The Sun.
London, England, 1834-08-30 00:00:00

THE EAST INDIA TRADE.

A meeting of merchants and others interested in the
East India and China trade took place yesterday, at the
City of London Tavern, which was numerously attended.
The meeting was convened for the purpose of receivinc, a
report from the Committee of East India merchants, rela-
tive to the best manner of facilitating the trade of the port
of London, and of establishing sales upon the same princi-
ple as that followed by the East India Company. Among
those present were many of the principal merchants of the
City connected with the India and China trade, namely,
Mr. Bates, Mr. Shaw, Mr. Horton, Mr. Malcolm, sen.,
W. Crawford, Esq., M.P., Mr. Larpent, Mr. Bruce, Mr.
Weeding, Mr. Colquhoun, &c. &c. The Chair was taken
by JOHN HORSLEY PALMER, Esq.
The CHAIRMAN said that the object of the meeting was
for the purpose of giving an opportunity to the East India
Merchants' Committee to lay before the mercantile interest
the proceedings of that Committee, appointed in last Fe-
bruary, for the purpose of taking into consideration the best
mode of carrying on the trade in East India produce, on
the retirement from commercial operations of the East India
Company, and to take the best means of establishing the
merchants' sale of East India produce in the same manner
as conducted by the East India Company. The Court of
Directors gave every facility to the Committee to carry into
effect the arrangements for the successful prosecution of the
trade, and to forward the intentions of Government in the
opening of the China trade. The Court of Directors gave to
the Committee the privilege of applying to their servants for
every information, and had acceded to the proposition of al-
lowing the use of one of the Company's sale-rooms, in order,
as far as possible, to give the merchants' sales the charac-
ter of those of the East India Company. The East India
Merchants' Committee then proceeded to fix the charges
for conducting the sales, and with respect to the lot-money
of 25., he thought that if the merchants' sales were sup-
ported as they ought to be, and as, indeed, they should
be for the interest of the port of London, these charges
would be lessened. The Merchants' sale of Indigo had
been conducted under the new plan, and the result had
given satisfaction, no inconvenience having been expe-
rienced. The plan had gone on favourably until the drug
sales, previously to which the Committee of that trade had
had correspondence with the East India merchants, con-
cerning certain alterations in the conditions of such sale,
some of which had been agreed to ; but the merchants were
required to make certain allowances with regard to rent,
which practice had not been followed by the East India
Company, and the committee of merchants were not, there-
fore, disposed to accede to the request. The present ques-
tion affected the importation of East India produce princi-
pally, but buyers were solicited to express their opinions
upon the subject now before the meeting. Mr. P. then
referred to other points, to show that the merchants were
anxious to facilitate the making up of their. accounts after
the sale as soon as possible. He would now read the
changes proposed to be introduced into the conditions of
sales. The conditions provided that the goods sold by the
East India Company should be taken with all faults ; the
samples to be furnished by the Dock Companies. That
goods bought at the sales should be reweighed to the buyer,
except when printed, " To be taken at the East India
India Company's warrant weights," or " at the landing
weights," &c. The altered conditions proposed certain
changes in the tares on the weighing of goods, and provided
that all goods should be at the risk of the sellers, until the
prompt day, unless previously paid for. It was also pro-
posed, to meet the demands of the drug trade, that " the-
warrants delivered to the buyers at this sale, shall entitle
the holders thereof to keep the goods in the respective
warehouses, in which the same may be laying, free of ware-
house rent to the prompt, and to have them unhoused, either
before or after that date, free of charge, but the buyers are
to pay the customary warehouse rent for every package of
goods that shall remain in the warehouses after the prompt
day, according to the rates of the respective establishments,
and also the wharfage and shipping on goods, which have
not been entered at the consolidated rate of delivery by
water carriage."
The CHAIRMAN then said that the following resolutions
had been agreed to by the Committee,-and were submitted
to the meeting for adoption, viz.:—
" That it is expedient for the present to adhere as nearly as
may be practicable to the usage_s of the East India Company's
sales, and, therefore, that until further notice no goods which
have been bought in, either at the East India Company's sales
or at those established by the East India merchants, be put up
again in the public sales of the latter.
