The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The war horse",lcilantwerp having been
led back quietly to his stable, and no general
war having yet greeted the anticipations of that
patriotic faction which has nicknamed itself
" Conservative," the Government of Lord Grey
having therefore weathered the one great hurri-
cane prepared for it by the above distinguished
enemies, what comes next ? They have got up
an approaching war,—a general war too,—or
rather a battle-royal in the Ministerial citadel,—
even within that narrow space of which the
boundaries are Whitehall, Downing-street, and
the Hall of Westminster. In short, since the
Tories have proved unable to break the peace
upon the Continent, they mean to break up the Re-
form Government by fabricating divisions be-
tween its most distinguished members. The
organs of daily and weekly slander have been
circulating the nonsensical hopes of their patrons,
that Lord Brougham was coming round to
Toryism, and would make a flaming Keeper of
the Seals for the new Conservative Cabinet. A
mighty plausible story this! and avastly convenient
prospect for the Cabinet "of the restora-
tion !" We venture to predict that the leaders
of the ousted faction will take the " smart-
money," and enlist under Lord Grey, before
Lord Brougham swerves one jot from the prin-
ciples which he has professed since his entry
into public life, or from the pledges of judicial
and other practical Reform on which he has
more recently staked his future appreciation with
the country. We need not say more, than that
all the Tory gossip upon this subject of sup-
posed differences between the two great Chiefs
of the Ministry are pure and perfect humbug,
without one particle of foundation in truth, or
of the remotest versimilitude. Once more, we
wonder " what comes next ?" How must so
lynx-eyed and clear-headed a man as the Lord
Chancellor smile at the clumsy adulation with
which the poor infatuated Tories imagine they
are seducing him ! What an endless source of
fun to a man of wit and humour must be sup-
plied by the self-complacent and persevering
endeavours of these " gay deceivers !" It is as
if a Beau Didapper should think to lead astray
the mother of the Gracchi.

" Ridete quidquid est domi cachinnorum."—Times.

A " cock and a bull story " seems to have got
into a very limited circulation among the Con-
servatives on this side of the water, and the Ja-
cobins on the other, that a rupture has taken
place between the Russian and the French Go-
vernments,—that M. Pozzo di Borgo, who was
reported to have run away from the congra- 1
tulatory incense of the Tuileries on New-year's
day, as a certain dark personage is said to avoid
holy water, had actually demanded his passports,
—and that he had chosen London, we suppose,
as the nearest road to St. Petersburgh. The
causes assigned for this extraordinary event are
more extraordinary than the unexampled ra-
pidity of its occurrence. The Emperor Ni-
cholas, it appears, has all at once found out, not
only that the French can enter Belgium without
his express permission, but that they can per-
versely sympathize with the liberal changes in
the Spanish Cabinet,—that they can prefer Don
Pedro to Don Miguel in Portugal,—that they
have prevented the Duchess de Berri from
continuing the civil war in La Vendee, and li-
mited her legitimate votaries to peaceful pil-
grimages to her place of detention,—that they
wish the Pope to perform his promises in Italy,
and that they permit the persecuted Poles to
