The Sun.
London, England, 1851-01-27 00:00:00

by Gon's help, the dignities and usages of the king-
dom of England shall not during my lifetime suffer
any diminution. And even were I—which GOD
forbid!—so far to suffer myself to be abased, my no-
bles, nay, the whole people of the land, would not in
any wise permit it."
In support of his propositions Mr. JAMES adduces
numerous, instances of the exercise by the legally
constituted authorities of the land of functions purely
spiritual independently of the PoPB, and inconsistent
with the notion of spiritual supremacy being lodged
in him. He also shows that the commands of the
POPE, in matters where obedience would necessarily
be exhibited by obedient children and subjects, were
systematically contemned and set at nought—that in
the supposed palmy days of Romish influence, or what
the parti-pretre would term the times of Catholic
England, the bulls of the Pore were treated
as nullities by the highest tribunals of the
land, and that the same tribunals repeatedly held
that the POPE had no power to excommunicate or
to absol►e from excommunication the subjects of this
realm.

It is absolutely impossible, within the limits to
which we are necessarily restricted, even cursorily
to allude to the immense and varied mass of authority
bearing on this important subject, which the learning
of Mr. JAMES has brought to light. He has shown
that even before the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons in
England, early in the sixth century, deputies were
sent into Gaul, in order to obtain the assist-
ance of learned men to preach down the
Pelagian heresy; Britain not seeking comfort in
her spiritual distresses from the PONTIFF, as she
would have done if she acknowledged the spiritual
supremacy and allegiance that has since been de-
manded. Again, on the arrival of AUGUSTIN, the
native bishops refused to recognize or to adopt the
rites and observances of the Romish Church, ad-
hering to their ancient practises. He has shown the
native princes, in the period of the Heptarchy, ap-
pointing and setting aside bishops of their
own absolute authority, and EDWARD the
Confessor, who was deemed worthy of a
place in the Romish calendar, acting in
a similar manner, subdividing bishoprics and sup-
pressing monasteries, ex mero motu, a course that was
likewise pursued after the Conquest. 'We even find a
portion of that authority delegated, and the right of
appointing to the bishopric of Llandaff conferred by
the "English Justinian" on the Earl of GLOUCESTER,
and his wife, JOANNA, the daughter of that sagacious
monarch. There are also instances of abbeys
being exempted by the Royal charter from
episcopal jurisdiction, writs issued under the
great seal prohibiting prelates from passing
sentences of excommunication, the establish-
ment of new tribunals, not by the Papal authority,
but by the constitutional powers of the realm, with
full jurisdiction in ecclesiastical and spiritual causes.
Even ANSEL)! himself, the greatest stickler for the
Papal supremacy, could resist it on occasions when it
interfered with what he believed to be his own right
and privilege as Primate of England. Again, we find
INNOCENT 111. abrogating Magna Charta, and LANG-
TON, the Archbishop of Canterbury, refusing to publish
his decree. Again we find the illegality of bulls ap-
pointing to benefices declared in the law courts and
the statutes of provisory and prasrnunire enacted by
the British Legislature. These measures were what
are called " declaratory Acts," explaining the ex-
isting state of the law, rather than making any
changes or alterations therein, and were in that respect
similar to the " Constitutions of Clarendon," all being
clearly and unequivocally opposed to the Papal pre
tensions.

I We cannot conclude without emphatically recom-
mending this exceedingly clear and lucid view of the
much disputed question to the consideration of the
English people, and more especially of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, Lord TRURO, and Sir JOHN ROMILLY. It
Will materially assist them in deciding on the
measures that may now be adopted, and which we,
echoing the sentiment of Mr. JAMES, sincerely hope
may be framed in a spirit of " the highest respect and
consideration for the feelings and sentiments of our
Roman Catholic brethren which is consistent with a
due regard for the safety of Protestant England."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and yesterday.
The following report of the proceedings on Satur-
day in the Assembly, and of the first appearance there
of the " transition Ministry," will be found interest-
ing :---