" That, in order to obtain uniformity in the East India mer-
chants' sales, conducted through the registrar's office, the
conditions of sale now read be subscribed as approved by the
respective houses engaged in the import of East India produce,
and printed for circulation."
With these alterations, the Chairman said, the Com-
mittee of East India merchants hoped that the sales of pro-
duce would be continued to the advantage of all parties.
After some observations from Mr. KING and Mr. Wu-
xxlisoN, relative to the hardship of shippers of goods being
obliged to pay the wharfage duties,
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolutions, which were also
adopted:„.

The Committee were then empowered to add to their
number, and the meeting adjourned.

Many foreigners hold our metropolis in great con-
tempt, while very few indeed are found who do not express
themselves with delight at the freshness and beauty of our
rural scenery.
EXTRAORDINARY CASE. CORONER'S IN-
QUEST.—On Thursday, the 21st instant, an inquest was held
at the Windmill public-house, New Carlton, near Norwich,
on the view of the body of J. Smith, who died the day before
from taking opium. The deceased was an old sailor, upwards
of sixty years of age, and had been a man of very irregular
habits. He had once before cut his throat, but it was sewn
up, and his life was saved. He had also once before, we
understand, attempted to end his life by poison, but by great
exertions that also was conteracted. His legs, thighs, arms,
&c., had been broken about twenty different times, and in the
course of his life he had been eighteen times in the hospital;
but being a man of extraordinary strength, he was, notwith-
standing, up to the last day of his life, able to carry a rack of
flour under his arm with ease ; and was still so fond of fight-
ing that he would engage almost any man, although he was
quite deformed, had lost one eye, and saw but dimly out of
the other, and these chiefly caused by his pugilistic adventures.
From what passed between him and his wife on Wednesday
evening, it appearing that he took a larger quantity of opium
than usual, for the purpose of ending his existence, saying
that he would take it, " and die and be —." His wife,
however, took no notice of the matter, and although the man
was in a dying state all the next day, no assistance was sent
for until late in the afternoon, when it was too late to do him
any good, and he died about eight or nine o'clock. A very
long inquiry took place at the inquest, in consequence of this
very singular conduct of the woman ; but she being a very
weak person, this was attributed to imbecility of mind, and
not to any evil intentions. The jury, after sitting from noon
till late at night, found a verdict of—" Died from taking opium,
in a fit of temporary derangement." Dr. Bell superintended
the post mortem examination, which, from the numerous frac-
tures, &c., was a very interesting one to anatomists, seven or
eight of whom attended.
FRENCH SENTIMENTALISTS.—Euphrosine Le-
moine, a young woman, residing with her family in the Fau-
bourg St. Antoine, and a young cabinet-maker, had formed a
strong and mutual attachment for each other ; but the parents
of the young woman wished her to marry a wealthier lover, a
M. B. ' • and, after long and 'reiterated importunities, drew
from her a reluctant consent. The forsaken cabinetmaker
then withdrew from Paris, and remained absent for some years.
Recently, however, his desire to see his beloved once more
became irresistible. They met ; their mutual flame, which
had been smothered. revived with increased force, and Eu-
phrosine deserted her husband, and went to live in secret with
her lover near the Garden of Plants. The disconsolate
husband, after an anxious search of three days, discovered
their retreat. A negotiation ensued, and the husband, stronger
in attachment to his erring spouse than to his own honour, agreed
to receive her back the following day. Love, however, was tri-
umphant over duty, and the frail fair one broke her engagement.
The infatuated lovers removed their quarters, and remained un-
molested for eight days more, when their retreat was again
discovered, and threats of an interference of the police were
uttered. This drove them to despair. They hired a small
room in the house, where they first met, in the Rue Trouvee,
where, on the following morning, they were both found dead
in each other's arms, having deliberately produced suffocation.