enjoy an asylum in Paris. All these are, no
doubt, grave charges, but they are founded on
no new facts ; and it was really not civil in M.
Pozzo di Borgo to have made them the ground
of a declaration of war without some previous
warning. But (to he serious) we need scarcely
add, that the whole story, from beginning to
end, is a piece of as sheer nonsense as ever was
fabricated. Count Pozzo di Borgo has not
lived so long in France without knowing that
his master cannot restrain the sympathies of
Frenchmen, and that no French Minister would
dare at his bidding to order out of the country
a handful of persecuted exiles for whom the
Legislative Chambers had repeatedly invoked
the aid and protection of their Government.
With respect to the interference of the French
troops for the reduction of Antwerp, it is enough
to say, that so able a diplomatist as Pozzo di
Borgo would have made their entrance, rather
than their retirement, the occasion of de-
manding his passports. This is not the time
for declaring war against France, when she
has shown herself not only powerful in arms
but formidable for good faith and moderation.
Besides, his Excellency could not, after such
a hostile declaration, expect to be well re-
ceived in England, which has cordially united
with France in coercive measures against Hol-
land, and against which, therefore, his Govern-
ment would, by this hypothesis, be bound to
declare war. We, however, have been apprised
of a ground of complaint on the part of Russia
.and the other members of the Holy Alliance to
which we shall now only make a slight allusion.
Seeing that France herself has fulfilled her en-
gagements, and that therefore the French Go-
vernment is unassailable on the point of honour
or good faith, they turn round and desire to
make her answerable for the obstinacy or perver-
sity of others. A French army (they say truly)
has twice entered Belgium to protect or to secure
Belgic independence. The work is nut yet
completed, and Holland threatens another inva-
sion, to be followed by another French expedi-
tion. The French will thus get the habit of
entering Belgium, and its independence will be
a mere shadow. There is, no doubt, sonic
truth in this anticipation—but what is the re-
medy ? Why, either that Holland must be
coerced into tranquillity by the arbitrary Go-
vernments who thus complain of the evils which
her ambitious policy occasions, or be compelled
by other Powers to cease her hostile incursions.
The Message of the President of the United.
States of North America at the opening of
Congress—at all times a subject of interest and
curiosity—was this year expected with more Mi..
patience than usual, from the events which have
lately taken place in South Carolina, and the
menacing attitude of other southern sections of
the union. It was naturally imagined that the
President would be compelled to take notice of
such angry dissensions, combined with threats
of resistance, and that he would detail the mea-
sures which Government had already taken or
intend to take to allay discontent or to insure
obedience. The Message (which will be found
in another part of our paper) will not disap-
point these expectations, while its contents must,
at the same time, be highly satisfactory to those
who desire to see the permanent union and in-
creasing prosperity of such an 'extensive and
growing confederacy of freemen. After a gra-
tifying allusion to the foreign relations of the
republic, the President frankly enters upon the

