The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

A wretched malignant scribbler, in allusion
to our article upon the Irish Church, affects to
ascribe it to a Cabinet Minister, and thereupon
spouts forth bile against his Lordship. If the
sentiments of any Member of the Cabinet
should exactly coincide with ours upon a sub-
ject so important, we shall rejoice at it, because
of the greater likelihood of seeing our own
hopes for the country effectually fulfilled ; but
of such individual concurrence we shall only
say, that if it be true, we are not aware of it ;
nor do we believe it one whit the more upon
the credit of such a quarter as that from which
the assertion has proceeded. Another garret-
teer, steeped in the dregs of a faction hostile to
the first, has the face to charge the Times with
inconsistency, in now beginning to plead the
cause of Ireland, of which we had always here-
tofore abetted the gross misrule. We appre-
hend that the people of Ireland themselves, even
the most heated agitator among them, will re-
probate the malignity of such false and shame-
less accusations. Not• a year has elapsed of the
last fifteen during which the wrongs of the
Irish nation, and their remedies, have failed to
occupy an earnest share of our attention, and a
conspicuous place within our columns. Never
had the rights and liberties of Ireland, civil or
religious, an advocate more zealous, more con-
stant, more indefatigable—we will add boldly
—more successful, in its appeals to English prin-
ciple, than the Times ; nor will the pitiful slanders
of men without weight or character efface therecord
of our honest labours or abate our future energy in
the advancement of the public good. The agi-
tation of Ireland ! We have said already for
what causes Ireland has been agitated, and that
if redress of manifest and shocking grievances go
not hand in hand with the repression of dis-
turbance, the disturbers must in the end be too
strong for the repressive power, will triumph
over it, and will have the hearts of all mankind
in their favour. If the Legislature proffer
bona fide justice, and be met by insurrection,
the insurgents must be put down or punished,
for then the aggression will be theirs: but when
has full and equal justice been rendered to the
bulk of the people of Ireland ? or when has it
formed a part of any prospectus of English go-
vernment brought before the country, as ap-
proved and contemplated by the Crown and
Parliament ? 'We are desired gravely to " re-
conquer Ireland and bind it." Why, how often
has Ireland been conquered ! How often fet-
tered ! How cruelly has she been bound and
trampled on, and spoiled as she lay prostrate !
It is true the Irish have bitten off their chains ;
they have gradually recovered their legs, and now,
erect and intrepid, they refuse to be robbed or
outraged any longer. But how, and through
whose mediation did they gradually shake off a
heavy portion of their bondage ? What friend
had they ?—None : they had no friend, but
an occasional sense of feebleness in ►heir rulers.
The relaxation of the Popery laws in 1779 was
from terror—the simple repeal was from terror-

the elective franchise' of 1793, and other con

cessions of that period, from terror. The im-
proved spirit of the Administration under Lord
Wellesley, in 1822,—a great era in our domestic•
annals, when ten counties were in open rebellion,
and the gentry keeping garrison throughout the
whole south of Ireland,—was from terror,—sa-

lutary terror. What produced the Catholic Bil'
of 1829, but the fear avowed by the bravest o
men, the Duke of Wellington, that without
the Government of the country must in effect
he a military Government, and the price of re
twining it under the crown of the United King-
dom a perennial civil war ? Now, again, wh\
is the Church of Ireland to be reformed ? Not

for fear, which implies uncertainty, but fo

despair, the utter despair of in future collecting
the old fund for supporting the clergy, from the
actual, though not legal, extinction of the tithe
system. It is not, therefore, without a knowledge
of their own history, or of the pervading spirit
of the dominion which they have to'deal with,
that the Irish have so frequently harassed " ears
polite" by their " agitations." They have found

but one cneans of —access to the Legislature—
that is by knocking, in a different tone from that

of gentlemen ushers, at the door. Do justice,
we repeat, but, until you have the virtue to be
just, have at least the humanity to be merciful.
Let us examine the deep and universal corn-
complaints of this unfortunate people. Let us
be sure to have right upon our side ere we treat
them like banditti, pirates, or other felons. We
do not conceive that it wcLuld be possible for all
the O'Connells that ever organized agitation, or
all the priests by whom he was ever seconded,
to rouse the Irish peasant against law and pro-
perty, if he did not feel in his own heart that

botli were leagued with his oppressors. Once
more, then,—but not for the last time, until
the great object be completed,—let a redress of
grievances keep abreast of the suppression of
insurgency,—of all coercive measures for main-
taining the public peace, so shall we place the
agitators in the wrong, and speedily as well as
inevitably undermine their influence with the
people. Other evils, which we had proposed to
touch upon, must now be reserved for a future
discussion.— Times.