Before completing this fatal tragedy one of them had drawn
upon the wall of the room in charcoal two burning hearts, un-
der which was the following inscription :—" Its s'etaient jures
un amour kernel. La mort, l'effroyable mort les trouvera Te-
nnis. 1" The following is another instance of a double suicide
from the all powerful cause of love :.—A fisherman two days
ago was, at the break of day, casting his nets near the bridge
at Sevres, when he drew up the bodies of a man and woman ;
the left hand of one bound to the right hand of the other, and
the left leg of the one to the right of the other. The female
appeared to be about twenty-one, and the man, who was a sol-
dier in the Bth Regiment of Horse Chasseurs, about twenty-
three. Their names were Florentine Fail& and Goyon, as
appeared from a paper wrapped up in a piece of parchment,he
declaring that, being ardently attached to each other, y
were determined to be eternally united, and entreating that
they might be buried in the same grave --Galignani.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.,
A late distinguished writer, who kne*;ithe
well, in an article on the periodical press, in the Edin-
burgh Review, No. 76, thus happily described it :
" The Times conforms to the changes of the time. It
bears down upon a question_ like a first-rate man-of-
war, with streamers flying and all hands on deck ; but
if the first.broadside does not answer, turns short upon
it, like a triremed galley, firing off a few paltry squibs
to cover its retreat. It takes up no falling cause'; fights
no up-hill battle ; advocates no great principle ; holds
out a helping hand to no oppressed or obscure indivi-
dual. It is ever strong upon the stronger side: Its
style is magniloquent ; its spirit is not magnanimous.
It is valiant, swaggering, insolent, with a hundred
thousand readers at its heels ; but the instant that
the rascal rout turn round with the whiff and
wind' of some fell circumstance, the Times, the re-
negade, inconstant Times, turns with them I Let
the niqb shout, let the City roar, and the voice
of the Times is heard above them all, with outrageous
deafening clamour ; but let the vulgar hubbub cease,
and no whisper---no echo of it, is ever after heard of
in the Times. Like Bully Bottom in the play, it then
aggravates its voice so as if it were a singing dove—
; an it were any nightingAle.' Its coarse ribaldry is
turned to a harmless jest ; its swelling rhodomontade
sinks to a Vapid common-place ; and the editor amuses
himself, in the interval before another great explosion,
by collecting and publishing from time to time, affida-
vits of the number of his paper sold in the last stormy
period of the press." Something like a defence of the
inconsistency which has characterized it, from the clay
when it was furiously Anti Jacobin, in the revolu-
tionary war, to the present moment when it is labour-
ing to destroy the Whig Ministry, is attempted in the
number of yesterday. " Our labours," says the Times,
" are attacked with a foolish cry of, You said so
and so formerly ;' but is not the first and the im-
portant question whether what we say is true and just,
and to the purpose now ? With relation to the public
interests, we shall always be found in the same posi-
tion of duty ; but as individuals shift from the ground
upon which we were once proud and glad to show
their eminence, so must we alter our views of their de-
sert. The inconsistency is not ours, but theirs. If
we have been deceived by the specious mask of a
Tartuffe, is it the less our duty to society to tear it
from his face ? But it is alleged that we disparage
intellect we have before acknowledged : °our answer is,
that while talents appear devoted to good purpose, they
are gilded by their objects, and the powers and accom-
plishments to which we give a generous estimation
while they are employed in a virtuous cause, will na-
turally be subjected to a more prying and rigorous cri-
ticism when they are in the course of perversion to
mischievous uses." This will not do. It is easy to
say that, with all its changes, it is true to the
public interests, and that if individuals change, its
opinion of them is changed also. No reflecting per-
son, even for one moment, gave the Times credit for
sincerity in any opinion it ever uttered. Changes of
conduct, no doubt, justify a newspaper in changing its
opinion of a public man ; but it is because the Times
without anv such justification, runs down the man to-
day whom it idolized yesterday, that the opinion pro-
nounced in the Quarterly Review for January, 1831,
that it is " the most notoriously profligate of the
London newspapers, and the most impudently-incon-
sistent in everything, except in malice and mischief,"
was universally admitted to be true. Indeed so noto-
rious is the dishonesty of the Times, that in society a
gentleman would deem it an insult to his understand-
ing were he told that it was an honest and a con-
sistent journal, It would be much about the same
as calling Mary Ann Clarke a chaste and virtuous
female. All opinions cannot be true ; and all opi-
nions have by turns been advocated and attacked by
the Times. Lord Brougham was lauded to the skies
for fifteen years ; Lord Brougham gives offence to the
Times, and instantly he becomes an arrant quack, a
man who cannot put two sentences together without
falling into the most glaring inconsistencies. But
then his talents were gilded by their objects. We
suppose we must understand lying by gilding. To
extricate itself from the charge of abusing without a
, cause, it pretends that it praised him beyond his de-
serts, because in praising him it was furthering certain
objects. This is exactly the way with Cobbett. What-
ever suits his purpose is gilded by that object ;
and hence it may be said of him as of the Times,
that there is not a public man whom he has not
at one time praised, and at another coarsely abused.
