The Sun.
London, England, 1834-03-14 00:00:00

CARMAN PAPERS.

MUNICH, MARCH 3.—Yesterday 81 Deputies had given in
their names to the Committee. The whole number of Deputies
is 128. It is said that the validity of the elections will be ex-
amined today, and the choice of candidates for the places of
first and second President to.morrow.

In order to make the necessary preparations for the opening
of the Chambers, there are daily sittings of the Council of
State, at which the King presides. People are this time very
anxious for the speech at the opening of this session, which
is always written by the King himself, and in which
we are accustomed to find a complete, though concise,
view of all that has occurred in every branch of the
administration since the preceding session. Though the budget
does not come under discussion at this assembly, a proposal
will be made, however, on the part of the government for
Sxing a certain amount for the civil list for the future. There
are many reasons for such a measure. The Bavarian Constitu-
tion contains nothing positive respecting the civil list, and
hence it has to be voted anew every six years; an anomaly
which does not exist in any other representative State, and a
prerogative which is troublesome to the States themselves, and
which had too much embarrassment and many collisions in the
last Diet.

CARLSRUHE, MARCH s.—Our Gazette contains the following
article under the head of " Sent for in4ertion :"

" Several Jewish inhabitants Or Heidelberg, 'Mannheim, and
Carlsruhe, had sent an adl/41'ess of thanks to the Right Hon.
Robert Grant, the inklefatigable advocate of the emancipation
bf the Jews (wire, as we know, has announced a motion on the
subject for April 24). The following is the answer of the ho-
nourabl Mtmber, which the person who sends it thinks it his
duty M make public, as we"l for the information of those who
sigotd the address, as of all the friends of the cause."
"Tv the Jewish inhabitants of Heidelberg, Mannheim, and
Caxlsruhe

" nthttetti*ll.--I had the honour last summer to receive the
6dthtss ltl which you express your approbation of my efforts in
!the traitll Parliament to obtain equality of civil rights for the
profet;sors of the Jewish faith. I have already communicated
to you through another channel the circumstances which have
tieJlayed my answer to the address, and I have only to return
my sincere thanks for the high estimation of my humble services,
and the high terms in which your opinion is expressed. I must,
however, confess (and this confession will not offend you) that
I have been guided by higher motives than a wish for personal
respect or approbation. But lam not insensible to the value
of approbation like yours, so honourable in itself, and en-
hanced by so many respectable names. My friend, Mr. Mac-
auley, whom you mention, and who seconded my efforts with
a zeal far more worthy of our common cause, gives the assu-
rance that he participates in my feelings. The result of our en _
deavours was nut entirely such as might have been expected,
but I have the confidence that the cause has gained ground in
the minds of the British nat;on, and nobody will doubt of fu
ture success who is convinced, as I am, of the untenableness of
all partial and ill understood laws, and of the final triumph of
truth, reason, and justice.
London, January 20, 1834

ROBERT GRANT.

VIENNA, MARCH 3.—Five per Cent Metalliques, 98f ; Four
per Cent, 88f ; Bank Shares, I,2ssl.—Allgemeine Zeitung,
March 8.

SPIRIT OF l'ilE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The public will be somewhat taken by surprise, we appre-
end, on glancing at the division of last night upon Mr. Rip-
pon's motion for relieving my lords the bishops from the fa-
tigues of their attendance in Parliament, and thence turning to
the curse of the debate by which that division was preceded.
The►*e were some good speeches made in support of the motion
for con fint,g the right rev. bishops to their respective dioceses,
and ,-;6ainst it nothing—not one sentence, or literally no snore
r..ian a single sentence, from Lord Althorp, and not a word
from any other advocate of the present system, whether Mini-
sterial or Tory. True it is, that in the first instance there
seemed to be a strong disposition in the house to come to a
vote without discussion ; but this feeling soon subsided, and
several members were heard at length. Lord Althorp
should, on the change of circumstances, have claimed
a hearing, and have answered, or endeavoured to answer, the
arguments for the motion. For in a state of the public mind
like the present, when gentlemen of all parties know very well
that the country requires something more than a mere ma-
jority of members of Parliament to satisfy it as to the merits
of a particular decision, it is not wise for the government to let
it go forth to the people that all the argument was on one side
of a given question, and that on the opposite side, being that
espoused by ministers themselves, there was nothing but num-
bers to rely upon. Nor was it on this occasion fair towards
the church itself, that is, to the bench of bishops, to exhibit
them to the world in the deplorable light of a set of persons
whose pretensions to the seats they occupied in the House of
Lords their warmest friends were ashamed to justify otherwise
than by a dogged and silent vote. What opinion must the
people now entertain of the wisdom or integrity of last night's
decision, when they see how much could be said against the
bishops, and how apparently impossible it was to answer it—
yet, that there was an abundance of votes where there was a
total absence of reasons? What judgment, we repeat, must be
formed out of doors,—first, as to the justice of the bishops'
cause,—second, as to thehonesty with which the House of Com-
mons acted ? We will admit, that at this early period of the
session the motion may have been unseasonable, because there
are too many church questions at this moment unsettled, to
augment their number, and the consequent perplexities of the
legislature, by yet awhile moving any more. When the time
shall arrive, we shall of course be ready to state our already de-
clared wishes, that the Protestant bishops of this country should
be clergymen and nothing else, and to assign our reasons
for divesting them of that invidious political character
whence has sprung so large a portion of the unfriendly spirit
which prevails throughout the country with regard to them.
In his diocese a bishop may do incalculable good—as a politi-
cian in the House of Lords he is wholly misplaced, and his
venerable character and pastoral functions are altogether per-
verted. At the proper time, therefore, we again say, let their
lordships go to their respective palaces—let them, with liberal
revenues, and with undiverted piety, dispense hospitality,
charity, and spiritual instruction amongst their reverend bre-
thren and their no longer alienated flocks. But there are
topics relating to the church more immediately pressing, and
this truth some one or more of the ministers ought to have
announced to the nation, and not have left it in ignorance of
the motive, or whether any rational motive existed, for the
negative affixed to Mr. Rippon's proposition. But the minis-
ters, whatever other merits they possess, are certainly not dis-
tinguished for tact or promptitude.—Times.

