The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-27 00:00:00

PRIVY COUNCIL.-(THIS DAY.)

The Lords of the Privy Council met to.day at 10 o'clock,
at the Council Chamber, Whitehall. The Lords present were,
the President, the Lord Chancellor, the Master of the Rolls,
the Vice-Chancellor, the Lord Chief Baron; the Earl of Eldon,
and Lord Manners.
The arguments were resumed in the part-heard matter of
Richard Edward Drax, a lunatic, the facts of which are al-
ready before the public, and had net concluded when our re-
porter left.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.

DEAL, APRIL °G.—Wind S.W., moderate.—His Majesty's
ship Talavera is under orders to proceed to Portsmouth.
PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 3.—Wind \V.—Arrived his Ma•
jesty's ship Sparrowhawk, sailed 27th ult. from Havanna.
FALMOUTH, APRIL 05.--Wind N , fresh breezes and
squally.

COWES, APRIL 26.---Arrived the Falcon, Naall, from
Pernambuco; and 0, Navarre, Gordon, from St. Jago do
Cuba.

BRISTOL, Arnm26.—Arrived the Pomona, Norton, from
Trinidad; the Ebenezer, Radford, from St. Vineents ; and the
Britannia, Davenbill, from Barbadoes.
LIMERICK, APRIL 24.—Arrived the Levant, Fox, from
Trinidad.

SLIGO, APRIL 24,—The Jeans, M'Curdy, from Ballisodere
to Glasgow, was on a reef of rocks at the entrance of Ballisodere
harbour, 19th inst., with rudder unshipped, but was assisted off
by the coast guard, and towed to a place of safety.
SCARBOROUGH, APRIL i3.—The Progress, Turnbull,
from Sunderland, got upon Whitby Rock this morning, but
was assisted off in a very leaky state, and brought into this
harbour.

r
TIPS 6 *Ult.
6-

LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 27,1833.

The question'of taxation, ceridnly—the question
of the existence of the Ministry, perhaps—the
question of the maintenance of public faith, pos-
sibly—were iast night decided by the House of
Commons. The wide field of fact and conjecture
these words describe was opened to us by the de-
feat of the Government on a debate upon the repeal
of a part of the malt tax. We will briefly examine
its several divisions. Ministers triumphed by a
small majority over Lord CHANDOS' resolution, that
" in any reduction of taxation which may be consi-
dered expedient, it is necessary that the bite-
tests of the agricultural portion of the commu-
nity should be duly considered." The oppo-
sition to this motion was rested upon the fact
of its interference with the Committee of Inquiry
into agricultural distress, already given notice of by
the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. This was
followed by an amendment of Sir WILLIAM IN-
GILBY'S upon the question of the House going
into a Committee of Supply, to the effect that it
was the opinion of the House that the duty upon
malt should be reduced from 20s. and Bd. per
quarter to 10s. This amendment was carried by
162 to 1.52. If the house and window tax, the
probate duty, and other burdens which press exclu-
sively upon trade and manufactures, be reduced or
abolished, assuredly we shall not complain of the
advantage which the resolution will give to the land-
owners, to those who have the making of the laws, to
those who have never yet failed in every case to

