The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We are on the eve of an eventful session of
Parliament, in which many of the most impor-
tant subjects of remedial Legislation conse-
quent on the Amendment of the Representa-
tion, and of which the Reform Acts were the
designed instrument, will be discussed. The
last Session was occupied with the adjustment
of several great commercial questions—the Bank
Charter, the East and West India questions, the
Slavery Bill, and the Currency agitation—which
involved no controversial political principles,
The legislative subjects of the pending session,
on the contrary, will test the real character of
the Reformed House of Commons, and their
determination will prove how far the Heredi•
tary Peerage can conform to the spirit of the
times. We anxiously await the issue of this
critical demonstration, sincerely believing that the
constitution is about to undergo an ordeal which
will reveal how long the Tory aristocracy can
dwell with a popular representation. The ques-
tions of church reform—elective municipal in-
stitutions—rigid economy of the public expen-
diture—and numerous important standing no-
tices on the order books of the House of Com-
mons, will speedily ascertain the relative strength
of the Liberals and the Tories in the two
Houses of Parliament. The foreign policy of
the Government also will be questioned by the
Conservatives; to whom our intimate alliance
with France, and our support of the liberal par-
ties in Belgium, Portugal, and Spain, are " gall
and wormwood." Under these remarkable cir-
cumstances the public look forward to the topics
and spirit of the King's Speech of this day with
the deepest interest ; and the Continental Go-
vernments never felt more intense anxiety to
learn the authoritative annual communication
of the British Monarch through his responsible
Ministers, to the representatives of the British
people. The foreign and domestic policy of
the present liberal administration of this country
has been now too long exhibited in its public
acts to be ambiguous or difficult of anticipation.
The Royal Speech will of course commence, as
usual, by an appropriate acknowledgment of the
preceding services and liberality of the Parlia-
ment, and a grateful reference to the important
and responsible acts of legislation passed
in the last session. Some retrospective al-
lusion will probably be made to recent mea-
sures—to the practical abolition of Negro
slavery, and its favourable reception in Ja-
maica—to the remedial measures for Ireland,
and the valuable results of the Commission of
Inquiry into the Ecclesiastical revenues and pa-
tronage of that part of the United Kingdom,
and to the pending investigations of the Cor-
poration and Poor Law Commissions; and a
temperate recommendation to the Legisla-
ture to provide suitable remedies for the
abuses and defects of our ecclesiastical and
municipal institutions. The speech will,
of course, congratulate the Members of
the two Houses of Parliament on the general
maintenance of peace with all parts of the
world ; and in its indications of foreign policy it
must point especially to our intimate relations
with France in particular—to our recognition of
the infant Queen of Spain—to our natural in-
terest in the accommodation of the civil contests
in Portugal, and between the contending powers
of Belgium and Holland. We shall be much
disappointed if the independence and integrity
of the Turkish Empire does not form a specific
and significant topic of the Royal Speech ; such
an allusion would be most popular with the
country, and could not be misinterpreted by any
Northern Powers addicted to the destruction of
the political independence, and to the dis-
memberment of neighbouring States. The
Commons will of course receive the usual
acknowledgments of the Royal reliance on their
liberal allowance of the necessary estimates for
the expenses of the ensuing year, and the Mi-
nisterial pledge of every possible economy and
retrenchment. The acknowledged general pros-
perity of our trade and commerce will be natu-
rally mentioned, but the depressed condition of
the agricultural classes must form an exception
to the congratulations on the state of the coun-
try. Ireland cannot be passed over in silence.
The renewed agitation of the Repeal of the
Union, and its avowed object as the fulcrum of
measures for which a mock question is to be
bartered by its insincere advocates, will most
probably be distinctly alluded to in the Speech,
with an expression of unqualified determina-
tion to oppose in toto the contemplated
disunion of the Legislative Constitution of
the British Empire. In other respects the
comparatively tranquil state of Ireland, and
the lenient enforcement of the extraordinary
powers of the Coercion Bill, may be referred
to as proofs of the improved social con-
dition of the " sister island," if the agita-
tors will cease to disturb public opinion. The
numerous questions involved in Church Reforms
will scarcely be particularised, and indeed many
of them can only be determined by legislative
discussion and mature investigation ; but the
general discontent against the existing tithe
system may call for a distinct notice in the
Speech. These topics, we anticipate, will form
the staple of the State documents which the
King, on the responsibility of his Ministers,
will probably communicate to the Parliament.
Such a brief and simple message will most please
the nation, if the spirit and liberal tone
should be what we here anticipate. The
Ministry has recently greatly advanced in
public favour; the extraordinary progress
of liberal opinions, and the extinction of
the power of the Tories in the House of
Commons, have given great firmness and confi-
dence to public opinion. The people do not
expect impossibilities from the Administration
Of Lord Grey, but they justly look forward to
the obtainment of the ends of Parliamentary
Itelorin, A few practical and decided measures
of political reformation in our institutions of
Church and State will amply satisfy the public
expectation. Ministers will not be judged by
the quantity but by the quality of their Inca-
swes ; and if the House of Commons should
be less superstitiously devoted to the Govern-
ment, it must be still more hostile to Toryism,
and as efficiently support Ministers in a liberal
and straight=forward course of policy. Under
any circumstances, the Conservatives may rest
contented to continue a weak and expiring
opposition to the " revolution" which has hap-
pily been effected in the representation of the
people.—Morning Chronicle.