Though Mr Rippon's motion for the exclusion of arch-
bishops and bishops from the House of Lords produced not a
little speaking upon one side, the manner in which it was
treated by the ministry, with the approbation of a majority of
the house, is a proof that, within doors at least, there is a dis-
position to maintain the privileges of the church against such
attacks as that of the hon. mover. The question having been
proposed and seconded, Lord Althorp, on the part of his Ma.
jesty's Ministers appealed to the House, whether the
course which it best became him to adopt was not
to observe a total silence on the subject ? The cheers
both of Whigs and Tories confirmed him in the view he
had taken, and accordingly the noble lord, and those who dis-
approved of the motion, continued silent. In the meanwhile,
several who approved of it spoke. The majority, however, on
the division, was not so large as could be wished, considering
the magnitude of the point at issue, and the high ground
which was taken by those who wished to continue their privi-
leges to the bishops. It is to be hoped that if ever the subject
shall be brought forward again, such recollections as their oppo-
.ition to the Reform Bill will have faded away in the public
mind, to be substituted by no similar remembrance. We may
then expect from the people, both within doors and without, the
return of those reverential feelings with which they used to re-
gard the hierarchy of the Church of England.—Morning
Herald.

The Lords the Bishops met with a severe rub in the House
of Commons last night, in a house of nearly 200 members—
the minority being treble in number that of last year. This
will be a timely lesson to the Spiritual Peers to set their house
in order, and not to meddle with secular questions. If the
minority proceeds in the same annual increase, the Bishops
may expect to be relieved from their obnoxious situation and
duties as Legislators in the course of the present parliament.
We believe that public opinion is tolerably made up on the ex-
pediency of their retirement from the Upper House, and if
their conduct on approaching divisions, in a few weeks, should
be consistent with their recent votes, the nation will be unani-
mous in its desire to rid the Bishops of the incumbrance and
injurious effect to the Church establishment of their presence
in the House of Lords. We are sure that their hungry flocks
would reap the benefit of their exclusive attention to their
Pastoral duties. It will be observed, from our report of the
debate, that thefriends of the Bishops were dumb ; no doubt
conceiving that, as nothing good could be said of them, the
wisest course was to say nothing.—Morning Chronicle.

The evening sitting of the House of Commons was charac.
terised by a discussion of interest and importance, and which
must be regarded as one of the most admonitory of the " signs"
of the present stirring " times." We refer to the promised
motion of Mr. Cuthbert Rippon, for removing the archhishops
and bishops of the Church of England from the House of
Lords. The speech of the hon. mover will be found to contain,
in a summary form, a very fair view of the great argument in
favour of disincumbering the priestly superintendents of a
Christian institution from the unclean necessity of attending to
avocation. .net worldly interests of an anti-Christian character.
" They ought (said Mr. Rippon) to consider whether it was
meet or useful that the heads of the Christian church, whi,se
duty rendered it necessary that they should be retired from the
world ; whose profession was utility ; who had renounced the
primps and vanities of this world,—was it meet or proper that
they should be made agents in political affairs? Was it right
to impose such duties upon those who were set apart for the
service of God, and whose proper and sole duty ought to be the
care of the
.Church of Christ? What, then, were the evils of
the present system ? They were pluralities, non.residence, and
the unjust division pf we:alth. What was it caused the non.resi.
dence of the bishops; orat least in some measure justified it, but
their egviipuliaity ab‘ence fyonl their bishoprics to attend in the
other ittfusir- And the unequal division of wealth was justi.
tied byitie extraordinary expenses which their attendance upon
their "Iblifieal- duties required They were compelled to
mix viitlLthe spletdotir of-0e metropolis; to share in
its igeiipren eV -to.- gratZy their pride, luxury, and
indolet ' 1 113eaurther, arguments of Mr. Clay went
C'ci to tOir ff,adraiihnic that the temporal property
ofth* \ 4;701414 to In -Tepresented ; but surely not by
ii4rrris }

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LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 14, 1834.

