The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-15 00:00:00

SHOWING THE MEANS BY WHICH THE COUNTRY MAY BE

RESTORED TO ITS FORMER VIGOUR AND PROSPERITY ;
RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF
THE MEMBERS OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRIVY COUNCIL, AND
OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT, AND TO THE NOTICE
OF ALL OTHERS WHO TAKE AN INTEREST IN THE WEL-
FARE OF THE COMMUNITY. BY COSMOPOLITE. -
LONDON, 1833.

Such, in its full length and breadth, is the
title of a volume of some one hundred and
seventy closely printed pages, which we, as being
included in the last class to whom Cosmopolite
(a German, he tells us in his preface) addresses
himself, have felt it our duty to read. We
stand, in consequence, a personification of
,g virtue rewarded." Verily, we would not have
missed reading it for the value of our " best
blue coat with brass buttons ;" no, not including
that of our yellow waistcoat. 11l are we qualified,
in the small space we can spare for a description
of this indescribable book, to give our readers a
correct idea of its surpassing beauties. A few

samples will suffice to whet their appetite. After
a few pages of uninteresting matter in abuse of
Adam Smith, and lamenting the general appre-
ciation of money which followed the peace in
1815, the author likens the State to a pond,
and a healthful state of the circulating medium
to the undulations occasioned in it by the falling
of rain. The more money we raise in the
shape of taxes, quoth the author, the more drops
in the shape of salaries will fall in the pond,
ergo, the better will be our condition. " Cos-
mopolite" then proceeds to advise all foreign
states to restrict importation of English manu-
factures, inasmuch as we shall otherwise purchase
the whole country ! As an illustration of his
argument he shows that " the balance of trade"
in favour of England from 1814 to 1823 was
274,424,6901., all of which, allowing for some
deductions, was received in hard cash and boxed
up by the capitalists of this country. After en-
larging upon this point in a manner as curious
as new, our friend again laments the contraction
of the currency, and tells us that had it not been
for a return to cash payments the country would
"now have been 200,000,0001. richer than it is."
Then come the remedies for the distress we
suffer, in consequence of this tremendous loss
of wealth. First of all we are to have a National
Bank, which is in some measure to restore all
his wealth ; then we are to have plenty of taxa-
tion, and plenty of expenditure. The author
has not been content with merely saying what
ought to be done, but, entering into all our re-
lations, foreign and domestic, has described mi-
nutely what is to be done in every case that can
arise out of them. We can only spare room
for some of the domestic arrangements he has
laid down for us. The nation must buy Water-
loo Bridge, finish the Thames Tunnel, and take
up every other scheme which private specula-
tors have abandoned. What, however, the
author has most laboured for is the necessity of
magnificently lodging and paying our princes.
The following are his suggestions upon this
point :

" There is to be immediately put a premium upon
the best plan to be produced by native and foreign
architects, for the finishing of the structure (Bucking-
ham Palace), and particularly, for the principal front
to be built facing the Parks, which must be so beauti-
ful as to surpass anything of the kind in Europe ; and
which must also contain saloons which, in grandeur
and magnificence, will leave far behind anything of
the kind in existence, which are to be decorated and
furnished accordingly. In those saloons and other adja-
cent apartments of the palace, grand fancy and state balls
are to be given to the public, similar to the fancy ball
which the Emperor of Russia gives the Ist of January,
and for which from 25,000 to 30,000 tickets are issued.
There cannot be a more soothing and agreeable sight than
to see the Emperor and Empress of Russia, whom the
Russians ' love and venerate with all their hearts, and
whom they always call their father and mother,' and all
the Imperial Princes and Princesses, and other grandees of
the empire, dance polonoises, the Emperor opening the
ball, and having great difficulty, with his companion, to
open a passage for themselves through the crowded audience
of foreigners in dominos, and Russians in their national
costume, anxious to have a peep at him and the Imperial
family—the company being served with sumptuous re-
freshments."

The author has given a description of the
manner in which, without going to the expense
of building a new palace, Buckingham House
might be pulled down, and spread half over
the Green-park ; but as our dulness prevents us
gathering a very accurate idea of his plan for
accomplishing this object, we prefer quoting
his directions as to what is to be clone when the
palace is built. He says :

" For enabling their Majesties the King and Queen of
these realms, to order such balls to be given with the
greatest possible splendour, there must then be added to
the yearly income of their Majesties. There should also,
now already, a large addition be made to the heiress of the
Crown, and to the presumptive Regent of these realms ;
as also to the Royal Dukes and Duchesses, for enabling
them to live as it behoves the Royal Family of the richest
nation in the world. This and every thing else ought to
be done to influence the rich of the country to live more
splendid than they do now, and to make them rival with
each other who can givc, the most magnificent entertain-
ments, in larger houses !Ilan they generally have; because,
according to the map of circulation, that will benefit the
community, and particularly the industrious classes ; and
when London became, in this way, more gay, rich people
would not want to go to Paris in search of gayety, and
many millions sterling which leave the country on that
account would flow into the pockets of the industrious
classes of this country.'

