The Sun.
London, England, 1834-04-15 00:00:00

lately made for it, and the management of the
Royal Academy and the British Museum. In
these discussions, the effects of the Reform Bill
are discernible. The greatest evil in society is
independence, which may sound somewhat like
a paradox. In a well-constituted society,
people ought all to be dependant on each other
—the rich on the poor, and the poor on the
rich. Mr. Burke held that " all the classes
and descriptions of the rich are the pensioners
of the poor, and are maintained by their super-
fluity. They are under an absolute hereditary
and indefeasible dependance on those who
labour, and are miscalled the poor." Be this,
however, as it may, no notion is so mischievous
as that of drawing lines between different classes
of men. What the rich gain in apparent
homage by an estrangement between them-
selves and the poor, they lose in attachment,
for the poor deeply feel and resent the artificial
manners of the rich. The Reform Bill has
made it more necessary for the rich to attend
to the feelings of the people than heretofore ;
and we find even Six M. W. R idley quoting
the coarse language of a sailor at the National
Gallery with something like approbation. The
manners and ways of thinking of different
classes of Englishmen are at present so dis-
tinct, that to bring them together for some time
must be painful to both rich and poor. But as
the oligarchical system had a tendency to sepa-
rate men more and more from each other, and
'to lead ultimately to the driving of the people from
every place where the rich make their appear-
ance, the reform system will probably throw
down the lines of separation, and produce
in all classes a stronger sympathy with
each other. It is notorious to all who
have lived long in England that ever
since the French revolutionary war the
estrangement of classes became every year more
and more perceptible. Every year the little
amusements and pleasures of the
.poor were
more and more envied them. Domineering
justice drove them from all open places. The
sound of a fiddle was an abomination. Fairs
were proscribed. Even the seats before the
public-house doors, where the poor might have
a glass of beer in the open air, were deemed
an abomination. The manner in which the
rich and poor meet in England—the abject pros-
tration on the part of the poor, was painful
to witness. There is no example of this, we
believe, in any other country ; and English
gentlemen are frequently involved in disagree-
_
able scenes abroad from fereigners resenting the
attempt to treat them as they treat their country-
men at home. Let us hope that we arc now in a
better way—that in time rich and poor will be
able to meet with kindlier feelings towards each
other, than in times past. The best way to
have our own rights respected, is to respect the
rights of others. Even a look of kindness is
not thrown away.—Morning Chronicle.

The inevitable consequences of the arbitrary
tendencies of Louis Philip's policy become more
and more developed. The insurrection at
Lyons, though a local revolt, did not arise out
of merely local circumstances ; it is only one
of the symptoms of the distempered state of the
body politic—it is the overflowing in a parti-
cular place of that bitter discontent which sits
heavy. Qll the heart of France—a discontent
engendered by the utter falsification of the pro-
mises made by the ci-divant " Citizen-King"
when ascending the throne to which a successful
revolutionary movement raised him, and from
which throne he has ever since been contriving
to strike a death-blow to the liberties of France.
His incessant persecution of the Press, the
power which chiefly overturned the throne of
Charles X., displayed as signal an example of
Royal ingratitude as the annals of the world
afford. Not only did the opposition press under
Charles X. give the first decided impulse to the
revolution, but it turned the popular triumph in
favour of the house of Orleans,which had scarcely
any party in the State. The two great parties by
whose combination the revolution was achieved
were the Imperialists and the Republicans, La-
fayette being at the head of the latter, and the
young Napoleon, since deceased, being the idol
of the former. It was not until the public vic-
tory was accomplished that the name of the
Duke of Orleans was mentioned. It was then
introduced by the journals, which created a
public opinion in his favour that did not pre-
viously exist. That part of his early history
which is connected with the name of Dumou-
rier did not make it natural that the son of
L'Egalite should be especially the object of the
confidence of the French people, or a very par-
ticular favourite with the Republicans. Never-
theless, the press, which took such a prominent
part in the revolutionary movement, exercised a
power that overcame all other powers. The
Imperialists thought it prudent to give way,.