Mr. CUTHBERT RIPPoN brought forward

his motion last night '' to relieve the Arch-
bishops and Bishops of the Established Church
from their legislative and judicial duties in the
House of Peers." The hon. member's speech
on this important question, was a master-piece
of logic and elcquence. " Observe," said he,
to an audience on whom his oracular words
evidently made a deep impression, " observe the
signs of growing discontent ; reform your
wystenibefore the period of agitation arrives, for
then it may be done with more effect and with
a better grace. Remember the reformation ad-
vanced by the determined non-compliance of
its supporters, and be assured that no re-
sistance to national grievance is so invincible
as a calm resolution not to obey." It is
a singular, and we will hope, an auspicious
circumstance connected with this diicussion,
that not one of the Ministers ventured on a
word of reply to Mr. RIPPON'S and Mr. GIL-
LON'S observations. Lord ALTHORP was mute.
Mr. STANLEY, too, had lost his voice. By

their votes only could we learn that Government
was opposed to the motion. Mr. TENNYSON'S
speech was a curious one, and we are dull
enough not to be axle to make out its drift.
The minority in favour of Mr. RIPPON'S mo-
tion was 58—a minority the announcement of
which was received with tumultuous cheering.

Mr. HALcoms, we hope, will profit by the
correction he received last night. It is grievous
that the time of the Legislature should be oc-
cupied with his frivolous and obstinate notion.,
on behalf of the corrupt electors of every rotten
borough, and that the honourable member
cannot discern the nuisance to the house
of his long and wearisome orations. The
qualyied member for Dover, qualified b)
an oath that he possesses a freehold qualification
in the borough of Warwick—a borough the
object of his peculiar solicitude—thought proper
to stigmatise a petition from Leamington in fa-
vour of the bill of Sir RONALD FERGUSON,
as fraudulent and fictitious, and dealt roundly
in personal imputations, utterly groundless.

On a misrepresentation that a petition in sup-
port of his personal allegations was before
the house, Mr. HALCOMB procured a
select committee of inquiry for breach of pri-
vilege. The committee commenced their sit
tings with closed doors; but Mr. TANC R ED, the
excellent representative for the opened borough
of Banbury, discovered that Mr. HALCOMB had
no petition, but was himself the public accuser
In a spirited and proper pursuit of justice,
Mr. TA NCRED exposed the affair in the
House, on a motion to rescind the order
for the Committee, which was carried by
a majority of 51 to 10. Mr. HUGHES HUGHES
assured Mr. HALCOMB that he bad been
" hoaxed," and when the Dover Member pro-
duced a posthumous petition of two individuals
who denied their signatures to the petition in
question, he was assured that there were, ne-
vertheless, two ind;viduals, idem song,ns, who
had signed the Leamington petition. It is greatly
to be wished that this over-industrious Member
should know more correctly his station in the
House, or we shall have a bill introduced for
the disfranchisement of Dover.

The question of the trades unions came
under the notice of the House of Commons last
night, on a motion for copies of the corre-
spondence between the master coopers and the
Lords of the Admiralty ; and one general feel-
ing prevailed, that workmen were entitled to the
highest price for their labour, provided they
obtained this without threats or intimidation,
About this truth, indeed, no dispute could
arise. The only questions at issue were, how
far the present combinations might come under
the name of intimidation, and whether the
parties were justified in demanding a
rise of wages. On the latter point,
an uncertainty seemed to prevail, for while one
party stated that the workmen received at
the rate of 20s. a week all the year round,
another had no doubt that they received
at an average 21. 25., independently of per-
quisites. The great question, however, for both
masters and men, and particularly the latter, is
to consider whether, according to the demand, and
the price of labour abroad, the masters could safely
raise the wastes without driving trade from this
country. If the hours of work are lessened, or, in
other words, if wages are raised, it must follow as an
inevitable consequence, either that the price of
the article must rise in proportion, or we must
have recourse to foreign countries for supply.
Now, the competition in almost every line of
business is such, that it is admitted on all hands,
though a great deal of trade is carried on, the
profits never were so small, and that, if any
circumstances, such as a famine, price of corn,
or a general combination among workmen,
were to occur, our manufacturers would
not be able to compete with foreigners. As
to a general combination, even in this country,
independently of the continent, we believe the
thing is impossible. Tne men may be una-
nimous for a time, but they will be unanimous
only while the funds last, and unless violence
be resorted to, and which the law will repress, a
schism will take place, or the market be sup-
plied from other parts of the country, or the
trade be removed from one district to another.
In every instance of this kind one or other of
these has been the result. The combination
among the Spitalfields weavers drove the trade
into the interior of the country, and the
combination among the silk weavers at
Lyons, so far from raising wages, has
lessened them. The workmen some two
years ago compelled the masters to pay a fixed
price, and the consequence was that not being
able to pay that price and compete with fo-
reigners at the same time, the demand fell off,
and the weavers are now in a worse condition
than they were previous to the combination of
November, 1831. It is needless to multiply
instances, for the fact is undoubted, that
though the masters in some particular trades
may be compelled to yield, the conces-
sion is only temporary, and that in the
course of time the prices come to their ❑atural
level. It will be well, therefore, for the work-
men to consider whether their prospect of success
is such as to warrant them in risking a cer-
tainty for an uncertainty. Above all things they
ought to guard themselves against attempts at

