The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-19 00:00:00

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

(FROM LLOYD'S.)
DEAL, Nov. 18.—Wind N. to E., light breezes.—Arrived
from the river and sailed the Surrey, Veale, for Sidney ;
' Sherbourne Warren, for Bombay; David, Clarke, for Cal-
cutta; and London, Arman, for Jamaica. Arrived and re-
mains the Union, Motram, from New York for Hull.
PORTSMOUTH, Nov. 18. —Wind E. N. E.

PLYMOUTH, Nov. 17—Wind N.W.—Arrived his Majesty's
silip Buffalo, from New Zealand—sailed the 26th June, and
Rio Janeiro the 11th September.
FALMOUTH, Nov. 17.—Wind N. to N. IV., fresh.—Arrived
off port the Spitfire steamer, from the Mediterranean—mail
not up.
LIVERPOOL, Nov. 17.—Arrived the Crown, Courman, from
Calcutta—sailed the 24th June, and St. Helena the 26th Sep-
tember ; Guernsey, Lily, from Monte Video ; Maria, Jack-
son, from Quebec ; Blackallen, Blackallen, from Marseilles ;
and Aliquis, M`Fee, from Bombay—sailed the 6th July, Mau
ritius the sth August, and St. Helena the 24th September.
BRISTOL, Nov. 18.—Arrived the Mary Ann, from St.
Pctersburgh.
WHITEHAVEN, Nov. 17. The Nimble, Colbeck, from
hence to Liverpool, which was on shore at Harringdon, has
been got off without damage, and proceeded on the 15th inst.
PENZANCE, Nov. 17.—The Speculator, Ribould, was hove
off the beach this morning, after discharging part of the
cargo.

The Committee of Lloyd's has been favoured with the fol-
lowing communication from the Admiralty :
" Two vessels have been ordered, should the East wind
continue, to proceed to sea with water and provisions, to re-
lieve any of the homeward-bound ships detained in the chops
of the Channel."

It is a singular circumstance, and one which has not
yet been noticed, nor perhaps should we have thought of it
unless the fact that a bet of a thousand pounds has been de-
cided by it, that the Duke of Wellington's Ministry was
keaten in the House of Commons on the 15th of November
1830, and Lord Melbourne's Ministry was dissolved on the
14th of November, 1834. 4,bct of a thousand poupds was
laid by a Nobleman well known in the political and sporting
worlds, that the Whi,,,,,rs would not hold office four years. He
has singularly enough lost, the division upon the Civil List
took place on Monday night, or, as the umpires say, on
Tuesday morning, the dth of November, 1830, on which
day, a few hours later, the Duke resigned. Lord Melbourne's
Ministry was, to all intents and purposes, put an end to before
twelve o'clock on the 14th of November, 1834, but the King
being at Brighton, the Ministers had no opportunity of giving
up the Seals until Monday, the 17th. This is close running,
and if the spirit of the wager, farther than the letter, had been
consulted, the " backer-out" would have been the winner.
We mention the circumstance merely to exhibit the coincidence
of dates.—Morning Post.

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 19, 1834.

Once again—as during the stormy season of Re-
form, when, it may be remembered, we were among the
first to take the field, and the last to quit it—we call
on our countrymen to brace their nerves, and husband
all their energies for the crisis that is hourly drawing
nearer. The present is as the night before a great
battle destined to decide the fate of empires, and should
be spent in thoughtful, incessant watching. The ori-
flamme of Toryism is unfurled. Up then with the
banner of Constitutional Liberty. Let the Reformers
lay aside all their differences. Let Liberal shake
hands with Radical, bearing this in mind, that the
triumph of the ducal faction will be equally de-
structive to the best interests of both. A WELLING-
TON Administration once in the ascendant, and adieu
to Municipal Reform—adieu to Church Reform—
adieu to Triennial Parliaments—adieu to every im-
provement in our Institutions which we have been
labouring for so many years to accomplish We say
this advisedly, for, however it may profess to the con-
trary, Toryism—that Toryism, we mean, which has
been advocated by the Duke and his subalterns up to
the present moment—is, and must be, from its very
nature, unchangeable. The leading principle of ita
system is, to halt. The ground-work of its creed is,
that the people are always in the wrong. It sets its
face against all movement as unnecessary—against all
Reform as vulgar. It swears by the Powers that be.
It has no notion of any other Power. Propel it onwards,
though it be but a few yards, this day, and you shall find
it creeping and wriggling back to its old position to-

morrow.