We received last night letters from our own
correspondent at Madrid, dated the 7th inst..
which come very seasonably to assure us of the
state of things in that capital, concerning which
the preceding accounts had necessarily created
some little uneasiness. It now appears that the

partial disturbances of which it was made the
scene by the partisans of Don Carlos had entirely
ceased ; that that movement, by a slight repres-
sive exertion on the part of the police, was soon
stripped of any formidable character ; and, in
fact, that the whole affair, so far from affecting
the power of the Queen's friends, had produced
no other effect than that of demonstrating the
utter prostration and impotence of the proscribed
insurrectionary faction. Some further details
are given in the letter, but it will be seen that
Madrid is again tranquil, and that the provinces
Are free from disturbance. The King resumed
the sovereign functions, associated, however, with
the Queen, by her Royal decree dated the 4th
;natant, and contemporaneously promulgated
two other decrees, in %hid' he expresses
afresh his attachment for, and confidence in,
her Majesty, and is profuse in grateful ac-
knowledgments for the unaffected solicitudes and

kindnesses which she displayed towards him
during the period of
.his painful illness. It is
now said that he was never entirely abstracted
from public business, for the powers of his
mind remained unshaken, and that his reason

_ .
from the beginning sanctioned, as his consent
was asked for, everything which his consort did
in his name. The formal appearance of Ferdi-
nand, therefore, upon the political stage, is a
less abrupt, and, of necessity, less equivocal
matter than was . imagined. Nevertheless,
it has given rise to a great deal of speculation-

amongst those who regard the drama of intrigues
at the Spanish Court as a trifle beneath atten-
tion, except so far as it is connected with the
progress or prospects of national freedom, and to
very considerable anxiety. Experienced men,
doubting the future from knowledge of the past,
are diffident of the good faith of Ferdinand,
seeing that he has already broken it so
often ; but, on the other band, it is felt that
he has new claims upon his consistency
which did not exist before, and that his
affection for his daughter will hind him
steadily to that course, which luckily can-
❑ot be promoted for her use without also
serving the cause of Spanish liberty. The so-
lution of these misgivings must be left to time,
but our next adrices may enable us to throw
some light upon them. Sir Stratford Canning
had not yet arrived in Madrid, and it is thought
that if his mission proves, as it is supposed to
be, to have for its object to influence the Court
to favour the cause of Donna Maria, he will
meet with many and serious obstructions to its
success. He was hourly expected at the date of
these letters, and the quarantine, notwithstand-
ing the alarm of the Government, which is very
great, had been shortened in his favour from 28
to 12 days. The Government had lately dis•
missed a hundred of the Guardia Real, all the
members of which are tainted with Carlism,
which is considered as a great proof of the con
tidence that it feels in its own strength. Lord
Hervey had returned to Madrid. In Lisbon
the Constitutionalists were still looking forward
to an energetic interference by France, towards
which some recent provocatives had been offered
by fresh acts of misconduct on the part of Don
IVliguers forts. In our private letter will be
found the details of this last outrage.—Morn-
ing Herald.