intimidation or violence—they ought to rest their
claims on justice and equity, and nut on numbers
or power, and remember that combinations of this
description, accompanied by force,would endanger
the security of every species of property in the
kingdom. The public will side with them while
their demands are reasonable ; but if they go
further, and take the law into their own hands,
they will finally be the chief sufferers. The re-
trails of Mr. ROBERT GRANT and Mr.
HUME on this point well merit their serious
consideration.

We beg to direct attention to a report of the
proceedings at Dudley, relative to the disturb-
ances at the late election, and the conduct of
some of the magistrates on that occasion.

The Paris Papers of Wednesday are princi-
pally occupied with the debates in the Chamber
of Deputies on the law against associations,
together with the remarks of the several editors
on that most obnoxious piece of legislation.
The news from Madrid comes down to the
7th, at which time the capital was tranquil.
FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, MARCH 12.
Five per Cents., 104 f. 55c. 60c The.
Four per Cents., 92f. 75c.
Three per Cents., 781. 50c. 60c. 50c.
Bank Actions, 1,71151. 1,8001
Rente de Naples, 1)41. The. 85c. 75c.
Roman Five per Cents., 94 %,/.14.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents , 26 261 A.
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 391
Royal Spanish Loan, 79.
Rente l'erpet. d'Espavme, Five per Cents., 63 63% 63.
Belgian Loan, 1831, Five per Cent., 100.
Haytian Loan, 275 f 2701.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, ..?sf. 12,5 c. ; money, 251. INc.
Three months, paper, 25f. 1254 c. ; , money, 23f. 12%c.
—Coors Authentiaue.

German papers have been received this
morning, by which we learn that the repre-
,entatives of Bavaria are about to assemble.
There is one circumstance mentioned which is
rather unique in parliamentary campaigns—the
King of BAVARIA, unlike other learned Mo..

narchs, actually writes his own speech ! The
good people of Bavaria are blessed with another
peculiarity iiot common to other nations
their budget is voted for six years, which,
strange as it may appear, the KING finds
rather as an incumbrance, for reasons best
known to himself. How happy would our
noble CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER think
himself were the Commons of England to vote
him a budget for six years in advance! Why,
he would leave all the political economists in
the lurch, with JOSEPH HUME into the bargain,
and pursue his rural predilections, without any
concern for the ways and means till a new
Parliament.

We observe an article in these papers, dated
Prussian frontiers, expressing some surprise that
Russia is to evacuate the principalities of
Moldavia and Wallachia, and to remit the
remaining instalments to the Porte. For
our own part we can see no cause of surprise
at all, seeing that Russia has only consented
to act as represented, in consideration of ob-
taining
better terms in the new treaty lately
concocted to the prejudice of France and
England. Russia, in her " doings," comes up
admirably to the interpretation put on the cele-
brated line—

" Cmsar sloth never wrong without just cause."

We are happy to perceive that the St.
George's, Southwark, Market Bill has at length
been brought into Parliament, and read a first
time yesterday. Never was such a market
more wanted in a populous neighbodr-
hood—nor could a better locality be chosen
than the one selected for the occasion. The
only wonder is, that the people of South-
wark shoukt have remained so long in want of
the obvious accommodation which the proposed
market is so well calculated to oiler. Press of matter
prevents our entering more particularly to-day into
the manifold advantages which this market will
confer on the people of Southwark ; but we
shall return to the subject as one generally inte-
resting to the community at large—especially
to the inhabitants of the Borough and the South-
ern counties.

THE NEW PREVENTIVE CHECK; OR,

HOW TO KEEP DOWN POPULATION.