question of the tariff, and expresses his disap-
probation both of the principle on which it is
founded and the excessive duties which it im-
poses. If the voice of the Executive is there-
fore listened to, we shall have a modification
of this objectionable policy in a short time, and
may expect a more extensive market for our
manufactures in that quarter of the world. Re-
questing our readers to peruse attentively that
portion of the Message, we must, from want of
room, postpone a few remarks which we intended
to make upon it until to-morrow.—Tunes.

We have received American papers to the
Bth December, per the packet ship Silas •1
Richards, via Liverpool. They contain two
very important documents, which we publish at
length—the Message of the President, and the
report of the Seeretary of the Treasury. Both
documents concur in representing the foreign,
the domestic, the commercial, and political con-
dition of the States (excepting the disagree-
ment on the Tariff question) as in flourishing
prosperity. The President in his Message
ascribes this happy posture of affairs to the
observance of one maxim, which other countries
would do well to embody in their political
systems ; the maxim which enjoins that they
should " cultivate free commerce and honest
friendship with all nations, and make entangling
alliances with none." The principle contained
in the latter clause of this sentence has not only
been neglected in Europe, but almost the whole
of her voluminous and intricate diplomacy
has been constructed upon the very oppo-
site plan. War and bloodshed have been
the consequence. May we not hope, that after
having tried one system so long, the enlight-
ened Governments of Europe will be at length
disposed to try the other ? In the detailed ac-
count of their foreign relations, which necessarily
occupies a large portion of an address appealing
to a commercial people, the allusion to England
is more brief than usual. In fact England was
so much occupied with the Reform of her own
abuses, that she could not spare time for the
adjustment of questions still pending between
her and America. Nothing was done, and there-
fore there was not much to be said in a docu-
ment not intended to answer the purposes of
delusion. It would not interest the general
reader to touch upon the various arrangements,
commercial and otherwise, concluded between
the United States and foreign Powers, but we
cannot help quoting the following passage as an
instance of the extreme caution with° which
American Statesmen guard themselves against
being suspected of interfering with other States,
even to the extent of offering a gratuitous opi-
nion on their proceedings :
" In the view I have given of our connection with
foreign Powers, allusions have been made to their do-
mestic disturbances, or foreign wars—to their revolutions,
or dissensions. It may be proper to observe that this is
done solely in cases where those events affect our political
relations with them, or to show their operation on our
commerce. Further than this it is neither our policy nor
our right to interfere. Our best wishes on all occasions,
our good offices when required, will be afforded, to pro-
mote the domestic tranquillity and foreign peace of all
nations with whom we have any intercourse. Any inter-
vention in their affairs further than this, even by the ex-
pression of an official opinion, is contrary to our principles
of international policy, and will always be avoided."
But the internal state of America is that
which interests us most at this moment, when so
many changes are taking place in the world.
The second document—that is, the Treasury
Report—contains the financial details ; but the
expected result is the complete extinction of the
national debt within the period of the present
year. After all, the most important aspect which
the affairs of that great country exhibit at pre-
sent is the disagreement of the Northern and
Southern States respecting the enforcement of
the Tariff. Our readers are already aware that
South Carolina and Georgia have proclaimed their
resistance to that measure. The President's Mes-
sage alludes to thesubject of course, and, in a calm
tone of reasoning, evinces, what all his acts had
evinced before, a disposition to conciliate and to
compromise between the principles of protection
and free intercourse. In other respects the lan-
guage of the Message is firm and pacific. It
relies upon the vigour of the law, but addresses
itself rather to the understanding than to the fears
of the people. Upon the whole, though the
language of some of the newspapers is sufficiently
violent, there appears to be a fair prospect of
accommodation in the tone of the Federal Go-
vernment, and even in that of the local govern-
ments which are opposed to its dictation in this
particular instance. We should not be surprised,
in the event of the Southern States persisting to
refuse compliance, to hear the question of their
right to do so argued with all the calmness which
its magnitude requires, and determined by the
force of reason alone. At all events the whole
question is now before the Legislature ; and the
Executive Government, from all that has yet
appeared, would seem to be fully competent to
the task of dealing with such difficulties. As we
publish both documents at length, it is the less
necessary that we notice more minutely the par-
ticulars which they respectively contain.—
Morning Herald.
We received last night, from the North and
South American Coffee-house, American papers
to the 9th December. They contain the Mes-
sage of the President on the opening of Congress.
The President commences with adverting to the
cholera, of which he says the victims have been
fewer than in most other countries. The great
Republic is in relations of amicable intercourse
with all nations. The shipping, since the last'
meeting of Congress, has increased 80,000 tons ;
and the aggregate of imports and exports has in-
creased 40 millions of dollars. Adverting to
the question with which we are more particularly
concerned—the North Eastern Boundary—the
President states that a special message to the
Senate, in their executive capacity, brought be-
fore them the question whether they would ad-
vise a submission to the opinion of the Sovereign
Arbiter ; that body having considered the
award as not obligatory, advised him to open
a further negotiation with the British Go-
vernment, but affairs of a deeply interesting
domestic character had hitherto prevented that Go-
vernment from giving any answer to the overtures.
Tha review which the President takes of the state
of the various countries of America, between
some of which and the United States com-
merce is carried on to a considerable ex-
tent, notwithstanding the disadvantages attend-
ant on disturbances, will be found instructive.
What has hitherto been looked into with most
eagerness in Europe, is the amount of the
finances. We need hardly observe, that the argu-
nzentzon ad crumenanz is the "handwriting on
the wall" to the various European Governments.
Figures of speech produce little effect ; but the
impression made by arithmetical figures is inde-
lible. When any man, however obtuse his in-
tellect, hears that the expense of maintaining
the Royal Palace at Madrid is 1,200,000/. ster-
ling, and the President of the United States has
only 5,000/.a year for all his expenditure, he must