And are men holding principles like these to be
henceforth our rulers ? Have we been labouring all
day in the field, in order that the Duke of WELLING-
TON may come in, at the eleventh hour, and
reap the harvest of our toil ? Have we won Reform,
in order that he may neutralize the blessing ? Are
we to halt now, and gape and look foolishly at each
other, just at the very moment when we are within
sight of the Promised Land ? Never. Reform must,
and shall go forward. The people have willed it
Who then shall dare to gain-say it ?
The Duke is a great man, but the Schoolmaster is
a greater. The brute force of the one, will stand but
a poor chance against the moral influence of the other.
Besides, tue know our strength, where it lies, and how
to exert it—a knowledge which, judging from appear-
ances, is denied to the Tory faction.
A Dissolution is talked of ! Is:it possible that the
Duke can* be rash enough to hazard an experiment,
whose only ultimate effect can be, to rouse the king-
dom from one end to the other ? We have often
heard of Statesmen running their heads against a wall ;
but, never, till now, of one who deliberately built up a
wall for that purpose ! It must be remembered, how-
ever, to the credit of the Duke's candour, that he once
confessed that he should be " mad," if he ever dreamed
of assuming the reins of Government. His threat of a
Dissolution convinces us that he (lid no more than
justice to himself.
Meantime, Dissolution or no Dissolution, we exhort
—we conjure our countrymen to be constantly on the

alert. Let each Reformer so act, as if the destinies
of the Empire hung on his own individual exertions.
Away with all petty jealousies between Liberal and
Radical ! They but disgrace the sacred cause in
which both are embarked. Be Union the watch-word
with one and all of us. Our foes are united. Shall
we be split into thousand paltry, intriguing factions.?
If so, let us at crince be trampled to dust under the hoof
of triumphant Toryism. We shall have richly earned
our dishonour.

But we have no fears on this head. The people
are awake. They are stirring in all quarters. In the
North, and more especially in Ireland, the alarm in
men's minds. is only equalled by their determination to
dare all, and endure all, in the cause of Constitutional
freedom. We ask no more. We are rational citizens,
not crazy enthusiasts. To us, it is immaterial who
guides the helm, though we must confess we would-far
more gladly confide in the Administration of those
whom we know and respect, and who can bring the
past as a voucher for the future ; than in those whom
we know but doubtfully, who have a clinging, in-
herent taint about them, and who can only cause us to
--esteem them, by prevailing on us to blot out all recol-
lection of the nrst.

