The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Reformers of the City of London are setting
an excellent example to the rest. of the kingdom.
James Pattison, Esq., Governor of the Bank of Eng-
land, a staunch Reformer, having consented to become
a candidate, a Meeting of Electors is to take place
this evening, at six for seven o'clock, at the Guildhall
Coffee-house, for the purpose of forming Central and
District Committees, to act unitedly in returning
Matthew Wood, George Grote, William Crawford,
rid James Pattison, Esquires, for the City. We
lave often lamented the want of combination among
Reformers, and the sacrifice of the cause to the
interests of individuals. The Reformers of London
have gone the right way to work in putting an end to
this system, through which Candidates entertaining
the same principles often counteracted the efforts of
ach other, and were even more anxious to see the re-
urn of an opponent than a brother Reformer. The Re-
formers should everywhere set their faces against
separation of committees. It is as easy to return all the
Candidates as one ; and it is of far more importance to
them that the Reform cause should be furthered than
that the vanity of particular individuals should be gra-
tified, by the place that they may occupy on the poll.
No good Reformer would think of neutralizing his
votes for Reform Candidates, by voting also for Anti-
Reform Candidates ; and, as the representation is the
affair of the Electors, and not of the Candidates, they
ought to discourage, whenever they can, the demo-
ralizing practice of encouraging Electors to vote for
men of opposite principles. The Reformers of Lon-
don have given a practical refutation, which cannot
`fail to be understood, of the charge so causelessly and
unjustly made against them by the Tories, at the
City of London Tavern, that they were a miserable
rabble, bent only on the destruction of property
and other mischievous objects. Mr. Pattison (whose
Address will be found in our advertizing columns),
Governor of the Bank of England, and deeply in-
terested, as an extensive trader, in the prosperity
of the City of London, may well be opposed to Mr.
Ward, or any other individual whom the Tories are
now putting forward as candidates. Mr. Pattison
has stated his opinions in a clear and explicit man-
ner. He ,very ably refutes the position, that the Re-
form Bill ought to be deemed a final measure. Were
this position to be admitted, the end for which the
Bill was carried might in time be defeated. The ob-
ject was, the real representation of the people of Eng-
land ; but from the changes which are continually
taking place in a country like this, it is possible
that in the course of even so short a period as twenty
years, villages may become wealthy anmunities, and
many boroughs which escaped schedule A, or escaped
complete destruction in schedule B, may have as little
claim to be represented as Gatton or Old Sarum.
The end must never be sacrificed to the means. The
end of the Boroughmongers was the perpetuation
of their oligarchical ascendancy. The end of
the Reformers is the representation of the peo-
ple in Parliament, through a system of election which
gives the suffrages to electoral bodies possessing an
identity of interest with that of the nation. The people
have, in the great constitutional charter, the means of
preventing, through the application of successive re-
forms, the growth of abuses calculated to defeat their
object. Time has already disclosed several imperfec-
tions in the Reform Bill, and these must be remedied,
in accordance with the principle of that measure. The
great advantage of the Bill, indeed, was, that it gave
to the people the power of commanding all further re-
forms, either organical or administrative, which they
may deem adYantageous or necessary. When the
Tories contend that the Reform Bill ought to be con-
sidered final, they merely apply to it the old argu-
ments for the existence of Old Sarum and Gatton.
