The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-05 00:00:00

• 6`
N°.lB 446 LONDON, WEDNESDAY 4 tl/4.
NOVEMBER 5 1851.
/

THE IiEIYINOVEL.
Now ready at all the= Libraries, in 3 vols.,
T H
E LIVINGSTONES
A STORY OF REAL LIFE.

4. An interesting, varied, aisd instructive narrative, written in a
fascinating style. Grace LivingEone, the heroine of this beautiful
and instructive history, is a truly poetic conception of all that is
lovely in woman both in person and mind." —Britannia.
" Great freshness of matter is the characteristic of this novel.
The writer possesses a knowledge of society, esoecialty in Scot!and,
dramatic power in depicting character, an I exhibiting scenes, with
moral purpose and soundly elegant reflection."—Spectator.
Colbarn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

NEW NOVEL.
.Tust published, in 3 vols., and may be had at all the Libraries,
FLORENCE SACKVILLE;
Or, SELF-DEPENDENCE.

By Mrs. BUIL BIJaY.
" This is a first novel, we hope it will not be the last by the au-
thoress, who possesses a clear appreciation of humour and of pathos,
a firm hand in noting down the salient features of character, and a
constancy to the leading purpose of her story. Thera is nothing
untrue to real life and suffering in the position of Florence Sackvllle,
the self-dependent heroine and narrator. The story of poor Milly Tre-
velyan—the pathos of which is fearful, without exaggeration—is an
episode that alone would Justify us in placing Mrs. BurUary high
among modern novelists."—Athenmum.

" There is more than the promise of talent in this first work of a
writer, who possesses a flowing and racy style, an observant eye for
character, a ready faculty of invention, and earnestness of design."—
Atlas.

" Florence Sackville, the self-dependent, is a clever creation, and
possesses charms attractive enougk to entice us through three
volumes, Mrs. 13.1rbury is very happy in the mode in which she
calls the sell-dependent heroine hate adtian, and she writes with ease
and elegance."—Literary Gazette.
London : Smith, Elder, and Co., 65, Cornhill.

THE WEST of IRELAND LAND INVEST-
MENT and BEET SUGAR, FLAX, and CHICORY MA-
NUFACTURING COMPANY.

Capital, Half-a-Million, in 101. Shares.
To be Incorporated by Royal Charter, for which appliestien has been
made, and by ‘‘ hich the liability of Shareholders will be limited

to the amount of their shares.

Objects :—To Purchase Landed Estates in the West of Ireland,
and develop their agricultural and industrial resources. To esta-
blish in connexion therewith manufactories of Beet Sugar, Flax,
Chicory, &c.
For further particulars, apply to the Secretary, Captain Hooks,
at the offices of the Company, 75, Cornhill, London ; or to the Soli-
citors, Messrs. Capes anti Stuart, Gray's Inn ; and Mr. Evan Hare,
Temple. The prospectus has been withheld until the publication of
a pamphlet by Mr. Digby Seymour, which appears this day, con-
taining an exposition of the views on which the Company rest their
claims to public support.

This day is published, the Second Edition, greatly enlarged, price

Half-a-Crown.
HOW to EMPLOY CAPITAL in WESTERN
IRELAND : being Answers to a few Practical Questions
upon the Manufacture of Beet Sugar, Flax, and Chicory, in con-
nexion with a Land Investment in the West of Ireland.

Uy WILLIAM DIGBY SEYMOUR, Esq.,
cf the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law.
London : John llearne, 81, Strand ; James Ridgway, 169, Picca-
dilly ; and Effingham Wilson, 11, Royal Exchange. Dublin: Hodges
and Smith, Grafton-street.

The GREAT EXHIBITION and the ROYAL POLYTECHNIC
INSTITUTION.
All the most interesting Deposits which have been at the Great
Exhibition will, in turn, be lectured on at the
OYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
X to The present Lectures are by J. H. Pepper, Esq., on the Ap-
plication of Iran and Steel in the Manufactures of the United King-
dom ; and by Dr Bachhoffner on Electro-Metallic Deposits, illus-
trated by a splendid series of Messrs. Elkington's Specimens, and
followed by an explanation of Bakewell's Patent Copying Electric
Telegraph. —The Exhibition of the Oxy-Hydrogen Microscope, mag-
nifying objects upwards of 1,000,000 times their natural size.—The
great economy of Cooking by Gas explained.—A Lecture on the His-
tory of the Harp, by Frederick Chatterton, Esc., with Vocal Illus.
trations.—A Series of splendid Dissolving Views.—Diver and Diving
Bell, &c.
Admission, Is.; Schools, Half-price.
Open daily from Eleven till Five, and every Evening from Seven
till Half-past Ten.

LADRENT'S CASINO.
ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
St. James's, is OPEN every Evening for the Winter Season.
Laurent's well-known and celebrated Band, principal Cornet-d-
Piston, M. Boulcourt.
During the recess the Rooms have been re-decorated, and many
improvements made, under the sole direction of Mr. G. F. Bryer.
Doors open at Half-past Eight, to commence at Nine o'clock.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.

BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH,
Hantilton.place, New-road, London.
The following is a List of AGENTS for the SALE of MORISON'S
PILLS, the VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINE, in London
and its vicinity :
Strand, 368—(Mr. J. Lofts, jun.) the Hygelst-office, 5 doors cast

of Exeterllall.
Regent-street, 65 .. •• • • Mr. Field.
Park-place, I, Mile End-road.. Mr. Lofts.
Oxford-street, 63 ••• • • • Dietrichsen&llatmay,periliMerS
New-road, 20, St. George's-in-
the-East •• • • ... • • Mr. J. Kalnes.
Watling-street, 55.. • • Mrs. Dare.
Great Tower-street, 33 •• • • 11;r:
Townsend-street, 8, Old Kent-
road
•• ••• • • • Mrs. Fonlser.
Tottenham-court-road, 123 Mr. Rayner.
Walham Green .. •• • • Mrs. Marchant.
Brentford (Post-office) .. Mr. Norbury.
Clapham • • • • .... • • Mr. Batten's Library.
Great Chart-street, 53, East-
road, Hoxton .. • • Mr. J. Dinmore.
Cornhill, 68.................. Mr. R. Johnstone, perfumer, &c.
High Holborn, 83.... •• • ..... Mr. William Ballet.
Deptford
Staines ......................Mrs. Norris's Library.
Poplar, High-street ••..•• • • . • Mr. Edmunds.
Finsbury Market, 3, North-street Mr. Sage.
Paddington-green, 22, Hermit-
age-street ••.•••• • • . • • •• Mr. Wm. Winn.
No chemist or druggist is allowed to sell the Medicine.
See that the words " Morison's Universal Medicines" are on the
Government Stamp.

