The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-15 00:00:00

CORN LAWS,

Yesterday evening a meeting of gentlemen de-
sirous of obtaining a repeal of the corn laws sA as
held at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, for the pur-
pose of taking preliminary steps for the formation of
a Central Association to attain that object. Among
the gentlemen present were Colonel Perronet
Thompson, the Hon. Colonel Leicester Stanhope,
Mr. Rosson, Mr. Nicholson, of Fenchureh-street,
Mr. Fearon, Sir J. S. Lillie, C. 8., Mr. Williams,
of Watling-street, Mr. Ashurst, Mr. Pouncy, Mr.
Owen, of Bethnal-green, Mr. J. C. Loudon (au-
thor of the Encyclopaedias of Agriculture and
Gardening), &c. &c.
Sir JOHN SCOTT LILLIE, C. 8., having been called
to the chair, stated that the object for which they

were then met was that of promoting an Asso-
ciation for the purpose of accomplishing the repeal
of the obnoxious tax upon that most necessary
article of life called bread. On a late occasion, one

of his Majesty's Ministers was reported to have
expressed himself, in common with his Colleagues,
averse to the existing corn laws. But it was to be re-
gretted that the same Minister, on that occasion, was
reported to have stated, that the Ministers had no
disposition to alter those laws, inasmuch as they
apprehended a division of opinion to exist in the
minds of the people on that subject. If, however,
that argument were to hold good against the repeal
of the corn law, it would operate equally agai st
every other measure of public utility. It was a
consolation, however, to know that those opposed
to a repeal of these laws were as nothing, compared
with the great mass of the people who were deter-
mined that they should be repealed. It was by the
voice of the people that his Majesty's Ministers
were brought back to office, and empowered to
carry Parliamentary Reform ; and he doubted not
that the voice of the people would enable them to
carry the repeal of the corn laws.—(Hear, hear.)
Societies similar to that which they had met to
establish were in progress of formation all over the
country ; and he believed there could be no doubt
their joint efforts would be successful. So far from
their success being injurious to the farmers and
landowners, it was the opinion of the most enlight-
ened men that it would have a directly contrary

effect.—(Hear, hear.)
Rosso:, in rising to move the first resolu-
tion, said that he found his opinions with reference
to this most important question so ably stated in
Sir Henry Parnell's work on Financial Reform, that
it would be useless for him to do more than quote
the words of that eminent writer :—" The land-

lords of England, instead of lending all their efforts
to secure the continuance of the corn laws, should
use their influence to obtain the followieg measures;
first, a commutation of tithes; secondly, an altera-
tion of the law of waver, so as to establish the same
facility in England as there is in Scotland, in pre-
venting alienation by tenants, and in enforcing other
conditions of leases; thirdly, the restoration of the
poor law system to what it was in 1795; fourthly,
the establishing a free trade in banking, so that the

farmer may have the advantage of the system of
cash credits and deposits as it exists in Scotland."
As this was merely a preparatory meeting he simply
quoted this as a sort of profession of faith on this
great question. He begged to move :
" Ist. That the necessary tendency of the corn laws
being to cramp industry, and limit production, it is, in so
fir as operative, a great source of loss, rendering the coun-
try less able to bear its heavy burdens than it otherwise
would be." _ _

