The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-25 00:00:00

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LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1833.

The House of Lords again resolved itself
into Committee last night on the Irish Church
Temporalities Bill, and proceeded with it as far
as the 78th Clause. On the 55th Clause, the Duke
of WELLINGTON proposed an amendment, which
he afterwards consented to withdraw, in order
that it might stand over for future consideration.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE proposed an amendment
to the 61st Clause, to the effect that the produce
of the taxation on the livings should not go
towards the reduction of the Church Cess, but
should be appropriated to the augmentation of
the smaller livings. After some little discus-
sion, the clause was rejected by a majority of 20.

It will be recollected by our mercantile
readers that an Act which had been in existence
for some years, permitting the entry of foreign
sugars for the purpose of refining expired in
1831, and that the opposition of the West In-
dian interest prevented its renewal. These
worthy people saw that the exportation of
refined sugar had gradually risen to about
half a million cwt., and fancied that by
putting a stop to the importation of foreign
sugar they should get the benefit of this con-
sumption. They had influence enough in the unre-
formed House of Commons to carry their point;
the Bill permitting the importation of foreign
sugars was not renewed. But what was the
consequence ? That the West Indians pros-
pered ? No, but that the refiners have been
brought to the verge of ruin. The West Indies
cannot supply sugar of the quality most fitted
for refining, and the consequence has been, that
a manufacture in which large capitals have been
embarked, and which has given employment to
thousands, has been reduced almost to a nullity.
Mr. CLAY, the Member for the Tower Ham-
lets, last night brought these circumstances
before the House, and moved this resolution as
an amendment to the reading of the order of the
day for going into Committee on the Slavery
Abolition Bill—" That it is expedient that
foreign sugar be immediately, admitted for re-
fining for exportation.
i Lord ALTHORP ob-
jected to the word " immediately," unless it
applied to the refining of sugar in bond, in
order that the West Indian monopoly of the
Home Market might not be encroached upon.
To refining foreign sugar in bond he had no
objection. Mr. POULETT THOMSON went
upon the same principle, and said that he had
a Bill prepared which would allow foreign sugars
to be so refined. Both his speech and Mr.
CLAY'S will be found well worthy of attention.
The result of the discussion (not heard very
clearly by the reporters) was, as we see by the
House of Commons' votes, that Mr. CLAY
withdrew his original motion, and proposed the
following resolution, which was agreed to

nesn. con. " That it is expedient that
sugar be admitted for refining, under lock,
for the purpose of exportation." We do not
object to excluding from this country the pro-
duce of slave labour, but we see no reason
why the British public should be excluded
from the use of foreign sugar, the best of
all adapted for refining, if at some future
time such sugar shall not be raised by slave
labour. Now that we are preparing for the
abolition of slavery in our colonies, would be a
proper time to declare that foreign sugar sh all
be admitted for home consumption, when sla-
very shall cease to exist in the countries whence
it comes—of course, on the payment of a duty
somewhat higher than that paid by home-grown
sugar. Lord SANDON deprecates, we see, any
step which can tend at present to disquiet the
West Indians ; but surely, when, with unex-
ampled liberality, they are having bestowed upon
them 20,000,0001. for the chance of an injury
to property which they declare has only been a
source of loss for years, it must be a good time
for the public, who pays the 20,000,0001., to
put in its just claims.

A Committee of the House of Commons
has been prevailed upon to adopt the view taken
of beer-shops by publicans, and by Magistrates
who license public-houses, though one of the
latter, who was examined, has hit the nail upon
the head. He stated that the Magistrates of
his county (Devon) at one time acted upon the
principle of lessening the number of public-
houses, but they found that by thus creating a
monopoly in the sale of beer, they only rendered
the article bad and dear. They, therefore, al-
tered their system, and granted a license to every
respectable person who applied for it, and, in
fact, opened the trade in public-houses. Beer-
shops in Devonshire thus only opened the
trade still more, and lowered the price while they
have improved the quality of beer. The Magis-
trate of another county (Buckingham), though
he confounds the effect with the cause, states
the matter not very incorrectly when he says,
I consider that the labouring classes being
thrown out of their work, and idle habits coming
on, they have been very glad to find those places
of resort to spend their time in." He does not
connect increase of crime with the beer-shop,
but young men idling about are obliged to do
something or another to gain a maintenance,
which they do not get from their work—and that
while the wages of married labourers have been
i*ised, those of unmarried labourers have not,
and this is the cause why they have increased
in demoralization." Distress and demoraliza-
tion, which are universally admitted through-
out the evidence, are ascribed to beer-shops,
although it is also admitted that distress
and demoralization prevailed before the beer-
shops came into existence. The causes of dis-
tress and demoralization are the want of employ-
ment of capital as well as of labour ; and to
remove the evils which are ascribed to the beer-
shops, those things which drive capital as well
as labour from the pursuits of industry, will be
found in the operation of-the power of expand-
ing and contracting the currency possessed by
the Bank of England, in the operation of the
present corn laws, and of the administration of
the poor laws. These things, however, are be-
yond the ken of county Magistrates ; but we
wish our Legislators would apply themselves
rightly and tightly to them.

