The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-13 00:00:00

facility given by his Majesty's Government to the opera-
tion of the feelings upon. which that body acted. But, in
point of fact, those feelings had existed for a length of
time, and had produced a' wonderful impression upon the
public mind, and it was 'under those circumstances that
Parliament was called uprin to deal with the question. He
was not unaware of the difficulties by which the question
was surrounded, but at the same- time he was not aware
of any plan by which the object in view could be brought
shout more safely and satisfactorily to all parties than by
the plan of his Majesty's (lovernment.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that the duty of
the Government was to have induced the colonial legisla-
tures (or at least to have tried to induce them) to take
further steps for the education of' the slaves, for the ame-
lioration of their condition, and the improvement of their
habits. But instead of that, what they did was to take
the lead in this question to force it to discussion, and to
place it in a state in which, to use their own words, it
was impossible to recede or stand still, and to go
forward was the only alternative. The Noble Earl, in
reviewing his Noble Friend's argument, had emitted what
his Noble Friend bad very clearly pointed out, namely,
the little prispect there was of getting the negroes,
or indeed any race of men, to do regular agricultural
work in those climates, so long as their number, were
anything like what they were at present. This was clear
from the fact that in Jamaica •lae labour that was necessary
to supply the wants of 400,000 inhabitants was done by
300,000 negroes, on 26 day. in the year. There could be
no doubt that any state of society, in which rebellion was
likely to occur was wrong; but he wanted to know
whether we should he safer from rebellion and r a systetn
of master and apprentice than at present ?—(Hear, hear.)
He said we should have rebellions just as frequently.
With respect to the power of corporeal punishment, if he
was not mistaken, such a power was given by law to the
master over his apprentice in this country. But under
this Bill the mister was not even to have the power of
dismissing his apprentices, however they might misconduct
themselves, or even though they shout I be worn out and
useless. Again, there were to b. hut 100 magistrate, for
the whole nineteen colonists, whereas he firmly believed
that that number would not be sufficient for Jamaica
alone. His Majesty's Government ought to have stated
the reasons for the alters ions which hail b en made in the
measure since it had been under the consideration of that
House before. Every pai tof this measure carried with it
a character of harshness and violence, which rendered it
most unlikely that the colonies would accept it, or their
legislatures carry it into execution. There was another
point to which the Noble Duke wish-d to advert—namely,
the grant in compensation to the West India planters.
In reference to this he observed that it wile usual
that the money should be raised at mire, though cer-
tainly not paid until the stipulated services were per-
formed ; but in the mean time it was to run at interest fur
the benefit of those for whom it was destined. He ob-
jected also to the scheme of payment set down in the Bill.
The natural way would he to pay for the negroes at so
much per head. The Noble Duke likewise expressed his
conviction that the Presidentship of the Council would
be no longer a sinecure, at least, if it were to attend to
one-tenth of the appeals laid before him under the opera-
tion of this Bill. He re xt proceeded to contend that the
planter could not, according to the present rate of produce,
afford that reduction which would be demanded from him
for the wages of the negro, and that, consequently, the
produce would be of necessity diminished. He main-
tained that any interference with the intern it affairs and
la gielation of the colonies, which led to the direct injury
of their external commerce, was contrary to the spirit, if
not strictly to the letter, of the Acts of the 18th ana 52d
of Geo. 111., which expressly provided against any in-
terference with the external commerce of the colonies,
That their arrangements with respect to the slave could
have any other effect wis in his mind impossible. All
experience proved it. Let them only look to their own
free colony of Sierra Leone ; wherever free labour had
been tried in those clittia.es it failed. The Noble Duke
concluded by again protesting against the details of the
measures, and declaring that he considered the Bill to be
precipitate and ill advised.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the course of
legislation might be right or wrong ; but he denied that
the Government volunteered it. The colonial legislatures
had themselves to thank for the present measure. The
question was one from which the Government, if it had
so desired it, had not the means to escape. Certainly he,
as one of the Ministry, bad no desire to shrink from it.