The second session of the reformed Parlia-
ment commences this day, and the reforming
Miristers have, as it seems to us, but little
reason to glorify themselves upon their work ;
almost indeed as little as the people of England,
but not quite, for their pockets are the heavier
for their experiment, which is more than can be
said of any portion of their countrymen. The
question which more than any other interests

1 the British community at the present moment,
and with reference to which they view the open-
ing of the reformed Parliament with the deepest
anxiety, is that of Church Reform, or robbery
or destruction, for they have been taught to con-
sider robbery and destruction as implied in
the Whig sense of the word reform. Whether
the Church of England will he robbed,
whether it will be destroyed, or whether
alterations will be adopted in respect to
its temporalities and civil polity, with the sanc-
tion of its legitimate rulers and guides, no one
at this moment can guess. All depends upon
the degree in which the ten-pound voters can be
agitated upon the subject, or upon the degree
rather in which his Majesty's present Ministers,
who even upon a question of all others the most
level to their capacities may be deceived, ima-
gine that the ten-pound voters are agitated.
There is, however, in these circumstances some
consolation in reflecting upon the display of
strength, firmness, and zeal which the friends
of the Church have made. This inspires us
with the hope that the Reformed House
of Commons, the creature and slave though
it be of the Ministers who made the
Bill which made the House, will be gentle
in its attack upon the Church ; and it affords
us, which is far better, the assurance that the
House of Peers, backed by the best and most
numerous portion of the British people, as
upon this question at least they unquestionably
are, will act fully up to their constitutional vo-
cation, and firmly maintain and uphold what is
best worth preserving in the whole range of our
national institutions. It is to the House of
Lords, and to the House of Lords alone, of
all the branches of the Legislature of Great
Britain, that the nation now looks with any de-
gree of confidence, and upon the conduct of that
body the question now depends, whether the
Government of this country is completely re-
volutionized ? The question is not a question
of party. The approaching struggle is not a
struggle for place. Everysbody knows that the
men now in power will, to preserve their places,
submit to the predominant influence, be it what
it may ; and we conscientiously believe, that
what the predominant influence is to be
depends entirely upon the House of Lords. We
earnestly recommend a decided tone to the adop-
tion of the House of Lords, in the present
situation of the country, because we are con-
vinced that no more is wanting to throw the
whole authority of Government itito their
hands. The House of .Commons is universally
despised. Every hotly foresees that it will vote
by a large majority upon every question, upon
the church, upon the corn laws, upon the win-
dow tax, upon the malt tax, upon the corpora-
tions, upon the continuance of the Coercion Bill
in Ireland, upon the brigandage which Lord
Palmerston patronises in Portugal ; in short,
upon every subject, foreign and domestic, pre-
cisely as it is told to vote by the IVlinisters of
the Crown. It is the Whig Ministers' House
of Commons, and, as the Whig Ministers are
despised, their House of Commons enjoys in a
similar degree the contempt of the community.
It is at a crisis like the present, that the
House of Lords is really valuable. And,
if they fail in their duty to the country
now, it will be evident to the best and
firmest friends of the Aristocracy that such an
institution has become obsolete and useless.
There are persons who claim the title of Con-
servatives, and who yet, even in the circum-
stances of the present day, affect to dread a
collision between the two Houses of Parlia-
ment. We do not participate in this feeling,
which appears to us to be merely that of timi-
dity and weakness. Upon all questions of
national importance the country looks up to the
House of Lords, while nobody speculates upon
what will be the conduct or opinions of the
House of Commons with reference to the loftier
or more interesting subject than the approaching
interchange of words between the tail of Mr.
O'Connell and the Radical Member for Hull,
who one day after dinner, about six months ago,
scandalised somebody, and has never since had
the manliness or courage to declare who it was
that he intended to scandalise. This will he a
grand subject in the House of Commons. And
the mere fact that such a subject is expected
to be entertained in that assembly, is enough
to convince the Upper House of Parliament
that it is for them to attend to the business of
the nation.—Morning Post.
To-day the second chapter will be opened in
the history of the reformed Parliament. We
hope it will tell better for its independence and
wisdom, and, consequently, for its future fame
than the last. We hope it will display less am-
bition of idle talk—talk, which is too often