Through such a system successive conquests would
no dout be made by them, with the aid of that
great innovator Time, to use the language of Ba-
con, by which the Bill would continually be-
come less efficient for the protection of their inte-
rests. Mr. Pattison, according to the report of the
gentlemen at whose solicitation he has agreed to come
forward as a candidate, is of opinion that the dura-
tion of Parliaments should be shortened, and that
voters should be protected by ballot. In his address
he states that he belongs to the Established Church,
but that he respects the rights of Dissenters, and
wishes to see them relieved from the grievances of
which they complain. He is desirous of a reform of
the abuses which exist in the Church of England ; and
with respect to the Church of Ireland, he is prepared
to support searching measures. On the whole, we
congratulate the City of London on the fair prospect
which it has of being represented by four Reformers,
men of sound principles, and of high character and
respectability. It would be libelling the City, to
doubt the triumph of the good cause. We observe
that the parties who promoted the hole-and-corner
meeting at the City of London Tavern on the 23d
instant, are to meet this day in the same place, " for
the purpose of considering the measures to be taken
to ensure the election of fit and proper persons to re-
present the City of London in Parliament." The
citizens of London know their duty too well, to act
on the recommendation of any such parties.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

As the time draws near to those days of trial when
the country will be called upon to record its opinion by
the return of Representatives to Parliament, we think
it desirable to animate the friends of good order and
good government by pointing out the chances of suc-
cess that await them, and to cheer them on to their
appointed task by indulging in an anticipation of the
result. Looking calmly on the situation of the par-
ties, Conservative and Destructive, into which the
country is at present divided, we easily discover to
which we must ascribe the qualities most necessary to
ensure and to maintain a triumph. We know of no-
thing at the present moment more likely to inspire
confidence than a frequent reference to the names of
the leaders of the respective parties, for there certainly
never was a time in which that great hindrance to the
success of seditions mentioned by Lord Bacon, viz.,
the absence of any fit head or leader of importance, was
more conspicuous than in the case of the Jacobin fac-
tion of the present day. We know too much of the
shrewdness and pride of the people of England, and
the feeling of contempt with which they invariably re-
gard those who have risen to wealth and notoriety by
pandering to the worst passions of humanity, to sup-
.pose that they can be incited to rebellion by the pro-
prietors of gin-temples, or the vapouring authors of
seditious publications. When we consider that such
names as Robespierre, Danton, and Marat left an im-
pression which a thousand years cannot efface,
we can hardly suppose that the lapse of a
single aeneration has been sufficient to enable
the OrConnells, the Fearons, the Bulwers, or
the Stevenses to succeed in their attempt to
rise to power by similar means, and for the same
undisguised end. But other advantages are pos •
sessed by the Conservatives of at nature far mots im-
portant, and which, as they formed he boasted streneh
of the Liberals during the early struggles of the Whig
Government, it would be useless for them now to un-
derrate or to deny. Every man must remember how
the Radical party triumphed in the idea of the support
which his Majesty unflinchingly gave to the Grey Ad-
ministration, and how proudly and truly they daily
echoed the line—
" The King's name is a tower of strength."
Such was indeed the case. Unchanged in purpose,
-the King pursued that path which his conscience dic-
tated ; nor did he falter until all that he had purposed
was completed, all that he had promised was fulfilled.
If fixedness of purpose has thus formed so striking a
feature in the character of our Monarch, now, when
that very boon which the people owe to his firmness is
perverted into an instrument by which the Monarchy
itself is threatened with subversion—now that he has
heard the sufferings of his Royal parent made the sub-
ject for a brutal laugh, and the character of his imme-
diate predecessor assailed by the disgusting ribaldry of
a heartless demagogue—shall we believe that he will
falter in his determination to oppose licentiousness in
the disguise of liberty, and reckless profligacy under
the name of reform ? In short, may not the Conser-
41..frOtyts now re-echo the cry, ". The King's name is a
r-_,-7,--7-fotnerrof strength?" It can scarcely be necessary for
-I,llktd-,irainind the Conservative and patriotic portion of
the British people that the press, the whole of the
fiat press of England, is steadfastly at work in
!,.

their behalf—that press which the Whigs flattered,
and to which they cringed—that press, honoured in
their toasts, apostrophized in their harangues, and
worshipped as the deity which should raise them to
power, and which it was afterwards the object of
their foul conspiracy to crush and to degrade. li.