take care of their own interests. The reduction
of the beer duty was collaterally an advantage
to the public, but it was clearly a relief to the
law makers to the amount of some millions per
annum. In consequence of the increased sale of
beer which has since taken place,: nearly a million
of additional quarters of malt have been consumed
and the revenue received from it has consequently
increased to nearly five millions sterling. This fact
of malt yielding a growing revenue is a proof that
the tax upon it has not been so high as to prevent
a vast extension of consumption. Supposing, there-
fore, that our system of taxation remained unchanged,
this is one of the last duties which ought to have
been reduced, and in that light it was viewed by
Lord ALTHORP. In that light, also, it was viewed
by many of the Members, particularly the Members
from towns and manufacturing districts, who made
up the majority of last night. The reason of their
supporting the amendment was, that they might have
the help of the agricultural portion of the House
on the question of the repeal of the house and
window tax, (which yields a revenue nearly equal to
•he amount of malt duty proposed to be reduced),
and thus force Ministers into the adoption of a
~ystem more suited to the wants of the country than
the " chandler's shop" make-shifts of the budget.
Whether the county Members will keep faith with
the town Members, whether now their own pur-
pose is served they will avail themselves of some
oaltry piece of trickery to avoid the performance of
in act of strict justice we will not now pretend to
as the call of the House, which Sir JOHN
KEY will move for on Tuesday, will decid.
the question one way or the other. But
whether they join in voting for the repeal o'
the house and window' tax or not, it is clear
that a new tax, upon a different principle
from that which the Howe has voted shall
be reduced, must he adopted. Resolutions of
the House have already disposed of all the sur-
plus Lord ALTHORP anticipates upon the expen-
diture of the current year. The resolution c,f last
night leaves a deficiency of some millions, to be
provided for by some new tax; and the vote we
hope the House will come to on Tuesday will leave
the deficiency still larger. The question is, then, what
new tax shall be proposed? There is no tax, the prin-
ciple of which is so generally acknowledged to be lair
as a property tax ; and what perhaps may have some
weight is, that we cannot imagine any other to
which the people of this country would submit,
that would yield a sufficient sum to meet the
exigency of the case. No doubt, as Lord ALTHORP
said, last night, there are difficulties in the
way of imposing a property tax ; but so there
were difficulties in the way of Reform,
and its enemies held their ground many
years purely because its friends could not agree
how these difficulties should be removed. lir( t
we have a Reform. So will the difficulties in
the way of a property-tax be removed, and
it is now for Lord ALTIIORP to show the world, by
removing them, and boldly coming forward with the
question, whether he has pursued his past petty
system from inability to grapple with enlarged
views of finance, or from doubt of the House
of Commons being willing to entertain them.
The second question raised is, will Ministers re-
sign ? We hope not; we think not. We believe
that they have grievously erred in the estimate they
have formed, not of what the people desire, but of
what they must have. The parties we should run
the chance of having in power if they resigned,
are determined at all hazards to refuse the people
what they want. The present Administration, we
believe, if satisfied that the condition of the country
rendered a change in our system of taxation necessary
—if satisfied that the poorer classes could no longer
bear the burdens imposed upon them by the rich,
would be, upon the whole, inclined to carry the
requisite change honestly into execution. It is ig•
norance of the state of the middling classes that
we have throughout attributed to Lord ALTHORP,
and not a determination to make them pay and
to spare the property of the higher classes. It is
true that they have, perhaps, often cried " wolf,
wolf," when there has been none ; but the wolf Iles
really come at last, and the statement that every
third shop-keeper between Charing Cross and the
Royal Exchange carries on a failing business is
no exaggeration. Let Ministers, then, take the
division of last night both as a lesson and as a warn-
ing; let it teach them the wishes and wants of the
people, that they look to a relief from their burdens
as the fruit of Reform; let it warn them of the
consequence of bringing forward half measures when
none not of the most decisive description can meet
the crisis.

One word only upon thelast point to which we have
alluded—the possibility of a breach of faith with the
public creditor. We desire to touch lightly upon
this delicate subject, but it must be evident, that if
the agriculturists insist upon reducing the malt
duty, and the town Members upon taking off the
house and window tax, and should refuse to impose
a property tax, the deficiency will be so great as
to necessitate the leaving the public creditor unpaid.
All, therefore, who have voted for reducing the
Malt Tax, and intend to refuse their consent
to a property tax, must contemplate the plunder of
the public creditor, or the injustice of taxing the
manufacturing and trading classes of the community
fur the sale benefit of landlords. In fact, the
dreadful nature of the remaining alternatives, affords
us a satisfactory assurance that the burden will at
length be placed upon the shoulders of those able to
bear it.

