The Sun.
London, England, 1851-12-16 00:00:00

EVENING,

,---„
CLEARING 07 THE SMITHFIELD IiLUB CATTLE
'uosy.—YesterdaY the area and galleries of the Bazaarin.
Baker-street were
alm"st entirely cleared of their recemt in
ter"tiN contents. The small portion of agricultural im-
plements and animals (about 6 or 7) which remained were
in the course of removal, and all will have di4appeared in the
Course of this day. Amongst the animals still remaining
was the beautiful stupendous cow, bred and fed by Mr. Hui-
land, near Halifax, aged between five and six years, and
weighing about 120 stone 0f4,11b., for which prizes of a silver
medal and 201. were awarded. AIL Davis, the well-known
arti.t, was engaged during the day making a drawing of this
animal. The proprietor of the ilazaar is about (amon a
illimprovements), in order to promote comfort bog th
to the animals and visitors to future shows, to pave the
lower area. This has been delayed until it could be deter-
mined whether stone, asphalte, or metallic lava, were the
preferable material. One of the latter (the metallic lava),
has, it .s
understood been selected, and will shortly be
laid down.
A HORSE WITHOUT HAIR.—A extraordinary phe-
nomenon, in the way of " horse-flesh," was brought to town
yesterday afternoon by the steamer Gordon. It is a mare,
captured on the plains of Venezuela by a party of American
hunters, headed by the well-known traveller, Juan Percy,
and Captain Hall. She is loi hands high, of great beaaty
and symmetry, and without one particle of hair on aay part
of her body. The 'kill reßembles ludia rubber, and is tte
.oft alnatalt a 3 velvet.

ibirM4Ut lilt
LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1851.

Nearly a fortnight prior to the memorable eoup
(Taut of Louis NAPOLEON, there appeared a lively
work in two volumes, from the pen of Sir FRANCIS
HEAD, entitled "A Faggot of French Sticks," and
issued by one of the most distinguished of our Lon-
don publishers. In this production the author, after
describing with his customary animation the principal
features of Paris as they appeared to him in 1851,
appended some remarks upon the then political situa-
tion of the country, evincing:throughout his observa-
tions a sagacity which recent events have almost
elevated to the gift of vaticination. The coincidence
is, to our thinking, of a nature so extraordinary that
we are induced to direct the public attention to it in
these columns, as to a circumstance eminently en-
titled to the notice of the general population. For
some considerable time it had been manifest that a
crisis was rapidly drawing on such as must lead in
the end to a direct struggle between the executive and
legislative powers of the Republic. The germ of
this struggle was manifestly contained in the original
scheme of the Constitution. Every one saw from the
outset the consequences that must ensue from the
rival energies imparted to the chief powers of the
Government, and from the hostile attitude the PRE.
SIDENT and the Assembly were compelled to adopt
towards each other. Latterly, however, it became
more and more visible that the contest defied much
further postponement. The factious course pursued
by the majority of the representatives rendered it
improbable, if not impossible, that mere discussion
could effect anything like a satisfactory arrangement.
Politicians generally throughout France degenerated
into intriguers, and the leaders of the more conspi-
cuous parties, instead of contenting themselves
with an open opposition to the policy of Louis
laTaroeeoN, adventured upon the most daring
and dastardly intrigues against the very basis
of the Republican Administration. Beholding these
things, the author of the volumes above particularised
gave utterance to those sentiments of mingled regret
and indignation with which he regarded proceedings
so peculiarly distasteful to him as an Englishman.
He fearlessly explained the views with which he
watched the progress of affairs in the neighbouring
capital, and shrank not from expressing the sympathy
he could not but feel for one placed like Louis NA-
POLEON in a situation of such tremendous responsibi-
lity and embarrassment. " Strange to say," he ex-
claimed (vol. ii., p. 443), " while the whole French
nation, grouped into factions, with a hurricane brew-
ing up to windward, are at this moment occupied in
searching, as intently as a man looks for a lost needle
in a haystack, vainly for the head of their constitu-
tion, it has pleased ALMIGHTY GOD to place at the
helm of their affairs a pilot possessing very nearly all
the qualifications necessary for restoring to France
that tranquillity and commercial prosperity she so ar-
dently desires to attain." It was against this per-
sonage that the plots of the unprincipled enemies of
the Republic were directed almost unanimously
while Sir FRANCIS HEAD was writing that sentence,
and—a reflection which could not fail to arouse our
interest in the victim of the proposed outbreak—he
was, according to his own moving phrase, chained to
the helm and powerless for good, even at the mo•
ment when he saw the vessel of the state driving on
towards the abyss. Shutting their eyes to the diffi-
culty of his position, his enemies indulged themselves
only in the luxury of misrepresentation. Ac
cording to them, he was a man with-
out any purpose, save that of a lawless
ambition, and without any principle save that of his
own personal aggrandizement. It mattered nothing
that during three years he had remained true to his
oaths of allegiance to the Republican Constitution.
It mattered nothing that during that interval he had
preserved for France not only peace with surround-
ing nations, but—what was yet more astonishing in
her regard—peace within the limits of her boundaries.
It mattered nothing that, under the shelter of his
policy, commerce began once more to flourish after
the panic and confusion into which its votaries had
been thrown by the casualties of revolution. His as-
sailanto, infuriated against him possibly only the more
from their knowledge of the very facts here enume
rated, adopted every contrivance, no matter how
ignoble in its origin or how detestable in its virulence,
to obstruct him in the faithful discharge of his duties
as the chief magistrate of the newly-created Demo-
cracy. Not contented with the impediments thrown
in his way by means of their Parliamentary malig-
nancy, they determined to stake their chances of an
ulterior triumph upon the hazard of an intrigue.
Then it was that an alliance was effected of a kind
more shameless than was perhaps ever before con-
trived either in ancient or modern times between the
most shameless and unblushing of political adven-
turers. We are not speaking here by inuendoes. The
reality of the atrocious compact entered into by these
conspirators is long before this a matter of notoriety
throughouti Christendom. The coup deitat, there-
zre, so called, was in reality nothing more
uo
"nil yn eartlfte last
less than a conire coup—an act of
proceedingself-
only bayndwh
tion, secured tams,
lf
is consequently onichtheLuotummosNt ApPrOoLvEoOcaN:
% farce
personally from destruction. It
of the PRESIDENT as -_ .
..
an inexcusable violation of
sufficiently violated, in all conscience, by the members
i of the Republican Legislature.