The philosopher of Laputa, who employed himself
in extracting Sunbeams from a cucumber, showed not
more ingenuity, nor had he a more difficult task to per-
form than certain of our liberal contemporaries, who
are hard at work, to prove the Duke of WELLINGTON
a warm advocate for Reform principles, and of course
one of the fittest statesmen in England for the high
office to which his Grace has been appointed. A
morning Journal, notor'rous for its want of principle,
assured us in a leading article yesterday, that the
Duke of WELLINGTON was " deeply impressed with
the necessity of a thorough Church Reform ;" and an
Evening contemporary, following in the same track,
informs its readers that the Duke never aided the
cause of Toryism; but that on the contrary he was un-
consciously one of the greatest enemies of the borough-
mongering school of Conservatives. We should be
sorry to detract a syllable from the merits of his Grace;
our cause requires no sacrifice of either truth orprineiple,
and therefore we feel called upon to offer a few obser-
vations, for which we have the authority of the Duke
himself, respecting the peculiar notions which he en-
tertained even since the passing of the Reform Bill, of
Reforms in the Church, together with some specimens
of his mode of warring against the Tories. The Duke
is not a man who has placed the country in a dilemma
regarding the precise tendency of his principles, or
what his opinions are on any of the great questions of
the day. Few Peers have been more regular in their
attendance in Parliament ; and as the leader .of the
Opposition, his Grace has recorded his views of the
foreign and domestic policy of the late Cabinet. There
was no mistaking him when he addressed the House.
He was plain and straight-forward in his speeches, and
appeared to despise subterfuge as unworthy a veteran
soldier. The short memory of our contemporaries will
therefore serve them in poor stead, especially as every
man who is conversant with public affairs can supply
their lack of intelligence on this point.
As, however, many of the Reformers of England
may have forgotten the Duke's sentiments on most of
the great questions discussed in the two last Sessions
of Parliament, and as we plainly perceive that a
Morning Contemporary is about to introduce his
Grace as a staunch advocate , for Reform, to
the people of the United Kingdom, we have taken
the trouble to cast our eyes over his speeches and
to cull a few of the choicest flowers of his oratory,
which we present to the public as a Wellington nose-
gay. They are taken from the speeches delivered by
him during the first Session of the Reform Parliament,
and include nothing which has been published by ano-
th sr.,Evening contemporary. •
, The KING opened Parliament on the sth of February,
1833, and in his Speech from the Throne recom-
mended the early reform of the Irish Church Estab-
lishment. The Duke of WELLINGTON; who,
,ac-
cording to the Times of yesterday,, is deeply im-
pressed with the necessity of a thorough Church Re-
form," thus expressed his opinions on the subject :
" Ministers were fond of what they called reforms in all de-
partments ; but he wished that in their zeal to recommend a
reform in the Church, they had not made his Majesty say some-
thing to countenance the notion, that blame was to be attri-
buted to the clergy. Why was it necessary in the Speech
from the Throne to advert to the complaints regarding the
collection of tithes? He did not say that such complaints did
not exist ; but sure he was that they were trifling in number and
amount, and what was said by the King would give encourage-
ment to a party in the country, whose object was to pull down
the Establishment."

It is very evident from the above that what the
late Ministry called reforms were not so_ denominated
in his GRACE'S vocabulary. The murders—the burn-
ings—the dreadful system, invented by necessity, of
passive resistance—the convulsed state of Ireland, was
a subject too trifling to engage the attention of his
MAJESTY, or his sworn advisers. Certainly a state
of things that compelled the Legislature to sus-
pend the British Constitution, by passing the
terrible Coercion Bill, at the bare thought of
which the very Cabinet who supported it trembled,
was a trifling affair, and ought to have been passed
over in silence. But we have his GRACE'S opi-
nions, particularly on the question of Irish Church
Reform, 'still more fully expressed. In a debate in
the House of Peers, on the 11 th of July, on the
Church Temporalities' Bill, the Noble Duke, after
referring to the line of policy pursued by this country,
in order to establish Protestantism in Ireland thus
concluded:—

" The great object on all these occasions was to support the
protestant religion in Ireland. Now, if the present measure
were passed, they would be contented to part from that prin-
ciple entirely. How was it consistent for Parliament with the
Act of Union, which declared the two churches to be united,
fresh in remembrance—to pass such a measure as this ?
( Hear, hear.) On this occasion he only looked to the policy
of this country from the time of the Reformation, and up to the
present period ; another and a more fitting opportunity would
arrive, when he would go into the whole question. Besides,
his Majesty positively swore to support the church of England
in all its rights, privileges, and immunities. He did not quote
the precise words, but the meaning of the oath evidently was
that his Majesty was thereby bound to maintain the Protestant
Church in its full powers. 4 " What, however, he
'chiefly contended for was, that the coronation oath was another
evidence of the policy of this country to preserve the Esta-
blished Church, and which policy, he would maintain, ought
not to be departed from."