But in taking credit for an affection for Lord
Brougham of fifteen years' duration, the Times has
sunk a little episode on the 21st August, 1830,
shortly before the Whigs came into office. An
article, attributed to Lord Brougham, in the Edinburgh
Review, just then published, was, with reference to
him, said to consist " of the wailings of some disap-
pointed suitor for place, whose occasional misgivings,
between his mortification at defeat and his not quite
abandoned hope of possible promotion, give a whim-
pering vacillating tone to the composition, which ex-
cites at once our laughter and compassion. He is ex-
ceedingly angry with the Duke of Wellington and Sir
R. Peel, for presuming to conduct public affairs with-
out the aid of such statesmen, for instance, as the
author of the pamphlet entitled The Country without
a Government, or even as himself, the critic and ad-
mirer of that flippant production. He then, with the
infirm purpose of unsettled principles, begins to
eulogise these two Ministers, who may, perhaps
his vanity whispers, apply to him even at
the eleventh hour, and whose solicitations his con-
science ventures to tell him in a louder voice would at
any time -be gratefully acknowledged." This was the
article in which the consistent oracle of Printing-house-
square told the Whigs that the people.of England de-
tested them--that they could never hope to obtain
office—that in power they were haughty aristocrats,
and out of power demagogues. There was no gilding
in the way at that time, and Lord Brougham and the
Whigs were " subjected to a more prying and rigo-
rous criticism." But let not his Lordship despair. If
he be ambitious of the applause of his affectionate
eulogist for fifteen years, he will assuredly have it ere
Yong. Why did all who read the prognostication on
this subject in the Morning Post a few days ago,
pronounce our Tory contemporary a true prophet,
but because the former gambols of the Times pre-
pared them for such a contingency ? The Times,
like all swaggering bullies, is cowardly. It miscalcu-
lated the stability of the Ministry, and the hold Lord
Brougham has of public favour. An ordinary man
might have been struck down by the blow of the
Times, which was vigorously aimed. But he has too
many claims on the people of England, for great and
important services, to allow them to witness, with any
degree of satisfaction, the ruffianly onset of the Times.
Lord Brougham may have his failings but who has
done so much for the people of England as he'has
done ? His failings are, in fact, inseparably connected
with the qualities which have made him resistless in
the cause of education and philanthropy. His in-
fluence on the public mind of England, ever since he
appeared on the stage, has been much greater than
that of any other individual. The people of England
know that he is now as much as ever bent on effect-
ing the great objects with which his fame is asso-
ciated. Henry. Brougham would be miserable were
he not occupied with projects for the advancement
of knowledge and the improvement of his fellow-crea-
tures ; and we should as soon believe that a blackamoor
could be washed white, as that lie could lose his desire
of doing good—that he could become a selfish Tory--.a
man who . thought only of putting money into the
pockets of himself and his
obtaining
gonfso—r
hthimat he
he e s
pthcouldym.
become one of those that encumber the earth with
their carcases, devoting themselves to selfish and gro-
velling pursuits. The brutal attacks of the Times will
benefit
of the pop
him: teheyle ,
only to the people. will,Theby
impress on him more strongly the
importance of trusting
Times cannot, by a few coarse paragraphs, destroy a
reputation founded onentrlyle
Broughampattic labours of half a
lifetime. Were H
people, and to abandon the iur to desert the
fnelio
giNNp.a.cssreioanturoefs_ahis
life—the improvement of his
less formidable
opponent than the Times could
wound him ; but so long as his aims are elevated,
lie may defy the shafts of malice. Already we perceive
symptoms in the Times of its usual cowardly policy.
