The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-23 00:00:00

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. • PRICE 4D. STAMPED SD•

civilisation,
.nor ignorance over enlightenment,
that we, with•our world-wide commerce and our
boundless resources, should doubt of the result of
the contest, if the contest be again renewed. We
have nothing to fear from open force ; all our ap-
prehensions are from delay and trickery. It should
be our.business, now that the basis of negotiation
is agreed upon, to formulate the terms of the treaty
we are prepared to sign in language the most pre-
cise, brief, and unambiguous possible. Let Russia
accept such a treaty at once, if she be so minded,
and we shall be content ; if not, let her reject it,
and we shall also be content, fur we have every
reason to believe we can conquer a better. Above
all let no entreaties or cajoleries induce us to give
up for a single instant the blockade of her coasts,
' so far as it is not superseded by the ice, by which
we isolate one part of the empire from the other,
and the whole empire from intercourse with neigh-
bouring countries. If there must be an armistice,
though we seo no necessity for any respite, let at
.least our blockade be excepted from its operation,
and let au early day be peremptorily fixed on
which warlike operations shall again begin unless
a definitive treaty of peace shall before that time
have been signed and ratided. If it be understood
that we enter on the conference in this spirit, with
a thorough resolution either to bring it to a pacific
termination or to break it oil, we shall have no
reason to fear that Europe will be kept long in
suspense as to the destinies of thecotuing year.

(Front Me Morning ile.raltl.)
A morning contemporary, who was the first to
congratulate this country on the Russian accept-
ance of the Austrian propositions, now discovers
that, " However ungracious it may be to cavil at
so gratifying an announcement," it would bave.!
been much more satisfactory had those terms been
more precise and comprehensive, or, in other words,
instead of fox ming the basis of a treaty, if they had
constituted the "substantive treaty itself." We
perfectly agree with our contemporary in this re-
spect—the rather that from the first we have taken
this view of the proposals, and from the fint have
denounced them as incomplete, unsatisfactory, and
treacherous. In certain respects they involve unex-
pected concessions ou the part of Russia; in others,
the interests of Europe in general, and of this
country in particular, are lett completely out of
consideration. We cannot help thinking, as we
before observed, that in the prompt—we might
almost s ty the eager—acceptance by Russia of these
proposals, pur et simple, there is something at
least suspicious ; for translated severely, and with-
out the reservation which the fifth article admits
of, they provide, if not for the surrender of the
Russian supremacy in the Black Sea, at all events
for such a modification of it as will effectually
damage her prestige. There is somethiug more here
than meets the eye. Let it not be forgotten that
these proposals, accepted as they are, constitute, as
it has been happily phrased, "a Russian declaration
from an Austrian lip." Oar mediator has secured, or
hopes to secure, a position on the Danube, which has
long been the dream of Austrian statesmen, and
which will enable her to control the commerce east-
ward of all Germany. Lot it nut be forgotten also that
the campaign wouid shortly have opened, that this
country was about to put forth her strength, and
that a pause now in our operations—the breath-
ing time of an armistice—would be of incalculable '
value to our enemy. Let it not escape the public
mind of England, that, fur all that may be said to
the contrary, we are about to be dragged into ne-
gotiations at the instance of a power whose COUIS3
hitherto has been marked by her insidious and too
successful efforts to aid our enemy, and who sees
her own interests very dearly in terminating hos-
tilities now, whatever may be the general result of
such a step, and who is equally clear as to the ad-
vantage of their suspension at the present moment
to Russia.

We ask, what is the necessity for negotiations to
be carried on till April next, we care not whether
in Brussels, Frankfort, or Aix-la-Chapelle ? If the
question of peace or war is really to be decided,
why could not one week suffice for the arrangement,
of the terms on which to withdraw our forces ? A
categorical demand can be readily put, and Russia's
sincerity will be tested by her readiness to meet it.
Where is the necessity for ambiguity and diploma-
tic humbug, of which the world has had enough
during the past year to disgust it for ever with the
very name of "negotiation ?" We know -what we
• A
is virtue in ships and soldiers. France has male
up her mind upon the same category. As we have
fought together, we are united in opinion upon the
only terms on which a solution of the Eastern
question depends. This we venture to assert, not-
withstanding th© very strange language of certain
members of the French press. We say, if Russia
is sincere, and Austria is loyal, there is no cause
for delay. The wind of this country is prepared
for either alternative, and its resources are equal
to the worst. It will endure anything but fruit-
less, protracted, fraudulent negotiations.