be led to reflect on the causes of the difference.
It appears that the receipts from the Customs
during the year will exceed the estimate presented
at the last Session, and with the other means of
the Treasury, will prove fully adequate to meet
the increased expenditure resulting from the
large appropriations of Congress, and to " pro-
vide for the payment of all the public debt which
is at present redeemable." The Customs will
for the year yield upwards of 28 millions of
dollars. The public lands have, however, fallen
short of the anticipation, and will not exceed
two millions. The expenditure for all other ob-
jects than the public debt sill amount, to about
16 millions and a half, while 18 millions of dol-
lars will have been applied to the principal and
interest of the public debt. On the Ist of Ja-
nuary, 1833, the entire public debt, funded and
unfunded, would be reduced to within a fraction
of seven millions of dollars, of which 2,227,363
dollars are not of right redeemable till January
1, 1834, and 4,735,296 till January 2, 1835.
The Commissioners, however, having ample
means, may purchase the whole, so as to extin-
guish the debt within the year 1833. The Pre-
sident justly takes credit for the extinction of
the public debt. During the four years of his
Administration, 58 millions of dollars have been
paid towards the extinction of the debt. The
difficulties of other countries arise from their
debts ; the difficulties of the American Go-
vernment, from their getting rid of theirs.
Here commences the tug of war between the dif-
ferent States. 'faxes were originally imposed ex-
clusively in Europe for revenue ; and had
revenues been raised by direct taxes, the
question which now agitates Europe and America
could not have arisen. But the revenue having
been raised by duties on goods imported, the
duty formed what is called a protection to the
domestic manufacture to the extent of it, and
hence the question of duties has become complica-
ted with the question of protection to industry ; or,
in other words, taking money from the commu-
nity in order that buyers may pay more for their
goods than they would otherwise do. The Pre-
sident, in this dilemma, is like many other per-
sons in this world, obliged to speak a sort of
equivocal language. " It is due in justice (he
says) to the interests of the different States,
and even to the preservation of the Union itself,
that the protection afforded by existing laws to
any branches of the national industry, should
not exceed what may be necessary to counteract
the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure
a supply of those articles of manufacture
essential to the national independence and
safety in time of war. If it shall be found
upon investigation, as it is believed it will be,
that the Legislative protection granted to any
particular interest is greater than is indis-
pensably requisite for those objects, I recommend
that it be gradually diminished, and that as far
as may be consistent with those objects, the
whole scheme of duties be reduced to the re-
venue standard as soon as just reward to the
faith of the Government and preservation of the
large capital invested in establishments of do-
mestic industry will permit." After adverting
to the arguments of the protectionists, he ob-
serves, that " experience makes it doubtful whe-
ther the advantages of this system are not coun-
terbalanced by many evils, and whether it does
not tend to beget in the minds of a large portion
of our countrymen a spirit of discontent and
jealousy dangerous to the stability of the Union."
The conclusion, after many fine sentences, is,
that the protection must be " limited to those of
domestic manufacture, which are indispensable
to their safety in time of war"—in other words,
that the Tariff must receive its death-blow. A
new argument is started against the system.
" In some Sections of the Republic its influence
is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth
into a few hands, and as creating those germs
of dependence and vice, which in other countries
have characterised the existence of monopolies,
and proved so destructive of liberty and the
general good. A large portion of the people
in one Section of the Republic declares it not
only inexpedient on these grounds, but as dis.
turbing the equal relations of property by legisla-
tion, and therefore unconstitutional and un-
just." This, lay the bye, opens up a view
of equal succession, unknown to our advocates
of primogeniture, but familiar in France.
No inconvenience has ever been felt in France
from the equal succession of children to land ;
but where money has been embarked in trades
or manufactures, equal succession often breaks
up the establishment. No harm can result
from dividing land, because physical division
will never take place, where the income would
thereby be diminished. But it is obvious that
to carry on a trade and to enjoy the rents of land
are quite different ; and that if the property em-
barked in a particular trade be divided among
a number of children, the establishment may
often suffer in consequence. Thus all the ad-
vantages derived from the connections which a
man may have formed during a life of honesty
and industry may be lost. This, it would ap-
pear, has led in America to settlements of pro-
perty at variance with equality of succession.
This subject leads the President to the resistance
of the people of one quarter of the Union to the
Revenue Laws, which, he thinks, may be over-
come by the laws themselves; but should any
exigency arise, prompt notice of it will be given
to Congress, with the succession of the necessary
views and measures. In order to render the
machine of Government simple, he recom-
mends the sale of all Stocks held by it ;
and in order to see whether the deposits
in the hands of the Bank are safe, he
recommends to Congress an inquiry into
the transactions of the institution. The Presi-
dent seems to think that it is absolutely neces-
sary to avoid quarrels between the States, that
the lands should not be sold hereafter. The
people of the Western States, for instance, have
paid for lands 40 millions of dollars, which have
been spent in other States. " To afford to every
American citizen of enterprise the opportunity
of securing an independent freehold, it seems to
me, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising
a future revenue out of the public lands." This
is a sweeping change. Every man with a strong
arm may hereafter be independent in America.
Various other changes with regard to the system
on which improvements are made, the Judiciary,
&c., are suggested. In short, the great object of
the President seems to be, to reduce the business
of Government to next to nothing—merely to
prevent people from knocking their heads against
each other. " We should bear constantly in
mind," he says, " the fact that the considerations
which induced the framers of the Constitution
to withhold from the General Government the
power to regulate the great mass of the business
and concerns of the people have been fully justi-
fied by experience ; and that it cannot now
be doubted that the genius of all our in-
stitutions prescribe simplicity and economy, as the
characteristics of the Reform which is yet to
be effected in the present and future execution