The resolution was then seconded and agreed to
Mr. OWEN said that the resolution he was thou'
to
no t
emn moven c
nnot
thni
voot
iaitne ‘rivtweh dae
had
a ef-
apdtsr
oo lmbpeoereotvnemi
rdsoce
ton
of
emt f
the
ptlhecompletely
rlyoexistingproposition.th T
frustrated.
oof corn
ecoorhrnne
laws That
h intention ei
in this country; whereas their effect clearly had been
to diminish that growth. From an inspection of
the returns, the imports from 1815 up to the pre-
sent time had been increasing in a ratio considerably
greater than the increase of population. With re-
spect to upholding high rents, the effect of the corn
laws appeared to have been entirely contrary to the
wishes of those who were desirous of establishing
so shameful a monopoly, for it was notorious thit
for some time past rents had, by the system of re-
turns at the audit day, been diminished far beyond
what was apparent upon the face of the rent roll.
The effect of the corn laws of this country upon
the principal foreign corn markets, such as Dantzic
and others, was to raise the prices of corn there just
at the precise time when the maximum price of
corn here allowed of importation. At most periods
the prices of corn at Dantzic, &c., were very much
lower than in our markets, but when the importation
to this country was necessary, the price became
nearly equal to ours. In consequence, the foreign
manufacturers had the constant advantage of cheap
labour ; but when we needed their corn, we
could not obtain it, except at the exorbitant price
created by the unsteady and sudden demand. The
evidence taken before the Committee on trade and
Commerce, most strongly marked how injuriously
the corn laws bore upon that important branch of
our commerce, namely our shipping. It shows that at
Memel, beef was 235. per cwt., bread 14c. per cwt.;
at Hamburg, beef 245. per cwt., bread 13s. per
cwt. While at the same time in England, beef was
445. to 48s. per cwt., and bread 20s. to 21s. per
cwt. The difference in seamen's wages was similar.
The foreigner paid 30s. per month, in England we
paid 60s. Here wai a difference sufficient to drive
our shipping from all fair competition with the fo-
reign owner, and produced a reduction in English
freight that put fair remuneration out of the ques-
tion. This state of things, no doubt, acted equally
on the manufactures, and gave the foreigners an
advantage that would be totally destroyed by an
open trade in corn. Our shipping and manufactures
would, by a repeal of the corn laws, receive an im-
pulse most beneficial to all interests in the country.
He then begged to mov,—
" That not only does the corn law directly injure the
mantvacturer, merchant, and shipowner of this country,
by preventing the production and exportation of goods
which would be sent abroad to pay for corn, bur al.o
indirectly in a very serious manner, by preventing the
demand of this country from uniformly acting upon the
continental corn-market, thus occasioning a cheapness of
food abroad, which would not °them ise exist, and ena-
bling foreign manufacturers to compete with us in common
markets."
Mr. MERLE, in seconding the motion, observed
that it came within his own knowledge that there
was a considerable trade going on with Prussia in
the article of beef, for shipping which ourselves
would have furnished had not our capital and in-
dustry been artificially turned to the production of
dear corn. He also stated that, some years ago, a
proposal was made by a company of English capi-
talists to establish works for the supply of water
in Paris by pipes, a proposal which the French
Government was very desirous of accepting, but
that on inquiry it was found that it would take
nearly thirty years for the iron masters of France,
with their limited means of production, and the
thereforersii
pipes
to
establish demands upon them from other quarters, to supply
the quantity of iron pipes necessary for the under-
etask
taibnglist ii:thewol. works t
withoutwas
question.
from England, and application was made for per-
mission to import them, either duty free, or at a
low rate of duty. The answer of the Mi-
nister on that occasion, was, that in his anxiety to
o
supply impossible l
pe
see an object so conducive to the health and
cleanliness of the City of Paris, as the abundant
and economical supply of water accomplished, lie

France. That gentleman had said recently, when
perplexed as to the means of obtaining a suf-
ficient supply of iron rail-way for his contem-
plated improvements, and by the demands made from
various quarters for the admission of British coal
into France without the present heavy irrp”rt duty,
that he was prevented from following the course
which his sense of duty pointed out, by the Engli,h
corn laws, the existence of which precluded all idea
of the removal of restrictions, however injurious
they might be to the interests of the French nation,
if such removal were to be attended with advantages

to this country. If the English restrictive laws
were repealed, said M. Thiers, there would be an
end of all the clamour in France against concessions
to British industry.—(Hear, hear.)
Resolution agreed to.
Mr. FEARON, in moving the third resolution, ap-
prehended that there were few men in the country
who had not formed something like an opinion with

•
regard to the corn laws—laws so at war with cvLry
enlightened view that could be taken of the com-
mercial proceedings of the country, and of the sub-
stantial interests of all classes of the community. It
had been quite usual for patties speaking of the
corn laws either to defend or oppose them upon
grounds which would imply that they rested upon
some principle of poli,ical economy, different from
that which governed the of her interests of the country.
He could not conceive any notion more based upon
ignorance than that. We turned up our eyes with
astonishment because the French would not re-
ceive our manufactures; and when we were told
that the late mission which had gone to that
country under the auspices of Government had
not succeeded to induce them to accept the iron,
cotton, and other great staple manufactures of this
country, we all lamented the extreme blindness
of that nation, and exclaimed that they did not
understand their own interest. But while thus

complaining, and justly so, of the impolicy of the
French, we forgot that, in the instance of the corn
laws we were pursuing precisely the same bad po-
licy.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was only a week or
two since that some gentlemen frem PhiLidelphia
called upon him, and, in speaking of their tariff, he
expressed his astonishment at the degree of ignorance
manifested by some, otherwise able, men on that
subject. They replied, "It is all very true, but
allow us to say that we only copy the pol•cy of
the mother country. Please to remember the
corn laws, and whilst condemning us, it would

