expressed, that all
men ought to unite in the defence of the Crown, the
Church, and the true liberties of our country. The Noble
Lord has touched upon the arrival of the present great
crisis when it becomes the part of every man, in the honest
and loyal discharge of his duty to his Sovereign, to second
his Majesty in the steps which he has taken to preserve
what still remains of our valuable constitntion.—(Loud
cheers.) That those institutions will yet be preserved we
have a sufficient guarantee in that honourable man and
profound statesman of so long a standing, whose name is
alone a sufficient pledge that they will and shall be still
maintained. Is it possible, gentlemen, let me ask you,
that the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel are states-
men so little accustomed to political intrigue and cunning as
not to avoid the ambuscade of the enemy? The Whigs
would have it believed that Tories who expressed them-
selves favourable to Reform cannot be swayed by any prin-
ciple of sincerity, but by a want of and love for place,
which was a good ground for turning them out.. On the
other hand, the Whigs professed to entertain a certain de-
gree of respect for the anti-Reforming Tories as honest
and consistent men ; but then, for that very aversion to all
Reform, they too must share the same fate Reforming To-
ries, and be turned out. But, gentlemen, is it impossible
to unite in some measures of the Whigs, and still wish well
to the country ? You have been told that in the passing of
the Reform Bill you have an Act for the amelioration of
abuses to a certain and prudent exteat,and God grant that it
may produce all the good that good and loyal men wish to
see. The original intention of the supporters of the Reform
Bill was to promote the power of a single faction ; to that
end all their efforts were directed, and thereby ultimately
to have destroyed our venerable Church Establishment,
and the existence of corporate
.bodies.—( Hear, hear.)
I hold no statement to be more true than that of the
great Lord Bacon, who, speaking on the correction of
abuses, which he advocated, observed at the same time
that improvements should be made in the same manner
as those which time so frequently rendered necessary, or at
least without scandal. When gentlemen hold up the in-
stitutions of their country to 'public obloquy, it is time to
distrust them, for depend on it they have not in view the
public good, but the promotion of a party who will partici-
pate in the public spoil.—(Hear, hear.) If any gentleman
ask me whether I think the sphere of the Established
Church may not be conveniently enlarged and improved, I
should say yes, and any plan tending to haye that effect
will be for the benefit of all her people ; and I am sure that
all honest Dissenters who reflect for a moment on the na-
tional interests will see it in the same point of view. Are
we not all sensible that we are living in quiet and comfort
under the shadow of our Church ; but let her once be
annihilated and divided into party sects, and then most

' surely the result will be that of persecution.--(Hear,
hear.) I cannot admit for one moment that the various
sects of religionists should be placed on one footing. If that
were so, what would be the consequence ? Why, that every
man would pay to the Church, if so enabled, for the doc-
trine he received, and those who could not pay would
have no religion or consolation in the time of adversity and
misfortune.—(Hear, and cheers.)—The establishment of
the Church of England is a popular institution of vital impor-
tance to the welfare and prosperity of the country, and
which has descended through a long course of years with
many beneficial and public advantages.—(Cheers.) If I
am to be told that we ought to have no national religion
let me ask why have we a national government ?—{Hear.
hear.) Why have we a national war or a national peace ?
\lay have we a national peace with France, with Belgium,
or with Holland, and why have we Ambassadors to repre-
sent their interests ? In the sight of all this are We in
consequence to do nothing towards that great national
measure which of all subjects is one of the greatest and
inmost importance ?—(Cheers.) If we could form all
mankind into one great family, and unite in sincerity of
conduct, it would afford much that would he delightful.
But if this is not to be effected then I demand, on the
other hand, that the Dissenters should tolerate us, and not
be jealous of the Establishment, but allow US to rest in
peace beneath her shade.--(Hear, hear.) These are my
ieetiments, Gentlemen, on this great and vital question,
and to which it is my intention strictly to adhere.--(Cheers.)