A man who is supported by the approval of his own

.
. .
conscience may be tenacious of his opinion, however
it may be received ; but the literary bravo, who lends
his throat or his pen for mere purposes of expediency,
soon shrinks within himself, when not supported by the
crowd. The Times is malicious and ferocious; but it is
cunning. The wolf is truly typical of our contempo-
rary. Having failed in its onset, it will sneak off.
It will try to occupy the public with some other ob-
ject, and endeavotir to set the public on a new scent.
It will be as impudent and as noisy as ever ; but it
will, in due time, employ its impudence and its noise
in favour of the present Ministers and Lord
Brougham. There is no mistaking the Times.
With respect to ourselves we have little to say.
Let the Times assign whatever motives it pleases
for our conduct ; we have the consolation of knowing
that we have done our duty, and some service also.
The value of our labours will neither be lowered nor
enhanced by the opinion of the Times. As to
the quotation from us on the subject of gur dislike
to controversy, our readers are sufficiently aware
that we are not addicted to the pecking system,
which we reprobate ; and we have taken the field
against the Times, not from any love of con-
troversy, but from a strong feeling of indignation
at the endeavour to run down a great public character.
We are charged by the Times with being " now in
the service of a part of the Ministry," and with hav-
ing " notoriously the motives of a lackey." We dis-
claim being in the service of apart of the Ministry.
We will not support one part of the Ministry, and en-
deavour to injure another. So long as we think the
Ministry deserve the support of the country, they
shall have ours; but we will lend ourselves to no in-
trigues. Public grounds, and public grounds alone,
shall govern our conduct.—Morning Chronicle.
The league between his Majesty's Ministers and
Mr. O'Connell, by which the former purchase the
friendship of the latter at the expense, insignificant in
their estimation, of sacrificing the rights and property
of the Irish Protestant Church, and the honour, dig-
nity, and independence of the British Government, is
now fully ratified. The duty of proclaiming this com-
pact has naturally devolved upon the party who pro-
fits by it themost, and accordingly Mr. O'Connell, in
a letter just addressed to the people of Ireland, the
first of an intended series, officially announces himself
as a zealous supporter of the present Administration,
promulgating in the same document the form and prin-
ciples in which he intends for the present to discharge
the task committed to his hands of governing the
King's subjects in Ireland. The following is an out
line of his scheme of government in his own words :
I propose, then, that there shall be formed in each county,
city, and large town in Ireland "a Liberal Club," principally
for the following purposes :-
Ist—To suppress agrarian crimes and outrages.
2d—To suppress, by legal means, and to punish by due
course of law, the members of Orange Ledges, and all other
Orange criminals.
3--To procure, by.legal and constitutional means, the total
extinction of tithes, in nature as well as name.
4th—To attend to the elective franchise throughout Ire-
land, so as to secure the return to Parliament of " friends to
Ireland." _

sth—To advance and secure the restoration of a domestic
Legislature to Ireland.
As we intimated yesterday, the repeal agitation, al-
though its object is not abandoned, is for the present
to be suspended, in order to direct all the energies of
this new Irish Administration to the spoil and prostra-
tion of the Established Church. In favour of this
darling object all others are for the instant to give way.