AI. Benoit- d'Azy, one of the Vice-Presidents, took the
chair at half-past two.
The members of the new Ministry were not in their
places, and very few representatives were present.
When the precis-verbal, had been read by one of the
secretaries in the usual way,
M. Desmousseaux de Givry ascended the tribune and
said—l have to call the attention of the Assembly to a
matter connected with our regulations, and also relating
to an article of the constitution. Yesterday our Presi-
dent read to the Assembly a message from the President
of the Republic. Now, Art. 20 of our regulations de-
clares that " the President of the Assembly is to imme-
diately make known all documents which regard it;"
whilst Art. 67 of the Constitution declares that "no
act of the President of the Republic is valid unless coun-
tersigned by a Minister." But the message presented
yesterday bears no signature of a Minister, and conse-
quently is null and of no effect.—(Murmurs, interrup-
tions, and cries of " Oh, oh!") It is not correct to allow
such important documents to be thus presented without
following most exactly the rules prescribed. In fact,
by the Constitution the President of the Republic cannot
effect anything himself—except snake Ministers.—
(Laughter.)
General Husson— Gag him then at once.—(Renewed
laughter.)
M. Desmousseaux de Givry—For my part, I do not
believe that the message emanated from the Presides t
himself.—(Oh ! oh ! marks of surprise.) There are
things in that document which the President could never
have said or written.—(Oh! oh!) I look on the mes-
sage as apocryphal.—(Loud interruption.)
The President—l cannot permit the honourable re-
presentstive to designate a message signed with the
name of the President of the Republic as apocry-
phal.—(Hear, hear.) He has asked to speak on the
proci;i. verbal.—(llear, hear.)
M. Desmousseaux do Girvy—l have every right,
when the proses-verbal is read, to remark on what I
conceive to have been irregular at the preceding
sitting. I say that the President of the Republic
has not conformed to the article of the Constitution. I
say—(lnterruption)
Several voices—The order of the day! the order of
the day
M. Denjoy—All this is scandalous.
The President—Does M. Desmousseaux de Givry op-
pose the adoption of the proses-verbal,
"
M. Desmousseaux de Givry—l do not oppose its adop-
tion, but I say—(Violent interruption, cries of the
order of the day I the order of the day !")
The President—Since you do not oppose it, I proceed
to consult the Assembly on the question of adopting it
in the usual way.—(Hear, hear.)
The Assembly being consulted, decided that the pro-
cis-verbal was adopted.
M. Desmousseaux de Givry, who had remained in the
tribune, said—Still the illegality which I have pointed
out in the form of the message ought not to pass unnoticed.
—(Cries of " the order of the day.") lam speaking on
a question connected with the regulations.—(Renewed
cries of " the order of the day.")
M. de Larochejaquelin, from his place—A member can
never be prevented from speaking on a matter involving
a point connected with the regulations.—(Noise.)
The President—The Assembly does not appear in-
clined to hear the honourable gentlemen who is in the
tribune.—(No, no, and interruption.)

_
M. Gen-drier here said something from his place,
which the noise prevented our catching.—(Continued
interruption.)
M. Desmousseaux de Givry went on speaking amidst
marks of impatience from the Assembly.
M. Gendrier (with a loud voice)—l say that the Pre-
sident just now, when he announced the decision of the
Assembly relative to the adoption of the proas-verbal,
did so without consulting the bureau. That was not
correct.—(lnterruption.)
The President—l declared the result in the usual way,
and not until I had consulted:the bureau.
M. Gendrier—l say—(Noise)---
The President—You are interrupting the proceedings.
I call you to order—(Continued noise.)
M. Desmousseaux do Givry went on speaking in the
midst of noise.
Numerous voices—The order of the day, the order of
the day.
The President—l proceed to consult the Assembly.
to tih. e
Doericluaerouoflstehaeuz day.do
l‘
The Assembly being consulted, decided that it passed
Givry then unwillingly left the
tribune.
The now Ministers here entered the Assembly, and
on taking their places received the congratulations of
their friends.
The President—We now proceed to reports on peti-
tions.
Reports on petitions were then heard for about half
an hour without their presenting any point of interest.
At the end of that time a great number of represen-
tatives suddenly entered, and it became whispered about
that a demand for interpellations was to be made. In a
few minutes
The President rose with a paper in his hand, and said
—I have to inform the Assembly that M. Ilowyn-Tran-
chore has sent in an application for leave to address in-