DR. CULVERWELL'S NEW WORKS.
To be had of Sherwood, 23, Paternoster-row; Carvalho,
147, Fleet-street; Mann, 39, CQrnhlll ; or direct from the author ;
price One Shilling each ; by post, ls. 6d.
ENJOYMENT OF LIFE.
" Health, Recreation, and Rational Usa of Time."
CONTENTS :—Early Rising—Spring and Summer Mornings—Ex-
cursions about the Environs of London—The Parks, Lanes, Hills,
Forests, Fields, High-roads, and other pleasant places—Country
Trips and Ram ales—The Sea—London at Night—Evenings at Home
=Music—The Drama—On Eating, Drinking, Sleeping, Bathing,
ir, Rest, Ease, Occupation, &c., &c.

II
FRAGMENTS FROM THE MOUNTAINS. Two Vols.
Vol. I.
A VISIT TO THE LAKES; SKETCH OF EDINBURGH, &C,

Vol. 11.
THE LAKES OF KILL kIINEY ; REMINISCENCES OF
DUBLIN, &c.
WHAT TO EAT, DRINK, AND AVOID,
" That three score years and ten our course may run."
A popular review of almost every form (came and curs) of ner-
you ly•debilitated health and enfeebled constitution, that harasses
the young, besets the man of pleasure, business, or study, and em-
bitters old age ; with tables and rules for the diet and physical regu-
lation of every-day life.

IV.
THE PASSIONS.
"Mat passions hurt the body—what improve,
Truths as refined as Athens ever hPard."
SUBJECT : —Ltie'a pilgrimage, from infancy to old age. The ad-
vent or the passions. Chastity and its infringements. The casual-
ties of licentiousness and dissipation, with illustrations graphic, nar-
rative, and remediative. Advocacy of early marriages.
V.

THE MARRIAGE STATE.
"To be or not to be, that is the question."
Pnoonlinfas :—Laws and obligations of nature, society, and reli-
gion regarding marriage, to be observed by either sex. Time and
choice, on both sides, as to age, temperament, complexion, and
figure, to secure healthy offspring, with the art of rearing them.
Physical defectiveness and its removal. Sterility and its conversion.
Cases, 80.
By R. J. CULVERWELL, M.D. (1841), M.R.C.S. (1827). L.S.A.
(1824). Twenty-five years Medical and Forensic Referee in these
matters. Reception hours daily till Five. Evenings, Seven till
Nine. 10, Argyll-place, Regent-street.

MEDICAL ADVICE ON TiIE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
YOUTH AND MATURITY.
With Plain Directions for their Prevention and Cure.
FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL.
Just published, in French, English, German, Dutch, Spanish, and
, Italian in a Sealed Envelope, 2s. Gd., or post-free from the Author
for Forty-two Stamps,
PRESERVATION; a
S E 'Medical -al Treatise on the Physiology of Marriage, and on the
Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and Matarity, usually ac-
quired at an early period of life, which destroy the physical and
mental powers, diminish and enfeeble the natural feelings, mid '(
ex-
haust the vital energies of Manhood ; with Practical Observations on
the certain Prevention and successful Treatment of Nervous Debi-
lity, Local and Constitutional Weakness, Syphilis, Stricture, Pind all
Diseases and derangements resulting from Indiscretion, as adopted
by Lallernand, Ricord, and other eminent members of the faculty of
France. With Fifty coloured Engravings, illustrating the Anatomy,
Physiology, and Diseases of the Reproductive Organs, explaining
their structures, uses, and functions, and the various injuries that
are produced in them by solitary habits, excesses, and infection.
By SAMUEL LAWERT. M.D.,ONDON.
27, BEDFORD-SQUARE, L
Doetor of Medicine Meber of the University of
ocEdin-
burgh, Honorary, Member Matriculated of the London Hospital Medical Siety,
Licentiate of Apothecaries' llall, London, Member of the Ilwiterian
Medical Society of Edinburgh, &c., &c.
This work contains a Plain and complete description of the ana-
tomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and o
h f a
their relative
conditions in health and disease. Dr. La'Mert, who as taken the
highest medical honours, es evidenced by the diplomas and testimo-
nials inserted in the work, is the only legally qualified medical man
who has exclusively, and for many years, devoted Isis studies to the
treatment of these complaints. lie may be consulted with advan-
tage by all those whose constitutions may have become debilitated
through secret practices acquired in youth, or by the excesses of
and regret.
later years, whereby the pleasures of life are marred, the objects of
i,ni nester-yonun
marriage frustrated, and existence itself rendered term of unceas-
ora)narket ; Gordon, 63*
; Hannay,
bitlsieslriYed by the Author, and may be hail of J. Gilbert, 49, Pater-
-146, Leadenhall-street; Mann, 23, Cornhill ;
Oxford-street : Stark, Gilbert,
free by post for f.rty•two stamps, from the author's residence,
who may be consulted on these disorders personally, or by letter,
daily, from Ten till Two, and from Six till Eight.

ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY.--The usual monthlyj.
meeting of this society was held on Monday evening ;
0. Westwood, Esq., president, in the chair.
was elected a member of the society. The president exr
hibited a living larva of hammatkth had
been heros, which
been sent to him by Sir T. Pasley, having been found in
Italian oak, which was being cut up at Pembroke dock-
yard. Mr. Hunte
Mr. Wilkinson exhibited some wingless talxporia
females, and the young larva produced from them with,'
out male intercourse. Mr. S. Stevens exhibited a speci-
men of dircxa discolor, and also a gracilaria phasianipen-
nella, taken by Mr. Weaver, in Scotland. Mr. Saunders ex-
hibited some macaroni destroyed by
a small species of
anobium, and some foliage of French beans which had been
attached by a small acarus in such numbers, that in ten days
after their first appearance the French beans were completely
de.troy.d ; he remarked that this had been very central in
the neighbourhood of Wandsworth and Putney this summer.
Mr. White made some interesting remarks on the new forms
of crustacea met with during the recent Arctic epeditiou,
by Mr. Ede,

ADDRESS OF KOSSUTH TO THE
PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES.

