The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-14 00:00:00

REPEAL OF THE UNION.

Mr. FIELDEN presented a petition from Ashton-under.
Line, in favour of the repeal of the Legislative Union between
England and Ireland.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said he should have recourse to a mea-
sure which he deemed necessary on the present occasion. A
subject of the greatest interest was about to be brought on, and
he was accordingly anxious to know whether there was a suffi-
cient number of Hon. Members present to constitute a House.

The House was accordingly counted, and a sufficient number
was present.
Mr. FIELDEN bore testimony to the respectability of the
petition on the subject of the repeal of the union. It was
signed by upwards of 4,000 persons.

•Mr. F. O'CONNOR was happy in finding that so numerous
and reTectably signed a petition had been presented to the
House on a'subject of such interest to Ireland as that of the
repeal of the union. He was glad to find that the petitioners
ascribed the vices of the Irish to their proper source—namely,
the misrule and mismanagement of the affairs of Ireland; and that
such vices were not characteristic of Irishmen. The petition was
well worded, and the proper remedies pointed out for the cure
of the grievances and evils of Ireland. The great expense of
Irish Government made very little return, in comparison with
all the evils it entails on a people bending under the weight of
poverty. Notwithstanding the insolent denunciations and ar-
rogance of his Majesty's Ministers, and their saying they would
resist it to the death, yet it was a question which was progres.
sing fast in England and Ireland ; and the impression regarding it
had been confirmed by the conduct of Ministers, during last
year, during the recess, and this session also. Last year was
marked by an act of the grossest injustice, and this was com-
menced by insolence and intolerance ; aye, notwithstanding
the promises of a reformed Parliament, and the sayings of the
Whigs, that it would be better that Ireland should be in the same
union with England, as Sweden with Denmark, &c., though
this was their language in 1824, they seemed to act differently
now. and withheld the only measure that could be necessary
to insure, the Rermanent . security .of both_ countries. Was it
to be endured that in a country overflowing with plenty, four.
fifths of the population should be in a state of starvation ? If,