and the chief of the other party—the venerable
Lafayette—the apostle of republicanism in
both hemispheres, who refused to acknow-
ledge the splendid and intellectual despotism
of Napoleon—held up his hand for . a mo-
narchy raised on the barricades of July,
and became sponsor to the regal baptism of
Louis Philip, who promised and vowed, through
him, to the French nation that he would give
to the country what no country ever yet pos-
sessed and never can, " a monarchy surrounded
with, republican institutions." Louis Philip
cared not for the impossibility of what he pro-
mised in that instance, for he was then ready to
promise any thing. But though the notion of
a throne surrounded by republican institutions
is a chimera, yet the work of political ameli-
oration and improvement was no chimera. The
King of the French has not only not done that
work, but he has opposed it by every means in
his power. His unremitting attacks on the
press—his police emeutes—his " state of siege"
—his military tribunals—his law of associations
besides numberless other political delinquencies,
all show that his darling object, independently
of amassing wealth, has been, and is, to realize,
in the west of Europe, the slavery of the north.
Yes, notwithstanding the laudations of the
Whig Press, and the confiding admiration
of Whig Statesmen, the King of the
French would fain remove—from the insti-
tutions of France all cause of Russian jealousy
and alarm. As to foreign policy, the state of
the juste milieu government of Spain, an off-
shoot of the statesmanship of the Tuileries, af-
fords the most recent, though not the most
striking instance. In regard to the Russianized
empire of Turkey, he shares with our own
statesmen the political crime, as both France
and England share the national humiliation and
the national loss which are its consequences—
but the peculiar generosity and faith of the go-
vernment of the Citizen-King are most legibly
written in the calamities of Italy and the blood
of Poland. We need not then be surprised
to find that the barricades of Lyons have been
raised against a throne which was built upon
the barricades of Paris. This, we believe, is

the third instance of open resistance which has
occurred in Lyons since the accession of Louis
Philip, and each of more importance than the
former. It is said by an evening contem—
porary, the Standard, that, " Taking into
account all the sacrifices of life and li-
berty made by France within the three
and a half years of Louis Philip's reign,
it cannot be disputed that those three
years and a half have cost France more
in life and liberty than the sixteen years of the
restoration." We must not forget that if France
had submitted to the ordinances of Polignac
she would have had no liberty remaining. She
resisted, and saved it for a time, but we must
admit that most of those precious national rights
which were rescued from the Scylla of the re-
storation have been lost in the Charybdis of an
unwisely-terminated revolution. The men who
achieved the victory of the three days behaved
with great moderation when the actual conflict
was over, but their wisdom was not equal to
their valour or their moderation. Lafayette
acted with great weakness, and was rewarded
by great treachery. He was courted by Louis
Philip until he thought himself firmly seated in
the saddle of power, and then contumeliously
thrown aside, the Citizen-Xing dividing his
pledge with him, taking the monarchy in all
its arbitrary vigour to himself, and leaving
him to dream over his " republican institu-
tions." As to the Lyonese, if they have
become wild and intemperate republicans,
it must be in consequence of the disappoint-
ment which the policy of the Citizen-King
has inflicted upon them, for they never were
distinguished in former days for violent repub-
lican sentiments. On the contrary, they suf-
.fered much by their resistance to the doctrines
of the more furious zealots of republicanism,
who, at the former revolution, planted the
standard of anarchy upon the ruins of the re-
gulated plan of civil freedom, which had been
constructed by the Constituent Assembly.