And the reason for this preference is distinctly stated
—" If the tithes were once extinguished, the moral
effect of such a victory over the Orange faction (in
other words, the Protestants of Ireland) would be to
destroy their power for ever." It is proper to
add that, according to the new scheme of the
Ministerial and O'Connell confederacy for the
robbery of the Church, the incomes of actual
incumbents are not to be respected ; the prey is
to be seized at once. Mr. O'Connell, in his recent
address or proclamation, affects great anxiety to keep
within the letter of the law. But it is plain neverthe-
less that he calculates upon his alliance with the Ad-
ministration as the most effectual guarantee of his im-
punity. He cautions his faction that it is " a crime
to form any species of combination or confederacy to
resist the payment of tithes legally demandable ;" but
immediately adds, " that it has been said that any
individual may separately and by himself utterly refuse
to pay tithes, and thus form what has been called a
passive resistance' to such payment." This illegal
admonition is not, we apprehend, so cunningly dis-
guised but that it might form the groundwork of a
goodindictment, if Great Britain and Ireland were so
happy as to possess a Government that did not prefer
the momentary favour and friendship of Mr. O'Con-
nell to the rights of property, the preservation of the
Church, and the authority of the law.—Morning Post.
Accident only has prevented us for some days past
from noticing, as it deserves, a pamphlet, entitled
" Spain and Portugal, by Harry Chester,r Esq.,
lately attached to the British Legation at Lisbon."
The, object proposed by the author throughout his little
work is of a mixed character, and evinces views with
regard to the interests of this country which are both
sound and elevated. After tracing with a faithful, and
therefore a caustic hand, the pitiable blunders evinced
in our political treatment of Spain and Portugal for
some years preceding the death of Ferdinand, and the
final overthrow of Miguel's usurpation, Mr. Chester
suggests important changes in our relations, commer-
cial and political, with both countries. We quite
agree with him in the high estimate he has formed of
the advantages to be derived by Great Britain, and to
be by her conferred on the world generally, from a de-
cided course of friendly, fostering, and cordial policy
towards the constitutional Government of Spain ;
—First, for its solid establishment, and, sub-
sequently and permanently for its support and
guidance in upholding the equilibrium of Europe.
The author shows that the Spanish Peninsula,
linked with England in a commercial connexion on prin-
ciples of equal freedom, would afford an -inexhaustible
market for the productions of British industry, now
cramped in most other quarters by foreign competition
—would further experience the most sensible and rapid
improvement from an unrestrained intercourse with this
great country—and, finally, would be capable of add-
ing, if necessary, such weight to France in her strug-
gle against the absolutism of the north and east of
Europe ; or of imposing, if necessary, such restraints
upon the restless ambition of that Power, as would re-
lieve Great Britain from the task of direct and positive
interference with the continent in any character but that of
an umpire, and would thereby introduce into the Euro-
pean system a fresh element of peace, perpetuity, and wel-
fare. In what respects Portugal, the pamphlet presents us
with a graphic sketch of our national, or rather official po-
licy, as remarkable for severity as for truth, and illustrating
in a manner not to be forgotten, the imbecility, the
dishonesty, the self-contradiction, and mean, short-
sighted, and improvident parsimony by which our pro-
ceedings have hitherto been distinguished. 'We fear
there is nothing more unquestionable than that the
insolence and rapacity of British protection, mani-
fested in our treaties with the Portuguese, have pro-
cured us no benefit, not even commercial, which must
not inevitably have been ours without them, since
Portugal has no customer but this country for her pro-
duce, whilst our conduct in enforcing the stipulations
of those treaties, and our method of fulfilling our own
obligations under them, has entailed upon us a more
inveterate and universal hatred on the part of that
people, than any race of men was ever before known to
entertain towards their oppressors.--Times.

From the mountain solitudes of Derrinane Abbey,
where the " Member for all Ireland" and Dictator of
the British Cabinet reposes from the toils of one tur-
bulent campaign, and devises his plan of operations
for another—from this sequestered spot, sacred to some
other deity than that of Concord, grandis et verbosa
epistola venit—and the Romano-Hibernian Senate
about to be convened in Dublin, under the designation
of a " Grand Liberal Club," will soon, no doubt, take
into consideration the commands of its despotic chief.