As the opinions of an honest
Englishman, those
expressed by Sir FRANCIS HEAD upon the character
of LOUIS NAPOLEON will, we are satisfied, be welcome('
with eagerness, and paused with respectful attention,
by our tellow.country men. His estimate of the
PRESIDENT has evidently coincided to the full with
that some while since given to the world by M.
GUERRONNIERE. " From every person whose opinion
was worthy of respect," says the author of the work
before mentioned, " I heard, during my short resi-
dence in Paris, Prince Louis NAPOLEON described as
honest, wise,
silent, and independent." The accuracy
of the assertion has been subsequently verified some-
what remarkably by the unanimity with which the
Preach people have accepted his coup d'itat, not

LONDON,

merely in the capital, but generally speaking through-
out the departments. " During the severe trial to
which he has been subjected," continues the writer,
" he has firmly defended religion against atheism, the
rights of property against plunderers, order against
revolutionists." This glorious line of policy the
PRESIDENT has recently completed by his heroic
suppression of the efforts made in certain detestable
quarters with a view to the carrying out of a re-
gular system of pillage and massacre. "On the
whole," says Sir FRANCIS HEAD, in conclusion, " I
am firmly of opinion that, under a mild exterior,
with gentle manners and a benevolent heart, Louts
NAPOLEON is an honest, bold, high-minded statesman,
whose object is to maintain the peace of Europe
and the real glory and honour of France. I believe
that no clamour could force him, without necessity to
declare war against any nation on earth; and, on the
other hand, that no combination of forces that could
be devised would induce him to submit to any insult
offered to his country." These are the sentiments
with which Louis NAPOLEON was regarded by a free-
spoken and disinterested Englishman before the course
pursued by the PRESIDENT on the memorable 24 of
December. They are the opinions of no partizan or
apologist—and opinions such as have not been falsified
in any respect by the manner in which their object
has within the past week secured to himself the ap-
proving voices of his fellow-countrymen. Before
another seven days have elapsed we shall be afforded
an additional opportunity of discovering how far our
very lively and not less sagacious author was correct
in his estimate of the PRESIDENT'S character—seeing
that some eight millions of Republicans will by that
time have been enabled, by universal suffrage and by
secret voting, to declare their real views in regard to
LOUIS NAPOLEON'S Government.

The first case under the recent statutes—the Law
of Evidence Amendment Act, and the Criminal Law
Amendment Act—was yesterday tried at the Old
Bailey, and terminated in the acquittal of the de-
fendant. The Anti-Reformers will doubtless refer
to this decision as illustrating the evils of the new
system, and affording a strong argument against the
admissibility of the testimony to parties to
suits. They will say that a man now found
to be innocent of the offence laid to his
charge, in whose favour the jury returned a verdict
of " not guilty," was held to bail—exposed not only
to disgrace, but also to the expense and annoyance of
an indictment at the Central Criminal Court upon
inadequate grounds—and that therefore the causes
that led to a result so untoward must be radically
wrong. Whatever had been the issue of the trial,
they would have arrived at - a similar conclusion. If
there had been a conviction they would have de-
plored the strong temptation to perjury, which in-
duced a person wilfully and deliberately to swear to
the truth of a statement which he well knew to be
utterly unfounded in fact. On the acquittal of the
party they will equally lament the great annoyances
and ruinous expense to the innocent.—Utrum horum
movie acci pe, either event will be equally acceptible
to the dissentients, for ou either they can equally
found an argument against the obnoxious measure.
Now, with all due submission to the malcon-
tents, and recognising to the utmost extent the ne-
cessity of affording full protection to every British
subject, we cannot conceive how the case of Mr.
ASPLIN, above alluded to, can be cited as in any
degree favourable to their views—as establishing
either the impolicy of receiving the evidence of parties,
or of authorising the presiding judge to commit for
trial a witness whom he believed to have
prevaricated, or tampered with the solemn
obligation he had taken to tell the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth. On the latter
point we may observe that such a power had always
existed—that every judge had, as a magistrate, full
authority to commit a witness whom he believed to
have been guilty of perjury for that grave offence.
The power was not often exercised ; in many instances
where it was manifest that a witness had
not told the truth, he was permitted to
leave the court, owing to the technical
difficulties that attended a trial fur perjury. These
impediments and obstructions to the course of justice
have been greatly, if not altogether, smoothed away
under the provisions of the Bill which received the
legislative sanction during the past session. The
expense of a prosecution directed by a judge was
' also provided for, so that persona guilty of one of the
most formidable offences—striking at the very
root of the administration of justice might not escape
with impunity. The salutary power, which had been
permitted to fall into desuetude, was thus resuscitated,
and we anticipate the most beneficial effects from its
operation.

