The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-18 00:00:00

agreed to that Baron Smith should pay a visit to this country.
The House had been told that the repeal of the union was to
be resisted even to the death, and that his Majesty's Ministers
were determined not to pass a law for the dissolution of that
union. What then became of the right of petition—that in.
estimable right of Englishmen, and Irishmen too ? He would
tell the House and the Noble Lord opposite that even with the
threat of resistance to the death before him, the measure
would most surely pass, or lead to the total separation of the
two countries. He had lately attended nearly twenty public
meetings, at some of which there were more than 40,000 per-
sons present, and all unanimous in asking for the repeal of the
Union. The people knew that they had lost their retail market
at home, and that they were compelled to send their produce
over to this country by wholesale, where it was sold by retail
at four times the price it fetched in Ireland. It had been said
that a family could live cheaper in Ireland than in England, but
he found, as an individual, he could live much cheaper here than
in Ireland. This was a matter which the farmers perfectly
understood as well as the Noble Lord, who, no doubt, knew
that if a pound of steaks were wanted he must buy a whole
ox—(Laughter)--if a pound of butter was wanted, he must
. _

buy a firkin. He assured the House the farmers in the county
which he represented (Cork) perfectly understood all the bear-
ings of this question. Hon. Gentlemen were too much in the
habit of thinking that Ireland was governed by some established
and unchangeable law, but it was no such thing, but by the
will of the Lord Lieutenant; and he was astonished to.hear the
cheers with which the statements of the Right Hon. Secretary
for Ireland were received: he was, in fact, literally struck dumb.
He was afraid to reply or make a single complaint, for that
Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to have gained the hearts of
the Hon. Members of that House without doing a single act of
good for Ireland. One, he supposed, had got a sop, and encl.,
-tiler a something beneficial to himself, and so on until all the
friends of Ireland were won over, and she had at• last become
a mere province, He was really at a loss to conceive or ex-
plain in any other way by ghat winning ways thlii had been
done.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side.) The peti-
tioners were perfectly alive to the situation in which they
were placed by the Union, ' and their language was, that
the Legislative Union had not produced them those
advantages which the advocates of that measure promised would
result from it." No, nor had any of those promises been car-
ried into effect by his Majesty's Ministers. The Coercion Bill
was merely introduced to receive the support of the gentlemen
on that side of the House, in order to prepare Ireland for
healing measures.—(Hear.) What was the first act of the
Government ? They allowed those who had not received
tithes for many years, and among them the Duke of Devon.
shire, to come in and exact them. That noble lay-propriator
and English Duke, came into his (Mr. O'F.'s) parish, and
claimed 2,000/. from a papperized population, not because he
wanted the money, but because Government had given him
the opportunity.—(Hear, hear.) He might be told that
the Noble Duke was not a Minister, but he was a member of,
the Royal Household. He would not, however, further tres-
pass on the House, but conclude by asking the opposers of the
repeal of the Union what single act had Ireland a right to
thank them for since the passing of the Coercion Bill ?—(Hear.)
Mr. J. BROWNE did not wish to enter into all the merits of
the speech of the Hon. Member who had just addressed the
House, but he wished to convey to the House the real senti-
ments of the peoPle upon the question.—(Hear.) He had rea-
son to believe that they were acted upon by individual influence
and priestcraft, and that half the petitions would never have
found their way to that House but for such influence.
—(Hear, hear.) If the real and true sentiments of the people
were known, they would be found to be heartily and sincerely
attached to England in every possible way.—(Hear, hear, from
the Irish Members.) They had been deluded by the declara-
tions of individuals of great ignorance, and by a latent
power in that country, to make them think that England
was their bitter enemy.—(Hear, from the Irish Members.)
He would pledge himself to the House that half the petitions
flowed from this source, but he would say nothing of the man-
ner in which they were got up, not wishing to be offensive;
but in respect to the county he represented (Mayo) he knew
that they were the fruit of a system of terror, and an
influence totally unconstitutional. Those petitions were not
the constitutional voice of the people, nor was the question one
raised by the people, but by the Hon. Member for Dublin.—
(Cries of 0 No, no," from the Irish Members.) He repeated,
that it was the decree of the Hon. Member for Dublin, but he
was thankful that the time was approaching when the question
would be calmly discussed and set at rest, and he was sure the
Very advocates of repeal would then admit their error. He
did not wish to say any thing offensive, but he felt it his posi-
tive duty to state to the House, decidedly and unequivocally,
and without fear, the exact and true state of the feelings of the
people of Ireland upon this question.—(Hear.)
Mr. FINN begged to say, that the motives for getting up so
many petitions in favour of the repeal of the Union, were not
founded in terror—they came from different principles. Nei-
ther delusion nor terror operated on the minds of the people in
Ireland. Perhaps the Hon. Member for Mayo might be dis-
pleased to find that petitions from that county were intrusted
to him (Mr. Finn), and in that sense they are unconstitu-
tional. But it was not wonderful that when the Hon. Member
differed from his constituents on such a question, they do not in-
trust him with their petitions. They knew well he differed from
them, tot,' aria, and of course they preferred a stranger to
bring their wishes before thp House. It was an error to soppose
that the question of the repeal of the union was one of the
Member for Dublin's. No, it was the question of the people, and
when Mr. O'Connell was supposed to hesitate oil bringing it
forward, the national will propelled him. No doubt could be
entertains, that if to-morrow that Hon. Gentleman wished to
set the question et rest, his popularity would not lest one hour.
—(Cheers from the Irish Members.) What did this prove ?
Why, that it was impressed on the hearts and understandings
of the people, because they felt convinced it was the only mea-
sure which could administer a remedy to their wants.
There were many of the people in Ireland old enough to recol-
lect the condition of the country before the Union ; and when
they contrasted it with the present state of things, they found
that the only benefit that Union did the country was to increase
taxes, and establish despotism; so much so, that scarcely a single
constitutional privilege was left them. In England no prose-
cutions were entered into against those who got up the agita-
tion of any public question, but in Ireland it was not so ; he
(Mr. Finn) was too cautious when solicited to attend anti-tithe
meetings to do so, for hepretty well knew what the consequence
would be. Such a deprivation ofprivileges in Ireland was enough
to convince the people that a repeal of the union was the essential
measure for restoring constitutional rights, and, therefore, they
would persevereuntil they obtain it. The union was effected by
corruption and could not last. There was no attraction in Ire-
land for men of capital and opulence to reside in it ; it was all in
England, and therefore Irish property was transferred here. In
the County of Kilkenny the rental property was estimated at
400,0001. per annum, and 200,0004 of that was given to
absentees.
Sir H. VERNEY said lie was sure that the people of Ireland,