the country were prt4lerly managed, notwithstanding the over-
grown population it was alleged to contain, it would be more than
sufficient for the maintenance of double the number, and there
would be no petitions day after day brought up to this House,
to send vagrants and vagabonds to starve in their own country.
It was vain to endeavour to stop the anxiety which was daily
, growing in the minds of the people on this question in Ireland.
He (Mr. O'Connor) would not go into the details of this ques-
tion now—(Hear, hear)—but he found it his duty to express
his coincidence with the petition presented by the Hon. Mem-
ber, and to assure that House that it was the only measure
which could redress Ireland's wants ; and it was vain to make
any endeavour to smother it. He (Mr. O'Connor) had a pecu-
: liar interest in this question—though he had other claims on
the suffirages of his constituents—yet he stood there the
avowedly pledged advocate of this great measure—(Hear, from
the opposition)—and as he was so he thought it his duty to
ascertain whether the people understood the principle of the
question, or whether it was merely a clap-trap, and lie could
say that, after taking the sense of his constituents, seven out of
ten were not only able to give an opinion on its merits, but were
inflexibly determined to persevere in theie exertions to
obtain it.—(Hear, hear.) Men well knew what it was
to toil from morning till night, and yet be starving; also, what
it was to labour for twelve hours, and have nothing to sleep on
at night but a sop of straw, and nothing to eat but a dry meal
of potatoes. Hon. Members would deceive both themselves
and the people if they thought that they could suppress the
question, the success of which could alone alleviate such dis-
tress and destitution. He would look to nothing else but the
essential justice of the question for its success ; and though it
might be imagined that the Member for Dublin was the sole ad-
vocate or promoter of this question, though any question
that was deprived of his unequalled talents suffered much
from such loss, yet he was not the only advocate for it.
He regretted that the Right Hon. the Secretary for the Trea-
sury was not in the House. He who was the great champion
of the opposition of repeal, but who now left the question, and
dared not come down to the House to argue it without being
backed by the Treasury Members. But what did that Right
Hon. Gentleman know of Ireland ?—(Hear, hear.) Let
him take the manufacturers, and the people who are
engaged in trade in Ireland, and he would find that
the repeal of the Union was insisted on. He could tell the
House that Ireland free was the right arm of England, but
Ireland shackled was a drag-chain to England. He begged
pardon of the House for troubling them so long.
Mr. M`LEOD said he rose to enter his protest against the
repeal of the Union being considered solely an Irish question
—(Hear, hear) ;—it was a great Imperial question. He also
deprecated the hard language that had been used against his
Majesty's Ministers, who were not present to defend themselves.
—(Hear.) For himself, he could not perceive that the repeal I
of the union would produce all those beneficial results which
were anticipated by the petitioners. The Hon. Member who
presented the petition had himself said he could not tell whether
the repeal would be right or wrong to concede, and therefore it
did not appear that it was making any very great progress. He
begged pardon for troubling the House, having merely risen to
protest against the question being considered only an Irish one.
Mr. COBBETT said, that he, like his Hon. Colleague last
session, did not know whether the Repeal of the Union would
be productive of good or evil ; but, since then, he had seen the
question so much agitated, and he had seen his Majesty's
Ministers so angry upon the subject, that he began to suspect
the repeal would be a good thing. He had attended with
the greatest care and attention to all the arguments both for
and against the question, and he was now of opinion that
a repeal of the Legislative Union would be a good thing for
England and Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) A sort of reproach
seemed to be heaped on those who advocated the repeal, as if
there was something monstrous and dangerous in the cry;
but they all knew that separation did exist only 34 years ago—
(Hear, hear) ;—they all knew also by what means the Union
was effected, and that it was by more bribery and corruption
than existed even under the present Government. England
was even now paying compensation for that measure, and
taxes were now being levied on the people of England
to pay the cost of that bribery and corruption. Bribes
were then given not only instanter, but in futurity, and
were allowed to descend from father to son.—(Hear, hear.)
Well then, what was the real question ? Why it was simply
this—whether the Union existed for good or evil—whether
it produced good or evil to their constituents. He was satis-
fied that the Repeal of the Union would produce good.—(Hear,
hear, and Cheers from the Irish Repeal Members.) He was
sure of one thing—that, let them do what they liked, they
could not, by any means, produce more evil than the Union
had done. What had it produced ?—were not the people always
in a state of half rebellion ? Were not 30,000 troops, with a
large force of Bourbon police, kept up in order to keep them in
something like peace ?—all of which put the country to an
enormous expense. Were not the people of Ireland in a
starving condition, while it was perfectly well known that
that country imported into England three times more corn
than any other country, or indeed all other countries put
together. The people were all starving, and yet he was told
that in the month of Jure, 1831, 1,000 hogs passed through
one turnpike in Berkshire, every one of which came from
Ireland. The half of Lancashire, and the half of the West
Riding of Yorkshire, were fed from Ireland. Then that
must be a good country, and the people must be an indus-
trious people, or how could all that be done ? yet they
required all the force to which he had before alluded to keep
them in order. It must be a bad governme•at that Ireland had
when such scenes were seen, and when this country's labour
was taxed to such an enormous extent to keep down such an
industrious people as the statement he had made proved them
to be. Then, he would ask, why not discuss the question of
the repeal of the Legislative Union ?—at least why should the
Ministers advise his Majesty, much, he was sure, against his
Majesty's feelings, to scold his Irish subjects ? On a former oc-
casion he had said that he remembered the time when the
question of reform was treated in the same way as the Mini-
stry now did that of repeal. He well remembered the time
when a reformer, a late Member of that House, had thought it
prudent to go across the sea, in order to escape from Sidmouth's
dungeons, and yet that man had lived to see a Ministry,who called
themselves a reform Ministry, and a Parliament who every
day almost boasted that they were a reformed Parliament. So
it would yet be with the question of repeal, if the Ministry
pursued their present course, and refused any discussion on the
matter. He was sorry to have detained the House so long, but
he could not let the opportunity pass without letting them a
little into his views upon the question.
Colonel WILLIAMS, although he fully admitted the state-
ments that had been made by the Hon. Member for Oldham, as
to the deplorable state of Ireland, could by no means agree
with him that the Repeal of the Union would produce an
amended state of things in that country. Notwithstanding the
great talents of that Hon. Member, he (Col. W.) thought that
all his arguments in favour of a repeal of the Union might easily
be combatted with and overthrown. He recollected perfectly
well the period when the Union took place ; he thought Mr.
Pitt was pursuing the wrong course, and thought that instead
of any Union taking place, his proper course would havebeen
to have reformed the Irish Parliament; but the Union having
taken place, he doubted very much whether any good could be
effected by its repeal.
Mr. FINN congratulated the repealers and the people of Ire-
land at large on the speech that had proceeded from the Noble
Member opposite (Mr. Macleod), as it had called forth one from
the Hon. Member for Oldham, for which the people of Ireland
were greatly indebted.—(Hear.) What he had stated with re.
spect to the people of Ireland was perfectly true. The state-
ment that the Reformers had been denounced by the Whigs
was equally so, for 14r. Canning himself had called them a low
and degraded crew.—(Hear.) He (Mr. F.) was convinced that
the Repeal of the Union was a measure founded in justice,
would be advantageous to both this country and Ireland, and
was the only means of producing contentment, peace, and order
in Ireland, andgiving security to this country.
Mr. POTTER should have thought the vote of last night
would have convinced the Irish Members of the determina-
tion of the House to do justice to Ireland. He understood
that the present Secretary for Ireland, in the discharge of his
duties connected with that country, gave the greatest and
most perfect satisfaction.—(Cries of" No, no," and " Hear.")—
The Hon. Member for Odham had spoken of the
great quantity of cattle sent from Ireland to this country; that
in his opinion showed that Ireland was a great producing
country. There was no doubt that the money from its pro-
duce was spent in England, but he (Mr, P.) was quite con-
vinced, if time was only given, the House would do justice to
Ireland by instituting either an absentee-tax or a modified
system of poor laws.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HARDY said he did not mean to put a stop to the
present discussion, but he did hope that the time of this House
would not be lost by by-battles upon a question which must
come in a more solemn shape before the House, and receive
that consideration which its great importance demanded.
He was sorry that such lengthened discussions should
take place upon the mere presentation of a Ise_
tition. He (Mr. Hardy) could get up hundreds
of such petitions, in different parts of England.
In the county of Lancaster, thousands upon thousands of sig-
natures could be attached to such petitions, and, he might add,
in all the large towns of the north of England. It was upon
the ground that such a measure as the present would relieve
them from the great influx of Irish labourers, and not
because it would have the effect of effecting a dissolution
of the Union between this country and Ireland.. What many
of the persons who signed petitions like thepresent were told and
believed was that if they only could obtain a repeal of the Le.
gislative Union, it would be in their power to send back all the
competitors in the field of labour who had already so much re-
duced the wages of the manufacturing and agricultural popu-
lation.—(Hear, hear.) This was the argument that had been
held forth to the people, and he doubted not that many petitions
like the present could be obtained in every large manufacturing
town in England.—(Hear, hear, hear.) In the town
of Leeds there were not less than. 8,000 resident Irish—
in Lancaster there were considerably more, in Barnsley many
thousands, and when this impression had been made upon that
class which were now fashionably called " the operatives,"
when it was conveyed to them that such a measure as that con-
templated by the present petition, would prevent the influx of
Irish labourers by which their wages had been considerably
lowered, it would not be very difficult to procure thousands
of signatures to such petitions.—(Hear, hear.) When they
imagined that the advocates of this question were presenting
to them a measure which would have the effect of sending back
to their own country the labourers and operatives, whether
Scotch, Irish, or Welsh, by whom their profits had been so
much reduced, although it had attached to it so important a
matter as the dissolution of the legislative union between that
country and Ireland, it would be easy to procure signatures
for it. Whenever that question came before the House,
he (Mr. Hardy) would listen to the arguments brought