what point, then, shall we discover the strength
of the movement party—the secret workers of " the
present crisis." Abstractedly it is of small extent ;
but the spirit of Jacobinism has been the stirring
dwarf, the genius of Conservatism the sleeping giant ;
and it is only in latter days that the opponents of the
destructive faction have roused themselves from a
lethargy which threatened to prove fatal to the very
existence of the country—a lethargy from which, per-
haps, they would not yet have arisen, but for the ex-
traordinary infatuation of a portion of the Dissenters
(an infatuation witnessed with dismay by the more
respectable and talented portion of their body), who,
with the view of gaining privileges in the exercise of
their religion, coalesce with a party whose chief object
is the total subversion of the National Church. A
scheme so desperate and profligate could not fail to
arouse the indignant spirit of the country, and thus to
the very means employed for their dertruction it
is more than probable that we shall have to
attribute the preservation of our institutions. In
making these observations we wish to avoid any
appearance of to the Dissenters, amongst
whom there are men who would do honour to any age
or country, but we would tell the more factious portion
of that body, that as we listen not to a man who talks
to us of peace with a knife in his hand, so we believe
not in the religious professions of those who employ
scorners and Atheists as the champions of their claims.
Let them cease to acknowledge the services of the
Humes, the Wades, the Duncombes, the Galloways,
the Grotes, the Wakleys, and the whole tribe of rest-
less demagogues ; let them denounce their seditious
harangues and their turbulent desecrations of the Sab-
bath evening ; and then let them, with a Christian
spirit, unite with their brethren of the Established
Church in the expression of loyalty and the support of
good Government, while at the same time they calmly
assert their claims. We would urge them for their own
sakes to beware lest in despoiling the altar the crucifix
be broken, and in seeking to throw open the gates of the
citadel, they themselves be borne down by the impe-
tuous rush of its invaders —Morning Post.
The great argument which some of our more vio-
lent contemporaries of the Press used to rely upon
during the Reform-Bill excitement, when they condes-
cended to deviate from inflammatory appeals into any
thing like argument, was that the passing the Bill
into law would give such efficiency to the representa-
tive system, as the organ of the national will, that it
would no longer be of the least consequences from what
party the Crown chose its Ministers, because they must
conform to the national will, legitimately expressed in
Parliament, or throw up the reins of a Government which
they would find it impossible to carry on. Well—the
Reform Bill is now the law of the land, and the people
are gravely told, by the same authorities, that it can
only become of the least value by giving a perpetuity of
power to the Whigs ; so that, upon the- showing of the
Whig Journalists, the Reform Bill was only an instru-
ment of factious power, devised by one political party to
crush a rival party, and establish themselves in the pos-
session of place and its emoluments for ever I What a
libel on the Reform Bill, to say that it is worth nothing
unless as a means of binding both the Sovereign and
the people in the indissoluble chains of a Whig oli-
garchy ! Even gold may be bought too dear, and we
should think even reform would be purchased too dear
at such a price. It was our task to advocate the ne-
cessity of substantial relief to the industrious classes
of our countrymen, whether belonging to the manufac-
turing, the commercial, or agricultural interests, under
the Duke of Wellington's Government, as we at pre-
, sent do under that of Sir Robert Peel. Now, if the
industrious classes ask what practical good the Whigs
did for them, it would not be easy to give an answer.
The Duke of Wellington, in his Administration, made
the great mistake, which we endeavoured to correct, of
supposing that the agricultural interests were in a state
of advancing prosperity. He relied upon documents—
as Mr. Huskisson' did, when he attempted to prove,
by Parliamentary papers, that the shipowners, whose
interests, owing to his fatal measure of breaking down
the navigation laws, were rapidly going to ruin, had
actually improved, and were then in a most flourishing
condition I The Whigs were under the necessity of
acknowledging the unexampled distress of the agricul-
turists, yet they did nothing for their relief. We must
qualify our assertion on recollecting that the " honest"
Lord Althorp emancipated shepherds' dogs from the
tyranny of the tax-gatherer. This was his munificent
boon to the farmer, independently of his " boon to
the female population," which emancipated certain
licentious poachers, whose game is female virtue, from
the obligation of supporting their own offspring.