From the entertaining and instructive work
on America, by Mr. Stuart, to which we alluded
on Thursday last, some valuable lessons may
be derived by the people of this country. When-
ever a people depart from the principles of jus-
tice, in sanctioning oppression, they are them-
selves the great sufferers. If England has her
Helots in Ireland the United States have their
Helots in the slave States. To return to the
path of justice in Ireland is surrounded by many
difficulties. In the United States, from various
circumstances, the return will be still more dif-
ficult. By the last census of the United States,
the population amounted to 12,976,649, say 13
millions. But a material distinction exists be-
tween the slave-holding States and the others.
The Eastern States, or New England, with a
population of nearly two millions; the Middle
States, with a population of upwards of four
millions (Maryland excepted, which has be-
tween 100,000 and 200,000 slaves) ; the States
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, with a population of
upwards of 1,300,000, that is, altogether, States
with a population of nearly eight millions, are
free from the curse of slavery. In these States,
they who labour are happy, virtuous, and con-
tented. Education is more generally diffused in
(hem than in any region of the globe. But when
we turn to the slave-holding States, the reverse of
all that is cheering in the free States presents
Itself. Everywhere in the free States improve-
ments proceed rapidly, communications extend,
d newspapers abound. But the moment the
stranger enters a slave-holding State, tyranny and
its offspring—apprehension and distrust—exhi-
bit themselves in their worst forms. When Mr.
Stuart was at Richmond, in Virginia, " a law
was in progress for preventing the free men of
colour from being educated. It passed the
House of Delegates, but was rejected in the
Senate by a small majority." " The effects of
slavery (observes Mr. Stuart) are nowhere more
visible than in Virginia; the population not
having increased like that of the free States of
the North. In 1790, Virginia contained, in her
boundaries, one-fifth part of the whole political
power of the American Confederation, was
twice as large as New York, and one-third
larger than Pennsylvania; but times are changed
Her political weight will be just one-half of that o
New York in the Congress under the New Cen•
sus, and one-third less than that of Pennsylva.
nia'; she will have to rank with Ohio, a State that

was not in existence when she was in the zenitl

of her prosperity." In Georgia the laws are
beyond measure tyrannical. "In case (says Mr.
Stuart) any slave or free person of colour
teach any other slave or free person of colour to
read or to write either written or printed cha-
racters, the free person of colour or slave is
punished by fine and whipping ; and a white
person so offending is punished with a fine not
exceeding 500 dollars, and imprisonment in the
common gaol. Any slave or free person of
colour, or any other person, circulating papers
or bringing into this state, or aiding in any man-
ner in bringing into the state, papers, for the
purpose of exciting to insurrection, conspiracy,
or resistance, any of the slaves or free persons of
colour, against their owners or the citizens, is

punished —with death." In Louisiana the laws

respecting the slaves are as tyrannical as at
Charleston or in Georgia. " The State Legis-
lature (says Mr. Stuart) have now, on the 16th
and 17th days of March (1830), passed two
Acts, not many days before I reached New Or-
leans, containing most objectionable provi-

sions. The first—Act provides, Ist, that.who-
.

soever shall write, print, publish, or distribute
anything having a tendency to create discontent
among the free coloured population of this
State, or insubordination among the slaves
therein, shall, at the discretion of the Court,
Allier death, or imprisonment at hard labour for
life.-2. That whosoever shall use language in
any public discourse, from the bar, the bench,
the stage, the pulpit, or in any place, or in pri-
vate discourse or conversation, or shall make use

of signs or actions having a tendency to pro-
duce discontent among the free coloured popu-
lation in this State, or to excite insubordination

among the slaves therein, or whoever shall
knowingly be instrumental in bringing into this
State any paper, pamphlet, or book, having such
tendency as aforesaid, shall, at the discretion of
the Court, suffer at hard labour not less than
three years nor more than twenty years, or
death.-3. That all persons who shall teach or

permit, or cause to be taught, any slave in this
state to read or write, shall be imprisoned not
less than one nor more than twelve months."