In reply to what had been urged by the Noble Duke
respecting the force of the Acts of Parliament, the 18ih
and the b2d Geo. 111., which be had quoted, he main-
tained that even after tbe mother country bad abandoned
tbe right of taxation, she had still reserved to the utmost
the right of internal legislation. He was wrong in saying
abandoning the debt of taxation, for, in fact, it was only
relinqui.hing the exercise of the right—it was not aban-
doning. In support of this doctrine, be (voted the au-
thority of air. Secretary Dundas and of Mr. Burke. He
doubted if there were any two colonies in which the
value of slaves was the same. The plan devised by the
Noble Duke became, therefore, utterly impracticable. No
better means could have been devised to meet the justi e
of the case than by taking the average value of slaves
in each place for a number of years, and awarding to that
place a compensation composed of the number of slaves
multiplier. by the average. It was said that the condition
of the slave was perfectly miserable—that the clearing of
new lands was proverbially a source of mortality to the
alive. No doubt the want of population was a gre .t evil;
but had the existence of slavery had the effect of lessening
the evil ? Ever since the abolitien of the slave trade. anti
particularly in colonies where there were new lands to
open, the mortality was very great, and the slaves had
decreased greatly in numb-re—in Demerara mere than in
other places. It was said that, in consequence of this Ball,
there would be a failing off of one-fourth in the quantity of
sugar. It was first assumed that nobody would work at all,
that theme was something in the nature of the cultivation of
sugar that would prevent the possibility of a man engaging
in it if he could help it, and that nothing but the lash
would drive him to it. What an argument this was against
the continuance of slavery for one single hour longer ; and
did not they who used the argument at once perceive that
if such work as that was to centinue, it was the greatest
of all enormities—that it was abominable to continue the
sugar plantation if it could only be carried on at such a
price, and on such terms ? It was then said that you
would let in a great quantity of East India sugar; but ii
the revenue derived from that source was still the same,
what difference would that make ? The Chancellor of
the Exchequer cared no more whether nine millions cam,-
trent the West belies, area three minim:a came from the
E.st Indies, than did the ancient tyrant from what source
was derived the money that he held in his hand. .A
doubt was then raised whether it was proper to
transfer the power indiscriminately to all resident Ma-
gistrates. The result was of itself a sufficient justifi-
cation
of the careful selection of persons in whom this
power ought to be vested. If the power w s given to
none but non-resident Justices, hew many licensee to
preach and to teach would la t given ? He doubt d
whether one license to preach the Gospel would be
issued. But if there was a sufficient number of persons
to exercise a so and discretion without hostility to the
slave—without a dogged determ nation that no sectarian
should teach the slave—then the 0 ject he had in view
would lie gained. There was no evidence which coupe
convict one of those laborious conscientious men—the
sectarians—of having abused the office intrusted to them,
and converted their religious calling to propag .te disaffec-
tion. The only possibility of teaching the slave was to be
found in the congenial habits of sectarian teachers. You
might as well send men from the Colleges of Oxford and
Cambridge to a forge at Birmingham, or a factory at Man
cheater, to spin cocoon or work Iran, as send them to the
colonies to teach the slaves. 'They were just as well
adapted to the one work as time other. The Noble Lordt
concluded by observing that it was now 33 years since he
had worked with other more effectual labourers in this good
cause;
mnawna
thatudyy i
Ntd}iFiwsooa.
upssßpea:Ditgr;
wjrtaernata
.tehasegratificationdt
to see
oisanedgeb ittot
hnhfei,stahhgnaerdne
clergyaemtu and
randed
good wank so nearly completed.
et
aupsLefaootrr
di
in the West Indies Irons what be knew of the clergy here.
there was not the least foundation for the charge which
the Noble Lord had brought against them. There was no
pretence for saying Christianity was not as likely to be
extended by the labours of the clergy of the church of
England as by the labours of any sectarian. There was a
clause of some importance to which he decidedly objected,
namely, that which took away from the M gistrates in
Quarter Sessions the power of granting or refusing license-
to preach, That he considered an insult to the Magistracy,
and he was sure the Noble Duke (Richmond) would agree
with him in thinking that if such a course were pursued
towards the .Magistrates of Sussex, they would justly
complain of it as an insult. He would also ask, why all
the boon was to come from En.land, and all the coercive
measures were to be left to the Colonial Legislatures? He
was afraid the slave, ou brine emancipated, would acquire
ambits of vice which no religious instruction could coun-
teract. The plan to extend the apprenticeship to
•n and fiv
but on the expiration of the five
vears all slavery would be at an end, for it was not to die
ee
expectedvr
thate years;
t he
predial labourers would submit to the
apprenticeship
a
ip when lie
the B
n thiell altogether,non-predia Loth a
labouree it af
rsw ere:
eised o
ourlaldeff P
oraeep:commerce and the planter*, and, lib)ve all, the