In order to provide a court fit to enjoy the
luxuries in which the author's imagination revels,
he gives the following recipe :

" Many rich Baronets should be raised to the Peerage
of the realm, never mind what they are, Whigs or Tories,
and be induced to do in the same way honour to their new
dignity ; and others, particularly the richest of those
fundholders, of whom it has been said in Parliament,
that they keep only an old woman and a cat,' should, by
particular grace of his Majesty, be created Baronets, and
invited frequently to Court. This would, perhaps, also
induce these latter to come out with their money, of which
they generally have a good portion in safe custody, to
buy a carriage or two and some horses, keep livery ser-
vants, and, on account of the honour conferred on them,
they will then, perhaps, begin to treat, now and then,
their friends, if they have any, if not, they may find them
some, and live and enjoy themselves in this way, as it be-
comes a rich man and a Baronet ; ' by which means they
will have, when they die, the consolation,' that the
money which now lies idle with them, will have brought
into the pockets of the deserving industrious classes, by
means of hundred-folds circulation, perhaps teu timas its
amount in profits, of which those industrious will have also
enjoyed themselves. For the old woman and the cat,
which those rich fundholders will, it must be hoped, not
send away, on account of their new dignity, there will al-
ways remain sufficient ; as also, for their laughing heirs,
as they are called, under such circumstances, in Germany."

Our Albertus Magnus (for no less a per-
sonage do we submit the author to be, but
successful since his supposed death in having
discovered the philosopher's stone) does not
follow out this part of his idea ; but we humbly
suggest that the Baronetage should be recruited
from the ranks of the quack doctors and others,
who, by dint of front, make fortunes. Chimney
sweepers and scavengers should at once be
raised (?) to the dignity of esquires. As to gen-
tlemen, it is not necessary to make any provi-
sion for them—toad-eaters, Tories of all ranks,
and pickpockets, being such by virtue of their
offices. In order to attract due attention to his
proposition, the author says in his last page, that
should none of the measures he proposes be exe-
cuted, he is sorry to say there will next year be a
deficit instead of a surplus in the revenue—a

nufacturers by the case of silk, is hardly as well
put together as the first part. Less relief is de-

rived from the fictitious part of the narrative,
from its not being so well amalgamated with the
politico-economical portion.of it, except, indeed,
in the last section, where the persecution of a
French manufacturer established in this country

combines great personal interest, with an instruc-
tive lesson. The general principles Miss Mar,
tineau lays down are, as usual, sound. The fol-
lowing extract, though long, is one of the most
manageable we have been able to make ; part of

it is a conversation between an English and a
French silk manufacturer, the hero (if we may so
call him), of the volume :

" I see,' observed the Frenchman, ' that in this case,
as in others, some of thc,se V 1 b o are the very parties sup-
posed to be protected are the most willing to resign the
protection. It is d. dared to be a difficult thing to get a
protecion repealed ; but the difficulty does not always rest
with the protected party.'
" That entirely depends on the state of his affairs,'
replied Mr. Culver. If the protection leaves him his
business in a flourishing state,—which seldom happens for
many years together,—or even permits it to remain in a
state which barely justifies its being carried on, he may
dread something worse happening by the removal of pro-
tecting duties; but if, for a length of time, his trade de-
clines, and the faster the more Government meddles with
it, be will quickly learn, as I have learned, to preach
from the text, ' Protect tlse people's pockets, and we alien
have as fair a chance as we want.' The difficulty, Sir,
arises from the number of interests mixed up in an arbi-
trary system like that of protections. -*While people and
money are wasted in spying, and threatening, and punish-
ing, when they ought to be producing, there will be many
an outcry against a change which would deprive them of
their office, though it would set them free for one much
more profitable to the people. Then again, if persons
have been bribed to pay a new tax by the promise of pro-
tection, it is difficult to oblige them to go on paying the
tax, and give up the bribe, unless they have a mind so to
do. They talk of injustice, and with some reason. The
long and short of the matter is, that once having got into
an unnatural system, it costs a world of pains and trou-
ble to get out of it again.'
" 4 The only way is to go back to some plain, clear
principle, and keep it in view while loosening the entan-
glements which have been twisted about it.'
"' When do you find Governments willing to do that ?
asked Mr. Culver. . . .