The second Act provides for the expulsion from
the State of all free people of colour who came
into it subsequently to the year 1807, and in-
flicts a high penalty on any white man the

author of written or printed papers within
the State, or who shall use any language with
the intent to disturb the peace or security of the
same, or relative to slavery, or to diminish that

respect which is commanded to free people
of colour for the whites. While newspapers
are increasing in the free States, they are
either stationary or decreasing in the slave
States. Thus, while the newspapers in the
State of New York have increased, between 1810

and 1830, from 66 to 211, and in Pennsylva-
nia from 71 to 185, there were 13 in Georgia
in 1810, and the same number in 1830, and
10 in Louisiana in 1810, and only 9 in 1830.
though in that period the population has in-
creased from 20,845 to 215,272. In the slave
States, the owners of slaves are well aware that
their property is held by the precarious tenure
of the ignorance of the slave, and therefore
they enact their Draconian laws against the com-
munication of knowledge. The following cal-
culation will show the motive which the owners
of slaves have for retaining them in ignorance :
—" Dr. Tidyman (says Mr. Stuart, in a late
publication, relating chiefly to the establishment
of the recent Tariff ) states the expense of pro-
viding clothing, food, &c., for a slave, on a
well managed plantation, to be about 35 dollars
per annum. He also states the amount of the
wages of a labourer—a white man—in the
United States to be three times as great as ii
Europe. Now supposing the price of a slave to
be 400 dollars, and 40 dollars a year's interest at
ten per cent. on his price, the prodigious saving
of employing slaves is obvious. The wages of
a white man cannot be reckoned at less than
500 or 600 dollars." In fact, so long as there
is abundance offertile land unoccupied in America
labour will be high, and it will consequently be
profitable to keep slaves. But it is obvious that
the slave will keenly feel the hardship of his lot,
and that the more he is instructed, the less will
he be disposed to submit to it. On the other
hand, in the free States, it is the interest of all
that knowledge should be as extensively diffused
as possible. Where all are equal, it is obvious
that there is much more danger from ignorance
than knowledge. Thus we find every where in
the free States an anxiety for the diffusion of
education. Mr. Stuart notices an interesting
conversation he had with a Mr. Spencer, the
High Sheriff of a county of New York, in
which the latter 0 expatiated on the advantages
of education being placed in the power of all,
especially in such a Government as theirs, where
all men had public duties to discharge, and no
man was in station or rank inferior to his neigh-
bour." "All ranks (says Mr. S. in another place)
are educated in those parts of the United States,
where there isanything like a crowded-population.
The order and regularity which pervade their uni-
versal suffrage and annual elections have already
been described, and are unquestionably in a great
measure owing to the education and intelligence
of the people, and to their being perfectly well
informed on the general political questions which
agitate the country. The example of the United
States proves that there is no risk in bestowing
the right to vote in elections on all persons, not
incapacitated by crime, who have been well
educated. Neither the Patroon of Albany, pro-
bably the most wealthy landed proprietor in the
United States, nor Mr. John Jacob Astor, the
greatest capitalist of New York, would view their
property to be more secure by being authorized
to send Members to Congress, or to the State
Assembly of New York State." Accordingly
we find the institutions for education in the
free States of North America on a scale of libe-
rality without example in any other part of the
world. Thus, for instance, Mr. Stuart observes—
" The general plan of eduction at the public free
schools here is not confined to mere reading, writing,
arithmetic, and book-keeping, and the ancient and modern
languages ; but comprehends grammar, mathematics, na-
vigation, geography, history, logic, political economy, and
rhetoric, moral and natural philosophy: these schools being
as stated in the printed regulations, intended to occupy
the young people from the age of four to seventeen, and
to form a sys•em of education advancing from the lowest
to the highest degree of improvement, which can be de-
rived from any literary seminaries inferior to colleges and

universities; and to afford a practical and theoretical ac
quaintance with the various branches of a useful education

" There are at present at Boston 68 free schools, be-
sides 23 S ibbath schools; in all of which tl,e noorest in-
habitant of Boston may have his children educated, ac-
cording to the system of education before specified, from
the age of four to seventeen, without any expense what-
ever. The children of both sexes are freely admitted.
The funds for these schools are derived from bequests and
donations by individuals, and grants from the Legislature
and corporations; and enable the trustees, consi.ting of
twelve citizens, annually elected by the inhabitants of each
of the twelve wards of the city, with the Mayor and eight
Aldermen, to give the teachers salaries varying from
2.500 to 800 dollars a year. The assistant teachers have
600 dollars. The trustees elect the teachers, and vote
their salaries yearly ; and no preference is given on any
principles but those of merit and skill.
" No expense whatever is incurred at those schools for

the children, except for bo dis. The richer classes at
Boston formerly very generally patronized teachers of pri-
vate schools, who were paid in the usual way ; but they
now find that the best teachers are at the head of the
public schools, and, in moat cases, prefer them ; the
children of the highest and lowest rank enjoying the pri-
vilege, altogether invaluable in a free State, of being edu-
cated together.