neither eloquence, nor wit, nor sense—and more
zeal and aptitude for real business. We know
that great questions should be amply discussed,
and even that those of minor importance may
receive illumination by the light which is struck
from the collision of debate—but then the debate
should be intellectual—it should be that which
displays the resources of thinking and well-in-
formed minds. A great deal of the talk
of last session displayed nothing but the silly
ambition of talking, without the power of com-
municating a ray of knowledge or original
thought to the subject under discussion. Take
it altogether, the intellect exhibited within the
walls of Parliament was rather below the average
intellect of the nation—if not, the " march
of mind" must be backwards. We trust we shall
not again have to reprehend those indecorous
scenes so disgraceful to the deliberative Council
of the nation that frequently occurred last Ses-
sion—scenes in which adverse opinion, which it '
(night be difficult to answer, was shouted down
by clamour and wild uproar—scenes wherein
figured Senators gifted with the extraordinary
accomplishments of crowing like cocks and
hooting like owls—living proofs of the rapid
strides which intellect is making in the nine-
teenth century. Whatever may be thought of
the talent and knowledge which are brought to
the discussion of questions of domestic policy
in the House of Commons, and we admit
that, notwithstanding the mediocre character
of the House in general, there are several
Members capable of handling questions of
this sort with ability and intelligence, yet it
is a melancholy truth, that there is scarcely
a representative of this great nation to be
found at the present day who is capable of taking
a luminous and comprehensive view of questions
of foreign policy. If there had been such men
in the House last session—men like those who
figured in the ranks of the Opposition during
ttie American war, Ministers could not have
gone on as they have done, in weaving a web of,
perhaps, inextricable embarrassment for our fo-
reign interests ; nor would the Autocrat of
Russia now mix with his "amicable assurances"
to England every possible insult, while he
scorns the land of Chatham and of Pitt—of
"Marlborough and of Wellington—of Blake

and Nelson, anti his influence from East to
West—from North to South, controls the des-
tinies of Europe ! 0 ! for some independent
representatives of the spirit of England to stop
this march of barbarism !—Morning Herald.
The subject of the assessed taxes occupied
more than one public meeting in the metropolis
yesterday. .Marylebone and St. Pancras both
met on the same subject—that of pressing upon
the Legislature the just claims of the people of
England to be delivered from the galling op-
pression of the house and window taxes. Our
limits do not allow us to give the two meetings;
we, therefore, select that of Marylebone as the
more important. It is now distinctly under-
stood that the house tax is to cease on the sth
of April, but that the window tax is to be con-
tinued, on the ground that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer cannot afford to part with it.
There is another question that should be con-
sidered at the same time—Can the people of
England afford to pay it ? Can the people of
the metropolis, on whom it chiefly falls,
afford, or will they tamely submit, while
a constitutional remedy lies within their
reach, to be drained under their present
difficulties by the tax-gatherer and the
tax Minister, for the purpose of keeping up, in
addition to the overgrown establishments of the
country, an overgrown pension list upon which
hundreds of the aristocracy and their parasites
enjoy a sort of splendid beggary, of which an
honest man would be ashamed ? The proceed-
ings of the two meetings, where strong resolu-
tions were unanimously carried, may be taken
as an answer, and a very satisfactory answer, to
the above question. The proceedings which are
likely to follow in other parishes will not only
' re-echo this answer, but, if characterised by the
same zeal and unanimity, will extinguish the
question itself. It is impossible that such a
tax as the window tax—a tax upon light and air,
upon cleanliness and comfort and health—a
tax which, besides its own inherent wrongs, is
a memento of bad faith on the part of the Go-
vernment, can resist the united voice of the
people, when not one word can be said in its
justification, but that it is necessary as a means
of keeping up ruinously expensive establish-
ments and a whole band of hungry pensioners,
who can show no other claim to the good
things they devour than the teeth, good
anebad, with which they devour them. It will
be seen by the report of the meeting, from
which we will not attempt to detain our readers
by further comments of our own, that Mr.
Hume, Sir Samuel Whalley, and other public
men, declared their conviction of the success of
a vigorous exertion on the part of the people
for the removal of the whole of these taxes.
Let the example, then, be followed. A good
beginning is now made, let it be the prelude to
a successful end.—Morning Herald.