YV
" In this case it would be very easy, their being one,
and but one, sure test of the advantageousness of them
in any article of commerce—the profit that it yields. If
a merchant finds it more profitable to sell his goods abroad
than at home, be will send them abroad, without the help
of the Government. If the contrary, it is wasting just
so much money to tempt him to deal abroad. If less
profit is made by manufacturing silks in England than by
getting them from abroad in return for cottons, whatever
is spent in supporting the silk manufacture is so much
pure loss.'
" C But you do not think this is actually the case with
our English silk manufacture ?'
_ _ _ .

" ' I do not; as I prove by becoming an English silk
manufacturer myself. For this very reason, I see there is
no need of the protection of Government. The interference
of Government is either hurtful or useless. Foreign goods
either are or are not cheaper than home-made goods. If
they are cheaper, it is an injury to the buyer to oblige
him to purchase at home. If they are not, there is no
occasion to oblige him to purchase at home. He will do
so by choice.'
" ' Aye; hut the buyer is the last person considered in
these arrangements. It is hard to discover why, if the
merchant can supply more cheaply than the manufacturer,
the customer should be taxed to uphold the manufacturer.'

" That is an indirect source of wealth to all. How
can rulers help seeing that as nothing is produced by com-
merce, as it is an indirect source of wealth,—a mere ex-
change of equivalents of a lower value which become
equivalents of a higher value by the exchange,—the more
direct the exchange, the more valuable it is to both parties?
If a portion of the value is to be paid to a third party for
deranging the terms of the bargain, the briskness of ex-
changes will be impaired in proportion to the diminution
of their profit.'
" ' And while my customers are prevented from bu}ing
in the cheapest market, I am, by the same interference,
hindered, aye, prohibited, from selling in the dearest. My
customers complain that my silks are higher priced than
those of your country ; but give me the means of a fair
competition with your countrymen, and I will engage to
get a higher price (that is, more commodities in exchange)
in some parts of the world than any duchess in London
will give me. The price would be lower to the buyer, but
higher to me.'

I suppose the excuse for these protections in the
beginning was that the infant manufacture might not be
hindered by the vast growth of the same manufacture
abroad. Your rulers expected that your art would be
sooner perfected if fostered.'
" And has it proved so? Were we not, three years
ago, far inferior to you in the goodness of our fabrics?
And if we are now overtaking you, is it not owing to our
protection being partly removed? Was not any immediate
improvement more than counterbalanced by the waste of
establishing and upholding an artificial system, of diverting
capital from its natural channels, and of feeding, or half
feeding, the miserable thousands who were beggared and
starving under the fluctuations which our impolicy had
caused ? The businesses which have been the most care-
fully protected,—the West India trade, agriculture, and,
till 1 ,t,ly, the silk trade,—may have been very profitable
for a short period, but they have suffered more from fluc-
tuations, have caused more national waste, and more
misery to whole classes of people than any that have been
less interfered with. The cotton trade is the one to which
we owe the power of sustaining our unequalled national
burdens, subsistence for 1,400,000 of our population, and
incalculable advantages of exchange with countries in
many latitudes ; and the cotton manufacture has been left
unprotected from the very beginning.'
" ' Your riband weavers of Coventry do not, however,
appear disposed to take care of themselves. How loud
are their complaints of distress!'
" And the distress is real ; but it belongs to the whole
system, and it would have been not distress only, but
annihilation, if the introduction of the new system bad
been lu.tg delayed. Coventry once believed herself destined
to supply the whole world with ribands. Then she made
the sad discovery that she must be content with the home
market; and now that this also fails, Coventry complains
of the Government, instead of bestirring herself. While
our cotton men have been bright and brisk, depending on
their own exertions, Coventry has been dull and lazy, de-
pending on the prohibitive system. One of her looms
prepares five times less ribands, with an equal amount of
manual labour, as your improved French loom ; and she
is reasonable enough to expect that the world shall buy
her ribands instead of those of her rivals, if our Govern-
ment can but be brought to order the world so to do.
"' Her manufacture would plainly have expired out-
right, if the Government had not set her free to improve.'
" ' To be sure it would ; and it is not over gracious in
Coventry to take this act of justice,—tardy though it be,
—as an injury. Coventry and old Governments have beenb
in the wrong together. Let the mischief that results e
made a lesson to all by referring is to its true andcaufse;
what
I have
long
gre than here ; but
then there may be a chance of such an incrcaase,
oon
prospe-
rity as may remove all disposition to recrimination.'
the Frenchman. " This is exactly
in my own country,' observed wishedi
to b‘eliol.l
Pro-
tection has done little legs mischief
unwtllmg
as court ladies to yield it. Each 'coo.
co take precedenceiy
be first. All cry, We will wait till whet. rti, 1
refuses to .
their prohibitive systems ;
as if suety new channut of
unhappily this is a case' which countries
.. are as
exchange opened were not a good."