We have received, through the New York Tribune,
the following soul stirring and most eloquent address
from Kossuth to the people of America. We will
not weaken the effect it is sure to produce, by a word
of comment :

Two years ago. by God's providence, I, who would b 3
only an humble citizm, held in my hands the destiny of
the reigning honie of Austria.
Had I been ,ambitious, or had I believed that this
treacherous family were so basely wicked as they aCter-
wards proved themselves to be, the tottering pillars of
then.' throne would have fallen at my command, and
buried the crowned traitors beneath their ruins, or
would have scattered them like dust before a tempest,
homeless exiles, bearing nothing but the remembrance
of their perfidy, and that royalty which they deserved
to Iwo through their own wickedness.
I, however, did not take advantage of these favourable
circumstances, though the entire freedom of my dear
native land was the only wish of my heart. My requests
were of that moderate nature which, in the condition of
Hungary and Europe, seemed bast fitted for my coun-
trymen. I asked of the King, not the complete inde-
pendence of my beloved country—not even any new
rights or privileges—hut simply these three things—
' " First. That the inalienable rights, sanctioned by a
thousand years, and by the constitution of my father-
lend, should be guaranteed by a national and responsible
administration.-

" Second. That every inhabitant of my country,
without regarding language or religion, should be free
and equal before the law—all classes having the same
privilege and protection from the law.
" Third. That all the people of the Austrian empire
that acknowledged the same person a 3 Emperor wham
we Hungarians recognised as King, and the same law of
succession, should have restored their ancient constitu-

tional rights,,of which they had unjustly been despoiled,
modified to snit the wants and the spirit of the age."
The first demand was not for any new grant or con-
cession, but simply a fresh guarantee. In the arrange-
ment made with our ancestors, when by their free will
they elevated the house of Hapsburg to the throne, a
condition was made that the King should preserve the
independence and constitution of the country. This
independence and this constitution were the very vitality
of our national being. During three centuries twelve
kings of the house of Hapsburg had sworn, in the pre-
sence of the Eternal God, before ascending the throne,
that they would preserve our independence and the con-
stitution; and their lives are but a history of perpetual
and accursed perjury. Yet such conduct did not weaken
our fidelity. No nation ever manifested more faithful-
ness to their rulers. And though we poor Hungarians
made endless sacrifices, often at the expense of our na-
tional welfare—though these kings in times of peace
drew their support from. us, and in times of war or
danger relied upon the unconquerable strength of our
army—though we ever trusted in their words—they
deceived us a thousand times, and made cur condition
worse.

While other nations were able to apply all their ener-
gies to promote the general welfare and to develop their
means of happiness, we had to stand on guard, like the
watchmen mentioned in Scripture, for three centuries, to
prevent our treacherous kings from destroying entirely
the foundation of our national existence—our constitu-
tion and independence.
I, es the representative of my countrymen, asked no-
thing more than a constitutional Ministry, whose respon-
sibility would prevent the King from violating his oath.
The second demand was still less for any political
right. We asked for nothing more than a reform in the
internal administration of the state—a simple act of
justice which the aristocracy owed the people. And in
this how much the King would have gained! The
strength of his throne would have been increased tenfold
by thus winning the affections of hit faithful people.
The third demand was promoted by humanity and
fraternal feeling. It was the proper and holy mission of
our nation, as the oldest member of the empire, and
possessing a constitutional form of government, to raise
its voice in behalf of those sister nations under the same
ruler, and who were united to us by so many ties of re-
lationship. Lovers of freedom, we would not ask li-
berty for ourselves alone; we would not boast of privi-
leges that others did not enjoy, but desired to be free in
fellowship with free nations around us. This motive
was inspired by the conviction that two crowns—a con-
stitutional and a despotic crown—could not be worn by
the same head, no more than two opposing dispositions
can harmonise in the same breast, or that a man can be
good and evil at the same time.
The King and Royal Family granted these requests,
appealing to the sanctity of their oaths as a guarantee of
their fulfilment; and I, weak in myself, but strong
through the confidence of my countrymen and the noble
sympathy of the Austrian people, proclaimed everywhere
amidst the raging storm of revolution, that " the house
of Austria should stand; for, by the blessinatofe the 41.1.
mighty, it had begun to move in the right direction, and
direction,oh
f ele
ss
would be just to its people." It stood, and stoodltoo, at a
time when, whatever might have been the fate
te
Hun-
gary,wonld thheavreevoblluotwionnaawryaytethmips antiquatedest, under my a
dynasty like chaff before the winds of heaven.
I not only preserved the house of Austria, but placed
in its hands the materials of a long and glorious future
—the foundation of an indestructible power in the af-
fection of, thirty-two millions ;of people. I tendered
them the fidelity and and assistance of my own heroic
Hungary, which alone was able to defend them against
the assaults of the world. I afforded them the glorious
opportunity—more glorious than had ever been pre-
sented before—of establishing an impregnable barrier
to protect freedom, civilization and progress, against the
Cossack power which now threatens Europe. To at•
tain this honour, this glory, one thing only was neces-
sary—that they should remain faithful to their oaths.
But when was it that Austria was not treacherous ? We
look in vain for as much honour as is found even among
robbers in the Hapsburg family.
On the very day they signed the grant of those mo-
derate demands of the Hungarian people, and solemnly
swore before God and the nation to maintain them, they
secretly resolved and planned the most cruel conspiracy
against us, They determined to break their oaths, to
desolate the land with insurrection, conflagration, and
blood, till, feeble and exhausted under th© burden of a
thousand miseries, Hungary might be struck from the
roll of living nations. They then hoped, by the power
of the bayonet, and, if necessary, by the arms of Russia,
to erect a united and consolidated empire, like the
Russian, of sixteen various nations ; they hoped to re-
alize their long conceived purpose of making themselves
an absolute power.
Never were so many hellish arts used against a nation
before. Not suspecting a counter-revolution or an at-
tack, we were not prepared to defend ourselves, when
suddenly we were surprised by danger. The perfidious
Hapsburgs, destitute of all shame, and rejoicing in the
anticipation of an easy victory, hesitated not to disclose
before the civilized world their horrible plans—to subja-
tgoateealulsinbtyhethaeidfoorfceroohfhearrsm, excite hatred
atarnedd
roeforkalecses,
insurgents.
At this crisis of great danger, when many of our ablest
l d themselvestosewh
o a
led the
nation
teothi this decree ee of
dineesntrwucetrieonr,"ldsyt otood amongie h
to arms. And confiding in a just God, we cursed the
cowards who were preparing to abandon their native
land, to submit to a wicked despotism, and to purchase
a miserable existence by sacrificing liberty. I called
the nation to arms in self-defence. I acted not with
blind presumption; and emotions of despair found no
place in my breast—for he who despairs is not fit to
country,guidea
rom and
s nI
th e estimatedverge tohfea fearful valourand
struggle power I h
of my
d
to heraelf, and fortify herif breastary with theld impulsivetrue fire
e victory, Hung wou remain
of a strong will.
To sustain the stern resolution to combat such an
enemy, we were supported—first, above everything, by
our unshaken confidence in God, whose ways are past
finding out, but who supports the right, and blesses the
cause of an honest people fighting for freedom; secondly,
by a love of country and the holy desire of liberty, which
makes the child a giant, and increases the strength of
the valiant; and, thirdly, by your example, noble Ame-
ricansl—you, the chosen nation of the God of Liberty!
My countrymen—a religious, a God-venerating people
—in whose hearts burned the all-powerful feeling of
patriotism, were inspired by the influence of your

