The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-30 00:00:00

It is a lamentable fact that the efforts of the
-14,era1 party—the. party of prosress:--aMong us
have of late been paralysed brpersonali'aud see.'
Clonal animosities. The 'restoration of peace will
remove some of the most prolific sources of this
mischievous discord. Questions relating to the
expediency of a peace or war policy will be placed
in abeyance. Personal soreness, arising from cri-
ticism of the manner in which the war has been
conducted, will cease. We retain our own opinion
as to the essential merits of the controversies that
have been waged ; but we are'free to admit that—
as on all occasions when men's passions have been
excited by serious disputer—there has been more
of personal asperity on all sides than can be justi-,
fled. We care not to inquire who have been the
first offenders, or who have been most. to blame.
All have probably been in the wrong in this mat-
ter. But in the name of the people we protest
against the perpetuation of this embitterment and
isolation. The sincere .and earnest friends of
Progress do not differ as to the general principles
of a Liberal policy. The urgency of steady,
practical, progressive amelioration of our insti-
tutions is recognismi by all who deserve the
name of Liberals. It is unseemly that the
forces of the party should be frittered away by
the separate independent action of sections,
when by mutual arrangement the objects of all
might be attained. The national mind was never
in so apt' a frame for the promotion of great im-
provements as at the present moment. The frank
and fearless manner in which the defects of our in-
stitutions are canvassed, re,ga.rdlciss of the impres-
sion the avowals of our ehortcomings may make
upon other nations, is an infallible proof of the
people's determination to have them amended.
We do not care to confess our faults to each other,
in the hearing of censorious strangers, because we
are bent upon discovering their nature and extent
with a view to a thorough reform. It is the duty
of the Liberal leaders, regardless of past personal
differences, to unite and turn to the best account
this happy mood of the national mind. It is only
necessary for them to adopt a clearly defined and
practical policy to ensure to them such an amount
of popular support as no party in this or any other
country ever enjoyed. They have it is their
power to introduce such awielierations into all ad-
ministrative departments as will combine economy
with efficiency ; to efface, such remnants of obsolete
legislation as survive only to provoke sectarian
asperities ; to abolish such laws as still trammel
the free exercise of talent and enterprise in indus-
trial pursuits and rankle in the minds of the less
I favoured of fortune ; to remove such obstacles as
~i.tntrederthe advaiiiTernent in the public service cif
those in whom ability and honourable ambition
are not associated with influential connexion, and
perpetuate class animosities. A nobler field was
nei'er opened for the display of the true genius of
the statesman. All that fs required is, that the
leaders of the various sections of the Liberal party
shall frankly lay aside their personal animosities,
and throw themselves upon a people who are not
exacting, though determined to have justice done
them by their rulers. We appeal to the generous
ambition—to every better' feeling of our public,
men. Shall our appeal be in vain ?

(From the Morning Herald of this day.)

Who shall make our money laws ? It may, per-
haps, be thought unnecessary to ask this question
in a country where all subjects of grave import-
ance are submitted to that undefinable phrase
" the wisdom of Parliament." We are not vet in-
formed whether Lord Palmerston will be able to
find a place in her Majesty's Speech in reference
to this matter ; hut we feel, neverthless, that
it is one that no Minister can throw to the winds,
under the plea of more urgent business, in the
coming session of Parliament. The circumstances
of the past year have clearly pointed out to every
man, who is not blinded by interest or prejudice,
that the charter which has been granted to the
Bank of England under the Act of 1844, must un-
dergo a complete revision, and that a committee of
inquiry by both houses must form the preliminary
to any legislation upon the subject. Bat we may
remark, that to render such an inquiry useful in
its widest sense, the committees entrusted to ex-
amine this important question should notbe chosen
from members who are already known to entertain
certain dogmas which have rendered the present
money laws so prejudicial to the commercial and
trading interests of the country, nor from an iso-
lated class whom, interest it is to maintain the pre-
emit state of things ; but they should be composed
of independent and intelligent Members, eelceted
from both houses, passing over the Woods, Rus-
sells, and men of that class, who contrived in 1848
to frame a report which sanctioned the maintenance
of the Act of 1848, in the face of evidence which
most forcibly condemned it as the aggravating
cause of the panic and distress in 1847. If the
country in any future inquiry select men of the
same predilections, the same farce will be repeated,
and the Bank charter will be prolonged for a further
period of ten years.
In the meantime, it may be well to remind our
readers, and those interested in the subject, of the
names to whom the country is indebted for the con-
tinuance of this law. On the motion of Mr. Hume,
in 1848, " That in the opinion .of this committee,
the laws fur regulating-the 'issue of bank-notes,
payable on demand, aggravated the commercial
distress in England in 1847," the following votes
were given on each side

AYES.
Mr. T. Bari ng.
Lord G. Bontinck.
Mr. Spooner.
Mr. Herries.
Mr. Cayley.
Mr. Ald. Thompson.
Mr. Hudson.
Mr. Hume.
Mr. Disraeli.
Mr. Glyn.
Mr. James Wilson.

NOES.

Mr. Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
Sir James Graham.
Sir Robert Peel.
Lord John RT.:soli.
Mr. Cobden.
Mr. Beckett.
Mr. Goulburn.
Mr. Cardwell-
Mr. Labouchere.
Mr. J. L. Ricardo.
Mr. Thornely.
Sir W. Clay.
Mr. Home Drummond.
mhoes w
we e sreee
the t h at
actualthe
Ayes, 11. Noes, 13.
framers of the bill of
m aßj
oyr
iglancingisdoev eurp these
of
ftLa6m
1844, and as such ought never
to have sat upon the committee in 1848. Of the
wveho voted in favour of Mr. fume's motion,
been removed by death ; and of those
feoleuvrehna
who voted against it, Sir R. Peel and Mr.Goulburn
are no more. But it must be borne in mind that
there is yet a small knot of Government supporters
who are rigidly wedded to the Peel and Jones
Loyd theories, and although they are not numerous
they exercise an immense influence over the present
Cabinet. The most extreme of these is probably
Baron Overstone (late Jones Loyd), who has us* d
every possible influence at his command, not only
to maintain the present law, but to show by argu-
ment that it cannot be improved. In any future in-
quiry, however, he may be called upon to exorcise
his judgment, not as a witness, but ts a legislator in
the matter. The country is so thoroughly aroused
to the necessity fer a consideration of the question
that it cannot be allowed to slumber. That a great
variety of opinions is afloat before the public is evi-
dent, from the numerous communications which
constantly appear in fru?... clinTers ; hut, tltn!es
sems powerful ergomizaton be atranto ;is
0
'Woo 0 Una L rulizzatV, wrcir eirstuity