tcrpellations to the Ministers on the formation of the
new Cabinet.—(Agitation.) The lion. Representative
proposes to fix Monday for the purpose.—(Agitation,)
M. De Royer (the Minister of Justice, from his place)
—I have to declare in my own name and in that of my
colleagues, that we are perfectly at the orders of the
Assembly.
Numerous voices—At once! at once! (noise and in-
terruption.)
The President—The Assembly has to fix whatever
day it thinks proper.
M. Magne, the Minister of Public Works, from his
place—The Ministers are ready to reply at once, should
the Assembly think it advisable.—(Noise.)
Voices from many parts of the House—At once!
The President—l proceed to consult the Assembly on
the day; and I first submit to it the day which is most
distant. The Assembly, being consulted by assis et
lea, decided by a small majority that Monday should be
the day.—(Agitation.)
The President—l have also to state that another ap-
plication for authorization to address interpellations to
the Minister of War has been sent in by M. d'Adels-
weerd relative to the interpretation given in the army
to the law of May 11, 1841, and to Art. 32 of the Consti-
tution.—(Oh, oh; agitation.) The law in question is that
which gives to the President of the Assembly authority
to claim such forces as he may deem necessary for
its safety; and Art. 32 of the Constitution contains the
following words on the subject:—" The National Assem-
bly determines the place of sittings, fixes the number of
troops necessary for its safety, and disposes of them."
What day does the Assembly fix for the discussion?—
(No, no.)
Voices—lt is ridiculous! In six months.—(Noise.)
The President—What day, I ask, does the Assembly
fix for the interpellation?—(No, no, not at all.)
Voices—This day six months.—(Noise.)
On the Left—Next week! On Tuesday!
On the Right—This day six months!
The President—l proceed to consult the Assembly, and
first put to the vote this day six months.—(Noise.)
The Assembly, by a large majority, decided that the
interpellation should be adjourned to that day six months.
General Changarnier was the first to stand up in favour
of the adjournment.
The President—We now resume hearing reports on
petitions.
The Assembly continued bearing such reports until five
o'clock, at which hour they rose.
The Burgraves are outrageous against the PRESI-
DENT of the Republic ; they declare that he never
attempted seriously to form a Ministry from any of
the parties of the Assembly, and, in revenge for
the dismissal of General CHANGARNIER, demand
the sacrifice of General BARAGUAY D'HILLIERS and
CARLIER. The Ordre, the 6rgan of the Bur-
gaies, says—
" Explanations from the tribune, if not a measured
and becoming address in reply to the commuication of
the President of the Republic, must closely follow on
declarations which may mislead public opinion. The
new Ministers, who evidently count for nothing in poli-
tical debates, and who must have nothing to do with
them, are not in question; but what is in question are
the dignity of the Assembly, and the security of the
future. Now, behind the more or less calculated words
of the Message, there is a fact which must be perceived
—namely, that the police and the public force are at
present without counterpoise, and almost without control
in the hands of M. Carlier and General Baraguay d'Hil-
hers. These gentlemen will perhaps prove themselves
one day inflexible guardians of Parliamentary sove-
reignty. We do not know either of them sufficiently to
consider ourselves entitled to deny their civic virtues ;
but the command of General Changarnier, and the pre-
sence of Ministers possessed of the confidence of the ma-
jority, were generally considered better guarantees."
The Legitimatists have declared war, implacable
war, againt the PRESIDENT. The Assemblee Na-
tionale and the Opinion Publique denounce him in the
most furious language, and even the cautious and in
general civil spoken Union speaks of the Message as
fellows :
"The Assembly will have to ask itself the causes
which have prevented the formation of a serious Cabinet
composed of political men, offering guarantees for the
direction of the Government, of men capable of conduct-
ing and of discussing affairs at the tribune, in order to
arrive at the union of the two powers within the limits
of their relations and their rights. But, before even any
explanation or discussion, it is easy to see in the lan-
guage of the President that he did not mean to make
any concession, or to pay any attention to the votes of
the Assembly. The part traced out to the Assembly is
clear. It is for it henceforth to divest itself of all preju-
dice in remembrance of the Message of the 12th of No-
vember; the majority will reconstitute itself when it
thinks proper, and, become wiser, and more conci-
liatory during the Ministerial interregnum, the Presi-
dent will wait in the impassibility of his right until
harmony shall have been restored. A conciliation with-
aut weakness, that is to say, without the presidential
power having abandoned any of the prerogatives which it
holds from the people, will be the fruit of this conduct.
Such is the crafty system of encroachment contained in
the Message. Usurpation clothes itself in forms appa-
rently the most constitutional; reciprocal confidence; re-
ciprocal independence; reciprocal dignity; and reciprocal