sublime example.
Free citizens of America!—From your history, as
from the star of hope in midnight gloom, we drew our
confidence and resolution in the doubtftul days of severe
trial. Accept, in the name of my countrymen, this de-
claration as a tribute of gratitude. And you, excellent
people, who were worthy to be chosen by the Almighty
as an example to show the world how to deserve free-
dom, how to win it, and how to use it—you will allow
that the Hungarians, though weaker and less fortunate
than you, through the decaying influences of old Euro-
pean society, are not unworthy to be your imitators, and
that you would be pleased to see the stars of your
glorious flag emblazon the double cross of the Hunga-
rian coat of arms. When despotism hurled defiance at
us and began the bloody war, your inspiring example
upheaved the nation as one man, and legions, with all
the means of war, appearing to rise from nothing, as
the tender grass shoots up after spring showers. :
Though we were inferior in numbers to the enemy,
and could not compare with their well-trained forces ;

though our arms were shorter than theirs, yet the heroic
sons of Hungary supplied the want of numbers by in-
domitable bravery, and lengthened their weapons by a
step further in advance.
The world knows how bravely the Hungarians fought.
And it is not for me, who was idoutified with the war
who, obeying the wishes of the nation, stood faithfully
at the helm of government, to extol the heroic deeds of
my countrymen. I may mention, however, that while
every day it became more evident that the heart of
Europe beat to the pulsations of the Hungarian struggle,
we maintained the unequal conflict alone, cut off from
the rest of the world and all external aid, till a year
ago we laid the haughty power of the tyrant house of
11-psburg in the dust ; and had it not been for the in-
tntional and traitorous disregard of my commands by
one of our leaders, who afterwards shamefully betrayed
the country, not only would the imperial family have
ban driven from Vienna, but the entire Austrian nation

would have been liberated; and though by such treason
this 15hse family saved themselves from destruction, they
were so far humbled in March, 1849, that, not knowing
how to be just, they implored foreign aid, and threw
themselves at the feet of the Cur.
The'Emperor hoped that. the Hungarian people could
be terrified by his threateningsnand would prefer slavery
to death; but ho was deceived. He sold his own liberty
to Russia, for aid to enslave his people. The choice of
a coward is to purchase a miserable ephemeral existence,
even though at the cost of his honour and independence.
The Austrians fought against us, not only with arms,
and by the aid:of traitors, but with studied and unceasing
slander. They have ceased to impeach our motives and
falsify our conduct, and vaunt the pretended justice of
their own cause before the judgment-seat of public
opieion. Efforts were constantly made to weaken,
among the people of Hungary, and among the nations of
the world, that sympathy and force which spring from a
righteous cause.
Free citizens of North America, you have given, in
spite of these slanders, the fullest sympathy for the
cause of my country. We had no opportunity to explain
to you our motives and conduct; and refute the libels
against us; but we said—and how truly your noble and
magnanimous conduct shows it! that such a nation
knows how to defend a just and holy cause, and will
give us its sympathy; and this conviction inspired us
with more confidence. Oh, that you had been a neigh-
bouring nation! The Old World would now be free,
and would not have to endure again those terrible con-
vulsions and rivers of blood which are inevitable. But
the end is with God, and He will cheese the means to
fulfil His purposes.
Ye great and free people! receive the thanks of my
country for your noble sympathy, which was a great
moral support to our terrible conflict.
When the house of Austria sold itself to the Auto-
crat, we, who were fatigued with our hard-earned vic-
tory. but not subdued or eethatitied, .saw with apprehen-
sion the spectre of Russian invasion—an invasion which
violated the laws of nations, which was openly hostile
to the cause of civilization, the rights of man, of order,
and even to that principle which the diplomacy of Eu-
rope calls " the balance of power." I could not believe
that the Governments of Europe would permit this in-
vasion; for I expected they would interfere to effect a
treaty of peace, if not so much on our account, yet to
prevent Austria becoming the vassal of Russia—to
check the growing strength and influence of the latter
power in the East.
We desired an honourable peace, and were willing to
submit to any reasonable terms. We many times ten-
dered the olive-branch. We asked the constitutional
Governments of Europe to interpose. They heard us not.
The haughty imperial family, forgetting that they were
the real traitors, rejected every proposition with the de-
fying expression that they " did not treat with rebels."
And, more, they threw our ambassadors into prison,
and one of them—the noblest of Hungary's sons—they
cowardly and impiously murdered. Still we hesitated
to tear asunder for ever the bonds that united us.
Ten months we fought, and fought victoriously, in
defence; and it was only when every attempt to bring
about an honourable peace failed—when Francis
Joseph, who was never our king, dared, in his manifesto
of the 4th of March, 1849, to utter the curse, " That
Hungary should exist no longer"—when there was no
hope of arresting the Russian invasion by diplomacy—
when we flew that we must fight ,to save ourselves from
being struck off the earth as a nation—when the house
of Austria, by its endless acts of injustice and cruelty,
and by calling in the aid of a foreign power, had ex-
tinguished in the hearts of the Hungarian people every
spark of affection—then, and then only, after so much
patience, the nation resolved to declare its absolute in-
dependence. Then spoke the National Assembly the
words which had long been uttered by every patriotic
tongue:—"Francis Joseph ! thou beardless young
Nero! thou darest to say, Hungary shall exist no more?
We, the people, answer, We do and will exist; but you
and your treacherous house shall stand no longer! You
shall no more be the Kings of Hungary! Be for ever
banished ye perfidious traitors to the nation!"
We were not only ready to accept any terms that were
honourable, but we carefully abstain from doing any-
thing which would give the Czar a pretence, which he
had long sought to meddle with our affairs.
The Hungarian nation' loved freedom as the best gift
of God, but at never thought of commencing a crusade
against kings in the name of liberty. In Hungary
there were none of those propagandists who alarm so
much the rulers of the old world. There were no secret
societies plotting conspiracies. My countrymen were
not influenced by the theories of communists or socialists,
nor were they what the Conservatives call anarchists.
The nation desired justice, and knew how to be just
to all, irrespective of rank, language, or religion.
A people so worthy of freedom were generous enough to
leave something to time, and to be satisfied with a pro-
gressive development. No violence was used; no just
right was attacked; and even some of those institutions
were left undisturbed which, in their principle and
o;igin, were unjust, but whicheehaving existed for cen-
turies, could not be abolished atliace with impunity.'
The Hungarian people did not wish to oppress any—
not even the aristocracy; they were more ready to make
sacrifices than to punish the descendants of nobility for
the evils of misgovernment, and of those institutions
which emanated from their ancestors; nor would they
let the many suffer for the sins of the few.