It is needless to offer any remark on the above proof
of the Duke's " deep impression of the necessity of a
thorough reform in the Church," and particularly, as
the Times insinuates, the " Irish Church." The
Duke knows not the nice distinctions of the Times.
He is not tile champion of a section, but of the whole
sabric. The Act of Union has wedded the two
Churches in the holy bonds of matrimony, and therefore
are they, in the opinion of his Grace, as equally imma-
culate as they are utterly inseparable. The Reformers
of England, Ireland, and Scotland, will not fail to ap-
preciate the value of this specimen of the Duke of
WELLINGTON'S Church Reform principles.
Let us now look to his opinions on the questions of
Negro emancipation, and the breaking up of the ino-

nopoly so long enjoyed by the East India Company—
still bearing in mind that the Acts passed in the last
Session of Parliament are hardly yet come into opera-
tion, and that unless the machinery be permitted to
come fairly into play, the most disastrous consequences
may yet follow. During the debate on the Earl of
• RIPON'S motion for the emancipation of the slaves,
his Grace, after denouncing the measure as destruc-
tive to the West India proprietors, hasty, ill advised,
and impolitic, continued thus :

" With respect to the resolutions which related to the moral
improvement of the negro, he had an amendment to propose—
namely, to omit the words 't A LIBERAL AND COMPREHENSIVE
SYSTEM OF EDUCATION." No man could be more desirous
than he was, that when the negro became free he should re-
ceive every moral improvement which could be communicated
to him ; but those who were aware that the words in question
were introduced into the resolutions on the proposition of an
Honourable Member of the other House, were aware that they
pointed to the toleration arid encouragement of missionaries ;
and there could be no doubt, if they were adopted, society in
the West Indies would continue to be, as it had been, greatly
disturbed."—June 25, 1833.

The liberal and enlighted body of Dissenters will
be able to comprehend the Duke's meaning here, with-
out the help of a commentary. The allusion to the
consequences attendant on the death of poor SMITH
the Missionary cannot be mistaken: His Grace
evidently thinks that men arc the most useful
machines who know nothing about rights of person,
and conscience, and all these sorts of things. He
believes with the Centurion, that the perfection of good

government is to be able to " say to this man go and
he goeth, to another come and he cometh, and to a
third do this, and he doeth it." On the Marquis of

LANSDOWN'S motion for abrogating the monopoly of
the East India Company, after premising his speech
by stating that he had himself been the servant of the
Company, the Noble Duke went on to say :
" From what he had then, and from what he had since

seen, he must say that he thought their Government was the
best and most purely administered that he had ever witnessed.
It was not now a question whether a chartered government was
the best for carrying on the double operations of trade and
government, or for carrying on only one of these things. He
had seen the Company in the days of their glory, and when it
was at the head of a population of one hundred millions ; and
notwithstanding it had been engaged almost continually in
wars, its debt was only for forty millions sterling. It was,
therefore, untrue to tell the people of this country that such a
Government was unfit for the purposes of government and
trade, when hitherto it had united both."—July 5, 1833.
And yet we are told that the Statesman who could
thus defend the East India monopoly is one of the
fittest that could be chosen for carrying the Act for
its abolition into full 'and practical operation. If this
be so, the Duke is superlative in snore than military
courage—in qualities, too, which it would not be very
complimentary to mention, much less to dwell upon.