The mere acquittal of the party does not show that
the committal was unjustifiable or uncalled for. All
the presiding magistrate has to ascertain is,
that there is a fair prima facie case demanding
full investigation. It would be strange indeed, if he
should be supposed to have committed an error in
every case where a conviction was not obtained. It
must not be forgotten that a jury deciding on a cri-
minal indictment are bound to give the benefit of any
reasonable doubt to the party on trial. They do not,
es in a civil case, decide according to the weight
of evidence. They are constantly reminded
of the well-known adage, that it is better that ninety-
❑ine guilty men should escape than that one innocent
man should unjustly be convicted; and we be-
lieve that in the great majority of cases—
would that we could say in all—the jurors faithfully
discharge the arduous and important duties confided
to their charge. If they were merely to register
the opinions of any man, however exalted—
to return a verdict of guilty in every case where a
judge of the superior courts had been concerned—
they would abdicate their constitutional functions, and
transfer them to other hands. In the case under notice
no person can say that the Nisi Prius jury were wrong
in their decision ; that Baron MARTIN was
in error in committing for trial; or the
jury at the Old Bailey in acquitting
the party. The line of defence adopted would go
far to justify all parties ; for the learned and ta-
lented counsel for the defendant admitted that
his client had made some incorrect state-
ments, although he denied the corrupt
motives of which he was accused. The exemplary
character which the prisoner received from many re-
spectable witnesses had, no doubt, its due weight, and
must have influenced the jurors in their decision.
Under all the circumstances, then, we cannot see how
the case of Mr. ASPLIN can justify any well-founded
argument against the new law.

ROYAL COMMJSSIOI,I TO MR. WILLIAM WYLD, TILE
PAINTER.—We are informed that her Majesty has been gra-
ciously pleased to command Mr. William Wyld, of London
and Paris, to paint a view of the town of Manchester; and
we understand that Mr. Wyld is now here for that purpose.
We believe the point of view will be from Kersal Moor. Mr.
Wyld has also received a commission from her Majesty to
paint a view of St. George's-hall, Liverpool, on which he will
commence when he has completed the view of Manchester.—
Manchester Guardian.

TESTIMONIAL TO THE MAYOR OF SOUTHAMPTON.-
The subscriptions to this testimonial, which consists of a
magnificent service of plate, supplied by Mr. H. Abraham, of
the High-street, amount to 46.1. This testimonial will be
presented to his Worship on Thursday evening next—his
birthday—at the Town-halL

DEATH OT GEORGE DONALD.—We regret to notice
the death of this clever but wayward and ill-starred genius.
Donald began his career as a cotton-spinner, and cultivated
Scottish poetry with no inconsiderable success. Some of his
poetical compositions have long been well known to our
fellow-citizens, and have even gained a permanent place for
the writer in the niche of Scottish poetry. We believe that
several of them will be found in that admirable treasure of
the Scottish muse, entitled " Whistlebinkie," and published
by Mr. Robertson, Trongate. Poor Donald wanted only
steady sobriety and perseverance, and perhaps a more liberal
education, to have gained for him a very respectable place in
the literary ~annals of his country. He was truly the
" Glasgow Unfortunate," which he styled himself; but his
misfortunes, we fear, were generally brought upon him by
his own imprudence. Prior to his death on Monday last, at
the age of 51, he had been suffering nearly a twelvemonth
from a severe cold, which, about two months ago, occasioned
hemorrhage of the lungs, and from that time he continued
in a state of extreme weakness till his death. He has left a
family to deplore his loss.—Glasgow Post.
At the sixteenth annual meeting of the National
Provident Institution, yesterday, the report stated that the
nammonubnert
ofto IdBe,a4t9hBsl.
minNber of policies issued in the year ending on the 20th of
November was 1,`:31, on which the annual premiums
during et otthael incomeyearhiassnboweenlB99,27, and 0/. Thento
claimsien paid 46,8361. The balance of receipts over disburse-
was 114,623/, increasing the invested capital to
the
738,492/:.
DEATH OF TUB PROVOST OF TRINITY COLLEGE.—
DcBLIN, Mormi.v.—The Rev. Dr. Sadleir, Provost of Tri-
nity College, died at nine o'clock last night, at the Provost's
house, in then University. He had been in declining health
for some wee ks, but his illness was not considered serious.
The apointa tent of a successor rests with the Government.
ohceThe forth 2,00/. per annum,

TU

AY

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We hswe received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Ordre appeared yesterday for the first tune
since the 2,1 December. It has no leading article,
and announces that it shall abstain from comment-
ing on passing events until peace shall have been re.
established.