Thero was no anarchy among us. Even- in the
bloodiest of the conflicts, when the human passions are
most excited, there was the most perfect order and se-
curity of property and person. How did the conduct of
my noble countrymen compare with that of the " order-
making" Austria. Whenever the whirlwind of war ceased
for a while where the social elements were left in chaos,
the instinctivelmoral feelings of this incorruptible people,
in the absence of all government, preserved better order
and safety than legions of police. A common spirit
animated the whole nation—no secret aims, no personal
or local attacks, but a bold and open defence in the face
of the world. Following the example of your great
Washingtbn, we adopted, as our policy, conciliation, jus-
tice, and legality, and scrupulously observed the laws of
nations.

The Russians and Austrians made the soil of Walla-
chia the basis of military operations; and the Turkish
Government, which either knew not its own interests, or
was unable to defend them, silently permitted this viola-
tion of treaties and the rights of nations, thus
humbling itself and betraying its own weakness.
Several times we drove onr enemies across the Wal-
lachian boundaries; for it was only necessary for our
victorious army to advance into the countries of the
Lower Danube to rouse the inhabitants against the
Russians, and to transfer the war to their own soil. But
we respected the law of nations, and stopped our con-
quering forces on the confines of Wallachia. Her soil
was sacred to us. Austria left Gallicia almost unpro-
tected, and collected ell her forces to attack us. Had
we at this time sent a small portion of our army to Po-
land, it would have caused a general insurrection, and
that heroic but unfortunate nation would have revenged
herself by throwing the Russian empire into a state of
revolution. But we acted in defence only, and we
deemed it a sin to precipitate other cations into a terri-
ble and uncertain war, and we checked our sympathies.
Besides, we avoided giving the Emperor of Russia a pre-
tence for a war of retaliation against us. Oh, it was
foolish, for the despotic hypocrite made a
pretence; he
called our own struggle the aungarian Polish revolu-
tion, though the whole number of roles in our armies did
not exceed 4,000. _ _

We doubted not that the E peen powers would ne-
gotiate a peace for us, or thaturth y would, at least, pre-
vent the Russian invasion. Theye said they pitied us,
honoured our efforts, and condemed the conduct of
Austria ; but they could not help us, because Europe
s
advan-
tages
required a powerful Austrian empire, and they
must support it, in spite of its evils, as a balance
against Russian central and eastern Europe.
i t
clear
doWhatians a
sucht h
om sunisat a
manner
that
an!
tn
et
rhWea hsca
Czar,
(1,
aor 0 diplomacy!
bidingat che !
greatest
Austria,
for himself? Was it not manifest that Austria
who had always, through the help of Hungary, strength
enough to oppose Russia, would,:when she destroyed
Hungary by Russian bayonets, be an independent
power, but merely the avant garde of the Muscovite?
Yet Europe permitted the invasion' It is an indelible
mark of blindness and shame. It is ever thus in the
imbecile old world. They treated se just as they treat
Turkey. They assert always that the peace of Europe
and the balance of power require the preservation of
the Turkish empire—that Turkey must exist, to check
the advance of the CossacFk power. But,
ed the notwithstand-
ing this, England and ranco destroy Turkish
fleet at Naverino—a fleet which never could have in-
jured them, but which might have contended with Rus-
sia in the Black Sea.
Always the same worn-out, old, and fatal system of
policy!—while Russia, ever alert, seizes province after
province from Turkey. She
has made herself the sove-
reign of Moldavia and Walleehia, and is sapping the
foundations of the Ottoman empire. Already Turkish
officials are more dependent on the lowest Russian
agents than upon their own Grand Vizier.
Oh, that Hungary had received but a slight token of
moral support from the Eutopean powers—from those
powers whose dreams are troubled with fear of the ad-
vance of the Cossack! Hid only an English or a French
agent come to us during out struggle. what might he
not have done? He, too, would have seen and estimated
our ability to sustain ourselves—he would have ob-
served the humanity, the love of order, the reverence for
libery which characterised the Hungarian nation. Had
these two powers permitted a few ships to come to
03sore, laden with arms for the noble patriots, who had
asked in vain for weapons, the Hungarians would now
have stood a more impregnable barrier against Russia
that all the arts of a miserable and expensive diplomacy.
There was a time when we, with the neighbouring
Poles, saved Christianity in Europe. And now I hesitate
not to avow before God that we alone—my own Hun-
gary—could have saved Europe from Russian do-
mination. As the war in Hungary advanced, its cha-
racter became changed. Ia the end, the results it con-
temptated were higher and far more noshingimportant—ting
less, in fact, than universal freedom, which
thought of in the beginning. This was not a choice; it
was forced upon us by the policy of the European na-
tions, who, disregarding their own interests, suffered
Russia to invade and provoke us. Yes, we were mar-
tyrs to the cause of freedom, and this glorious but painful
destiny was imposed upon us,

Though my dear native Hungary is trodden down, and
the flower of her sons executed, or wandering exiles, and
I, her governor, writing from my prison in this distant
Asiatic Turkey, I predict—and the eternal God hears
my prediction—that there can be no freedom for the
continent of Europe, and that the Cossacks, from the
shores of the Don, will water their steeds in the Rhine,
unless liberty be restored to Hungary. It is only with
Hungarian freedom that European nations can bo free;
and the smaller nationalities especially can havo no fu-
ture without us.