of the functions bestowed on us by the Govern-
ment." What a lesson here to the French.
Their Government arrogates to itself the cog-
nizance and control of every operation ; the
American Government leaves every thing to in-
dividuals. This lesson of the President will not,
we trust, be thrown away on Europe. The
Stock of the Bank of the United States fell on
the Thursday preceding the delivery of the
Message (which was on Tuesday) from 115 to
111 per cent., and declined constantly until
Monday, to about 109 per cent. The secret
was not with the Message. After the Message
was received it fell 104 to 10511. It does not
appear to have fallen lower. In the New York
Daily Advertiser of the Bth December, it is
reported as ask'd 105, off'd 1041. These
papers contain also the message of the Governor
of South Carolina, dated the 27th November.
In order to be prepared against coercion on the
subject of the tariff, he recommends attention to
the militia and various military preparations.
The President's Message has already created a
prodigious sensation, to judge from the dis-
cussions of the newspapers.—Morn. Chronicle.
We have received New York and Washington
papers to the 11th of December, containing the
Speech of the President of the United States,
which was laid before Congress on the 4th. This
document is, as usual, inordinately long, and
garnished with the usual number of routine ob-
servations upon the happiness and prosperity of
the Union. The President adverts to the various
circumstances connected with the internal con-
dition and the foreign relations of America,
extracting from each the suitable topics of
congratulation. There is one circumstance,
however, the discontent of the Southern
States with the system of imposts established
for the protection of American manufac-
tures, the increasing spirit of resistance, and
the aspirations even to a state of separate inde-
pendence which it has produced in this part
of the Union, to which the Chief Magistrate of
the American States alludes with just and
visible anxiety ; nor does he wholly suppress
his opinions that the refractory States have
justice on their side, and that the integrity of
the Union may be eventually endangered by a
continued opposition to their claims, although
these opinions are intimated, as might be ex-
pected, in terms somewhat general and vague.
The disposition of the Executive Government to
relax, or altogether to abandon the system of
protection of which the agricultural States of
the Union have so long complained, and
which they have been gradually preparing
themselves for some time past to resist and
resent, is more explicitly avowed, and de-
fended more elaborately, in the Financial
Report presented to Congress two days
afterwards from the Secretary of the Treasury
than in the antecedent production of the supe-
rior functionary. That the question of the Tariff
is likely to give rise to a severe struggle in the
American Legislature between the Representa-
tives and Advocates of the northern and southern
portions of the Union, may be safely inferred
from the ardent and somewhat acrimonious lan-
guage employed by the journals of the two
parties respectively in the discussion of this sub-
ject ; and some doubt may be entertained, not-
withstanding the unequivocal declaration of opi-
nion which has proceeded from the Executive
Government, which of the two will finally
prevail.—Morning Post.
It is pretended by the journals in the interest
of the French and English Governments that
the French expedition into Belgium has ac-
complished the entire object it had in view. Be-
fore we can accede to this opinion we deem it
necessary, however, to inquire what that object
was. If the object was merely to amuse the
French nation, and to obtain a temporary ma-
jority in the Chamber of Deputies in favour
even of theinost arbitrary acts and principles of
the Administration, no expedition could ever
have been more skilfully devised, and none,
perhaps, was ever more eminently successful.
It is sufficiently well known that to propitiate
the great bulk of the people of France, and
to render them utterly insensible to any in-
roads, however monstrous or flagitious, upon
civil liberty or political rights at home, no-
thing more is necessary than to give them
the opportunity, good or bad, upon grounds
rational or senseless, of boasting of a military
triumph over any other nation, let the subject
of quarrel be what it may ; and for such a
purpose nothing could have been better ima-
gined, nothing could have been more certain to
succeed, than the siege of the citadel of Ant-
werp. To attack a fortress not permanently de-
fensible under any circumstances when assailed
by an adequate force, by means of an army four
or five times as numerous as was necessary for
its certain reduction, was no doubt to make
triumph pretty secure. And the French ac-
cordingly have to boast that Antwerp has fallen
to their arms, while their wily revolutionary Go•
vernment avails itself of the vain and momentary
intoxication to rivet upon them those chains
which experience has shown to be essential to
the stability of any other French Government
than that of the Princes who possess an here-
ditary and legitimate title to the throne.
To this extent the success of the Antwerp ex-
pedition is unquestionable ; but, when success
is claimed for it upon other and more general
grounds, we are compelled to refer to the ne-
cessity which was alleged in its vindication, or
in vindication rather of the combined operations
of England and France, of which it formed the
most prominent part, and to ask what it has
really done towards the attainment of the object
which those combined operations were said to
have in view ? The state into which Europe
has been thrown by the protracted and unsuccess-
ful negotiations to settle the terms of separation
between Belgium and Holland presented, we
were told, a dilemma in European affairs which
required that means of coercion should be em-
ployed towards the King of the Netherlands in
order
to place the peace of Europe upon a stable
foundation. The declared object of the siege
of Antwerp and of the other measures of
aggression against Holland was to settle
the affairs of the Netherlands, and thus to
rescue Europe from the danger of a general
war. Now, as we know no other mode of
judging of the success of an enterprise than by
estimating the degree in which its objects have
been attained, we beg to ask whether the affairs
of the Netherlands are settled, in the first place;
or whether, in the second place, there is now less
apparent danger of a general European war than
there was before the siege of Antwerp and the
other coercive measures against Holland were
undertaken ? Both these questions must, as it
appears to us, be answered in the negative. All
the questions between Holland and Belgium,
which were then unsettled, are now as far from
being settled as ever, for the occupation of Bel-
-1 gium was not a question, but a fact. Holland
retains as fully as ever the power of command-