be well to look at home; for till, you act up

to the principles you profess, it is vain for you
to put yourselves forward as a nation of enlightened
political economists."—(Cheers.) He found, o
course, that it was impossible to answer this attack.' •
With respect to the object for which they were.
then met, he was of opinion that no class in the •
country would be more benefitted by its attainment,
than the very holders of that species of property
which it was falsely supposed would be. injuriously
affected by it ; for the day was gone by when it could
be argued that one interest could be promoted by-the
depression of others. Members of Parliament, in-
deed, had a vocabulary of their own; and when speak-
ing of the country interest, the town interest, the .
agricultural interest, and the manufacturing interest,
it seemed as if they conceived these several branches
of industry could be separately promoted, or had
distinct objects to serve. It was not within the •
power of human laws, or within the capacity of
man, to protect one interest to the injury of others ;
for in trade all have a community of interest.—
(Hear, hear.) Mr. Fearon then referred to a pro-
test placed on the Journals of the House of Lords
by Lord Grenville and fifteen other Peers, the prin-
ciple of which he considered to be most applicable
to the subject under consideration. " Monopoly,"
said these Noble Lords, " is the parent of scarcity,
of dearness, and of uncertainty. We think it cer-
tain that the principle that public prosperity is best .
promoted by leaving uncontrolled the free current
of national industry, and leaving commerce uriftt-
tered, applies more peculiarly, and on still stronger
grounds of justice, as well as policy, to the corn
trade than any other."—(Cheers.) Those were
principles originating with and propounded by par-
ties whose property consisted in land, consequently,
if in their minds no party could be benefited by the
corn laws, they ought to exert themselves to esta-
blish that uncontrolled freedom of industry and un-
fettered state of trade, which they so emphaticallv
advocated in their protest.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He
begged to move—" That the corn law, not only
directly injures the landowner and farmer, by pro-
ducing fluctuations in the price of corn, which no ,
calculations can foretel, and no prudence guard
against, but also indirectly, in a very serious man.
ner, by checking the industry, employment, and
consequent wealth and increase of the consumers of
this country."
Mr. AsHuRsT seconded the resolution, and said
he was persuaded the time was come when the
question would be asked—" How long the people
of England would consent to be starved ?"—and
that was literally the question with the poor—to
support this monopoly. He was also persuaded
that public opinion had begun already to set in so
strong a current that all they had to do was to con-
gregate together in order to obtain the accomplish..
ment of their wishes.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was
only necessary to declare that they would no longer
submit to these obnoxious laws. While it was con-
templated to interfere with the poor laws, and to
take from the poor that which they at least consi-
dered to be of advantage to them, it was essential
to show them that the higher classes were alive to
their situation, and were ready to give them a cheap
loaf, if they would exert themselves to earn it.—
(Hear, hear.)
The resolution was then put and carried.
Colonel P. TllomPsoN rose to move the fourth
resolution, which he read, as follows :—" That the
experience of the commercial state of Italy, and the
experience of Holland, prove that the free recep-
tion of foreign corn is most conducive to the pros-
perity of a trading people, producing higher wages
to labourers of all kinds, end higher profits to ca-
pitalists, with greater steadiness in the price of food,
than have ever been obtained by any system of
restriction, however regulated or modified?' With
respect to high wages being the result of a free trade
in corn, it was so palpable a truth, that it was
unn-cessary for him to go into any proof of
That capitali-ts were labourets of a certain Sort, was
equally irrefutable; for they laboured with their
heads, as others with their hands.—(Hear, hear.)
Then, with regard to steadiness of price, the }No-
position contained in the resolution might be demon-
strated, even to a child. How did we produce a
steadiness of price in coffee and wine ? By letting our
merchants import those articles from all quarters, and
allowing all to sell them who chose. Who could pro-
duce an argument to show that such would not he
t he case in the article of corn ? The resolution referred
to the higher wages which would be obtained by la-
bourers, and the great profits of capitalists, under a
free trade in corn ; but it omitted to notice one
effect of such a system, which, like the statue of
authort
they
e of
a ere not quite so
Brutus, made us think of it by its absence—that is,
the higher rents which would accrue to landlords.—
(Hear, hear) He was the snore glad to have
the present opportunity of referring to this point, as
he had only seen to-day that the author of "England
and America," in some observations he had
made upon a little work of his, which had obtained
more notice than it deserved, " The Catechism of
the Corn Laws," charged him with representing in
it that the corn laws benefited the landlords. There
Englandweretwo
tipialtsisaAgemsetfitexae,d,
tou supportpn
and he (Colonel Thompson)
o
clear as they ought to be. The
insertion of the word " intended,' where he said
would vo all
the cornrelmasovswere fort
doubth
upon e benefito the of
the
point.
landowner,
h ad
upon
ytttt h e
tedh i
that
s charge;

