The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-14 00:00:00

n the formation of expensive estabßsh-

Perhaps, when they shall :,become
respectable in the scale of nations, with
a large national debt, in addition to their
portion of that which has been incurred by
Holland, they may ask for new sacrifices.
Another portion of the speech deserves
attention. The KING says—
" The Government supports with constancy all works
which contribute to the public welfare. A grand project
of communication, already submitted to your examination,
and on which the opinions of the principal branches of
commerce have been consulted, will soon become matter
for your deliberation. The country must derive great
benefits from it."

m en EP.

This probably refers to the projected railways,
from which, as the KING says, the country must
derive great benefit. We hope what is being
effected in France and Belgium, by the energy
of the Governments, will be effected here by the
spirit and enterprize of the people.

On the whole, the speech is a fair one. It is
not a full expose of all that we could wish to
know, but it is a much more straightforward
document than the flimsy productions with
which our Ministers amuse the ParliaMent.

Among the gossip in high circles is a report
that when Don MIGUEL quitted the Palace of
the Ajuda, he left behind him some papers of
importance, one of which was a letter to himself,
in the hand writing of an illustrious English
Warrior, who has more than once advocated the
cause of the Usurper in the House of Lords.
It is said that the Ministers of Don PEDRO
threaten to publish this letter.

Lord PALMERSTON has received official in-
formation !hat M. CORDOVA, the Ambassador
from the Court of Madrid to Don MIGUEL,
was, at the date of the last accounts relative to
Don CARLOS, with that Prince. M. COR-
DOVA has contrived to persuade Lord W.
RUSSELL that he is merely watching the move-
ments of Don CARLOS ; but it was the opinion
of persons in Lisbon, who are well acquainted
with the character of M. CORDOVA, that he
was playing a double game. M. CORDOVA, in
his communication to M. ZEA, after the inter-
view with Don CARLOS, in which he informed the
Prince of the death of FERDINAND, states that
Don CARLOS had told him he would never
relinquish his claim to the throne of Spain ; and
that, as to the request which had been made to
him not to afflict Spain with civil war, the blame
of such a calamity must be upon the heads of
those who disputed his succession. Then ad-
dressing M. CORDOVA, he said, " And do you,
Senor, remember, that I am King of Spain.
When you have learnt to address me as such,
you may return to my presence." This we
know to have been M. CORDOVA'S statement.
His remaining with CARLOS, therefore, justifies
a suspicion that he is not doing exactly what
Lord W. RUSSELL and Col. HARE imagine.

It appears, by a letter from Paris, that several
Cabinet Councils have been held there on the
state of Spain, and that the French Ministers
concur in the opinion that the QUEEN REGENT
cannot hope to maintain her authority without
aid from another Power. It is doubtfal, how-
ever, whether the French Government, whatever
may be their wish, will venture upon ordering their
troops to enter Spain, without some better un-
derstanding with our Government on the subject.
That Russia, Austria, and Prussia, would not
willingly consent to the adoption of such a step,
is perfectly clear ; and we know that our own
Government have strongly advised the French
not to interfere, probably in the belief that in-
tervention in the affairs of Spain, by the French
Government, would be productive of unpleasant
consequences in Europe ; but whether th
French nation will quietly surrender the oppor
tunity which presents itself, of increasing their
political influence, is a question which may not be
resolved, either by the Holy Alliance, by the
Cabinet of Earl GREY, or by the French Go-
vernment. We are not even sure, notwithstand-
ing the display of the army of observation, tha
the Ministers of the French King are as anxious
to put down Carlism in Spain, as they are to
conciliate the Holy Alliance. It bas been ne-
cessary for them to make this display ; but
unless pressed forward by public feeling, we do
not expect that they will go further.
In a recent conversation between the English
Ambassador in Paris, and one of the French
Ministers, we are assured that the former said,
" We have not interfered in Portugal—why
should you interfere in Spain ?" This is cer-
tainly the language of our Ministers at home,
and it. is highly probable that they have spoken
in the same way through their Ambassador.
But vvithout intervention civil war must rage in
Spain and Portugal, and it is impossible to re-
concile the non-intervention principle as applied
to those countries with our conduct towards
Greece and Belgium. On what principle was it
that we interfered between Turkey and Greece,
even at the sacrifice of much human life and
property ? On what principle did we command
a cessation of hostilities between the Dutch and
the Belgians ? On the principle of humanity ;
to prevent the desolation of civil war, and—as
we were told—to preserve the peace of Eu-
rope. What mystical charm was there in
the principle of intervention as applied to
Greece and Belgium which would not equally
apply to Spain and Portugal ? Is civil war
less outrageous in the mountains of Cas-
tille or the plains of Estremadura than a
was in Brussels and Athens ? Is the curate
MERINO more merciful than COLOCOTRONI,
or the usurper MIGUEL more considerate of
human life than the Republicans of the Nether-
lands ? Greece and Belgium might have re-
velled in anarchy with comparative safety to the
interests of Great Britain, but Spain and Por-
tugal may be made important markets for British
manufactures ; and the continuance of civil war
in those countries cannot, therefore, be other
than injurious to British commerce. We cannot
conceive the motive of the horror of interven-
tion manifested by our Cabinet as regards Spain
and Portugal, unless it be that we are inure de-
sirous of pleasing the Holy Alliance than of