Thus, then, the epistolary agitation of Mr. O'Connell
has recommenced. His, indeed, may well be called a
g 4 lettered retirement.” Cadmus at his country-seat
never made Ro prodigal a use of letters. Opportunely
enough do his epistles come forth in the dullest of all
possible seasons to save the Irish Journals from ex-
hausting demands on their invention ; for columns
of agrarian outrages, "rows," and other diver-

sions of " the boys," who are never so happy as
when they have their " hearts soft with whisky, their
heads soft with blows," become heavy, monotonous,
and tiresome, if not relieved by some of those indig-
nant appeals to the passions in which the Agitator
counsels to his countrymen coolness and forbearance—
soothing by threats, and tranquillising by angry denun-
ciations I In the outset of his letter to the people of
Ireland Mr. O'Connell says-.--" It is quite 'true that
agitation has recommenced—it has recommenced with
our enemies." Now there is rather more of poetic
license in this passage than a sober historian ought to
indulge in. Scarcely had Mr. O'Connell set foot on
Irish ground when he addressed the populace in the lan-
guage of accustomed agitation, and dared publicly to
proscribe as a traitor one of the Irish Members, who,
though a " Liberal," had declined, to be his slave.
This was Mr. Galway, one of the Members for Wa-
terford, who was, after the old fashion of the modern
Cleon, denounced, proscribed, and branded as a traitor
in the market-place—furnishing a subject of hatred,
revilings, and, it might have been, of vengeance to
the mob. This was one of the first specimens of
Mr. O'Connell's love of conciliation since he applied
to himself those terms which he used to hold in so
much abhorrence—that of Whig and Ministerialist
—a novel duplicity of character, and implying a
metamorphose not more sudden than miraculous.
On the same occasion he announced himself to be as
" thorough-going a repealer as ever he was," and, of
course, tremendous cheering followed, as if to prove ,
how efficacious had been the Ministerial manoeuvre
with regard to the Church, in putting down the spirit
of repeal agitation. At this time he had not been
stimulated to irritating topics by a report of the pro-
ceeding at the Protestant meeting in Dublin.- He
knew nothing of the speeches then which have since
called forth a torrent of abuse from him on Lord Win-
chilsea and others, but who, abused as they are, have
escaped, by not being "Liberals," from being de-
nounced as " traitors." But let us see what his own
deliberate written views of the questions of tithe and
repeal are in the letter just published, and which ap-
peared in the Government paper, the Globe, of last
evening. He says, "We must agitate repeal with as
much caution and prudence as determination and per-
severence. Above all things, and before all things, we
must take care that it is not made a sectarian or re-
ligious question. The Orange Lodges are endeavour-
ing as much as they can to convert it into a Catholic
question. They are giving it a religious hue, and de-
nouncing it as such. This, then, is a critical moment.
It is one in which repeal may be flung back ten—nay,
twenty years. We are, it is true agitating to oppose
the Orange faction. Let us keep the repeal ques-
tion quite separate from that opposition. Let us
get rid, if we can, of the tithe question first. Or, if
that be tedious, let us use every exertion to convince
the people that the repeal is intended and calculated
for the benefit of all, and that it is immaterial foi the
purposes of the-Club what the religion of the indivi-
dual may be." Again, this Whig and Ministerial pa-
cificator of Ireland says, " Let us, while we act
firmly, act also cautiously, and steer such a course as
will prevent the great cause of legislative independence
from, on the one hand, embarrassing a Ministry at
present disposed to be just toward!, Ireland, or from,
on the other, enabling the deadly foes of Ireland—the
Orangeists—to tarnish and grievously injure that
cause by degrading it into a sectarian squabble."
Here is as plain a confession as ever was made that
to obtain the abolition of tithe by popular intimidation
to-morrow would only open the way to the ulterior and
still more dangerous agitation of the repeal of the
Union—that repeal which Lord Althorp and his
Colleagues declared in Parliament that sooner than
concede they would encounter all the horrors and
blood of civil war, regarding repeal as nothing else
than a dismemberment of the empire. Yet it is to
gratify the ambition and to facilitate the objects of this
arch-agitator of repeal—or, in other words, of the dis-
memberment of the empire—that Lord Althorp and
his colleagues struck the clauses against political agi-
tation out of the Coercion Bill, agreed to sacrifice
two-fifths of the property of the Irish Church, and
basely betrayed and immolated Lord Grey I Again,
Mr. O'Connell says, " Let us, then, in agitating re-
peal, keep these dangers in view, and, whilst we
neither abandon nor relax our efforts to attain repeal,
let us put those efforts under the guidance and control
of the most prudent and discreet caution, recollecting
that, after all, a domestic Legislature is the only one
under which Ireland can prosper." Now it is clear
that either the Whig and Ministerial Mr. O'Connell
has cajoled the Ministry into the sacrifice of honour
and principle which they made to conciliate him—he
has either promised to give up altogether, to utterly
abandon and denounce the agitation of the repeal of
the Union, or the members of the Melbourne Cabinet,
including the " honest" Lord Althorp, are prepared,
after tithe shall have been abolished, to concede
the demand for repeal, and to allow that dismem-
berment of the empire to take place, which they
formerly declared they would face all the horrors
and blood-of civil war to prevent. If so, what a go-
vernment has England got in this the nineteenth cen-
tury I The following concluding passage of Mr.