It gives us much regret to learn that the op-
position manifested last year by the Bishop of
London to the performance of Scriptural dra-
matic representations on Wednesdays and Fri-
days during Lent has been revived with reference
to the ensuing season. We cannot understand
how any true Christian feeling can be offended,
or any irreligious taste or practice promoted, by
the presentation of sacred dramas, interspersed
with, or composed in, music. On the contrary,
it would appear that the more attractive and
complete such performances could be rendered
—first granting that they are really of the sacred,
that is, the oratorio, character—the more must
they be deemed likely to engage and elevate the
audience, and to clear away from their minds
any gross or vicious adulterations. If sacred
music be directly favourable to religious sensi-
bility and reverence, why should the same music,
when it b..comes a powerful stimulant to such
emotions by assistance drawn from the forms
and resources of the drama, be so changed in
character as to justify a learned Prelate in ren-
dering it inaccessible to the whole community ?
Is it not preposterous to say that a band of
professional musicians may sing a sacred drama,
but that they shall not dare to reinforce the spirit
or expression of the music by corresponding
action ? Is it humane to cut off these laborious
artists from such an additional means of eking
out the scanty fruits of their nightly or weekly
industry ? All other trades, all other callings,
are carried on throughout Lent without the
slightest interruption. The business of Parlia-
ment, some of it of a not unworldly, at least of
a not eminently religious or edifying nature, is
transacted by my Lords the Bishops them-
selves, on Wednesdays and Fridays, in the
evening. Sentiments not the most evangelical
may, perchance, be roused into activity by
some of those proceedings which through the
whole of the Lent season are supposed to occupy
my Lords the Bishops. We have not heard
that the whole of the 40 days,—or, indeed,
that one-half,--nay, or a smaller portion of the
Wednesdays and Fridays, ending with Good
Friday, are spent by the Right Rev. Lords in
fasts, or other efforts of extraordinary mortifica-
tion. Why, then, should the Bishop of Lon-
don be so desirous to do that by proxy, which,
if in person it were proposed to him, he
might
allege had a smack of superstition ? Why should
he force others to acts of abstinence from
rational, refined, and even devout enjoyment,
when his Lordship sets no example of foregoing
any of his own accustomed pleasures ? Really
this is too bad. Religion cannot be served by
such harsh and gloomy prohibitions. The
Church cannot be served by them, nor the
Bishops rendered either more formidable or more
beloved. Dr. Blomfield has made an egre-
grious blunder in his chronology. He has for-
gotten the lapse of almost 200 years. Would
his Lordship like to bring back the dominion
of the Puritans ? Is that the sort of millennium
which the good Bishop longs for ?—Times.
The sentence of the courtmartial on Captain
Wathen, together with his Majesty's decision
hereon, have been printed, and published as at
General Order, signed by the Adjutant-General.
It is not too much to say, that a sentence and
decision have never yet been pronounced more
honourable to the justice, wisdom, and spirit of
t he Court, and of the still higher authority from,
which they have respectively emanated. In one
word, Captain Wathen has been " honourably'
acquitted of each, and all the charges" pre-
ferred against him ; and, after the recital of,
some severe animadversions of the Court itself
on the conduct. of the prosecutor, 44 his Ma-
jesty has been pleased to order that Lieutenant-
Colonel Lord Brudenell shall be removed from
the command of the 15th Hussars." On
this final disposal of an unjust prosecution and
of its author, we have nothing to remark which
may not already have struck the minds of every
man who loves the well-being of the British
army, its discipline, its efficiency, and its honour.
All these essential and vital objects must be
deeply endangered by the proceedings of any
Lieutenant-Colonel who makes spies of inferiors