"In the adjoining State of C innecticut, it has been
ascertained by accurate reports, that one third of the po-
pulation, or about 275,000 attend the public schools.
" The result of the recent inquiry into the state of edu-
cation in the State of New Yolk, which adjoins New Eng-
'aid, and is almost equal to it in population, and to which
I have already alluded, is very much, though not entirely,
the same. It is proved by actual reports, that 499,434
children, out of a population of one million, nine hundred
thousand, were at the same time attending the schools—
that is, a fourth part of the whole population. Although
the public funds of New Yolk State are great, these
schools are not entirely free, but free to all who apply for
immunity from payment. The amount of the money paid
to the teachers by private persons, does not, however,
amount to one-third of the whole annual expense; which
is somewhat less than a million of dollars."

Thuq, while every addition to the number of

the slaves adds to the insecurity of the slave
States, the free States are becoming every day
more enlightened, powerful, and prosperous.
We may observe, that in the elections in the
free States the ballot prevails, while in the slave
States the elections are conducted as in Eng-
land, and the same disgraceful scenes are exhi-
bited in them. Mr. Stuart was in the State of
New York during the election in which Pre-
sident Jackson was chosen. The following is
the account he gives of what came under his no-
tice on that occasion :

" It was on the sth November that I was present at
the election at Ballston Spa, held in one of the hotels,
about the door of which twenty or thirty people might
be standing. My friend, Mr. Blown, introduced me,

and got me a plac eat the table. I must confess that I

have been seldom more dis appointed at a public meeting.
The excitement occasioned by the election generally was
declared by the newspapers to be tar greater than had
ever been witnessed since the declaration of independence
in 1776. And at Ballston Spa any irritation which ex.
isted had been increased by an attack made a few days
previous to the election by the local press, and by
hand-hills. on the moral character of one of the can-

didares, a gentlem in who had filled a high offi
Congress, and who resided in the neighbourhood. I was
therefore prepared for some fun, for some ebullition of hu
moor, or of sarcastic remark, or dry wit, to which the
Americans are said to be pron.. Bot'all was dumb show,
or the next thing to it. The ballot-boxes were placed on
ti table, at which half a (Lae!) of the inspectors or canvassers
of votes were seated. The voters approached the table by
single files. Not a word was spoken. Each voter de.

.vered his list, when he got next to the table, to the offs•

cers, who call-d out hi; name. Any person might ob-
ject, but the objection was instantly decided on—the

cers having no difficulty, from their knowledgeOfThe
township, of the persons residing in it, and to whose tea-

timony reference was instantly made, in determining on
the• spat, whether the qualification of the voter was or
was not sufficient. I need hardly say, that I did not at-
tend this excessively uninteresting sort of meeting for any
long time; but I am bound to bear thie tthtimony in -its