We have not space to-day to touch upon the Duke
of 'WELLINGTON'S flaming denunciations of the line
of foreign policy adopted by the late Administration.
We shall merely 'give two extracts on this head from
the Duke's speech on moving the Address to the KING,
from which we have already quoted his opinion on the
Church question. Mark his Grace's opinion of the
conduct of the Whigs with respect to Belgium :
4, As to the negociations, he had no difficulty in saying that,
from the moment the present Government took charge of them,
they might be said to have abandoned the cause of the King of
the Netherlands ; and that was an act peculiarly reprehensible
in a British Minister at any time, and especially in times like
the present ; but it was the business of a British Minister to
pay every attentive care to the interests of the Dutch nation.
In the progress of negociations like those, IT WAS IMPOSSIBLE
TO IMAGINE A GREATER BLUNDER THAN THE RECOGNITION OF
THE INDEPENDENCE OF BELGIUM. As soon as the case of
Holland was abandoned by the British Ministers, the British
Ministers were abandoned by three other Powers ; and in
proof of it he might mention, that the Plenipotentiaries of the
three other Powers were not authorized to gir their approba-
tion .to the Treaty of January, 1832. He would confirm this
statement by what passed at the time of the ratification ' • for
he had in his pocket a memorandum upon the subject, which
would clearly prove that England and France were the
powers which pushed the measure forward, while Russia, Prus-
sia, and Austria did not join in the attempt."—Feb. 5; 1833.
-.Now hear his opinion of the late war VI Portugal,
and the conduct of the late Government with regard to
it

" The magnitude of our commercial establishments, and the
nature of our commercial relations with Portugal, required
that, as far as possible, we should preserve her in a state of
tranquillity and independence; yet, how had our interests
been neglected, and our duty abandoned, by the present Mi-
nisters of the Crown ? The present state of Portugal was
called in the King's Speech a civil war.' Fr WAS A REVO-
LUTIONARY WAR-( Cheers)—a war carried on by means fur-
nished from England, and supported by persons who had no
earthly interest but that which was derived from the hope of
plunder.—( Cheers.) Yet this was the war which the King
of England was taught by his servants to call a civil war' be-
tween two Princes of the House of Braganza."

With this we conclude for the present. We wish
our time-serving contemporaries joy of their new
idol, whose claims to worship we shall not forget
to place in their proper light. We are influ-
enced by no factious motives. We are for the peo-
ple, and for truth, which is the main defence of the
cause of the people.

The Paris papers of Monday, which have been re-
ceived, do not contain a word of news worth giving.
The Ministry are still in the same uncertain position
—or rather the no-Ministry, for their names have not
been officially announced. There is no intelligence
from Spain. The marriage of the Queen of PORTU-
GAL with the Duke of LEUCHTENBERG is shortly
etpected to take place.

We solicit the attention of our readers to the
Resolutions of the UNITED COMMITTEE, ap-
pointed by the Dissenters to procure the redress of
their grievances, which appear in another part of our
Paper, and which we were unable to give in the whole
of our yesterday's impression. The tone of this im-
portant document is exactly that which might have
been expected from the representatives of men to
whom, and to whose ancestors, the cause of
liberty, owes so much ; and we may venture
to- state our conviction, that that tone is in perfect
unison with the feelings of the Dissenters throughout
the British Empire.
The bold, manly, and determined spirit which runs
through the following passage is truly cheering to the
friends of reform, while it cannot fail to damp the con-
fidence even of TETE DUKE, having, as he MUST
have, the prospect of immediate dissolution before

his eyes
That in the probable event of a general election, this Com-
mittee CONFIDENTLY ANTICIPATES FROM THE PROTESTANT DIS-
SENTERS THROUGHOUT THE EMPIRE, THE MOST DECIDED AND UN-
COMPROAIIZING OPPOSITION TO THAT POLITICAL PARTY WHO HAVE
AVOWED THEMSELVES THE UNFLINCHING OPPONENTS OF THEIR

INTERESTS, AND WHOSE SPEECHES AND VOTES ON THE BILL FOR
THE ADMISSION OF DISSENTERS TO THE UNIVERSITIES OUGHT
NEVER TO BE FORGOTTEN. And, in the event of such
election, this Committee relies, also, on all classes
of Dissenters, for the IMMEDIATE adoption of mea-
sures best calculated to insure the return as representa-
tives to Parliament, of men liberal and enlightened in their
views, the tried friends, of religious liberty, national improve-
ment, and universal freedom. That this Committee pledges
itself to persevere in seeking the full and immediate relief of
the practical grievances of Protestant Dissenters upon the
principles they have repeatedly avowed."