The following letter from Count D AIONTALEisi•
BERT appears in the Univers:—

" Paris, Dec. 12.
" Sir,—l receive each day letters consulting me on
the proper course to follow in present circumstances, and
particularly as to the ballot, which commences on the
20th inst., in order to respond to the appeal made by
the President of the Republic to the French people. It
is physically impossible for me to write to each of the
persons who do me the honour to address me, and yet
I should be grieved to reply only by silence, and an ap-
parent indifference to the confidence manifested towards
me, and which has been gained for me by 20 years' poli-
tical struggles in the cause of the Church and of Society.
Permit me to express, through the medium of your jour-
nal, my opinion.
I begin by declaring that the Act of the 2d Decem-
ber has put to flight the whole of the revolutionists, the
whole of the Socialists, and the whole of the bandits of
France and Europe; and that alone is, in my opinion,
a more than sufficient reason for all honest men to
rejoice, and for those who have been most mortified
to console themselves. Ido not enter into the ques-
tion as to whether the coup d'etat (which had been
foreseen by every one) could be executed
at another moment, and in another manner: to do so I
should have to go back to the causes which produced it,
and to give my opinion on persons who cannot now
reply to me. I do not pretend to guarantee the future
any more than to judge of the past; I only look at the
present—that is to say, the vote to be delivered on Sunday
week.

" There are three courses open, the negative vote, neu-
trality, and the affirmative vote.
" To vote against Louis Napoleon would be to justify
the Socialist revolutioe, which, for the present at least,
is the only one that can take the place of the actual
Government. It would be to invite the Dictatorship of
the Reds in place of the Dictatorship of a Prince who
has rendered for three years incomparable services to
the cause of order and Catholicism. It would be (ad-
mitting the most favourable and the least probable hypo-
thesis) to re-establish that Tower of Babel which people
called the National Assembly, and which, in spite of the
distinguished and honourable men it counted in such
great numbers, was profoundly divided in the midst of
peace and legal order, and which—there is no doubt of
the fact—would be powerless in presence of the formi-
dable crisis we are exposed to.
"To abstain from voting would be to belie all our
antecedents; it would be to fail in the duty we have
always recommended and fulfilled under the Monarchy
of July as under the Republic; it would be to abdicate
the mission of honest men at the very moment that mis-
sion is the most imperative and the most beneficial.
I highly respect the scruples which may suggest to many
honourable minds the idea of abstaining. But I know
also that great politicians, who otherwise are unscru-
pulous, and who, after having brought us to the point
we now are—after having condemned us to the loss of
all our liberties by the abuse they have made of them, or
allowed to be made of them, now come and preach to
us that we must make a vacuum round the Government:
I respect scruples; I protest against tactics. I can con-
ceive nothing more immoral or more stupid. I defy
any many alive to justify such conduct to his conscience
or to history. History will tell how all France, after the
ignoble surprise of the 24th February, recogniz el the
authority of the men of the Hotel de Ville, because
they offered a chance of escape from the abyss that
they themselves had opened. Let those chivalrous
persons—if any such there are—who in 1848 protested
against the destruction of Royalty—against the brutal
expulsion of the two Chambers—against the disarming
of the army—against the usurpation of every branch of
the Government—against the violation of every law—let
such persons, I repeat, claim the right to protest, and to
abstain from voting—l have no objection. But I refuse
to recognize such a right in any one of those who sent
representatives to take the places of the deputies hunted
from their benches by a horde of barbarians—to any of
those who themselves sat there, and who sat to proclaim
that the Provisional Government had merited well of the
country; and to vote for the banishment of the House of
Bourbon! The conscience that accepted such a yoke,
for fear of something worse, cannot surely feel any seri-
ous difficulty in confirming the Power that restored order
and security in 1848, and which can alone preserve us
from anarchy in 1852.
" The instinct of the masses is no more led astray now
than then. Louis Napoleon will be in 1852, as in 1848,
the elect of the nation. Such being the case, I believe
there is nothing more imprudent, I may say nothing
more insane, for men of religious feelings, and men
of order, in a country like ours, than to put them-
selves in opposition with the wishes of the nation,
when those wishes mean nothing contrary to the
law of God, or to the fundamental conditions of Society.
There are far too many amongst us—men worthy of re-
spect—whose policy seems to be to act quite in opposi-
tion to the general opinion. When this country went
mad for liberty and Parliamentary institutions, those
same men appealed to the absolute rights of Royalty ;
now that it is for the moment hungering for silence,
calm, and authority, the same men would impose the so-
vereignty of the tribune and of discussion. If ever the
country demand Monarchy, the men I allude to will be
condemned by such conduct to the perpetuation of the
Republic.
4" For those men who boldly declare that there is but
one sole right in political affairs, and that Franco can
only be saved by one principle, I can, strictly speaking,
understand the possibility of abstaining, provided these
men also abstained in 1818. But for us, Catholics above
all, who have always prefemd that religion and society
co-exist with all foraes of Government that do not ex-
clude reason and the Catholic faith, I am unable to find
a motive that can justify or excuse our voluntary anni-
hilation. . _