The Whigs also to escape the persecution of the peti-
tions of the ruined shipowners, granted a Commit-
tee to inquire and report upon their case ; but when
they found that the Committee were of opinion that a
case of grievous distress had been made out by evi-
dence, and that it was intended to report in favour of a
repeal of that legislative fraud called the Reciprocity
Act, they contrived to prevent any report being made,
and so evinced how sincere was their intention of re-
lieving the shipowners. Such was the conduct of
political tricksters, not of Statesmen. Why, then,
should the country desire to be governed by a Whig
oligarchy ? Their last great labour=the labour of a
Session in which all measures of real improvement and
amelioration were pushed aside—was the Malthusian
Bill. In foreign policy they reduced England to a
lower state of influence among the nations of Europe
than it had been reduced to, since the time that the
corrupt and imbecile Government of Charles 11.
leagued with France against Holland. Keeping all
these things in mind, Mr. T. Attwood says, " They
(the Whig Ministers) have given us internal misery
and foreign shame—they have made a mockery of the
sufferings of the people, and hardened their hearts
against the prayers of the poor." If other Ministers
do not act better, let them share the same fate.--Morn-
inff Herald.

In a recent number we threw out some remarks foe
the consideration of such of the Whigs and their ad-
herents as were, and are, capable of calmly considering
anything ; the direct object of our suggestions being to
show them what a precipice was that on the brink of
which they stood, and to pray that they would, by an
instantaneous change of course, save themselves and
their party from destruction. It is by no means certain
that the persons to whom that warning was addressed
appreciated our arguments, or put a charitable con-
struction upon our motives ; but their disregard of
wholesome counsel would scarcely deprive a plain
truth of its importance, nor would their blindness to
an imminent danger make their own position more
secure. We cautioned them against that junction
with people hitherto called Radicals, but now assuming
the more politic and melodious nick-name of " Re-
formers," for which many of the more infatuated among
the Whigs !hernselves have cried aloud, and their fol-
lowers almost w;thout exception. In that junction,
directed against the Coriervative Government, and in-
tended for its overthrow, lies, in our firm opinion, the
speedy and final ruin of the Whigs—of
real reform
party—of the Conservatives—of neutrals, if there he any
—of the agricultural interest—of the monied interest—
of the Church—of the Crown—of the no-longer-united
kingdom—and of that, ill-fated constitution itself, which
appears in some men s eyes of no sort of use, but as
a subject for experiment no less hazardous than would
be the attempt of a schoolboy to take to pieces the en-
tire movement of the most delicate chronometer, or
that of a monkey to 'spy into the, muzzle of a 12-
pounder after applying a match to the touch-hole.
That the Radicals would be irrecoverableity victims of
their own triumph is as sufelts that despotism in some
shape or other, for the most part military
has never failed to follow that ednfusion for which
force presents the accessible and natural remedy. Even
the subjugation and political extinction of that per-
verse crew—the Radicals themselves—ought to be de-
plored, since numbers of them, we believe, are honest
fanatics ; but as such men are not to be reclaimed by
any reasonings based upon respect for the monarchy, or
love of old national institutions, we would transfer our
appeal from them to their Whig partners, whom they

cling to while the battle rages that in the moment of
victory they may crush and devour them. The
Whigs, then, are galloping on to their own death ;
they fancy there is but one misfortune worth lamenting
-namely, the expulsion from office ; that there is but
Danger worth being secured against—that of a
non-return to office, and that all means are lawful, all
confederates valUable, through which the walls of
Downing-street can once more be stormed, even at
the after sacrifice of every thing for which the
siege has been undertaken—even though their
treacherous allies should cut the throats of the Whig
garrison, or set fire to the magazines and blow the
whole fortress into the air. The views of those two
uncongenial factions ought to be clearly set before the
people of England. The party of the late Ministers
flatter themselves that they can use the Radicals
as instruments for their own advantage. So be
it—the Whigs succeed the Conszrvatives. But on
whom they are afterwards to lean for support ? They
are not of themselves sufficiently numerous to com-
mand a majority of the whole house. They must
contemplate, therefore, a continuance of their league
with the Destructives. If they do, no doubt the lat-
ter will listen to their overtures—no doubt they will
be ,ready to enter upon terms, and their ultimatum is
already resolved upon—universal suffrage, vote by
ballot, annual Parliaments, separation of Church and
State, abolition of the prerogative of creating Peers,
equitable adjustment ! Will that suffice ? The next
Whig Minister, whoever he may be, must swal-
low the whole of this group of monsters, horns,
tusks, and claws. Then, are the Whig noblemen
and gentlemen, let us ask, prepared for such degra-
dation ? Will they not from stupidity become Destruc-
tives ? On the other hand, the Radicals are sure of
their game. They bribe the Whigs with place,
and reimburse themselves with power. Let us ask,
therefore, the entire Whig party, from Lord
Grey down to the lowest private secretary among them,
whether they might not make for themselves more
palateable conditions than these—whether they might
not hope to negotiate conditions far better for the
country, and eventually far more advantageous for
themselves, with those who would preserve the Con-
stitution than with its sworn destroyers ? Democrats
are cruel taskmasters. Their measures are sweeping.