ing the. navigation of the Scheldt, and has re-
linquished, in this respect, no particle of her
claims. Holland retains as much as ever
the rights which she acquired by treaties
still in existence, to which all the Govern-
ments of Europe were parties and guarantees,
and, in virtue of which, the existence of
Belgium, as an independent State, is a legal im-
possibility, unless preceded by the consent of the
King df the Netherlands formally expressed, or
by the extinction of Holland as an independent
Power. In these respects the probability of a
general war remains precisely where it
was. Are we, then, to seek the diminution
of this danger in the new temper and the re-
ciprocal feelings towards each other which the
siege and capture of Antwerp has diffused
among the great States of Europe ? So far
as this consideration is entitled to any weight,
it will scarcely be doubted that the danger of a
general war, so far from being diminished, is
incalculably increased. Then, in the last place
(and we are not aware of any other aspect in
which the subject can be considered), has any
change been effected favourable to peace in the re-
lative power of the States from whose discordant
feelings or interests a (reneral war in Europe was to
be apprehended ? In this respect it cannot,
surely, be said that there is any alteration. What,
then, is the kind of success which the arms of
France have achieved ? They have transferred
the actual occupation of a fortress from the
troops of the King of the Netherlands to those
of King Leopold. This is all. And if it be,
much as it may have affected the state of political
parties in France (it is not easy to perceive how
it can have given periianent strength to any
party sincerely desirous of peace in any country),
with respect to the questions really at issue be-
tween Holland and Belgium, with respect to the
disposition and interests of the other Powers of
Europe, with respect to the inducements to
these Powers to engage in war, or to their rela-
tive means of prosecuting hostilities, it is less
than nothing. In the antecedent state of affairs
there may or may not have been a tendency to
war ; but it is plain that whatever tendency there
was has not been diminished, but, on the con-
trary, greatly increased, by the French military
operations in Belgium.—Morning Post.
An evening (Conservative) con temporary has
given publicity to the following mysterious an-
nouncement,
on what it terms " high autho-
rity :"

" RUPTURE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND RUSSIAN CA-

HINETS.