upon their seniors in command, —who encou-
rages non-commissioned officers and private
soldiers to undervalue and misrepresent the
officers placed over them by his Majesty,—
and, above all, who resorts to the insuffer-
able meanness of evesdropping for the careless
private conversation of gentlemen, and taking
down their words without their knowledge, with
a view to frame penal charges against them,
as future opportunity may serve. The dis-
pensers of military patronage too—a patronage
which we are bound in conscience to say has,
generally speaking, been purely and honestly ad-
ministered—will receive from the unhappy bu,t,
merited fate of Lord Brudenell, a salutary warn-
ing for their future guidance. This officer was
a man of no experience. We are told that he
never did fair regimental duty for more than
three years of his life. He was not less incapa-
citated for command by temper than by igno-
rance of his business as a commanding officer,
both professional and moral. Such a man, there-
fore, never ought to have been placed at the head
of a regiment, more especially to the rejection of
other gentlemen who had been majors in the
army before he got his Cornet's commission.
However, we feel confident that such an error
will not again be perpetrated, at least not soon.
—Times.

The sentence of the Courtmartial in the case
of Captain Wathen, followed up by the removal
of Lord Brudenell from the command of the
15th Regiment of Hussars, will give great satis-
faction to the army, and to all who take an in-
terest in the well-being of so important a class
of fellow-citizens. Subordination is the life and
soul of a❑ army but subordination does not
imply subjection to a system of degrading tor-
ture. A man does not enter the army with an
idea that he is never to know a moment free
from care and anxiety, and that there is an eye
constantly intent on all he does—an ear con-
stantly open to all he says, with a view to find
matter of critnination against him. It is an
implied condition in every walk of life that a
man must have a fair share of comfortable
existence. When the string is drawn too tight
it breaks. This is a truth that all men in com-
mand should have constantly present to them.
It is the most dangerous of all experiments to
try how much men will bear before they become
refractory. He is always most sure of being
obeyed who takes care to keep within *the
fair limits of authority. Lord Brudenell
is evidently a man so ill-conditioned,
to use a well known phrase, as to be very unfit
to command others. As a character of this
kind is not formed at once, his friends must
have seen with pain many indications of the
disposition displayed in the command of the
15th Hussars long ago, and they ought, in-
stead of exerting their interest to have him rapidly
raised over the heads of men of more military
experience than himself, to have kept him in
situations where he could not expose himself to
the misfortune that has befallen him. From all
that we have heard of the proceedings of the
two courtsrnartial, we should deem Lord Brude-
nell a very singular man in these times. The
details remind us of times when there was more
scope for the exercise of a tyrannical disposi-
tion, than in this comparatively tame age. It
may be our ignorance of military and naval life ;
but we have somehow or other been led to be-
lieve, that persecution is much less common now
than it once was in both branches of the service.
We had imagined that those prominent characters
which abound in our old novels, and which, to
a certain extent, had their types in real life,
were now to be found only in old novels.
Speaking of novels naturally brings to our
recollection the advice of the Commander.in-
Chief to Zeluco, in the novel of that name, by
the accomplished father of Sir John Moore :

" Strict discipline is essentially requisite for the well-
being of the army; without which it degenerates into a
lawless mob, more formidable to their friends than ene-
mies—the ravagers, not the defenders, of their country.
" But it is equally essential that discipline be exercised
with temper and with justice—a capricious and cruel
exertion of power in officers depresses the spirits of the
private men, and extinguishes that daring ardour which
glows in the breast of a real soldier.
" Is it possible that a man of a generous mind can treat
with wanton cruelty those who are not permitted to
resist, or even to expostulate, however brave they w iy- be ?"
• • • s s •