Nor could the united Russo-Austrian forces have con-
quered my heroic countrymen had they not found a
traitor to aid thorn in the man whom, believing in his
honesty, and on account of his skill, I raised from ob-
scurity. Enjoying my confidence, the confidence of the
nation and the army, I placed him at the bead of our
forces, giving him the most glorious part to perform over
granted to man. What an immortality was in his
reach, had ho been honest ! But he betrayed his c
try. Cursed be his name for ever ! I will not open the
bleeding wounds by the sad remembrance of this event,
and will merely mention that the surrender at Vilagos
was the crowning act of a long system of treachery
secretly practised—by not using the advantages which
victories put in his hands—by not fulfilling my com-
mands, under cunning pretences—by destroying national
feeling in the army—by weakening its confidence—and
by the destruction, through unnecessary exposures and
dangers, of that portion of the army that he could not
corrupt in his base designs to make himself military dic-
tator. God, in his inscrutable wisdom, knows why the
traitor was permitted to be successful. In vain fell the
bravest of men in this long war—in vain were the exer-
tions of my brave countrymen—in vain did the aged
father send, with pious heart, his only son, the prop of
his declining years, and the bride her bridegroom—in
vain did all private interests yield to the loftiest pa-
triotism—in vain arose the prayers of a suffering people
—in vain did the ardent wishes of every friend of free-
dom accompany..our efforts—in vain did the Genius of
Liberty hope for success. My country was martyred.
Her rulers are hangmen. They have spoken the impi-
ous words that the liberty-loving nation " lies at the feet
of the Czar." Instead of the thankful prayer of faith,
of hope, and of love, the air of my native land is filled
with the cries of despair, and I, her chosen leader, am
an exile. The diplomacy of Europe has changed
Turkish hospitality to me and my companions into
hopeless bondage. It is a painful existence. My
youthful children have begun the morning of their life
in the hands of my country's destroyers, and I—but
no; desponding does not become me, for I am a
man. lam not permitted, or I would say I envy the
dead. Who is unfortunate? I am in Broussa, where
the great Hannibal once lived an exile, homeless like
myself, but rich in services performed for his country,
while I can claim only fidelity to mine. The ingrati-
tude of his nation went with him in his banishment, but
the sorrowful love of my countrymen follows me to my
place of exile. To thee, my God, T offer thanks that
thou didst deem me worthy to suffer for dear Hungary.
Let me suffer afflictions, but accept them as propitiary
sacrifices for my native land.

And thou, flangarian nation, yield not to despair !
Be patient; hope, and wait thy time! Though all men
forget thee, the God of Justice will not. Thy sufferings
are recorded, and thy tears remembered. The blood of
thy martyrs—thy noble sons—which moistened thy soil,
will have its fruits. The victims which daily fall there
are, like the ever-green cypress over the graves of the
dead, the symbol of thy resurrection.. The race whom
thy destroyer excited against the by lies and cunning
will be deceived: they will know that thou didst not
fight for pro-eminence, but for the common liberty—
that thou wast their brother, and bled for them also.
The temporary victory of our enemies will bat serve to
take the film from the eyes of the deceived people. The
sentiment of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire
among the smaller states and races the wish for a fra-
ternal confederation—for that which I always urged as
the only safe policy and guarantee of freedom for
them all.

The realisation of this idea will hurl the power of the
haughty despots to the abyss of the past, and Hungary,
free, surrounded by free nations, will be great glorious,
and independent.
At the moment when I hardly hoped for further con-
solation on earth, behold the God of Mercy freed my
wife, and enabled her, through a thousand dangers, to
reach me in my place of exile. Like a hunted deer, she
could not for five months find in her own native land a
place of rest. The executioners of the beardless Nero
placed a reward upon her hesd, bat she has escaped the
tyrants. She was to me and to my exiled countrymen
like the rainbow to Noah, for she brought intelligence
of hope in the unshaken souls of the Hungarian people,
and in the affectionate sympathy of the neighbouring na-
tions who had fought against us. They had aided the
wife of the much-slandered Governor of Hungary.
Although the sympathy of the world often depends
upon the. result of actions, and the successful are ap-
plauded, still Hungary by her noble bearing and trials
has drawn the attention of the world. The sympathy
'iehtcrelse htt4 exeiteCintoth wOrlds, and the thunder-
ing curse which the lips of millions have pronounced
againgat her destroyers, announce like the roaring of
the wind before the storm the coming retribution of
heaven.

Among the nations of tho world there aro two which
demand our gratitude and affection. England, no loss
powerful than she is free and glorious, supported us by
her sympathy and by the approving voice of her noblest
sons and the millions of her people. And that chosen
land ofifreedom beyond the ocean—the all-powerful peo-
ple of the United States, with their liberal Government
—inspired us with hope,and gave us courage by their
deep interest in our cause and sufferings, and by their
condemnation of our executioners.

The President of the United States, whom the confi-
dence of a free people had elevated to the loftiest station
in the world, in his Message to the Congress, announced
that the American Government would have been the first
to recognise the independence of Hungary. And the
senators and representatives in Congress marked the de-
stroyers of my country's liberty with the stigma of igno-
miny, and expressed with indignant feelings, their con-
tempt for the conduct of Austria, and their wish to
break the diplomatic intercourse with such a Govern-
ment. They summoned the despots before the judgment-
seat of humanity; they proclaimed that the world would
condemn them; they declared that Austria and Russia
had been unjust, tyrannical, and barbarous, and deserved
to be reprobated by mankind, while Hungary was
worthy of universal sympathy.
The Hungarians, more fortunate than I, who were
able to reach the shores of the New World, were re-
ceived by the people and the Government of the United
States in the most generous manner—yes, liko brothers.
With one hand they hurled anathemas at the despots,
and with the other welcomed the humble exiles to par-
take of that glorious American liberty more to be valued
than the glitter of crowns. Our hearts are filled with
emotions to see how this great nation extends its sym-
pathy and aid to every Hungarian who is so fortunate as
to arrive in America. The sympathetic declaration of
such a people under such circumstances, with similar sen-
timents in England, is not a mere sigh which the wind
blows away, but is prophetic of the future. What a
blessed sight to see whole nations actuated by such
sentiments!