Upon the great question of Corporation Reform I appeal
to you, gentlemen, whether those institutions have not an-
swered the object for which they were intended ? The
corporations are bodies possessing a delegated poWer from
the K4rig to assist in the administration of justice, and if
defects exist, which from length of time may naturally be
expected, some way of remedying. those defects may surely
he found without violating or overturning them.—(Great
cheers, and hear, hear.) I agree, therefore, with the Noble
Lord that for the purposes of destruction I am no' re-
former, but only a reformer so far as to eradicate acknow-
ledged abuses, and to save all that is valuable to our
best interests.—(Cheering.) Gentlemen, these are my sen-
timents, and if it should be My good fortune to be placed as
one of your rtpresentatit'en-for this **lip, I think it will bc
my duty to give effect by supporting the government of Sir
Robert Peel as far as my humble abilities will admit of,
in full confidence that every fair and just amelioration will
be acceded in all institutions where it. may be deemed ne-
cessary for the public welfare. Gentlemen, there can he
but little doubt that an Administration will be formed, and
as little doubt but that Administration will receive confi-
dence and support though the change of circumstances
have lately been of so numerous and various a character.
There is one circumstance which I cannot but call to your
mind, and which indeed I may say is unexampled in history.
This great nation has been quietly waiting for nearly one
month to afford Sir R. Peel the opportunity of being placed
at the head of the House of Commons. If, indeed, he
were inclined to vanity, but which I believe he is not, it
might well be enhanced by such unprecedented confidence.
Now, gentlemen, what shall I say of the other great
hero, who is capable of executing every office connected
with the State, but who so nobly and generously de-
clined all, and consented only to take the office which
he now holds to restore the great name of his country
as he once did over the continent of Europe, and which he
will do again, for what country is there unacquainted with
the sagacity and ability of the Duke of Wellington ?--•
( hear, hear.) His name is a tower of strength, and by
order and principles of good government we shall succeed
to that high estate and pitch of national prosperity which
all good citizens and good men so much admire. 'Gentle-
men, I again thank you for the honour you have done me
tzi this occasion, and. I can only repeat. that should I be
the stecessful candidate to represent your city, it will ever
be my care and anxious wish, as well as my duty, on all oc-
casions which nib; require it of me, fully to make known the
sentiments of the ei,:rtors of Norwich, in furtherance of
their interests in Parlialoent.—(Continued and prolonged
cheering.)
Mr. J. CULLEY proposed .4 Th,e health of Robert Camp-
bell Searlett, Esq., and success to the election." This
toast was received with the most rapturous applause.

Mr. SCAULETT observed, that when the-Noble Lord and
himself had the honour of receiving from the Ladies those
standards which were then placed before them in the Hall,
he felt sure of gaining the conquest, and again should they be
successful with the assistance of those Gentlemen he saw
around him.--(Much cheering.) lie would say no more,
but would take that opportunity of giving a toast which he
was sure would be consonant to their feelings, and drank with
much pleasure. The gentleman whose name he was about
to announce had been their great Admiral amidst various
and trying circumstances. under which he had retained his
ground with great success ; that gentleman was then sitting
at the head of the table.---(Loud cheering.) No man was
more anxious to promote the interests of his fellow-citizens
and fellow-countrymen than himself, and uo man was more
equal to effect it. He possessed a splendid fortune, and ma-
nifested no small share of liberality, his manners at the same
time being simple. and unassuming. He proposed, there-
fore, with every honour, " The health of his excellent friend
Mr. Bignold."—(lmmense cheering, which lasted for some
minutes.)
Mr. BIGNOLD, in returning thanks, said at this time I
have great pleasure in announcing that our party, as a party,
is in heart of oak condition. Our opponents may vapour and
abuse us as they please, but I say (added the worthy Chair-
man emphatically) that the honest and independent classes
did return, and will return again, for this city, Conservative
Members to Parliament.—(Great cheering.
The CHAIRMAN gave " The health of Lord Walpole
and Mr. Edmond Wodehouse, the Conservative candidates
for East Norfolk, and success to their election.'—Prolonged
cheers.)