The division of last night has produced an extra-
ordinary sensation among all the leading politicians
at the west end of the town. This morning, at an
early hour, several of the Ministers assembled in
Downing-street, although summonses had been
already issued for a Cabinet Council at the usual
time of the day. The reports as to the intentions
of Ministers are various, but every thing at present
seems to indicate that they will listen to the wishes
of their friends, and remain in office, there being
ready nothing in the defeat of last night to render
their resignation necessary, either as a measure of
feeling or duty. In an unreformed Parliament, it
was essential for Ministers to have a majority, as the
whole system of Government was at that time one
of patronage, and Ministers could not expect to
catty any measure, however important to the coun-
try, except with the support of the borough nomi-
nators. Now things are different. Ministers are,
or ought to be, merely the executive of the House
of Commons, and all that they have to do is to
obey its decisions so long as they are not brought
about by the intrigues of a faction.
It was stated last night in the House of Com-
mons, by Mr. SPRING RICE, previously to the di-
vision, that the defeat of Ministers would, in all pro-
bability, render it necessary for them to retire from
office ; but we do not hear that this opinion was
expressed by any other Minister, arid the conduct of
Lord AvrtionP, after the division, by no means cor-
responded with the intimation which had been given
by his colleague. It is said, however, this morning,
in Parliamentary circles, that Lord ALTIIORP wil
retire, and that Mr. EDWARD ELLICE, the Secretary
at War, will replace him, and be succeeded at the
War Office by Mr SPRING RICE. It is also said
that Mr. WooD, the patronage Secretary of the
Treasury,e
qwuial l
tot k
thee some
popteher-ri
nopfloi cr et roans
of ife
his a s bTreeeat:
sury duties. We give these of course merely as
reports; but we consider it by no means improbable
that in the event of Lord ALTIIORP'S retiring from
or exchanging office, Mr. EDWARD ELLICE will be
invited to succeed him, as he is eminently qualified
for the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer,
having been for many years a merchant, and
thoroughly conversant with the practical bearings of
finance questions.

The French Chambers, it seems, were prorogued
on Thursday by the KING in person, whose speech
will be found below. It does not :appear to have
altogether satisfied the Bourse, though up to six
o'clock on Thursday evening the greatest tranquil-
lity prevailed in Paris. A Supplement to the No-