forward in favour of it with the greatest attention, and
give it all the consideration in his power. At the same time,
he could not see how the dissolution of the Union could have
the effect of producing all that prosperity which some Mem-
bers of that House anticipated. He did not conceive that
there was in the present Parliament any indisposition to
lessen the just complaints of the Irish people, or adopt what-
ever measures might conduce to their prosperity. He did
not think that a resident Parliament could have the magic
effect which some persons anticipated from it. A resident
Parliament would not in every case have the effect of bettering
the condition of the nation at large. They had a lamentable in.
stance of the truth of that position in the starving condition
of the people of this country, and how could it be said that it
would do that in Ireland which it had failed to do in the coun-
try where it at present existed ? He did not think that discus.
sion like thepresent should take place on the presentation of every
petition—he thought they should have many more of the same
kind.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the question would be dis-
cussed upon its broad merits, as it regarded the mutual and
general Interests of the two countries, and he (Mr. Hardy) for
one, hoped to see them always united.—(Hear, hear.) He
hoped they would continue, a united, a free, and a happy people.
He hoped the time would come when such measures would be
adopted to promote the prosperity of the United Kingdom,
that there would be no occasion to find fault with the manner
in which either one country or the other was governed. He
did not wish to see the interests of one country advocated in
preference to another; the interests of England, Ireland, and
Scotland were one and the same, and he hoped the real happi-
ness of the nation would be effected by the united efforts of all
her people.
Mr. RUTHVEN said he could not enter into the sentiment
expressed by the Hon. Gentleman, who pretended to deplore, in
so piteous a manner, the waste of the time of the House in re-
ceiving Irish petitions.—(Cries of " No, no.") It would be unjust
and hypocritical in Irish Members i f they did not take up the time
of the House on this great and important question. Many op.
portunities would arise, and he trusted would be taken advan-
tage of, to discuss that question, for it was only by per.
severance in so great an object as the repeal of the Union
that they could hope to succeed. They had great prejudices
and party feelings, and the power of Ministers, and men who
would be glad to be in their office, to contend with ; and they
found that even the Royal name was abused, for the purpose of
denouncing that object, and pointing them out as subjects only
to be treated with "just indignation."—(Hear.) He was
glad to hear that expression, for he knew both its use and its
absurdity; for while on the one hind it did not deter those
who had began, it had made ten new Repealers where only
one existed before. It had made the friends of Ireland, find.
ing that she was not protected in Royal speeches, stand up in
her favour. Such expressions only tended to agitate both the
people of England and Ireland, until they would by constitu-
tional means defeat those who seemed disposed to drive them
into rebellion. Indeed they were not to be diverted from their
course until they obtained the freedom of Ireland. It should
be remembered that the people of Ireland are eight millions ;
they ought to have a Legislature of their own. Bad as the
Irish Parliament was, it had not been improved by being
transplanted to an English soil. The Irish Parliament, at
the period of 1780, had an illustrious leader, who made
England succumb to them; and England would be obliged
again to succumb to Ireland. England dared not to
go to war at present with eight millions of dis.
contented subjects. (Hear, hear, hear.) Was he to be
told, then, that it was wasting the time of the House to receive
the petitions of the Irish people? Let them send the Irish
Members home to their own country, where they could do a
great deal of good which they could not do here. The denounce.
ment of the repeal of the Union had led to deep thought; but
they were told that to petition was a crime in the eyes of the
Ministers, and a species of agitation to be put down by the
name of the King and a Ministerial mandate.—(Hear, hear.)
Was it agitation to ask what they deemed to be their
right, or to excite the people to do so ? It might be called so,
but he would be one to advise the people to petition, and to
continue to petition for that repeal, and the granting of their
petition would be the best act of the Legislature. Ministerial
mandates, Royal speeches, and proclamations, might be sent
forth ad infinitum, until the well paid printers grew tired of
them, and they would have no effect except that of exciting
the people to petition for their rights. He, with other Irish
Members deplored the practice of absenteeism ; but the cause of
the mischief was, that they were under a species of foreign
policy. The Irish Members were in this country as foreigners,
and treated as foreigners, and though they stood up to do their
duty, they found they were prevented from doing so to a great
extent He thought it was unnecessary for him to make any
apology for thus attempting to support the rights of the Irish
people, and the repeal of the Legislative Union.—(Hear, hear.)