force, are the expressions intended to conceal the anta-
gonism, the conflict, the resistance, and the absolute
pretension of the executive power. It was doubtless
hoped to mislead public opinion by interesting it in the
fate of a power, which appears to do all it can to arrive
at conciliation,:which expressed respects for the rights of
the Assembly, and which devotes itself to wait. Under
this feigned resignation there is an obstinacy which un-
masks itself, and whichhas but one object—domination."
The Journal des Debuts urges the PRESIDENT and
the Assembly to come to souse understanding, as if
that were possible after matters on both sides had
proceeded to the lengths they have done, after the re-
actionary conspirators of all shades and opinions had
proclaimed to the world the truth regarding each other
'There is, however, one thing abundantly evident, that
in whatever manner the crisis may terminate, the
final solution cannot but tend to strengthen the true
Republicans, who continue acting upon the wise policy
which they .have all along adopted, and " bide their
time ;" the Republicans are the real arbiters between
the Burgraves and the Executive—the fate of both is
in their hands.
The Delbats says--" We copied from the evening
journals what was said about the various Ministerial
combinations, and amongst the rest that M. LEON
FAUCHER, as President of the Council and Minister
of the Interior, had formed a Ministry with MM.
VAISSE, LEBEUI', and others. We are requested to
declare that M. FAUCHER attempted nothing of the
kind, and that the only combination seriously in view
was that in which MM. 0. BARROT, LEON FAUCHER,
DE CHASSELOUP44AURAT, BUFFET, &C., were men-
tioned."
M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN appears inclined to coquet
with the Elysee.
The following from the Presse looks very much
like a bid for office :
" After vain attempts,' says the Message, I have de-
termined to form a transition-Miuistry, composed of spe-
cial men, not api.ort lining to any fraction of the Assem-
bly, and decided to take office without any party
views.' Disdain and raillery here show themselves
under the precautions of the form. In reality, this
language may be explained by this phrase terminating
the Message published by the Pr ease, and for which it
was condemned. ' You, gentlemen, are the head of the
nation; this receiving from you neither impulse nor di-
rection ought to perish. But as nations do not perish,
learn that France will go on without you, if you do not
know how to conduct it. These words, which our ac-
cusers found so culpable, have certainly occurred to the
President before writing yesterday's Message. He says
the same thing with somewhat more politeness. It is
true that the President promises to be generous, for
after speaking of his transition ministry, he adds, ' the
majority will be reconstituted;' which means, M.
Vaisse will be your punishment, but hereafter, if the
majority behaves well, I will give it back M. Baroche,
and will add, perhaps, M. Loon Faucher. Thus,
the meaning of the alessage is not doubtful ; it is
intended to disparage and humiliate the Assembly.
The President of the Republic could honour the majority
in resisting it. He do: s more than resist it; he disdains
it. Does he desire to really enter at present into the
spirit of the constitution? Is he willing to govern in
the American fashion? If so, why has he called his new
Ministry one of transition? Ile ought to have said a
solution-Ministry. A transition responds to nothing, in
fact, but a paltry vengeance, or a paltry ambition. A
solution, on the contrary, would respond to a great
necessity of the Government and of the situation. The
Presse is ready to support all that will contribute to
place the Government in the truth of its principle, in the
sincerity of its responsibility, by putting an end to a
state of things which can only perpetuate sterile agi-
tations, and lead to violent revolutions. The whole
question is reduced to ascertaining whether the Minis•
try of Jan. 24 is presented as a transition or a solution.
It the former, it can only be ridiculous, impotent, dan-
gerous, and we reject it energetically; if the latter, it
must be useful, fruitful, and serious, and we will sup-
port it loyally."
The Univers gives to the PRESIDENT ft support
modified by an infinity of "ifs" and "buts".
PARIS BOURSE, SATURDAY, JAN. 25.—The forma-
tion of the Ministry has not had any very great effect
on the market ; but the little influence effected has
been rather to decrease its firmness. Prices opened
at about ther closing of yesterday, but they were not
long maintained, and at the close were rather lower
than on the previous day, Threes for the account
having been last called at 56f. 95c., and Fives at
94f. 95e.

RAiLwArs.—There bas been but little doing in
Railway Shares ; but prices have been pretty well
supported. Orleans closed at 850 f. ; Rouen, 677 f.
50c. ; Havre' 270 f. ; Avignon, 186 f. 25c. ; Basle,
141 f. 25c.; Bordeaux, 400 f. ; Northern, 4681. 75c.;
Paris and Strasburg, 3531. 75c. ; Nantes, 247 f. 50c. ;
Montereau, 90f.
The Five per Cents. were done yesterday on the
Boulevard at 94F. 80e.
BUSINESS DUNE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK •EXCHANGE, JAN. 25.
Boulogne and Amiens, 9%—Central of France (Orleans
and Vierzon), 15% ex int.—East Indian, 12 ex int.—
Northern of France, 14% ex int.—Rouen and Havre, 11.