favour, that so quiet a day of election, both without and
within doors, I never witnessed either in Scotland or Eng-
land. I did not see or hear of a drunk person in the street
.f the village or neighbourhood, nor did I observe any-
thing extraordinary except the increased number of car.
riages or waggons of all kinds, three or four of them
drawn by four horsos, one by six. We were residing close
by the hotel where the election took place, and in the
evening the tranquillity was as complete as if no election
had occurred.
" The county canvassers for the twenty townships of
this county of Saratoga afterwards met, and made up
their returns for the county, in all of which, as well as in
the whole of the State, the same quietness and perfect order
prevailed. The number of votes given in this State for
the electors of the President was 276,176, in a popula-
tion of upwards of 1,800,000 ; and that this part of the
election was most keenly contested is obvious from the
recorded fact, that the majority for Jackson over Adams
in this State only amounted to 5,350. The total num-
her of votes given in the Presidential election on this oc-
casion was afterwards ascertained to be nearly 1,200,000,
in a population of about 12,000,000, of which the whole
Sates are composed.
" Thus, in a State far exceeding Scotland in extent,
and almost equalling it in population, the votes for the
Chief Magistrate of the United States and his Substitute—
for the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of the State—
for a Senator and Representatives to Congress for three
Representatives to the State of New York—.for four Co-
roners, a Sheriff, and a Clerk to the County, were taken
—and the business of the election finished with ease, and
with the most perfect order and decorum, in three days.
All voted by ballot, which is here considered the only way
to obtain independent and unbiassed votes ; and if so in
this country, how much more in the British Islands,
where the aristocracy and higher orders are so infinitely
more powerful, influential, and numerous !"
Mr. Stuart cites the authority of Dr. Dwight,
Chancellor Kent, &c., as to the good effects of
ballot, and refers to the evidence of Mr. James
Fleet for the contrast which is observable
where there is no ballot. Mr. James
Fleet (he says), who travelled in the United
States about a dozen years ago, and whose scru-
pulous correctness of narration is well known to
all who knew him, in his published Letters from
America states his views as to their elections
thus :—" A few days ago I witnessed the elec-
tion of a Member of Congress for the State of
Indiana. Members for the State Assembly and
county officers, and the votes for the township
of Jeffersonville, were taken by ballot in one day.
No quarrels or disorder occurred. At Louisville,
in Kentucky, the poll was kept open for three
days; the votes were given viva voce. I saw
three fights in the course of an hour. This
method appears to be productive of as much dis-
cord here as in England. With relation to the
ballot, I would only further add, that a great
point gained by it is celerity ; 10,000 votes can
easily be taken in five or six hours." Should a
contest take place between Carolina and the free
States, in which all the power of the Union re-
sides, the issue may be anticipated without much
difficulty. We hope, however, a contest will be
avoided. While not one-eighteenth part of the
land of the United States is yet unoccupied,
what madness in the free States to persist in the
measure which threatens dissolution of the
Union !—Morning Chronicle.

The election of the whole sixteen representa-
tive Peers of Scotland from the Conservative
portion of the Scotch Peerage is a galling wound
in the side of the present revolutionary iVlinistry,
and, as might naturally be expected, their organs
of the Press writhe, growl, and threaten upon
the occasion in the genuine style of chastised,
angry, and desperate sans culottes. It is pro-
voking, no doubt, to Earl Grey and his gang of
Revolutionists for the love of place that they can
only obtain the votes of the three-and-tenpenny
rent-payers, who manifest by their suffrages, not
their respect or confidence towards the Adminis-
tration, but their devotion to a phantom called
Reform, which the jugglers of Whitehall have
created to amuse and delude them, whilst all
classes of society above the level of the three-
and-tenpenny voters express, upon every oppor-
tunity, towards these shallow jugglers, the
precise degree of aversion and contempt
which their principles and eonduct deserve. It
is indeed very provoking. We cannot feel the
least surprise that it should make Earl Grey and
his revolutionary crew very angry ; and, as angry
men seldom act judiciously, it is natural enough
that the Administration and its retainers should
show how deeply they are mortified and vexed

at every new proof of their having forfeited the
esteem and respect of all the upper classes of
society. There is nothing so easy as for the
squire of a country village to make himself
popular with the blacksmiths, the carpenters,
the tailors, the shoemakers, and the boors in
his neighbourhood. To secure the attainment
of this object he has nothing to do but to de-
scend to their level ; to adopt their coarse tastes
and vulgar propensities ; to frequent the alehouse
where they booze, and the fairs at which they
display their rustic accomplishments of climb-

ing a greasy mast, grinning through a col-
lar, or eating hasty pudding against time ; but
to obtain the esteem and affection of the
class of society to which he properly belongs
requires other attainments and exertions. There

is nothing so easy as for the clergyman of a
parish to make himself popular among the Ranters
and Jumpers in the vicinity of his parsonage,
for, to attain this object, he need only rant and
jump as they do ; but to acquire the respect and
affection of his brother clergymen he must cul-
tivate other studies, and devote himself to other
and more arduous duties. Neither is there any-
thing so easy as for Ministers of the Crown to ob-
tain the favour of the rabble, for tothis end nothing
more is required than that they should flatter the