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0
mileur of the same day, states 7'that I:thsCIAM.4 z
bers are convoked again for the .20,h 4s-:\ es•
respects the Speech it deals largeliikaAddrii)
onguiaSpeeches,rat ti
ensthecountry generalities.
on
he o
INIA
stateJ E rr
cxkpf
relations; observes that "events have proved that
the question which divides Holland and Belgium
will be settled without compromising the peace of
Europe"-we know of no events that have proved
anything like this, and also that " the state of the
East is an object of his anxious attention, but there
is reason to believe that a speedy denouement will
restore peace in those countries." His MAJESTY, it
will be remarked, speaks far from confidently on this
ticklish subject. Both on his going to, and depart-
inF from, the Chambers, his MAJESTY was well re-
ceived by the people.
" GENTLEMEN OF THE CHAMBER OF PEERS, AND OF THE
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES,
" After the long and important labours of this session, I
tell, above all things, the desire to return you my thanks for
what you have already done for France and for me : the mo-
narchy and the charter have been strengthened by your ener-
getic devotedness ; you have known how to recognize and sup-
port, on all occasions, the true interests of France and the con.
stitutional throne ; you have lent the most loyal support
to my Government. Already France has reaped the fruits
of this. It is no longer hope alone that we entertain ;
we have entered on a new era of present and future
prosperity; the country is becoming calm and reas-
sured; commerce and industry are developing themselves
with the most abundant activity; in every quarter in.
dustry assures the welfare of the population, and consolidates
order wherever it is established. This progress is a source of
despair to the factious ; their regret vents itself in menaces ;
they will prove impotent ; your honourable examples, Gentle..
men, will sustain the courage of the good citizens, and the firm
support of my Government will never be wanting for that pur-
pose; and the peaceable developement of our institutionF,
the national security abroad as well as at home, shall 1 e
our reward. In order to attain that end, it is indispensab e
that the finances and the administration of the state should be
brought back to their regular situation; the regime provisoire
under which circumstances have until this day imperatively
held us, is a serious evil for the country and for its Govern-
ment. When that evil shall have ceased, the examination of
the expenses will become more efficacious, the vote of the sub-
sides will be free from all embarrassment, the state will be in
possession of all its means of action, and the country of its full
guarantees. This is the powerful motive which has deter-
mined me to ask from your patriotism your co-operation in a
new session. I shall direct it to be immediately opened. The
bills relating to the finances, which will at length effect
some reductions in the expenses of the state, will be
immediately presented to you, and you will, at the same
time, complete the important measures of organization
which have been already submitted to your deliberations. I
have only to congratulate myself on the state of my foreign re-
lations. Events have proved that the question which divides
Holland and Belgium will be settled without compromising the
peace of Europe. The state of the East is an object of anxious
attention, but there is reason to believe that a speedy denoue.
meld will restore peace in those countries. Be assured that
here as elsewhere, France will be found to have pursued the
line of conduct and occupied the rank worthy of her; and I
feel confident that, whether it be required to maintain her
dignity, to ensure her happiness, or to guarantee her liberties, the
nation will never be disappointed in what she has a right to
expect from us, and that she will render justice to our com-
mon efforts.' "
FRENCH FUNDS, PARIS, APRIL 25.-Five per Cents., 101 f. 60c.
65c. 60c. '7oc. 65c. 60c. 50c. 55c. 50c. 101 f. 55c, 50c.; Four per
Cents., 95f. ; Three per Cents., 78f. 15c. 10c. 78f. 77f. SOc. 85c.
75c. 70c. ; National Loan, 1015 c.; Bank Actions, 1,720 f. ; Rente
de Naples, 92f. 91f. 90c. ; Roman Five per Cents., 90% %;
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 15 % 16 ; Rente d'Espagne,
Three per Cents., 44% % ; Royal Spanish Loan,
90'A ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 702 4 •,`e
476 76 76 75F; ; Belgic Loan, 8.9 881.‘, IS ; Haytian
Loan, 250 f. 240 f. Exchange on London, one month, money,
2511 75c.; three months, money, 25f. 65c.-Court Authentique.

The St. Petersburg Journal has published a
" Russian Manifesto respecting Poland." This pre-
cious document, which will be found in another part
of The Sun, is one long, deliberate lie from the first
to the last sentence. It sets out with saying,
" every body knows the high degree of prosperity
to which Poland has been raised by fifteen years'
assiduous care and paternal solicitude on the part of
the Russian Government." The " assiduous care"
alludes, of course, to the flagrant, protracted violation
of the treaty of Vienna; the " paternal solicitude"
to the monstrous, tyrannical administration of CON-
STANTINE. The passage, therefore, is either bitterly
ironical, or wilfully mendacious. Again, " all those
whom weakness and temporary delusion bad led
astray were pardoned—those who had remained
faithful were protected and favoured—the indigent
were succoured—the orphans and all unfortunate
persons destitute of resources were taken care of and
provided for." The inhospitable wastes of Siberia,
the dungeons of St. Petersburgh, and the p'ains of
Poland, yet red with the blood of thousands of her
most deserving children, will best show in what man-.
ner the unfortunate persons destitute of resources,were
" taken care of and provided for." We do not for-
get, nor will outraged humanity forget, the hundreds
of women and children who were " provided for" in
a similar fashion—that is to say, by being driven off,
like a herd of cattle, to Siberia, or left to perish on
the road-side, just as might happen. The publica-
tion of this Manifesto convinces us that :mottle-
Polish proscription is in agitation. NICHOLAS ior
variably ushers in every fresh atrocity by a long-
winded boast of clemency arid forgiveness. His
last Polish Manifesto appeared just previous
to the sack of Waraaw by P- ASKEWITSCH and was
remarkable for the calm, philanthropic air
that breathed through it. It was indeed so senti-
mental that one might have supposed it rather the
production of a ROUSSEAU than a NICIIOLAS, and
was followed up (after the usual Russian fashion)
by an unheard of butchery of Poland's bravest sons.
The imperial Nero is the finest living sample of a
political methodist. A gloomy, undying spirit of
vengeance is ever rankling at his heart, while naught
but words of love and mercy escape his lips. His
" sayings" and " doings" stand out in fine, bold
contrast to each other.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK

The unforeseen event of Ministers being in the minority last
night in the House of Commons on the duty on malt, has
caused great surprise and anxiety in the city, as also amongst
the speculators in the Funds. This singular defeat will no
doubt upset their budget, and place them in an awkward pre.
dicament, and more particularly upon the motion brought for-
ward in the House for the repeal of a part of the assessed taxes,
which, it is expected, will be carried. It is now evident that Mi.
nisters must open their ears to the voice of the nation, and
succumb. A property tax must take place, or an issue of Ex-
chequer bills, to make up the deficiency, otherwise they will
not be able to hold their places.

This untoward event will be fine food for the King of Hol.
land. Procrastination will still be the order of the day, as
he will expect a change in our Ministry.
The most important arrival this day is the French King's
speech on proroguing the Chambers. The chief points in this
official document are respecting the affairs of Holland and the
East ; in which he states,—" I hare only to congratulate my-
self on the state of my foreign relations. Events have proved
that the question which divides Holland and Belgium will be
settled without compromising the peace of Europe, and the
state of the East is an object of anxious attention, but there is
reason to believe that a speedy denouement will restore peace
in those countries." Here we have all hopes and expecta.
tions, and nothing of a positive nature. This speech was not
looked upon as favourable in the French capital.

Consols, which left oft yesterday at 87 for the account,
opened very heavy this morning, in consequence of the unex-
pected defeat of the Ministers in the House of Commons last
night. Consols are at present 874 fbr account.
In the Foreign Market nothing doing as yet, No further
information from Portugal as yet.
Consols have just receded to 86 % 87.
HALF-PAST ONE.

The present situation of Ministers is the only topieOfCon-
versation in the City this day ; and the prevailing opinion is
they will not resign their situations, but adopt some measure
to quiet the public, and remodel their budget.
The Sparrotchatek packet brings, we understand, five
hundred thousand dollars, of which forty-eight thousand
is for the United Mexican Mining Company, with a bill of
lading for 60,000 more, coming by the Beynard packet, ex-
pected daily, and the mines in general are in a prosperous
state of working.
Consols continued very heavy during the morning, and are
at present 86 for the Account, with little doing.
All the Foreign funds are also lower.
No foreign news of consequence.
Consols for the Account, 56T1H O'CLOCK.
56j. THREE

k 27
pm
:1 per Cent. Red.......... sei
Bank StockC LOSING PRICES.
Sout —FOUR IT
South :.
forO O'CLOCK.
:3 pet Cent. C0n5......... S 7
lO,t
:q per cent.. .. .......... Ditto 014 Ann
:3} per Cent. tied ......... 9-4 Ditto New Ann,
Li'r,p,en:gr.3cir7tri.c et:te..x.;:10941-41 Ditto 500/
Jan 1860 Ditto Small 49 50 pm.
49 50 pm.
Oct. 1559
Jan. 1`,,!,60.. Consols for Ace.. ...S7
...... indiA St. for ACC. ..........