✓
" I now come to the third course, viz, the affirma-
tive vote. Now, to vote for Louis Napoleon, is not
to approve of all he has doge; it is only to choose hi-
tween him and the total ruin of France. It does not
mean that his Government is the one we prefer to any
iitn pisarion34llY to say that we prefer a Prince who
of resolution and of ability to those
otherbae
gve
who giving their proofs of murder
and arepillagaet.thllst I?lomisnoetntto confound the Catholic cause
with that of a party or a family—it is to arm the tem-
poral power—the only power possible at this day—with
the necessary strength to vaaquisb the army of crime, to
defend our churches, cur homes, our wives, against those
who respect nothing; who aim at the coat, who aim at
the proprietor, and whose bullets do not spare the priest.
It is not to sanction beforehand the errors or the faults
that a Government—fallible as every earthly institution
is—may commit; it is to entrust to the Chief, that the
nation once chose for itself; the right of preparing a
Constitution which will certainly be not more dangerous,
or more absurd, than that which 900 representatives,
elected in 1848, bestowed on France, and against which
I had the happiness to vote. I may add that by return-
ing to the unity of power, without excluding the checks
which are the first necessity of every Government, we
get over the most
.difficult part of the way to a real social
restoration—that of ideas and of morals.
I have just perused the lines you permitted me to
oeUthneive2r7stll .of February, la4B—three days
i
as a rallying cry to our brothers
yt'
sudden fall of the throne. I find there these
afteri o insert
d i dismay,
tm h i n
ee
the
planted exclusive of, and
intact—the Catholic cause,
such as we have ever defended it, is identified with no
power, with no human cause. This sovereign indepen-
awboor
above
all
p' Tablei t
ibcaanl banner
opinions, we
have
i
indepen-
dence of religious interests will aid French Catholics in
comprehending and accepting the new social phase on
which we enter. None have a right to abdicate 1' I
have nothing to add to, or take from, these words. I
beileve they are quite as suited to the day after that
which has been the revanche of the Army and of Autho-
rity against the revolution of the 24th of February.
Observe, that I do not advocate absolute confidence
or unlimited devotedness. I give myself unreservedly
to no one. I profess no idolatry—neither that of the
force of arms, nor that of the reason of the people. I
limit myself to the search of possible good, and to
choose, in the midst of the shocks God visits us with,
that which is least repugnant to the dignity of a Chris-
tian and the good sense of a citizen.
"If Louis :Napoleon were an unknown person, I
should unquestionably hesitate to confer on him such
power and such responsibility. But without entering
into the question of his policy for three years, I do not
forget the great religious acts which have marked his
Government so long as concord existed between the two
powers of the State—the liberty of instruction guaran-
tnd—the Pope re-established by French arms; the
Church restored to its Councils, its Synod to the pleni-
wee of its dignity; the gradual augmentation of its col-
legee, its communities, its works of salvation and of
charity.
" without him I seek in vain for a system, a force
which can secure to us the conservation and develop-
ments of similar benefits. I only behold the wide gulph
of Socialism. My choice is made. lam for authority
against revolt; for preservation against destruction; for
Society against Socialism ; for the possible freedom of
good against the certain liberty of evil; and in the
mighty struggle between the two forces which divide
the world, I believe that in acting thus, I am, as I ever
have been, for Catholicism against revolution.
"Accept, Sir, the assurance of my sympathy,
"CHARLES DE MONTALEMBERT.
The Consultive Commission is definitively com-
posed as follows :
MM. Abbatucci former Counsellor of the Court of
Cessation (Loiret); General Achard (Moselle), Andi
(Seine), Andre (Charente), D'Argout, Governor of the
13aiik of France; General Arrighi de Padoue (Corsica);
d'Audiffret, President of the Court of Accounts;
General de Bar (Seine), General Baraguay d'lliihers
(Doubs); Barbarous, former Attorney-General (Bour-
bon); Baroche, former Minister of the Interior. and
Foreign Affairs, Vice-President of the Commission(Charente); Ferdinand Barrot, former Minister of the
Interior (Seine); Barthe, First President of the Court
of Accounts; Bataille (Haut Vienne); Bavoux, (Smile
Beaumont et Marne), do (Somme), Berard (Lot et
Garonne), Berger, Prefect of the Seine (Puy do Dome),
Bertrand (Yonne), Bidault (Cher), B. igrel (M ill du
Nord), Billault, lawyer, Bineau, former Minister,
(Maine et Loire); Boinvilliers, former Chairman of
the Paris bar (Seine), Boujeau, Attortey-General,
of the Court of Cessation, Boulatignier; Bourbouson
(Vaucluse), Brehier (Manche), deCambaceres (Hubert);
de Cambaceres (Aisne), earlier, former Prefect of Po-
lice; da Casabianca, former Minister (Corsica); General
do Castellane, Genera - -1 in Chief of the Army of Lyons;
de Caulaincourt (Calvados), Vice• Admiral Cecilia (Seine
Inferieure), Chadenet (Meuse), Charlemagne (Indre),
chltssaigne Goyou (i'uy de Dome), General de chime.