Free citizens of America ! you inspired my country-
men to noble deeds; your approval inspired confidence;
your sympathy consoled in adversity, gave a ray of hope
for the future, and enabled us to bear the weight of our
heavy burden; your fellow-feeling will sustain us until
we realize the hope, the faith " that Hungary is not lost
for ever." Accept, in the name of my countrymen, the
acknowledgments of our warmest gratitude, add our
highest respect.
I, who know Hungary so well, firmly believe she is
not lost; and the intelligent citizens of America have
decided, not only with impulsive kindness, but with
reason and policy, to favour the unfortunate but not sub-
jugated Hungary. The sound of that encouraging voice
is not like a funeral dirge, but as the shrill trumpet that
will call the world to judgment.
Who does not see that Austria, even in her victory,
has given herself a mortal wound? Her weakness is
betrayed. Tho world no longer believes that Europe
needs the preservation of this decaying empire. It is
evident that its existence is a curse to mankind; it can
never promote the welfare of society. The magic of its
imagined power is gone; it was a delusion which can de-
ceive no longer. Among all the races of this empire—
not excepting the hereditary states—there is none that
does not despise the reigning family of Hapsburg. This
power has no moral ground of support; its vain dreams
of a united empire—for which it has committed the most
unheard-of crimes—are proved to be mere ravings at
which the world laughs. No one loves or respects it;
and when it falls, not a tear of regret will follow it to
the grave. And fall it surely will. The moment
Russia withdraws her support, the decayed edifice will
crumble to dust. A shot fired by an English or by an
American vessel from the Adriatic would be like the
trumpet at the city of Jericho. And this impious,
foolish Government thinks to control fate by the hang-
maug's cord. How long will Russia be able to assist?
This Czar—who boasts that his mission is to be the
scourge of all the nations striving for liberty—will not
the Almighty, whose viccregent be profanely assumes to
b 3, blast the miserable boaster? The very character of
his government is a declaration of war against the
rights and interests of humanity, and the existence of
other nations. Will the world suffer this long? Not
long.
The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not only gained
a consciousness of her own strength, but she has forced
the conviction into the minds of other nations that she
deserves to exist, and to be independent ; and she can
show justly that her existence and independence
are essential to the cause of liberty in Europe. No, no!
Hungary is not lost! By her faith, bravery, and by her
foresight, which teaches her to abide her time, she will
be yet among the foremost in tho war of universal
liberty ! _ _

You, noble Americans, we bless in the name of the
God of Liberty ! To yon, who have summoned the mur-
derers of my countrymen before the judgment-seat of
the world—to you, who are the first judges of this eourt
—I will bring the complaints of my nation, r.nd before
you I will plead her cause. When the house of Haps-
burg, with the aid of a foreign army, invaded my country
and had destroyed, by their manifesto of the 4th of March,
1849, the fuundationupon which the union with Austria
rested, there remained for Hungary no alternative than

the declaration of independence which the National As-
sembly ttnanimoutly voted on the 14th of April, 1649,
and which the whole nation solemnly accepted, and sealed
with their blood.

I declare to you, in the most solemn manner, that
all which has taken place, or may hereafter take
place, proceeding from individuals or Government, con-
trary to this declaration. which is in perfect accord with
the fundamental law of finngary, is illegal and unjust.
Before you I assert that the accusation that the Mag-
yar race was unjust' to the other races—by means of
which a prtion of the Serviaus, Wallaehians, Sloveni-
ans and Germans dwcllieg in Hun-Jsary, was excited
against us—is an impious alandt,r, circulated by the
house of Hapsburg, which shrinks from no crime to
weaken the united forces of our army, to conquer one
race after another, and thus bring them all under the
yoke of slavery. _ _

It is true, some of the races in Hungary had reason
to COMOIliD; but these subjects of complaint were the
inevitable consequences of the pre-existing state of
things and the Austrian interference. But the Croatians
had no reason to complain. This race of half a million,
in a separate province, had a National Assembly of its
own, and enjoyed greater privileges than even the Hun-
garians. They contributed proportionally but half as
much in taxes; they possessed equal rights with Hun-
gary; while th Hungarian Protestants, on account of
their religion, were not suffered to own lands in Croatia.
Their grievances and ours were the same in the perpe-
tual violation of the Constitution by the Imperial Go-
vernment. But their own pecaliar grievances arose from
the evils of former times, and from the Austrian system
of government, which forcibly placed the Slavonian, Ser-
vian, and Wallachian boundary districts on the German
military footing.
The moment, however, our people became free, and
enjoyed their political rights, they became just, and
placed all things upon a basis of freedom and equality.
But some of these races, blinded by the infernal slanders
and suggestions of Austria, tank up arms against us.
This people, who for centuries had endured slavery,
fought against their own freedom! God forgive them!
They knew not what they did.
In America, people of different language dwell; but
who says that it is unjust for senators and representa-
tives to use the English language in their debates, and
r
nes
cwg
eawas
rssayast
rhawyi
alhatadwoti
fftweehsraetesanbMonl
necessary
coghenys
ltasyha
syrt ahaecaowet
iamnsf kao
make
reAde
nitit
hnhe
reeHi
au nri
itggaiwrnya
Magyaral
settlers had stamped their language in the country; but
s.
to make it the official language of the Government?
ITnohTtHe rhnuei
i
preserved
a n d psomething
do n
high precious,
towers,
at imitating
tthe p
p oe
ko thee
nl
e,
the official language. The use of the Latin tongue—a
bad relic of the middle ages, which the clergy and aris-
tocracyhtsa—vohai
living, spoken,
, sp
small
r a a lletters
been
al
as
ce
ancient despots, who caused the laws to be written in
amongmigh might not
otsunldtervistaasn dnotohoesairaryritgoh
popular language. And what other could we have than
the noble Magyar?
How often have I, and other leaders with me, said to
my countrymen that they must b 3 strictly just, and seek
their future greatness not in the predominance of one
race, but in the perfect equality of all ! My counsel was
adopted and made the basis of the Government. The
same freedom, the same privileges, without regard to
language or religion, the free development of each race
under the protection of the law, were accorded to all.
We not only guaranteed the right to use any language
in the churches and schools, but we afforded aid for
the education and development of each nationality.
The principle we announced was, that either the State
should protect no religion, no nationality—leaving all to
the free action of the people—or that it should protect
all alike.