r.) SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The debate upon Mr. Attwood's motion has
concluded at last ; and concluded by a majority
against
inquiry ! The numbers were for Mr.
Attwood's motion 139, against it 331. So much
for the sympathy of the House of Commons
with the distresses of the people ! Whether the
Tories will continue to abuse this reformed Par-
liament, merely because they can no longer ap-
point its-Members, we know not ; but certain
we are that they ought to find, some consolation
in seeing the new machine so ready to fall into
the old track. If the Tories had made the
representatives of the people, as they used to
make them, with their own hands, they could
not possibly have manufactured a batch of Le-
gislators more ready to oppose inquiry, and keep
matters in that convenient state of darkness
which is most favourable to imposture, than the
present House of Commons has proved. We
are now to have no inquiry ! And why? Be-
cause Mr. Attwood, the Member who moved
for inquiry, holds opinions as to the cur-
rency vvhich are not orthodox in the city of
London. It would be just as reasonable to
refuse inquiry because Mr. Attwood wore
a white hat. The House was not obliged to
pat on his hat or adopt his financial opinions.
We allow that if a Committee were granted on
his motion, Mr. Attwood would have endea-
voured to persuade the Committee to think with
him as to the causes and the cure of our present
difficulties. But what then ? Are we never
to have inquiry until we can get a man to move
for it in all of whose opinions we agree? Why
the very meaning of inquiry, the very term itself,
implies, not that the House has made up its
mind to adopt any man's opinions, or to act
upon any preconceived opinion of its own, but
the reverse. The term implies investigation ;
and if Mr. Attwood's opinions will not bear
investigation, it is not the House that should
object to encounter the consequences of such a
process. At this late hour it would be absurd
to attempt any thing like a review of the debate,
but we cannot help noticing the various attempts
which were made in the course of it to go as
near a denial of the existence of distress as could
be done without actual insult. Less distress
than at other periods ! Then how comes it
that our complaints are a hundred-fold ? Less
distress ! Shall we trust to tables and calcula-
tions, or to the complaining voice of the nation ?
Let every man tax his own individual experience,
and say whether at any time he remembers to
have heard so many complaints, or witnessed so
many instances of suffering as at the present
period ? Talk of exaggeration ! There may
be exaggeration in language, and even in figures,
with all their boasted exactness; but there is no
exaggeration in the haggard looks of our hall.
famishing artisans. How the reformed Parlia-
ment can answer this vote to itself we know not
—but of this we are sure, that the people and
the Parliament will not arrive speedily at the
same opinion, if the latter should succeed in sa-
tisfying its own conscience upon the decision to
which it has come.—Morning Herald of yes-
terday.

A division took place this morning on Mr.
Attwood's motion, when, as had been antici-
pated, a large majority voted against it, and in
avour of Lord Althorp's amendment. Great
as is our respect for the general opinions and the
eminent abilities of the Hon. Mover, and of
many who supported him on this occasion, we
cannot but express our satisfaction at the decision
pronounced by the House of Commons. It
was necessary that a proposition of this descrip-
tion should be met in limine, and without any
attempt at compromise. We find many, both
in and out of the House, who advocate Mr.
Attwood's opinions on the currency, contending
that Lord Akhorp's amendment bore no relation
whatever to the original motion, and that the
House might, with perfect consistency, have
affirmed both propositions. We cannot coincide
in this view of the question ; for even putting
out of sight for a moment the terms of the
motion, which, however indirectly, still dis-
tinctly, refer the existing distress to the present
monetary system, it is impossible to disconnect
the proposal for a Committee of Inquiry from the
avowed and well known opinions upon the subject
of currency entertained by those gentlemen from
whom the proposal proceeds. Those opinions,
they do not disguise them, are favourable to a
depreciation of the currency, with the conse-
quent fall of prices ; and their endeavours in the
event of a Committee being granted, would of
course have been directed to accomplish the de-
sired end. Hence the objectionable character
of the proposed Committee, because it would
have tended to effect by a circuitous route that
object which might be attained with infinitely
Less danger by a distinct legislative measure.
Uncertainty in such a case is the greatest of all
evils ; and it is difficult to calculate the embar-
rissment that would have resulted to the com-
mercial world from the doubt and suspense at-
tending the progress of the inquiry. In all re-
lations between debtor and creditor, the same
mischievous uncertainty would have been pro-
duced; and a degree of injustice not perhaps
contemplated by the supporters of the motion
would have been inflicted upon all in the enjoy-
ment of fixed incomes. In the case of the
smAli fundholder and landowner, more espe-
cially, an indefinite depreciation of the currency
must prove a grievous injury. The imposition
of a property tax would be at once a more di-
rect mode of relieving the country at large, and
an infinitely preferable measure on the score of
justice and humanity. Jy a return just made
to the House of Commons, it appears that
there are no less than 87,166 public annuitants
I,vhose half-yearly dividends do not exceed 51. ;
that there are 44,688 who receive between 51.
and 101.; and 98,275 between 101. and 501.
Thus there are upwards of 230,000 annuitants
;whose dividends, which are probably their main
aupport, are under 1001. a year. A property
tax would spare the pittances of sil these per-
sons, anti would be confined in its applica-
tion to the larger incomes ; but a depreciation
of the currency would operate on all alike,
the poorest as well as the wealthiest ; those
who are now only able to sustain themselves
would be ruined, and the principle of equity
and humanity that has always directed the
operation of a property tax would be entirely
abandoned. The small landowner would be a
sufferer to a similar extent. A property tax of
five or ten per cent., eve.ii if applied without
allowing any exemptions, would have far less of
injustice in it than a depreciation in the value of
money, which might, in effect, prove a tax
of
twenty per cent., or perhaps of a greater amount.
The House sat to a late hour, and divided three
times. The first division was on the original !,no-
tion, which was negatived by a majority of as,, 1
to 129. Lord Althorp's amendment then became
the question before the House, and Mr. A ttwood
moved as an amendment the simple appointment
of a Committee of Inquiry into the clitress,
without reference to the monetary system. This