".You ought to remember, gentlemen, that as military
discipline looks to the general tendency and remote
consequences of things, more than to their intrinsic
criminality, many actions are treated as crimes by the
military laws which in themselves are innocent or frivolous.
And when a soldier, irritated by undeserved insult, over
leaps subordination, and repels the wanton tyranny of an
officer, however he may be condemned by the unrelenting
laws of discipline, he will be absolved by the natural
feeling of the human heart, which revolts at oppression ;
nor will appear, even in the eyes of those who think his
punishment expedient, an object either of contempt or
aversion. But when an officer, armed with the plwer,
and intrenched within the limits of discipline, indulges
unmanly passion, or private hatred, against an unprotected
or unresisting soldier, in what light can this officer appear,
either in his own eyes or in those of others ?"
Though the above passage has reference to the
oppression exercised towards a private, it admits
of application upwards. Lord Brudenell is of
an ultra-Tory family ; but we will not do Tories
the injustice to charge on them what evidently
is attributable to individval peculiarity. The
lesson, however, will not be lost. It will, we
trust, impress on the minds of Noble Lords
who find no difficulty in passing in the race of
preferment old and experienced officers, that it
is not enough to obtain the command of a regi-
ment,—they must also possess the command
over their own passions, for no man can hope
with impunity to make those under his command
unnecessarily unhappy.—Morning Chronicle.

THE PILFERING, CALCULATING SYSTEM
OF SERVANTS.—In a lodging-house, where there were
seven gentlemen who took breakfast and tea at home,
having engagements in the city during the day, one female
servant waited on them all. Etch lodger kept his tea-
caddy, having a lock and key. One of the young men,
when at home among his friends, was, in conversation,
asked by his sister how much tea and sugar he consumed.
When he pained the quantity, he was severely reprimanded
for his extravagance. Subsequently, reflecting on the
subject, he was convinced something was wrong, and Le
determined to mike an experiment. He commenced
by counting every day the number of knobs of
sugar he left in the glass basin when he locked it
up ; he also put into the caddy a certain quantity of
tea, which balanced to a nicety, keeping a weight by
him for the purpose. Pursuing, this plan regularly, he
found that between every interval of locking his caddy and
again opening it, precisely four knobs of sugar were ab-
stracted, and about one large teaspoonful of tea. He now
communicated his discovery to his fellow lodgers, who all
adopted the same plan, and the same results occurred in
every case. So that, supposing each caddy to be opened
for use twice a day, the aggregate daily loss would be 56
knobs of sugar and 14 spoonsful of tea.—Fraser's Mag.

The Norwich Political Union has at length
died a natural death. It has been going down ever since
the last general election, and from near 2,000 members,
bas for some tildvisneerwe be
reneeonwdlaownntgiiid
rieigrl esttluo topp considerably
paoyrtee dvenbyth necessary
egses than
100.
neerxa.i
olk Chronicle.
body,p e
n se .a dhsefy:nff

It is said that a railroad is in contemplation
between Ballyane and Cornwall, both in the county of
Wexford, and that application is about to be made to Go-
veromeut for a loan to commence the undertaking.

COURT OF CHANCERY, FEB. 3.

HARDMAN V. ELLAMES.

-----
His LORDSHIP gave judgment to-day in the two
pleas put in by the defendant in this cause to the
plaintiff's bill. His Lordship had now to dispose of
an appeal from a decision of his Honour the Vice-
Chancellor, who had over-ruled two pleas put in to
the plaintiff's bill, which the present appellants con-
tended were good and correct pleas. A bill was
filed, in which it was alleged that John Hardman
demised certain estates to his executors for a term
of ninety-nine years, with remainder to his nephews,
and in default of their issue to his next proper heir-
at-law. It was supposed that Jane Hardman, the
widow of the testator, and one of his executors, had
entered into possession, and that she or her personal
representative had continued to receive the rents
and profits of such estate up to the year 1815 It
was proved that the nephews had died intestate and
without issue. The plaintiff claimed by his bill a
moiety of the estate in question, as being heir-at-law
to the testator; and to that bill the defendant had
put in two pleas, which alleged that there had been
an adverse possession of the estate in question from
the death of the testator in 1755, and that the per-
sonal representatives of Jane Hardman did neither
enter into possession nor receive the rents and
over-
ruledpro-
by hisvthese
ice
.pcl pleas had b
Vice-Chancellor,
cr eannd hea
nowfitso
confirmed
tt thee. Honour
decision,B ot
thel
and dismissed the ap-
peal with costs.