" The Cabinet of St. Petersburgh having instructed
its Ambassador, M. Pozzo di Borgo, to demand his pass-
ports, and leave France, unless the French Government
should give him ample satisfaction relative to several sub-
jects of complaint, negotiations have been going on for
some weeks past, but which have now terminated by no
means satisfactorily. Amongst other demands made by
the Russian Ambassador, he tequired that the Poles who
have taken refuge in France, should be banished, that
the Polish Committee existing in Paris should be dis-
solved, and that Prince Cz irtoriski, who is invited to all
the Ministerial Salons, should be requested to retire. It
appears that to some of these several ether demands of the
Russian Cabinet, relating to Belgium, Spain, and Por-
tugal, the French Government his given a negative reply ;
and M. Pozzo di Borgo, highly dissatisfied with the re-
sult of these negotiations, would not take upon himself
the responsibility of remaining longer at Paris, but has
left that capital for London, where he will wait the orders
of his Government.

" It is said that M. D'Appony will address Louie Philip
in the name of the diplomatic corps on New Year's Day ;
and it is generally supposed in the diplomatic circles, that
M. de Medem, Charge d'Affaires of Russia, will not as-
sist at this ceremony, in the absence of M. Pozzo di Borgo."
If there be any truth in this statement, we
have only to observe that M. Pozzo di Borgo
did not quit Paris a moment too soon. In the
impertinence of his demands, however imperti-
nent and impudent as the Court of Russia has
lately been, we do not believe. What subjects
of complaint has Russia against France ? What
right has she to demand that the few brave Poles
who have escaped her vengeance should be
banished from France ? What tyranny to de-
mand that the great and good Czartoriski should
be compelled to retire from the salons of a foreign
country, which has now, through adverse cir-
cumstances, become his home—his only source
of consolation for the sad reverses which his
country has undergone ! Well may the Autocrat
of Russia exclaim, " Save me from my friends ;"
for never did a well-wisher of his Imperial
Majesty expose him so shamefully, and
hold him up to such scorn and contempt—
to such hatred and derision as our would-
be contemporary. We hesitate not to
say, in fact, that if the statement be not true, a
grosser political libel was never perpetrated upon
him than that to which our contemporary has
given publicity—not that we doubt the disposi-
tion of the Autocrat to intermeddle in the affairs
of' every European State, if these States would
permit him to interfere, but that we doubt whe-
ther imperial madness would be allowed by
imperial counsellors to go so far as to commit
the honour and good sense of the country to
schemes so impudent, so preposterous, and so
certain to be thwarted. Our contemporary
dwells upon the matter as fact, and reasons upon
it as the cause of a general war. To us the fact
appears to be destitute of foundation—a general
war to be wholly out of the question—or if it
take place at all, one from which no despotic
power can reap any increase of influence or
' authority. Since writing the above we have
learned that the " high official authority" of our
evening contemporary is a French newspaper
Proh ! Pudor ! —Morning Advertiser.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JAN. 1.

Mr. henry John Wallach, late of Drury-lane Theatre,
where he was well known to the public as the representa-
tive of the Brigand, and in various other characters,
appeared this day before the Commissioners, on his peti-
tion, to be discharged from his debts. He was described
in his schedule, as of No. 26, Henrietta-street, Covent-
garden ; and since his arrest has been is the King's Bench
prison. His appearance in Court excited a good deal of
interest, and several members of his profession, anxious
respecting the result of his application, were observed in
and about the Court. There was no opposition to his
discharge; but from a dialogue between him and the
Chief Commissioner, it appeared, as observed by t►ae lat.
ter, that a brother comedian was good enough to arrest
him.

Mr. Wallack, in reply to this observation, remarked
that the individual alluded to is not on the stage—that be
never had the honour of wearing the " buskin," and is
nothing mare than an inferior officer in the Drury-lune
establishment, under Captain Polhill. The individual
was, 13,,wever, by some oversight, described in the schedule
as a " comedian."