They mow down all that waves above their own
imagined level. They acknowledge no good in what
exists, nor evil in that whieh still remains unexecuted.
Restlessness is the motive of the least corrupt of their
community, and disturbance the means of one, and
all. And these are not chimeras coined by our dis-
eased apprehension. There is not a day but teems
with demonstration of the gulf which stands yawning
for the Whig Aristocracy, and towards which they and
their followers are blindly rushing. There is scarcely
an address from Radical candidates to the constituents
whom they court, or from such constituencies to
those whom they would enslave under the form
of electing them their members, which does not breathe
havoc to our most respected institutions. Seats arc still
put up to auction, not frequently, as before, for money,
but the price is paid in kind, in measures of wholesale
subversion. Once more, therefore, we would conjure
the Whig leaders to pause for an instant, and let that
pause be now. They are but saddling themselves and
their country with a weight which neither will in the
:eiuel be able to shake off. They vainly—fatally—
presume that in case of the Conservative Administra-
tion being discomfited by the joint effort of "all classes
of Reformers," the next Whig government will be
suffered to open the book of domestic policy at the
same page whereat the last Whig Government closed
it. A new leaf is already turned over—it is that en-
titled " Revolution." From a little pamphlet of a
dozen pages we extract the following passage :
" The King, in the constitutional exercise of his Royal pre-
rogative, has ' resorted to other counsellors for advice,' and
already is the liberty of his Majesty to select his Ministers
from whatsoever class of public men he may judge best quali-
fied to promote the true happiness and prosperity of his people,
questioned and gainsaid ; and the dictum of the falsely called
Reformers, but in reality Destructives, is that to one sec-
tion, and to one section alone, of public men,' shall his Ma-
jesty give his confidence, or the nation look for benefits.
" Is this a state of things that can continue to exist, or
prove compatible with the welfare and tranquillity of the
people ?
" And now, my Lord, the momentous question to be an-
swered is this—will your Lordship, seeing that the crisis is ar-
rived when it must be decided whether the working of the
Reform Bill is to be for good or for evil—will your Lordship,
I ask, quietly look on and wait the impending issue ?—or
will you declare to the people, whom you have been the chief
instrument in admitting to the privilege they possess,
bow wide, how important, how vital, is the difference
between the use and the abuse, the prostitution and
the moral exercise, of the means put into their hands ?
Will your Lordship passively behold the electors of this king-
dom, now that the last cast of the Monarchy is impending on
the die about to be thrown, paving, broad and firm, the high-
way over which the future inroads upon their present liberties
are to be conducted ; or will you tell them timely to beware
how they wield the engine they possess to their own de-
struction? Will you -countenance--and I warn you, my Lord,
that if you do not speak out you will afford your countenance
and support to them—the return to the new Parliament of men
who have already declared that with particular individuals whom
his Majesty has been pleased to call to his councils, they will
wage uncompromising and bitter hostility? Will you advocate
by your silence the tolerance, the spread of such principles, or
will you at once declare, that to enlist in such a cause is to level
a blow at our fairest liberties, our most venerated institutions ?'
Times.