DECEMBE

Loup Laubet, (Seine fefeieure); Prosper de Chase( loup
Laubat, former Minister (Charaute Inflorieure), Chaix
d'Est Auge, lawyer; de Chazeiles, Mayor of Clermont
Ferrand (Puy do Dome), Collas (Gironde), De Crou-
seithes, former Minister (Basses Pyrenees), Curial
(Orno), De Cuverville (Cotes du Nord), Dabeaux
(Haute Garonne), Dariste (Basses Pyrenees), Davie],
former Minister ; Delacoste, former Commissary-Ge-
naral in the Rhone; Delejue (Charente li.f6rieure),
Delavan (Indre), Delthell (Lot), Denjoy (Gironde),
Deajobert (Seine Inf‘rieure), Desmaroux (Allier),
Drouyn de Lhuys, former Minister (Seine et
Marne); Dumas, former Minister (Nord); Charles
Dupin (Seine Inferieure), General Burrieu (Landes);
Maurice Daval, former Prefect; Eschasseriaux (Cha-
rente Inferieure), Marshal Exelmans, Grand Chan-
cellor of the Legion of Honour; Fevre (Loire In-
ferieure), General de Flabault, former Ambassador;
Fortoul, Minister of Public Instruction (Basses Alpes);
Achille Fould, Minister of Finance (Seine); Do Four-
ment (Somme), Fouquier d'Herouel (Aisne), Freme
(Yonne), Furtado (Seine), Gase (Haute Garonne), Gas-
londe (Manche), Do Gasparin, former Minister; Ernest
de Girardin (Charente), Augustin Giraud (Nlalue et
Loire), Charles Giraud, former Minister; Godtllo
(Aisne), Goulhot de St. Germain (Manche), General
de Grammont (Loire), Do Grecian (Bourbon), Ge-
neral de Grouchy (Gironde), Halle z Claparede
(Bas Rhin), General d'Hautpoul, former Mi-
nister (Aude), Hebert (Aisne), de Heeckeren (Bus
Rhin), d'fferambault (Pas de Calais) Hermann,
Heartier (Loire), General Musson (Aube), Jan-
vier (Tarn et Garonne), Lscsze (Hautes Pyrenees),
Lacrosse, former Minister (Finistere), Ladoeicette (Mo-
sel e). de la Grange (Gera), de la Grange (Gironde),
General do la lithe, former Minister; Delangle, former
Attorney-General; Lauquetin, President of the Muni-
cipal Commission of Paris; do Laribois,iere (Ille et
Vilaine), General ',tact Aine, Commander-in-Chief of
the National Guard of Paris; Lebeuf (Seine et Marne),
General Lebreton (Eure et Loire), Le Comte (Yonne),
Le Couto (Cotes du Nord), Lefevro Duruff6, Minister of
Commerce (Eure); Lelut (Haute Saone), Lemarois
(Manche), Lemercier (Charente), le quien (Pas de
Calais), Lestiboudois (Nord), Levavasseur (Seine Ini
rieure); Leverrier (Manche), Lfzay de Marnesia (Loir
et Cher), General Magnan, Commander-in-Chief of the
Army of Paris; Magne, Minister of Public Works;
Maigne (Dordogne), Merchant (Nord), Mathieu Bedet
(Charente), de Maupas, Prefect of Police; de Merode
(Nord), Mesnard, President of a Chamber of the Court
of Cessation; Meynadier, former Prefect (Lozere);
Mimerel (Nord); Monin, the Senior Mayor of Pats;
do Montaienabert (Doubs); do Morny, Minister of the
Interior (Puy de Dome 6); Henri de Mortemare (Seine)
Inferieure), Colonel de la Moskowa (Moselle), de Mote-
chy (Oise), de Moustier (Doubs), Lucien Murat (Lot),
Odier, Regent of the Bank of Fiance; General d'Orneno
(Indro ei Loire); de Parieu, former Minister (Centel);
Pascalis, Judge of the Court of Cessation; General
Pelet (Arie4e) Pepin Lehalleur (Seine et Marne), de
Persigny (Nord), do Plancy (Oise), Plichon, Mayor of
Arras (Pas de Calais), Portal's, First President of the
Court of Cessation; Pougerard, Mayor of Rennes (file
and Vilaine), General de Preval de Ranc4 (Algeria), Ge-
neral Bandon, former Minister and Governor-General of
Algeria; General R. gnaud de St. Jean d'Angely, former
Minister (Charente Infeiieure); Renouard de Bussi4res
(Bas Rhin); Renouard (Lezelre); General Roge; Rou-
, her, Minister of Jtbeice (Puy de Dome), de Royer,
former Minister; General do St. Arnaud, Minister
of War; de St. Arnaud, lawyer; do Salts (Moselle),
Sapey (Le •e), Schneider, former Minister; de Segur
d'Agaesseau (Hautes Pyrenees), Seydoeix (Nord),
Thayer, Director-General of the Post-office); Thieuel-
len (Cotes du Nord), de Thorigny, former Minister;
Toupot de Beveaux (Haute Marne) Tourangin, former
Prefect; Troplong, first President of the Court of Ap-
peal of Paris; de Turgot, Minister for Foreign Affairs;
Marshal Vaillant, Vaisse, former Minister (Nord), de
Vaudeul (Haute Marne), General Vast-Vimeux (Cha-
rente Inferieure), Vauchelle, Mayor of Versailles);
Viard (Mourthe), Veillard (Manche), Veuillefroy ;
Vuitry, Under Secretary of State in the Ministry of
Finance; do Wagram.
The members of the Council whose names are fol-
lowed by the mention of the departments all belonged
to the late National Assembly.
The Ultramontane clergy are taking a very active
part in politics, and are using all their influence in
favour of LOUIS NAPOLEON. The Bishop of
CHARTRES (the M'LIALE of France) has addressed the
following letter to the clergy :