In explan ition of his heavy expenditure, the insolvent
(significantly shaking his head), observed that the Court
had but little idea of the cost of a trip to America, and
of the heavy manner in which " professionals" are mulcted.
The CHIEF COMNIISSION ER was not quite a stranger to
the practices of which Mr. Wallack probably had had
reason to complain, and inquired of him " if his trans-
Atlantic trip was a failure ?" to which he answered in the
affirmative, assi.,ning, as a reason, that it was owing to
the London Tneatre having opened ten days earlier than
was customary at the periud, from which it was inferred
that he was obliged, tieing under an engagement to appear
at a specified time in London, to throw up that which he
held in America.
T,,e CrIIEF COMMISSIONER here directed the schedule
to be amended, and declared him entitled to the benefit of
the Act,

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.

LONDON MARKETS.
(From the "London New Price Current" of yesterday.)
_ _

SUGAR.--The Market for raw Sugars continued shut
All the last week. This morning business is again resumed,
but being the first day of the new year, very feat
transactions have taken place ; the amount of the sales is
estimated at 200 to 300 hhds. and trs. The stock of
West India Sugar is now 28,067 hhds. and trs., which is
7,235 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius is
56,811 bags, being 17,473 less than last year. The deli-
very of West India Sugar is 1,377 Mids. and trs., being
1,244 less than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 2,896
bags, being 695 less than the corresponding week of 1831.
In the Refined Market there was no business last week.
This day the Market was again to be resumed, but there
are no purchases of any extent reported.

EAST INDIA SUGAR..—There have been no sales of East
India Sugars.

MAURITIUS SUGAR.—There are no public or private
sales of Mauritius worth reporting.
FOREIGN SUGARS.—There are buyers of Foreign Su-
gars, at low prices, hut no sales are reported. Average
price of Sugar 1/. Bs. Bid. per cwt.
COFFEE.—The only sales of Coffee are small parcels to
the trade for home consumption at full Market prices.
There are inquiries made after Foreign and East India
Coffee, but there are no sellers at any reduction, and in
consequence no purchases are reported.
BUM, BRANDY, AND HoLLANos......The Rum Market
has more appearance of firmness, as the holders do not press
sales ; there are no purchases of any extent lately reported.
TALLOW.—The Market remains steady.
TEA.—The demand for Bobeas is not equal to last
quarter's ; of other descriptions the delivery continues to
ne large, and both Congous and Twankays are in some re-
quest in the Market.

On.s.—A fair business is done in all Oils for the season.
Linseed, from scarcity, is at a high price, compared with
the present rate of Oil, notwithstanding which a further
advance is looked for; the demand for the finest lots for
Ireland has been good during the last fortnight. This day
by public sale about 60 tons of Southern Whale Oil, all
sold rather dearer, 231. 10s. a 271. 10s.

SA LTPETRE. —The Market is very heavy.
INDIGO.-The Company's Indigo inspected is a very
poor parcel; the quality very low. In the Indigo Market
there is no alteration. Assortment of 1,680 chests of
Company's, declared for sale, 22d January :-264 chests
ordinary to good consuming qualities, 2e. 9d. a 3s. 6d. ;
826 chests good consuming to middling shipping ditto,
3s. 6d. a 4s. ; 454 chests middling to good shipping ditto,
4s. a 4s. 6d. ; 80 chests good to fine, 4s. 6d. a 58. ; 56
chests very fine, ss. and upwards.
SPICES.—There are no sales of any extent ; the Market
is still dull.

COTTON.—The purchases reported are quite inconsi-
derable ; the Market is heavy.
TURPENTlNE.—Turpentine remains steady ; the last
arrival, 2,000 brls., sold at 12s. 9d., and 7,000 brls, of
old importations, some nearly five years since, and all in
importers' hands, sold at 11s. 9d. ; the demand for Spirits
of Turpentine is heavy.
FRUIT.-There is no alteration in the demand or in the
prices of Fruit; the Market is still languid.
Cocoa.—The prices of Cocoa remain nominal.
RICE.—In Rice there is no alteration.

COUNTRY (ORN MARKEI'S DURING THE WEEK.

1 Wheat.

Per Quarter. s. to s.
Boston — 46
Gainsborough 57
Grantham 53 67
Grimsby 42 58
Horncastle 44 52
Lincoln
Spilsby 4B 54
Stamford 47 59
York 52 66

LIV.