The further the case of Lord WARWICK,
with the infamous actions of his dependants and
political tools, is pursued, the more nefarious
it appears ; and the more grave and condign will
be the ultimate exposure and punishment of all
the parties implicated in the vile attacks on the
purity and freedom of election in the borough
of Warwick. Indeed, the evidence would be
scarcely credible but for the variety of
mal-practices proved, and which show a long-
premeditated conspiracy to defraud the burgesses
of their franchises. Corp orators, subservient
attorneys, stewards, menials, and lick-spittle
gentry—all seem enlisted in the corps of the
LORD LIEUTENANT, and arrayed against the
liberties and morals of their fellow-townsmen.
Can we wonder that the moral or political con-
dition of the constituency is debased,—or that
the " Conservative" Tories despise, hate, and
fear the people,—when they thus systematically
deceive and demoralise them ? So large a haul'
of political delinquency has never before been
netted or successfully landed ; anti we ardently
hope that the most will be made of it. Lord
WARWICK will henceforth be a scare-crow,
warning the other Noble marauders of popular
rights, and we anticipate the best consequences
from this signal detection and exposure. Those
independent burgesses of Warwick who may
have boldly contributed to the punishment of
their political oppressors are not only entitled
to the gratitude of their fellow-townsmen,
but to the thanks and support of the whole
kingdom. If any pecuniary means are wanting
to insure the progress of further and expensive
proceedings to Parliament, we are sure they will
not be wanting from the Reformers through-
out England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. We
have too long groaned under the dominion of
the Tory aristocracy ; Conservative Lord-Lieu-
tenants, Tory, lay, and clerical magistrates, close
and base corporations, bands of diocesan
clergy, with their staff of " Deans and
Chapters," have ruled with iron rods in all the
cities, towns, and counties of the three king-
doms. The Reform Bills at length overtop
them ; and will a " Liberal Government,"
against whom these political banditti are equally
arrayed and vicious, protect such tyrants when
they violate the law of the land ? We cannot
believe it of the Administration of Lord GREY ;
and we confidently look forward to the imme-
diate dismissal of Lord WARWICK from his
high office, • which he can no longer a moment
hold consistently with his own character, or the
interests of the nation.

After the question of refining foreign sugar had
been disposed of, the House of Commons was last
night occupied till long past midnight in dis-
cussing the following instruction of Mr. Bux-
TON'S to the Committee on the Slavery Abo-
lition Bill : « That they shall not, for the sake
of the pecuniary interests of the masters, im-
pose any restraint or obligation on the negro
which shall not be necessary for his own welfare,
and for the general peace and order of society :
that they shall limit the duration of any tempo-
rary restrictions, which may be imposed on the
negroes, to the shortest period which tnay
be necessary to establish on just principles the
system of free labour for adequate wages." One
would think that the principles contained in this
instruction only required enunciation to com-

mand general concurrence; but Mr. STANLEY
thought fit to oppose them. The ground that
he took up was, that 20,000,0001. did not quite
compensate the planters, and that twelve years'
additional labour, or payment for it, was neces-
sary in order to make up to them the full
market value of the slave. We will put out
of sight for a moment the injustice of robbing
the negro by law of his liberty, even after he
may have all possible fitness for freedom, and
ask what right the planters have to receive the
full value of their slaves ? If, as is said, the
crime has been shared between the planter and
this country, so ought the loss to be shared be-
tween them. The proposal now is, how-
ever, to let the planters go scot free, and
share the loss between the people of this
country and the negroes. The latter, at
any rate, ought to have no restraint cast upon
him not for his own benefit; and we trust that
an amendment to that effect will be carried in
Committee. The majority of his Majesty's
Ministers last night was only SEVEN, the
numbers being 158 to 151. Will Ministers
hazard the consequences of perseverance in their
plan in the face of such an opposition ?

We refer with pleasure to Mr. Secretary
STANLEY'S consent, in this morning's sitting,
to the amendments proposed by Dr. LUSHING-
TON in the Committee on the Slavery Abolition
Bill.

The Paris papers of Monday and Tuesday
mention that the works in progress for the forti-
fication of Paris have been everywhere suspended
by order of the Government, in consequence
of the Chambers refusing to vote the necessary
funds. Strangers (especially Englishmen) were
flocking from all quarters to Paris, to be present
at the celebration of the Revolution of 1830.

By accounts from Constantinople, we learn
that the Russian troops would not quit the capi-
tal before the end of the present month. The
English squadron still remained in the Dar-
danelles, having been refused permission to
proceed up the Straits.
FRENCH FUNDS.—Paats JULY 23.
Five per Cents., 104 f. 104 f. Isc. 30c:
Four and a Half per Cents., 101 E
Four per Cents., 94f. 50c.
Three per Cents. 77f. 15c. 10c. Isc.
Bank Actions, 1,725 E, 1,710 f. 1,720 f.
Rente de Naples, 91f. 85c.
Roman Five per Cents., 91 91. •
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 16.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 43 43!(.
Royal Spanish Loan, 86.
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 69 70.
Belgic Loan, 1831, 95.
Haytian Loan, 290 f.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25E 60c. • money, 25f. 55c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 56c.; money, 25E 45c.
dluthentique.