" Chartres, DEC. 12.
" Monsieur le Curb,—Weigh most maturely the ad-
vice contained in this communication, and which I
strongly recommend you to follow. On the 20th and
21st of this month. the French people will decide if
Louis Napoleon is to be for ten years President of our
country. The yes or no inscribed on each ;citizen's
bulletin will decide that most important point. In-
fluenced by your own views, and still more by
love for your country, of which Jesus Christ has
given us the example, you will sign yes, I have
not the slightest doubt. Providence at present gives us
only that mode of safety, for it is evident that, if Bona-
parte was rejected, France would not find any to substi-
tute for him. The people, led away by intrigues and
false suggestions, might make a detestable choice, which
would plunge our country into new and inexpressible
misfortunes. We have escaped the 2d of May, 1852,
which opened to France a frightful abyss, and it would
be senseless to bring back that chance of ruin and death.
All that we have of late learned of the abominations,
horrors, and excesses of the most savage character,
which have taken place are a slight example of the
monstrous things which would have been committed on a
grand scale throughout France, had Socialism triumphed.
You will perceive, Sir, the irresistible force of these
reflections, which must strike all men of common sense,
and to which, I believe, they would not hesitate to
subscribe. I have the honour to be, Sir, with a distin-
guished ccnsiderstion and an inviolable attachment,
your servant,
" k Bishop of Chartres."
The Legitimatists, as a body, are not at all in-
clined to follow the lead of MM. DE MONTALEMIIERT
and DE PALLOU X, and it is supposed that a great
number of them will vote against the re-election of
the PRESIDENT ; the B ERRYER and the L AROC E-
JA4UELIN sections will certainly vote against him.
It is said that the risings in the south have been
Legitimatist, although the authorities endeavour to
represent them as Democratic, in order to bring De•
mocracy into disrepute. The fact that the chief of
the insurgents in the Basses Alper was the Sub-
Prefect DUTROU-BOSNIER, who was appointed to the
office of Sub-Prefect by M. LEON FAucHER, would
seem to prove that whatever might be the nature of
the insurrection it could not, at all events, be consi-
dered either democratic or social.

From the intelligence received yesterday from the
southern departments, it appears that the insurrection
is completely suppressed, the insurgents in the Var
having been defeated in an action in the neighbour-
hood of Aups.
The Caurrier dc Marseilles gives the following
from Dragnignan, 11th :
" We yesterday received the news that the insurgents
had been completely defeated at Aups, and that the
hostages which had been taken had all been given
up. The insurgents were encamped at Aups to the
number of 3,000, and another band, about equal in
number, were on the surrounding heights. The nature
of the ground concealed the advance of the troops. One of
the vedettes of the insurgents fell into the hands of the
gendarmery, who were at the head of the advancing
column. Oa seeing the troops he attempted to run otT
to give the alarm, but was shot. The hostages had been
shut up in a public-house which served as a prison.
Tho insurgents were drawn out on an esplanade in
front of the town, and were being reviewed by their
chief when :the armed force suddenly made their
appearance. The rioters immediately fired, and
their fire was returned by the troops. The gendar-
mery then made a charge, and nearly 60 of the insur-
gonts were killed. The rest fled in all directions, pur-
sued by the troops, and a number of prisoners were
taken. Iu the midst of the gendarmery, and foremost in
the charge, was a young man in plain clothes mounted
on a fine Arabian horse, and who, sabre in hand, fought
with the greatest bravery. It was the young Count de
Colbert, who marched to the deliverance of his lather,
who had been taken by the insurgents, and kept a pri•
soner with the other hostages. The escape of these
persons was almost miraculous. Had not the vedette
been taken these unfortunate men would all have lost
their lives, as orders had been given to hang them, and
posts had been already erected to carry the order
into execution. It appears that the chiefs, as usual,
deserted their followers in the hour of danger. Dint:led,
the chief of the band, disappeared at the moment of the
engagement. Two of the hostages had been wounded,
ono of them rather seriously. Tho troops, with the
prefect at their head, continue in pursuit of the insur-
gents. Order has been completely restored at Brig-
noles; all the revolutionary authorities have fled. The
arrondissement of Grasse is also tranquil. Dr. Pro-
vencal attempted to rally a band at Vence, but it was
driven away, and twelve prisoners taken ; the leader
escaped by swimming across the Var. The gendarmery
have just arrested M. Charles Nicolas Ilennequin, who
resided for two years at St. Raphael, and made himself
notorious by his violent political opinions. He is said
to be a relation of the celebrated advocate."
We read in the Simaphore of Marseilles of Satur-
day The news from the Var and the Basses-
Alpes fortunately causes the end of the disturbance
to be foreseen. It is announced that Digne has been
delivered, after having been some days in the power
of the insurgents. The latter proceeded to Mees,
where an engagement took place. Private letters
speak also of the flight of the insurgents of Manosque,
and represent order to have been re-established.
Numerous arrests had been effected there. The
following telegraphic dispatch was addressed at four
o'clock in the afternoon of the 12th by the Prefect of
Marseilles to the Minister of the Interior :--
"After the combat at the Mees, on the Durance, at
eight leagues from the Digne, with the insurgents for
the latter town, all the insurgents dispersed. Those
who remained at Digne evacuated it. The authority of
the Goverement has been re-established at that place,
with the ;:uppert of the National Guard. The Prefect
must have re-entered it. The two columns which left
Marseilles with cannon must at this moment be there.
Two battalions are marching from Pertuis on Manosque
and Forealquicr, to complete the occupation of the
Basses-Alpes- All then is finishes]. Marseilles and the
department are tranquil. SIILEAU, Prefect."
Generals OUDINOT and LAURIBTON have been re-
leased from their captivity in the fortress of Mont
Valerien.