An HoN. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, said
that he could not suffer this opportunity to pass, knowing the
great influence of the statements of the Hon. Member for Old-
ham, without saying a few words upon those statements. He
certainly did not agree in the statements expressed by the Hon.
Member for Oldham. They were told that they ought to
oppose any measure that was introduced by the Government,
whatever that Government might be. In an unreformed Parlia-
ment there might be a predisposition aganst any administration,
but the Members of a reformed Parliament might support a
measure although introduced by the Government, if upon its
merits it deserved support. The second ground of the Hon.
Member's argument in support of repeal was the immense im-
port of agricultural produce into this country, which the Hon.
Member stated to be one of the evils of the Union, and that
this produce would be consumed in Ireland if the Union
were repealed. If the Hon. Member could show that this
would be the result, the question would be upon a different
footing, but it was well known that the imports from Ireland
were weighing down the markets of this country, yet. the Eng-
lish people did not grudge this. He did not think that a Repeal
of the Union would bring more capital into Ireland, or would in
any way benefit that country. He should be sorry if any thing
illusive upon this subject were suffered to go forth to the coun.
try. He would not then enter upon the merits of the question,
but when the time came he would be ready fairly to investigate
the subject. '
Lord W. LENNOX Oki not like the expression of foreign
Parliament. He could assure Hon. Members for Ireland that
English Members sympathized with them in every thing that
called for their good feeling.—(Hear, hear.) He was
open to conviction on the topic of repeal; he did make up
his mind on it, but even the Member for Oldham, who possessed
twice his (Lord Lennox's) experience, and ten times his talent,
acknowledged, that till last year he hat not been satisfied of the
necessity of the measure. Therefore he was excusable—(Hear)
—and though at present he did not believe that benefit would
result from the carrying on of such a measure, yet his mind
was not finally determined.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If the
Irish Members could convince the English of the policy
of this measure, no doubt they would support it. He heard
with some degree of pain the expression of time being wasted,
as used by the Hon. Member for Bradford; to be sure a great
deal of Irish business was done in the House, and much atten.
tion should be given to the affairs of a country which had been
trampled on for years.
The Hoiv. MEMBER for Bradford explained.
The House adjourned at twenty minutes past two o'clock.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE 0' CL 0 CK.