keeping up the humanity principle, respecting
which so much was said when the pacification
of Greece was proposed ; or of opening new
sources of industry to our manufacturers, and
finding profitable employment for the capital of
our merchants.

Assuming, however, that the question of
intervention in Spain and Portugal is disposed
of, we may be permitted to inquire, what
prospect there is of the settlement of
affairs in those countries without intervention ?
MIGUEL holds a large portion of Portugal, and
is likely to hold it for some time, backed and
supported as he is by the priesthood, and even
when his regular army shall have been dispersed,
and all his fortresses be captured, his partisans
may keep up civil war by means of Guerillas;
for in countries like Portugal, dynasties and
successions are not determined by a battle. In
Spain let the QUEEN REGENT do what
_she
may, civil war must continue, unless foreign in-
tervention be decided upon. If she should persist in
refusing to grant a Constitution, she will be
unable to make head, because the Constitu-

tionalists will not support her, and the Carlists
will have the good wishes, if not the direct co-
operation of moderate men, who feel that, so
far as legitimacy is concerned, Don CARLos is
the rightful heir to the Crown, and that the only
justification of partisanship for the young QUEEN
would be the identity of her reign with free
institutions, the change of succession being
otherwise an act of fraud by the late KING against
tiv, brother in favour of the daughter. And if
the QUEEN REGENT should declare in favour
of a Constitution, would she be able, any more
than PEDRO has been, to put down the Priest-
hood, and, unless supported by foreign aid, to
consolidate those free institutions without which
Spain cannot hope to become respectable in the
scale of nations ? Looking at what Spain was,
and considering what, under a good government,
it might be, we cannot but regret, indepen-
dently of the broad principle of humanity, that
the cut-throat system is allowed to continue in
that country. If we have no regard for huma-
nity, we ought at least to have some for in-
terest ; and we cannot believe that there are
any persons so ignorant as not to know that it
is the interest of Great Britain to see peace and
prosperity established in Spain and Portugal.

A knowledge of the causes of an infliction is
necessary to the attainment of its removal. It
is with regret, therefore, that we perceive any
philanthropist, sincerely desirous of improving
the condition of society, fall into error with re-
spect to the causes of the misery of the people.
The able Paris correspondent of the Morning
Ch ronicle, 0. P. Q., whose letters we have so
often quoted, is publishing letters in that
paper on the Trades' Unions—which are spread-
ing over France and Germany as well as Eng-
land—attributing their establishment to the
education of the working classes. We think
he is to a certain extent mistaken. A workman
partially educated would prefer a Trades' Union
to machine breaking ; but a workman as edu-
cated as 0. P. Q. supposes the Unionists to be,
would see that a combination to compel the
giving of higher wages than the masters can
obtain labour at, is futile ; and it is a fact,
proved before several Committees of the House
of Commons, that the best educated and most
intelligent workmen laugh at the idea of ob-
taining an alleviation of their condition by
means of Trades' Unions. Their continuance,
therefore, will be a proof of unchanged ignorance
on the part of the workmen. 0. P. Q. says,
" The workmen of England, of France, and of
Germany, are the most enlightened workmen in
Europe, and yet they are among the worst paid."
This is not true : so far from being among the
worst paid, they are, with the exception
of workmen in new countries, the very hest
paid. And why are workmen in new countries
better paid than they ? Not because they are
more or less intelligent than workmen in
France and England, but because they are scarcer.
But, setting aside the high wages obtained by
workmen where labour is in demand and scarce
(for it is scarcity occasions dearness in labour as
well as in every thing else), the workmen of
France and England, and parts of Germany,
arc among the best instead of the worst paid.
Let 0. P. Q. point out in any old country
where workmen are less educated and have
higher wages than the English and French
workmen. He says that a labourer " has a
eight to marry—has a right to have children—
has a right to expect to maintain them out of the
gains of his active industry and patient toil."
Whatever rights of this kind the labourer may
have he has in common with those who employ
his labour. He has no right superior to the
man who, having saved labour and put it into
the form of gold and silver or land, is called a
capitalist. If a capitalist, wishing to remain in
the enjoyment of the leisure given him by his ac-
cumulated industry, finds that he can barely do so
upon the amount of capital he has, he must re-
frain from exercising his right to marry and
have children. He has no right to force from
the labourers any share of their labour to help
from
ymasrurypipnogrt
orbe himself,
d ep
him out. So the labourer, if lie finds that his
refwraililn i)
depend
laboureither
upon other's charity, for he has no right to
force from others either their present or their
past labour. Every man, however, has a right
to dispose of his labour or its produce wherever
he can get most food for it. If, therefore, a
labourer, whether front his saved labour in
capital, or from his immediate application, pro-
duces a piece of cloth, or a parcel of cutlery,
and finds a man abroad willing to give him a
year's food for it, he has a right to make the
exchange. If any one should prevent him mak-
ing that exchange, and tell him he must take
from him a month's food for it, the remedy is
not to say to his employer, " You must give
higher wages or I will not let any one work for
. you," but to remove the restraint upon the free
exchange of his labour for food. Neither the
English nor the French working classes are now
so well off as they have been, and the reason Is