In the general administration the predominance of our
language, and consequently the race that spoke it, was a
necessity; but in the administration of county affairs,
which in sonaz respects resembled that of the individual
states in North America, the use of each language was
granted. In the courts, in the trial by jury, in the right
of petition, in the republication of all laws and ordi-
nances, the various races had the right to use their own
language. In one word, nothing was left undone which
could tend to place all on a footing of the most perfect
equality. True, we did not—as Austria has done for
political purposes solely, to enslave all the people and
make the brave Hungarians a subordinate nation—make
a territorial division of the lands. We respected rights,
and wished to progress, bat were too honest to com-
mence a system of spoliation. And who has been bene-
fited by this policy of the Vienna bureaucracy? Not
even those
,on whom the pretended favours have been
conferred.
When those races clamoured for national rights, I
boldly demanded what was wanting, and what could be
granted without injury to the country. No one answered
but reckleas men, who spoke of territorial division. The
Servans desired to have the comitat Bacs and the three
counties of the Banat as a separate Servian state. The
Wallachiars wished to have Transylvania. They (the
Servians) did not consider that they owned no separate
portion of the land in Thingary, and that in
and the Banat were Wallachians, Germans, a ,
B-
yars, who could not be made subordinate to the less
numerous Servians. So also, in Transylvania there were
Magyars, Seklers, and Saxons, who would complain of
such a connection with Wallachia.

As there were various races, speaking different
languages in Hungary, and divided into as many muni-
cipalities, who could blame us for laying the foundation
of government in a just equality to all? Croatia alone
was a separate territory; and how often have we said to
her that if she would remain in union with us, we would
give her the hand of brotherhood; but if she wished to
separate, we would not hinder her! We could not,
however, permit such a division of Hungary as would
have destroyed her as a nation. It was Austria who
sowed the seeds of division and dissolution.

Citizens of America, to you I declare honestly that
my aim in the federation of Hungary with smaller na-
tions was to secure the nationality and independence of
each, and the freedom of all; and had anything been
wanting which could hare been justly granted to any
one or all of the races in Hungary, the Magyars had
only to know it, and it would have been performed
with readiness; for freedom, and not power, was their
desire.

Finally, I declare that, by the declaration of inde-
pendence by whioh I was elected Governor of Hungary,
I protest, so long as the people do not by their free will
release me from that office. that no one can legally con-
trol the affairs of government but myself. The protes-
tation is not made in a feeling of vanity or desire to be
conspicuous, but from respect to the inherent rights of
my countrymen. I strove not for power. The bril-
liancy of a crown would not seduce me. The final
aim of my life, after having liberated my dear Hungary,
was to end my days as a private citizen and an humble
farmer.

My country, in the hour of danger, called upon me to
assist in the struggle for freedom. I responded to its
call. Others, doubtless, were more able, who could have
won more fame, but I will yield to none in the purity of
my motives. Perhaps it was confidence in my ardent
patriotism and honesty of purpose which induced the
peoplo to give me power. They believed freedom would
be safe in my hands. I felt my weakness, and to them I
could not promise liberty unless they were united as one
man, and would lay aside all personal, all sectional in-
t ?rests. I foretold that if the nation was divided, it
would fall. As long as they followed my injunctions,and
were united, they were unconquerable—they performed
miracles of valour. The fall of Hungary commenced
the day they began to:divide. Not knowing the secret
causes of this division, and not suspecting treachery, and
wishing to inspire confidence, to give skill, and all the
elements of success to our army, and caring nothing for
my own fame, doing all for the good of my country, I
gave command of the forces to another. I was assured
by the most solemn engagement, by the man to whom
I gave the power, that he would use it for the welfare
and independence of the nation, and that ho
would be responsible to me and tho people
for the fulfilment of these conditions. Ho
betrayed his country, and gave the army to
the enemy. Had we succeeded after this terrible blow,
he should have met his reward. And even now ho is not
freed from his accountability to the nation, no more
than I, in the moral right and sense, cease to be the Go-
vernor of Hungary. A short time may revere again the
fate of all. The aurora of liberty breaks upon my vision,
even at Broussa.
I have, therefore, intrusted to Ladislas Ujhazi, Ober-
gespann of the Saros comitat, and Civil Governor of
Comorn, the mission to be my representative, and through
me the representative of the Hungarian nation, to the
people and Government of the United States, hoping and
believing that so generous a people will not judge the
merits of our cause by a temporary defeat, but will re-
cognise Governor Ujhazi and his companions with the
May accustomed
your country for ever!
May it have
God kindness.biebless
the glorious destiny to share with other nations the
blessings of that liberty which constitutes its own happi-
May your great example, noble Ame-
nrieesasnas,ndbef atmo
tome!
lther nations the source of social virtue;
your power be the terror of all tyrants—the protector of
the distressed; and your free country ever continue to be
the asylum for the oppressedpe of all nations.
Written aac
t my of bani3hment, Brousso, Asia
Minor, 27th March, 1850. Louis KOSSUTH,
Governor of Hungary.

RIVENSCLIFFE BY
W YNDIIAm."
(IT,
" Emilia V- 7A new novel, fromli t E AIAUTHORen of
AUTHOR9Le author "EmirioAf
:c n ham," has just appeared, which perhaps sur-
passes in interest and merit the best productions of that gifted
writer. The title of " Ravenscliffe" simply indicates a tale
of domestic life, in which the author so eminently excels;
but the story is woven with incidents of a strikingly novel
character, presenting society in aspects hitherto little known
to fiction. The mysteries of college life form one feature in
this exciting narrative, and the career of a young nobleman
at the University contrasted with that of a stern and inflexi-
ble Dissenter, and traced on through the vicissitudes of the
world, with the fortunes of the beautiful and wayward
heroine, afford a wide field for the display of those rare
powers of delineation so signally displayed by this popular
author.
The Liverpool Chamber of Commerce
Navvhai
nri
c;
attchhilof
fromin sLt
eoanadoo
fn abt y
tent he foa.cs tl
oterka,i nb
yl e
aaalbteoalraft
to memorialize the Postmaster-General for the disp:
of letters could be secured at that port, and
pithisoesntntnohirnetehdoemiciarloielcrky,
also in Manchester, at four o'clock P.m.