The only arrival this morning of any interest is the express
from Paris, and that is of a very meagre description. The
French papers are chiefly occupied with internal politics, and
relate very little information from Spain. A report prevailed
that a Carlist conspiracy had been detected at Bilboa, and that
the Queen's troops had obtained some advantages at Verona.
French funds 76f. sc. ; Spanish 25.

Montreal papers to Jan. 17, Quebec to Jan. 14, and Ma-
dras to Sept. 15, have been received at the North and South
American Coffee-house.

(From the Montreal Papers.)

Two important despatches have been transmitted to the as-
sembly by his Excellency the Governor, in relation to the Supply
Bill of last session, and to the vacancy in the representation of th e
province, occasioned by the expulsion of Mr. Mendelet from
his seat. Both documents are firmly and decidedly expressed,
and augur well of the tone we may expect to be observed by
the Colonial-office.

On the 6th inst. Secretary Rowan brought down a message
from his Excellency the Governor, concerning the views of the
Lords of the Treasury on the charters of the Banks of Upper
Canada. The message was referred to a Select Committee.
The Quebec Papers inform us, by accounts from New Bruns-
wick, that the papers complain of the system pursued by Go-
vernment in disposing of Crown lands. The old timber
heaths, long held by the citizens of New Brunswick, have been
recently sold to Americans, and 80,000 acres have been
bought by Boston capitalists.
The Madras Papers are of old dates.
On the 28th ult., the Queen of Spain reviewed the garrison
of Madrid, which consisted of between 6,000 and 7,000 men. _

Marshal Bourmont, with several other officers, have arrived
at Malta.