O'Connell's letter is worthy of particular notice. He
says, " I will, in the next Pilot, address a letter to
Lord Duncannon on this part of the subject. I will
exhibit the mistakes, the faults, and the crimes, res-
pecting Ireland,- committed by Lord Grey's govern-
ment, and warn the present from a similar course. In
the mean time I look to the Liberal Clubs to en-
able us to extinguish Orangeism and tithes, and
to procure the legislative independence of Ireland."
Thus we see that whatever topic agitation is to begin
upon, it is to continue until the repeal of the Union
be attained. Over and over again the Whig and Mi-
nisterial Mr. O'Connell confesses that his ulterior
object, to which all other political movements are but
auxiliary, is the dismemberment of the Empire. The
abuse thrown upon Lord Grey in this letter, and the
praise given to the Melbourne Cabinet, affords further
evidence, if any were wanting, of the disgraceful com-
pact which our Whig Ministers entered into with
the repeal-agitator—and of the ignominious terms
of the treaty, or rather the hollow truce, to which
the father of reform was sacrificed. He speaks of the
justice which the Melbourne Cabinet is prepared to
do to Ireland, and promises to exhibit the crimes of
Lord Grey's Government. He threatens a letter to
Lord Duncannon- on this very subject,—Lord Dun-
cannon, who, like the intriguing and incapable Mr.
Littleton, is but a political puppet in his hands,—
Lord Duncannon, the Home Secretary, who is amus-
ing himself in Ireland before he has grown warm in
his office—so that the King has no Home Secretary
in England at this moment for the public to commu-
nicate with on the most important matters connected
with the extensive jurisdiction of his office. It will
be seen that throughout this letter Mr. O'Connell en-
deavours to make it be believed that it is not the whole
body of Protestants, but the Orangeists only who are
opposed to the repeal of the Union. This is not the
fact, although the Globe fell into that mistake some
time ago, when it represented the Orangemen as the
only part of the Irish population favourable to the
connection with England. The Protestants in gene-
ral, whether Orangemen or not, are opposed to the
dismemberment of the empire ; but if they continue
to be treated as they have been for some time past by
the British Government, we do not know how long
they may remain of that mind. At the late Protestant
meeting in Dublin, which Mr. O'Connell would re-
present as exclusively composed of Orangemen, there
were numbers of Protestants who never belonged to
that society ; and several who had been friendly to
Roman Catholic emancipation, but who see no alter-
native now but to rally round the Protestant Church,
or sit inactive until they are buried in its ruins.—
Morning Herald.

Mr. Tebutt, grocer, of Stamford has at this time in
I his garden an apple-tree bearing fruit, and covered also with
blossoms which would seem to promise a liberal second crop.
—Stanford Mercury.
IN
QUEST BEFORE MR. HENRY MOZLEY' .TUN.,
CORONER.—On the 16th instant, at Shottle, an inquest was
held on the body of John Fritchley, a veryold man, who
lived alone in a wretched hovel, and was rather crazy. It
appeared he had gone home as usual on the evening of the
14th, and about the middle of the following day he was
found dead in his bed. Mr. Lomas, of Belper, examined his
body, and stated that ossification of the heart had caused his
death. Verdict--Died by the visitation of God.—Derby
Reporter.