Against the Lyonese the vengeance of the
bloody faction of Robespierre was directed, and
the siege of that second city of France is as me-
morable for the heroism of its inhabitants as
for the atrocities of the merciless assailants,
who, after a long and terrible struggle of many
months, waded through carnage to a victory,
which they used less like men than demons. ,
Now the Lyonese resist the intemperance of
Monarchy as they then did the intemperance of
Republicanism ; but all France is combustible ;
and, thanks to the unresisted progress which
the policy of Russia has been making for some
years, so is nearly all Europe. How the pro-
tocols have " settled" Belgium we saw the other
day. The " settlement of Europe" we have
yet to see.—Morning Herald.
We cannot too soon, or too earnestly, cau-
tion our readers against being misled by a ru-
mour which has been industriously circulated to
the prejudice of the Universities, and which, we
find, has gained currency in many friendly
quarters. It is said that the Universities of
Oxford and Cambridge are opposed to the grant
of a charter to the London University. Nothing
can be further from the truth. The petitions
which they have presented, and which have been
referred to the Privy Council, presuppose that
a charter will be granted, and they only pray
that the London University may not be allowed
to grant decrees with the same titles as those of
the old Universities, or accompanied with the
same privileges. The matter stands simply
thus :—After the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge had existed for upwards of two cen-
turies, and had acquired a high reputation for
science and literature, they were invested with the
privilege of conferring certain titles or certificates
upon persons who should have gone, with credit,
through the prescribed course of education and
moral and religious discipline. The statutes
of the Universities confer no privileges out of
them, and the few privileges given by the
statutes of the realm are, so far as we know, of
an ecclesiastical nature. Independent bodies,
such as the benchers of the different inns of
court, and the college of physicians, have
thought proper, in the exercise of their dis-
cretion, to attach a certain weight, and give
certain advantages, to the possession of Uni-
versity degrees ; the former by abridging the
time of preparation for the bar, and the latter
by making it a condition for admission to a
Fellowship. An English degree is not required
for the practice of physic, for which it is only
necessary that the party should be a Licentiate,
i.e., licensed after due examination. By the
wills, also, of several founders of schools and
hospitals, it is provided also that the Master
must be a Master of Arts, at least, of Oxford
or Cambridge. Such, and such only, are the
privileges which have been branded with the
name of an exclusive monopoly. The degrees
conferred at Oxford and at Cambridge have
always been received by the world as an evi-
dence of the party upon whom they were con-
ferred having received his education at one of
those universities; and (independently of the
question as regards the Church of England,—
a very important consideration) it would obvi-
ously be a fraud upon the public, and nothing
less than a forgery, for the London University,
or any similar new establishment, to confer a
certificate which the old universities have, for
so many centuries, adopted in the case of their
members. The titles in themselves, without
reference to the place where they were conferred,
mean nothing ; and if, as surely it must be ad-
mitted, there ought to be distinctions between
the degrees of Oxford and Cambridge and those
of the London University, it is only reasonable
to expect that it is the new Institution which
should adopt them. If the London University
can show a title, from its importance, and re-
putation, as a school of science, to possess the
power of conferring degrees at all, let them be
different from those of the old universities, and
let us not drive Oxford and Cambridge to the
necessity of adopting some mode of indicating
to the public the individuals upon whom their
degrees had been conferred, and thus distin-
guishing them from persons holding degrees
having a totally different meaning, and granted
by an institution conducted upon totally different
principles.—Morning Post.

HENRY SALT, ESQ.—The memoirs of this
distinguished character, from the pen of his intimate
friend, Mr. Halls, are in the press. It would have
been a lasting reproach to any one possessing mate-
rials for writing the life of such a man had he neg-
lected to take advantage of them. As Consul General
in Egypt, for a series of years, he omitted no opportu-
nity not only of showing the utmost hospitality to
every traveller who visited the country, but also ex-
erted the remarkable influence which he possessed
over its ruler to afford the stranger every facility of in-
vestigating the wonderful and interesting remains of
antiquity peculiar to this portion of the world. • Hence
his name is generally known and respected throughout
Europe. The volumes will be enriched by his valua-
ble correspondence, and with anecdotes of the nume-
rous distinguished characters with whom he was ac-
quainted.