This day being the most important and heavy settling day
in the Foreign Market we have had for a length of time, parti-
cularly in Spanish and Portuguese Bonds, which the speculators
in those Securities are very anxiously waiting the result of,
and no doubt by this time many who have large diffe-
rences to receive are trembling, the brokers and jobbers
are occupied in settling their differences in Spanish. The
extreme fluctuation has been, during the Account, about
9 per cent., and in Portuguese about 10 per cent. In this
market it is not like the Consol settlement—the whole of the
Account is settled in one day ; consequently it will be ascer-
tained in the afternoon how the settlement has gone off.
Consols opened at 89% ;at present they are 89 %, little
doing; Spanish, 30 to IA ; Portuguese, 69 %.
HALF-PAST ONE.

We have no fresh arrivals to the present hour, neither poli-
tical news nor reports. The chief attention in the City, this
morning, relates to the settlement of the two heavy accounts
in the Foreign Market, Spanish and Portuguese Stocks, and it
is astonishing to state that up to the present hour we do not
hear of any failures. It seems that at the opening of the
Foreign Market the brokers and jobbers came at that early
hour, prepared with their accounts made up, and at the same
time with the checks for the differences. It also appears that
money is easy, and they can change accounts in the Foreign
Market at the rate of five per cent.
The Consol Market has improved to 89} for the Account.
In the Foreign Market Spanish, 30f ; Portuguese; 691 6 ;
little doing in any other Foreign Securities.

We have not yet heard of the arrival of the Dutch Mail.
THREE O'CLOCK.
Consols for the Account, 89i.

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 14, 1834.

We understand that the Committee of Pri-
vileges, in the case of Mr. SEEM, have termi-
nated their labours, and will this afternoon re-
port to the House. The result is, that it. Tr. HILL,
finding he could not ['ring home his charges,
abandoned the case, and has at once done that
justice to I`.lr. SHEET, vt,hich one honourable
gen►lemman is bound to make to a►►other. The
whole affair has been rather a ticklish, one,
possessing no small share of the non nzi
ricordo, or indiscreet mixing np of private
lapses of speech with public character, and
founding upon their apparent inconsistency the
real semblance of pfiblic responsibility. As it is,
we are heartily glad, on account of public busi-
ness, that the matter has been got rid of; and we
can only add that, for the sake of all parties con-
cerned, it were better it ha►l never been agitated
—seeing that it now turns out to be " Much
Ado about Nothing."

Pursuant to notice, Mr. O'CONNELL last
night brought forward his motion for the ap-
pointment of a Committee to inquire into the
conduct of Mr. Baron SMITH, one of his
Majesty's Judges of the Exchequer in Ireland.
In doing so, the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man observed that the motion was one that de-
manded the most serious attention of the House,
for by it, would be decided the question whe-
ther Judges should confine themselves to the
temperate and impartial administration of jus-
tice, or enter the arena of politics, and become
zealous, hot-headed partisans. The charges
which he had to bring forward against Mr.
Baron SMITH were ; first, that he seldom 'or
never entered his Court but at such late hours
as impeded the course of justice ; secondly, that
in his charges to Grand Juries, he was in the
habit of introducing the most extraneous poli-
tical themes.

Now the first of these charges, if proved to
occasion any serious public inconvenience, de-
mands inquiry—for what right has a Judge,
paid by the people for their own express benefit,
to make such benefit subsidiary to his own
personal accommodation ?—but the two com-
bined, are irresistible in their claims to the
notice of the House of Commons. It is one
of the first, the most vital, the most distinctly
recognised principles of the Constitution, that a
Judge, when on the Bench, should he untainted
by political prejudices. He should be wholly
devoted to the discharge of his professional
duties. He should be blind to the feuds, deaf'
to the clamour, of all parties. Should he fail
in being so, nothing can be clearer than that he
has laid himself open to the most inquisitorial
Parliamentary inquiry.
No one, we think, can deny, that Baron
SMITH is just now in this painful dilemma.
He has doffed the Judge's ermine, and put on,
instead, the motley robes of the political par 7
tisan. And this not in his character of citizen,
but as the august representative of justice
We see no special pleading that can get over
this plain fact. It is little short of madness even
to attempt an extenuation.