ignorant vanity, and gratify the thirst for poll-
Ical power, by which the rabble in every country
s distinguished. But to obtain or deserve the

confidence and favour of those classes of society
to which the Ministers of the Crown generally
belong it is indispensable that they should dis-
play some of the qualities of Statesmen ; that
they should show a deep regard for the institu-
tions of the country, and for its welfare and tran-
quillity ; that they should prove themselves to
be actuated by an anxious desire to maintain the

honour and promote the interests of the nation,
and possessed of the talent and experience to
perceive in what its honour consists, and how its
essential interests may be protected and advanced.
It would be very extraordinary indeed if Earl
Grey and his colleagues could not find writers to
attempt to depreciate the judgment of theßritish
House of Peers, of the constituent Peerage of
Scotland, and of all the seats of learning in the
three kingdoms, when all these have concurred

unanimously to pronounce Earl Grey and his
colleagues incapable or wicked Ministers. Men
must provide fur their families, and must, there-
fore, labour in their several vocations. But,
after all that the Ministerial Press can say, it will
scarcely be believed even of Earl Grey and his
colleagues that they are pleased with the po-
sition in which they stand, or that they would
prefer, had they any choice in the matter,
the suffrages of the weavers of Glasgow to
those of the Noble Voters of Holyrood
House. It must be unpleasant to such men
as Earl Grey and several of his colleagues to
find that they are objects of scorn and aver-

sion to that class of society which is properly

their own, and of which, had they not been revo-
lutionary Ministers; they might have retained the
high esteem and regard. And for this they will
scarcely find any adequate compensation in the
Tony Lumpkin kind of popularity to which they
may have attained at the « Three Pigeons," and
which they share with all such gentlemen as
habitually descend to the society of tinkers, and
all such of the clergy (if there be any) who
mix themselves up with the Ranters, Jumpers,
and other insane fanatics of the conventicles.
But we are told that the ranks of the Tony
Lumpkin Administration must be reinforced in
the House of Lords in order to counteract the
effect of the election for. Scotland of Represen-
tative Peers of a different school. This is a new
specimen of the constitutional principles of the
Ministry and its adherents. The Peerage of
Scotland have exercised the right preserved to
them by the Act of Union, and therefore the
Royal prerogative in the creation of Peers is to
be prostituted, the British Peerage is to be de-
graded, and the Ministers of the Crown for
the time being are to exercise the power of
packing the highest branch of the Legisla-
ture by the introduction of sixteen nominees
and slaves of their own. The reasoning is, it
must be admitted, strict and cogent. The
Peers of Scotland withhold their confidence
from the King's Ministers which is a great
crime. They do not see all the redeeming
merits of an Administration against which no
higher crimes can be charged than those of
exciting the rabble of England to burn down
cities; persecuting the meritorious Magistrates
of cities which have undergone the Ministerial
ordeal of fire, in order to divert public attention
from their own delinquency ; bringing Ireland
to the verge of rebellion, and leaving all the
Protestant Clergy, Magistrates, and respect-
able inhabitants of that country in daily and
hourly apprehension of murder ; employing the
navy of England in acts of piracy ; dissolving
all the ancient and beneficial alliances of Eng-
land with the other Powers of Europe ; and this
shows no doubt the greatest folly and blindness
on their part. And therefore the House of
Peers of the United Kingdom, which, fortu-
nately, is quite as benighted upon this subject as
the Peerage of Scotland, is to be placed in the
power of these Ministers, to whose transcendent
merits, the full counterpoise and adequate com-
pensation for the trivial faults we have men-
tioned, it and they, and all the superior classes
in every one of the three kingdoms, are so fool-
ishly and criminally blind. It is a principle of
the British Constitution that the Ministers of
the Crown should be amenable to the judgment
of the two Houses of Parliament, and that nei•her
House of Parliament should be amenable to the
judgment of the Ministers of the Crown. But a
Reforming Ministry,like the present, requires and
deserves that in its favour so inconvenient a
principle should be eradicated or overlooked.
Surely this is reasonable.—Morning Post.