Mr. E. WODEHOUSE rose to return thanks, amidst the
most rapturous applause, and spoke to the following pur-
port :—Gentlemen, You have done me the honour to place
in my hands a requisition inviting me again to become-One of
the Members of the county of Norfolk, and associating
with me a Noble Lord as my colleague. In the course of
the last week I have met with various rumours ; I have
been wished joy of being returned with Mr. Wyndham.
Gentlemen, the return of Mr. Wyndham and myself would
give me no joy whatever.—( Bursts of applause.) On your
hands, gentlemen, rests the responsibility of the issue of the
contest in which we are started. On my hands depends the
responsibility as to the manner in which the race is run.—
(Loud cheers.) If the Noble Lord returns to England
next week or next month I care not ; I shall only say
" What have you been about ? but now you are come, go
along at once."—(Cheers.) riere is nothing like being
upon correct grounds ; I went out in the dark, but as far as
in me lies there shall be no darkness. Whether the day of
contest be deferred or not all I ask you is, amongst the
many and deep obligations I owe to you, whether I win or
lose, I think I shall win—( Loud cheecc)—if I win, for
God's sake let it be won gallantly.—(Loud cheers, and " It
shall.")
„, • t
Lord STORMONT proposed the health of that great nero
and great statesman, " The Duke of Wellington."—{lm-
mense applause.)
" The Earl of Mansfield and the independence of the
House of Peers."
Lord SroamoNT, in returning thanks, observed that it
had always been the study of the Noble Earl, and ever
would be so, to uphold and support the independence of the
House of Peers, which was essentially necessary to the
existence of the three branches of the Legislature. The
independence of the House of Peers had lately been
attacked, but its enemies were defeated in their intentions,
and they had now, he was happy to say, descended- into a
new era. Those Ministers were no longer the advisers of
the Crown, by whose unjust influence the House of Lords
could scarcely come to any real, true, and honest decision in
the votes which they gave on measures that came before
them. The House of Lords will now do their duty
honestly and fearlessly, and they would meet, be was sure,
with the approbation of the city of Norwich—(Cheers.)
About half-past ten the President left the Chair, and
was accompanied from the Hall by Lord Stormont, Mr.
Scarlett, and Mr. Wodehouse, who were warmly greeted as
they passed along. Several of the company prolonged the
festivities of the day.

PORTSMOUTH, DEC. 13.—(From the Ha inpsh ire
Telegi aph.)—On Wednesday the Carron steamer arrived at
Plymouth. from Malta, by which we learn that the British
squadron, under Josias Rowley, sailed from Vourla on the Ist
of October, and after three days' returned to that anchorage,
and continued there on the 28th of that month, the execution
of the order for their return to Malta for the winter, by thc,
Ist of December, having been suspended. The Caledonia
grounded on a sand-bank in the bay of Sardinia, on the 2d of
October, and the Portland also ran on shore, on the 29th of
October, in the Gulf of Smyrna; but neither of them sus-
tained any damage of consequence. The former was on shore
sixteen hours, and started her water, the latter was heaved off
by the Medea steamer.
Miss LANDON'S NEW ROMANCE.-44 Francesca
Carrara" is the most remarkable work of its class that has for
a considerable time issued from the press. The well-known
initials on the title-page at once betray to whom we owe it,
but their evidence was not requisite to mark it as the produc-
tion of an accomplished female. It mat• be considered as an
historical novel, and with all the responsibility attached to that
title, its subject matter is such as comes most feelingly be-
neath the dominion of the gentler pen. It treats of times,
characters, and events, over which not only had the fair sex
especial controul, but of which also that sex has left us, in
memoirs, the most lively and correct pictures, namely, these of
the reign of Louis XIV., (its commencement,}--when states-
men and stateswomen were equally numerous, and the latter
most ►nfluential—when government consisted of a labyrinth of
intrigues, in which little wisdom and much tact, love and gal-
lantry, gaiety and gravity, priestcraft and wordly wit, were al l
most strangely intermingled. We doubt not that Miss Lnn.
don's romance will be a great favourite.—Morning Herald.