It is said of the Learned Judge, that, on one
particular occasion, when the state of the country
demanded 110 such zealous exhortations ; when
the calendar was light, and party-spirit all but in
a dormant state ; he fulminated from the Bench
a charge marked by singular political
,prejudices,
replying to Parliamentary speeches, reviving re-
ligious'feuds, discussing, in fact, every thing but
the one pressing matter on hand. Truly has it
been observed that eloquence, except when
tempered by discretion, is one of the greatest

curses that can be inflicted on a man. Mr.
Baron SMITH'S case verifies this adage. His
notorious cacoethes loquendi has sunk him, chin-
deep, in difficulties. His love of point, meta-
phor, and antithesis, have been so many Will-
o-the-whisps to lead him astray. What a pity
that so eminent an individual should sacrifice
himself to a well-turned sentence !

According to Mr. O'CONNELL'S account,
the Learned Judge told the Grand Jury, in the
charge to which we have been alluding, that
" the Constitution was extinguished—that the
law and the Constitution were tottering to
their base--that they were to be propped
up by the Judges of the land !" Now, can any
one, after this, hesitate an instant about the
necessity of inquiry ? Here we find a veteran
and experienced Judge, not only travelling out
of the line of his duty—not only disturbing his
hearers' minds, by expatiating on irrelevant
themes—but actually usurping the office of
Government, and insisting that the Constitution
can only he saved by being intrusted to the
hands of himself and his judicial brethren !
Is language like this to be endured ? Impos-
sible ! It strikes at the very root of all per-
sonal and political freedom. Besides, think of
the precedent it would establish, if once per-
mitted to be passed by in silence ! Our Judges
—never at any time remarkable for their exceeding
discretion, as Lord WY NFORD (BEST), and, more
lately, Mr. Justice ALDERSON have shown in
their occasional charges to Grand Juries—would
at once, justifying themselves by the example of
Baron SMITH, mix themselves with all the po-
litical questions of the day; foment a thousand
evil passions;—and instead of being the admi-
nistrators of justice ; the allies of mercy ; the
heralds of peace and goon-will ;—become red-hot
partisans—leaders of factions—abettors of in-
justice and uncharitableness !
If there he one constitutional principle more
than another, which it is necessary strictly to
define, and jealously to walcli over, it is the
impartiality of the Judicial Bench. - Lose this,
and all is lost. It is the great tie that binds
society together—that preserves the system in ail
its harmony and completeness. We are far
from meaning to speak irreverently of Baron
SMITH by these remarks. We acknowledge
his learning ; we respect his skill and experience;
but we cannot be blind to his indiscretion, nor
in our admiration of the man, overlook the
great principle which his case involves. An
inquiry, we contend, is absolutely necessary;
first, for the sake of the Learned Baron him-
self; secondly, for the furtherance of public jus-
tice. Mr. STANLEY put the question oft i s
pro Fer footing last night, when he stated that
" those who assented to the proposition of the
mover, did not at all admit that a case for re-
moval had been made out ; on the cAttrary, all
they acknowledged was, that a case for inquiry
had been laid before the House." After a pro-
tracted, but animated discussion, the motion for
a Committee. was carried by a major►ty of
167 to 74.

In the House of Lords, last night, the Fac-
tories' Regulation Act Amendmea Bill was
brought up from the Commons, ant, read a firs
time:

In the Lower house, Bills for the disfran-
chisement of Warwick and Liverpool were
brought in and read a first time. _^.lter some
desultory discussion on unimportant matters,
the House adjourned at one o'clock.

The Army Estimates for 1834-5 have been
printed, and the result, as compared with
last year, is a reduction in the number of
horses of 348, of officers 3, of men 8,148,
with a saving of 194,9311. 10s. ld., exclusive
of India. The decrease, exclusive of India,
299,1221. 12s. Bd.
Last year's estimate was £6,246,978 17s. Rd.
This year's ditto is £5,947,856 ss. Id.

Decrease £299,122 12, 7d.