also been objected to him, that lie had stated that a
landowner being kept at the public expense, was
still a loser ; but he thought the proposition quite
maintainable. A pond might be filled at the expense
of another pond, and yet, by the manner in which
it was supplied, and drained of its supply, be a
loser. That landlords and farmers did lose by
the corn laws, and would gain by their repeal, he had
no more i'oubt than he had of his own existence.
The gain might accrue in a circuitous way, but it
would not be the less certain.—(Hear, hear.) If,
when a man got six hundred pounds instead of five
hundred pounds, he had 1,000/. to pay—which in
the latter case he had no'—the getting the 6001.
was a source of loss. He felt this in his own case
as a landlord, which he was to a small extent—say
to the extent of a county qualification ; and none of
his children could expect to write pamphlets gratui-
tously as he did. He could not expect his property
to support six children in equal ease and comfort
with himself. His father was tenant to Mr. Wil-
berforce, and got that property, which now made
him independent, by trading in that vulgar thing
called hemp ; but it would be vain for him to
send forth his sons to make their fortunes, or earn
their livelihood as his father had done; for the chan-
nels of industry were choked up by the corn laws,
and the first thing he should expect would be to see
their names in the Gazette. He repeated that all
would be gainers, except that class who had a pa-
tent for keeping their children out of the public purse
—(Cheers)—and in many instances they would gain
absolutely in numerical amount of income. He had
felt this so much, that when his tenants had pressed him
(as all tenants had, he believed, been pressing their
landlords) for a reduction of rent, he wrote back word
that he would make a reduction, on condition that,
within six months from the time of repealing the
corn laws, they should either return to the old
rents, or surrender their leases. He could not
resist the temptation of asking, where would
have been the prosperity of Venice, if there
had existed a law compelling the Venetians to
consume only corn grown on the mud banks
of their islands, which would not grow corn
enough for the consumption of the half of a London
parish ?—(Hear, hear.) The same question might
be asked of Holland, which undoubtedly owed its
prosperity to freedom of trade in food. One thing
at least, he hoped they should hear no more of, viz,
the burden of the National Debt as connected with a
necessity for robbing the public creditor. If the trade
of the country were increased four or five times, what
would Le the weight of the National Debt ? It
would be felt as nothing. Many wise heads had been
puzzled in speculations as to how the Debt might
be reduced, but it was clear that the natural model
of relieving the people was to increase their means
l
of paying it. After some further observations on
the general benefits of free trade, Colonel Thompson
sat down amidst loud cheers.

The motion having been seconded, it was carried
unanimously.
Mr. NICHOLSON, in moving, " That it is desirable
the corn laws should be repealed, and that a Cen-
tral Anti-Corn Law Society should be formed, for
the purpose of diffusing information on the subject,"
said that little was required to convince the great
bulk of the people of the absolute necessity of re-
pealing the corn laws. The difficulty was, in
convincing those who imagined they were benefited
by the corn laws, that they were really injured by
't—for let them once be convinced of that fact, and
he would ans ver for it the law would immediately
be abolished.
Colonel STANHOPE seconded the resolution, and
observed that the author of the Catechism of the
corn laws had made it so clear, that the repeal of
the corn laws would be beneficial to the land-
owners, that it was impossible for any reasonable
and unprejudiced man to doubt the proposition.
Independently of the ultimate pecuniary advantage
which the landowners would derive from the abro-
gation of this law, there was another of much greater
importance—he meant security.—(Hear, hear.)
Their fortunes, rank, and station in society, were put
at hazard by the existence of this obnoxious tax ; so
that even if there were to be a greater diminution
of rents, for a time, than ought fairly to be anticipated,
its removal would be vastly to their advantage.
After some discussion, the words " gradually, but
totally," were inserted before " repealed."
Gar the motion of Mr. FRANKS, seconded by Mr.
WILLIAms, the following gentlemen were appointed
as a Committee, to initiate the formation of the
Society :—Colonel Thompson, Colonel Leicester
stanhope, Mr. Rosson, Mr. Ashurst, Mr. Owen,
Mr. Fearon, Mr. Pouncy, Mr. J. C. Loudon, Mr.
Arthur, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Franks, Mr. Nicholson,
Si; John Scott Lillie, Mr. Williams, arid Mr.
Poi lock.
A Sub Committee, consisting of Colonel Thomp•
soul, Mr. Rosson, and Mr. Franks, was appointed
to prepare resolutions to be submitted to a Meet-
ing to be held at a future day.
Thanks having been voted to the Chairman, the
meeting broke up.

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