Our readers will be delighted to learn that the City
is determined, for this coming election at least, to have
its own sentiments represented—that is, to have four
liberal representatives, and no Tory 1 The present
three liberal candidates are unexceptionable in every
respect—the fourth, Mr. Pattison, who now conies
forward, is no less so. The rashness and presumption
of the anti-reformers in putting forward Mr. Ward,
and thus provoking a contest, has, we must say, been
met by the Liberals in a just and proper spirit, and
we doubt not, from the assurances which have been
already tendered, that Mr. Pattison will come in with
triumphant colours. He is a gentleman well known
in the Ciry, and well calculated by his steady and
consistent support of the cause of Reform, to do
honour to the City by his election. " Though not
a party man, says Mr. Pattison, " I am a Whig
in principle, and shall always be found an unflinch-
ing Reformer, being prepared to carry the spirit of
Reform, wherever it can be beneficially applied, in
Church and State. I cordially approved of the Re-
form Bill, and gave to it the best support in my power.
I cannot, however, admit that this ought to be a final
and irrevocable settlement of that constitutional ques-
tion." And this is enough for us, as it ought to be
enough for all Reformers ; but Mr. Pattison goes far-
ther in a subsequent -part of his address, and adds,
that when he considers " the component parts of Sir
It. Peel's Administration, together with the speeches
and declarations made at the Mansion-house, there is
no other course open to him, but that of declaring his
eetermined opposition to the present Ministry." It is
needless to add more. Mr. Pattison deserves, and
ought to have, the vote of every Liberal in the City.
He stands forward on sound principles, and it will be
a disgrace to the City electors if they allow a Tory to
slip in instead of him.—Morning Advertiser.
In this day's Times will be seen a document for
which one class at least of politicians are probably but
little prepared ; yet, it is the work of their own hands,
cr, more strictly, of their own lungs ; and the Destruc-
tives of the city have none but themselves to thank for
it. Twenty-four of our columns (one entire sheet) are
filled with the Address to his Majesty, agreed upon
at the great Conservative city meeting of last Tuesday,
with the signatures of boweep and 6,000
persons, 1N,..1`.0_ ?lave all affixed thereto their natnos and
addresses, in approbat:sn of the :sentiments which it
embodies, and of their resolution to uphold the• Royal
prerogative by " every means in their power." liaa
the seditious and revolutionary clanlOtirqr4 0f that
meeting permitted those who attended it to emiress
their opinions, and to signify their votes ill the manner
known to most assemblies of eiviliged meth the
vast Conservative majority would have been well
content to leave the matter to the issue of such a trial,
and would have saved their assailants the mortification
and despair into which this memorable record of the
damning truth must plunge Om-g.s When it is attested
by evideace of which there can be no refntation, an 4
from which the Destructives will vainly attempt to
flinch, that the political feeling which on the day in
question, was drowned by the savage howlings of Es
multitude, organized and tutored for disturbance, is that
of the great mass of affluence, intelligence, and inde-
pendent principle which constitutes the commercial

world of London, it would, we believe, be impossible
to find in possession of the same number of individuals
in this metropolis, and therefore in Great Britain,
which is equivalent to saying on the whole earth be-
sides, such a weight of disposable capital, or such an
authority and force of character, as is here concentrated.
Let Messrs. Grote and Fearon muster their bands, if
they be able, and produce an array like this. How it
may tell upon the approachiag election for the city, or
for the neighbouring boroughs, it is not for us to pro-
nounce, but an extensive moral effect throughout the
kingdom we are not afraid of anticipating ; and when
the nature and quality, and claims to deference, of the
army of enlightened loyalists who have here come for-
ward are considered, it may be truly said, that if they
do not powerfully influence the general returns to Par-
liament, and if they and others of their class be not
adequately represented in the House of Commons about
to be chosen, the elective franchise will prove itself to
have been grossly abused, or most unfairly distributed.
It is indeed incredible that the commercial body
throughout England should not entertain and act upon
a lively sympathy with their London brethren, who
have now thrown themselves into the breach to repel
the invasion of headlong violence and political anarchy,
the total overthrow of public credit, and the exposure
.of industry, civil liberty, property, and life, to destruc-
tion in the same storm by which the monarchy and its
attendant institutions are doomed to perish.— Times.