that they are more numerous. What may have
been the increase of population in France we
know not, but we believe it has been nearly the
same as in this country : and the returns 51'0!
us that between 1821 and 1831, the increase In
the United kingdom has been Upwards of three
millions. This increase has chiefly taken plo
.
among those who have no accumulated labour
to depend upon, and of course, as the suPPIY f
food has been prevented by the landlords from
increasing in proportion, their distress has kept
getting greater and greater. Is not the rolled/
plain ?

Brussels and German Papers have been re•
ceived. They contain no Views of interest.

THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)

"' GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OE BRITISH CO l
wog
For the Week ended Nov. 8, 1833, made up from the Itelaild
of the Inspectors in the different Cites and Towns in Enb
and Wales, per Imperial Quarter. I
I 3d•
Wheat— 51s. 6d. Oats —19 s 35g: ed.
`2,1 Rye 345. 'Ai
IMPERIAL AGGREGATIL AVERAGES OF ED. six WEEKS PRISCO d.
Wheat..—...— 51s. Ido.l Oats —19 s. 104.1 56'• 441,
303. 10d Rye 355. '1 LI Ole. •
DUTIES ON FOREIGN ('ORN. ed.
Wheat........-353. Rd., Oats 18s. 3 /.1 etl+
10.1.1 Rye 16s.

HAY MAItKETS.—i At per Load of 36 Trusses.)
CU M BERL A ND.
Supply rather limited, trade dull, and prices stationarY;s it
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £3 5 to .404 e
Kew Meadow Hay
Useful Old Ditto 3 15 4 I
Fine Upland Meadow and dye-grass Hay 4 5 5 !
Clover Hay 4 0 Ilv
Oat Straw £1 6to£l 8 I Wheat Straw... 1 8

SAI ITHFI ELI).
A moderate supply, and a sluggish trade; prices stationxF4P
Cuarr,e neav y Lowland Meadow Hay £3 0 to
New Nfeadow Hay 3lO 51
Useful Old Ditto
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 4 0 41
Clover Hay (extra fine)....£s s... Generally 310 I
Oat Straw £1 4to £1 6 I Whaat Straw 1 6

SOUTHALL MAR K ET.—N• v. 13. to
This day's supply of Beasts was moderately good, Beth ascii,
numbers and quality • of Sheep, Calves, and Porkers, ratbelf,
tinted. The assemblage of both London and country Ou(1,111,
was good, but tile trade with each kind of meat was ra;:her
at the following prices per stone of 81b. to sink the offal:•:-.
35.2.1. to 4s. 4d. I 3s. &I 70 r 1,
Mutton »,....,,.4 0 4 8 3 6
The foregoing quotations are Beef 2d. per stone highertati
Pork 2d. to 4d. per stone lower than on this day se'llifeff
prices otherwise stationary, Beasts, 328; Sheep, 2,262; `'
57 ; Pigs, 45. A portion of the stock left the market ulls°'4,