The Constitutionnel says that the following repre-
sentatives who were confined at Vincennes, Mazas,
and Mont Valerien have also been set •t liberty

16 IFISI.

MM. Arnaud (du Var), Eugeae Sue, Ceyras, Cha-
"mot, Charbonne;u, Chanet, Crerait,ax, Jaios de La -
t6.yrie, Ld,g4rde, Thuriol de la Rosie.re, .Netternent,
HennEquin, Gavaret, Guitier, and Kestner. MM.
Cretan aid DuvergniA! de Hauranne are still con-
fined at Vincennes, and MM. Pascal Duprat, Pisca-
tory, Antony Thouret, Latrade, Emile Pean, Re-
naud and Besse at Mont Valerien.

Several arrests have been made of representatives
and others who held office either under the Provi-
sional Government, or under General CAVAIGNAC ;
among others MM. 13AsTIDE and BucnEz have been
arrested.

A letter from Mentz of the 10th says :—" M.
THIERS arrived here this evening. He had quitted
the prison Mezas on the Saturday, and passed the
Sunday quietly with his family. On Monday he was
informed that he must leave the capital in the even-
ing, and France in 24 hours. M.:THIERS, in conse-
quence, proceeded towards Strasburg. At Nancy,
where he stopped a short time, his carriage and him-
self were kept in sight by a detachment of infantry,
which had received orders to that effect by the tele-
graph. At Kehl, he had a passport delivered to him.
He arrived during the day at Frankfort, and pro-
ceeded here to spend the night. His health does not
appear to be affected. To-morrow he will proceed as
far as Cologne by the steamboat. It is thought that
he does not calculate on remaining on the continent."
The Cologne Gazette of the 11th andounces the
arrival of M. Luxus in that city. It was said that
he was on his way to England.
It is said that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has
intimated to the Belgian Government that France
will not tolerate that the political refugees who have
either been expelled by the French Government or
have escaped from France, shall find an asylum in
the Belgian territory.
A submarine telegraphic dispatch from Paris an-
nounces this morning that the 6th Legion of Na-
tional Guards is dissolved.

A new Bonapartist journal called the Public has
appeared.
The price of public securities continues to rise at the
Bourse without interruption. The Five per Cents.
opened at 100 f., rose to 1021. 60c., and closed at
102 f. 50c. for the end of the month, being a rise of
3f. 15c. as compared with the closing price of Satur-
day. The Three per Cents. closed at 661. 25c.; Or-
leans Railroad Shares, 9771. 50c.; Rouen, 6351.;
Havre, 236 f. 25c.; Great Northern, 498 f. 75c.; Avig-
non, 217 f. 50c.; Vierzon, 4851.; Basle, 1751.; Bor-
deaux, 388 f. 75e.; Paris and Strasburg, 398 f. 75c.;
Tours and Nantes, 2781. 75e.; Amiens to Boulogne,
275 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, DEC. 15.

Boulogne and Amiens, loyi— Central of France (Orleans
and Vierzon), 18,4—Luxembourg, 314—Namur and Liege,
574—Northern of France, 151%—Orleans and Bordeaux, ,0/8
—Paris ar d Orleans, 351/2—Paris and Rouen, 2334—Paris
and Strasbourg, 13'4—Rouen and Havre, 8% —Sambre and
Meuse, 3i/I—Tours and Nante 6%.