The Paris Papers of Wednesday are chiefly
engaged in discussions on internal politic-4 A
letter from Frankfort, contained in some of these
papers, mentions that one of the chief subjects
of discussion at the Ministerial Congress at
Vienna, is the liberty of the press throughout
Germany, which, it seems, is to possess but a
nominal freedom.

FRENCH FUNDS.—Paats, FEB. 12.
Five per Cents., 105 f. 93c. 106 f 105 f. 85c.
Four and a Half per Cents, 100 f. 75c.
Four per Cents., 92f. 5,c.
Three per Cents., 751. 95c. 76f. sc.
Bank Actions, 3,730 f
Rente de Naples, 91f. 6rc. 80c. 60c.
Roman Five per Cents., 92.
Rente ,PEspagne, Five per Cents., 25 24% 20.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 38% 37% 38
Royal Spanish Loan, 124 ;6.
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 59 6 59,6
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 98.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 27%c. ; money, 23f 2776 c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 12,2 c.; money, Int 12,4 c.
—Cours Authentioue.

MR SHER,.

- r--~--

The Select Committee appointed by the House of Commons
to investigate the recent charge made against " one or more"
of the Irish Members, we understand, have this morning ter-
minated their labours, and the report will probably be presented
to the House this evea'ng. One of the results, and the only
one at present known, is the honourable acquittal of Mr. Sheil
from the imputations which were supposed to have been chiefly
aimed at his public conduct.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.
ljani
sailed
,eFERBe
Swan,io f.e—rroymN,Vm
ri nTedn)Na Charente.n. Nk W.
for
A,
Bengal;— iregi
nvh
ge
dt .a—l
; fromAa rnr
di vtEeh diep
hrtihi
vnees
rt
oCanoneld:
Short, for Madras.
PORTSMOUTH, Fr% 13.—Wind N.N.W.—Sailed the Upton
Castle, Duggan, from Bombay.
PLYMOUTH, FEB. 11 AND 12.—Wind S.W. to NM
.
Arrived the Mary, High, from London, dismasted, bound to
Donegal ; also the Barossa, Reeves, for Bengal ; and the
Triumph, Green, for Bombay.

FALMOUTH, FEB. 12.—Wind N. W. to W., strong breezes.—
Arrived the Camden Packet from the Leeward Islands—sailed
from St. Thomas, 17th ult ; Love and Unity, Williams, from
Galipoli. Sailed the Mutine packet for Jamaica.
MARGATE, FEs. 13.—Arrived off' port the Francis, Kerkins,
from the Mauritius; Sarah, Campbell, from St. Michael's; and
Albion, Burrell, from Leghorn.
COWES, FEB. 13.—Arrived the Hermosa, Habanera, from
Havannah,
WEYMOUTH, FEB. 12.—Arrived the Helena, late Gundry,
from Nassau—much damaged, having been in contact with a
vessel.

LIVERPOOL, FE8.12.-Arrived the Ann M`Kenzie, Gill, from
Demerara ; Ellen, Clarke, from Porto Cabello; Bellona,
Hutchinson, from Savannah ; Columbia, Bretton, from Charles-
ton; Fair Isle, Winn, from Sheffield; Hackstoff, from New
York; Thomas Parsons, Grenfall, and Clipper, Hewson, from
Africa; Sarlpta, Reynolds, from Alicant ; Trusty, Welsh,
from Galipoli ; Emerald, Davlz, from Marseilles; and Bri-
tannia, Frankland, from Stettin. Off port the New Bruns.
wick, from St. John's, New Brunswick.
ALDBOROUGH, FEB. 12.—Arrived off port the Buchanan,
Hopper, from St. Petersburgh.
Scif-Lv, FEB. 8.--Sailed the Premier, Byron, from Ascension.
DUBLIN, FEB. 12.—Arrived off port the Charity and the
Nile, from St. John's, New Brunswick ; and the Hope, Jones,
from London. •

The Accession, Williams, from Narva to Liverpool, was
driven on shore at Papa Westray on the '24th ult., and it ai
feared would be wrecked—crew saves.