brought over several Members, but the propbsfi-
lion was negatived by a majority of 271 agnst
134. Lord Althorn's amendment was thertyut
to the vote, and carried by a majority of 304 to
49. So decided an expression of opinion of
course sets the currency question at rest as far as the
present Parliament is concerned.—Morn. Post
of yesterday.
The expediency of the ballot has been debated
for the first time in a reformed House of Commons,
and has, for the present, been decided in a manner
with which we at least are perfectly satisfied. It
has always been our idea that it was wise and politic,
in the first instance, to disencumber the general
qnestion of reform of all extraneous doubts and
difficulties regarding the mode of voting, or the
duration of Parliaments. If we have determined
the qualification of the elector—if we have admitted
whole classes, formerly excluded from voting, to
the exercise of the elective franchise—if we have,
in fact, provided an immense body of independent
voters, instead of boroughmongering monopolies
and close corporations, we were right to try the
effect of so great an improvement without the in-
troduction of disputed novelties. The ballot, and
annual or triennial elections, are precisely such
changes as may be adopted at any future time, or
at all times—as may be ingrafted on a good or on
a bad system of constituency—as are so imper-
fectly settled in public opinion, and on which
there seems so little present necessity for form-
ing any decided judgment, that we are glad of
the respite from discussion which the 'great ma-
jority of Thursday night affords us. If it shall
be Mound by experience that the Reform Bill
has generally failed in producing the fruits of re-
form by returning, in any considerable number, to
Parliament representatives who owe their seats to
bribery or intimidation,—or if it shall be ascer-
tained that a House of Commons so returned is
maintained in existence by the Crown, when it has
ceased to express the sense of the peoph',—then it
will be time to petition for an abridged duration of
the present Parliament, and for new securities, in
secret balloting, to guarantee the election of a better
successor. Two short acts, of a few lines each,
would then settle the matter, and introduce changes
which, if pressed at the time of the Reform Bill,
would have endangered the whole of that great
fabric of improvement. The total absence of proof
to establish the necessity for an immediate alteration
of our system accounts for the apathy and indiffer-
ence with which the motion of Mr. Grote was
viewed. We have so often and so fully discussed
the question of the ballot, arid have found so little
new in the arguments of its Parliamentary advo-
cates (able as we allow Mr. Grote's speech to be),
that we deem it perfectly unnecessary to say one
word more at present on the subject. Thfre pro-
bably could not have been a duller debate than that
of Thursday, though it had related to the qua'lra-
ture of the circle, or to any of the disputed points
of the Aristotelean logic. The example of
America, so ignorantly referred to, has no appli-
cation to the mode of election in Great
Britain, as Mr. Stuart, in the minute and
graphic accounts of American elections con-
tained in his.- recently published travels, shows
' that the ballot is never resorted to in that country
for the purposes of secrecy, and never prevents the
most active canvassing on the part of the candidates
and their friends. The work of Captain Murat re-
peats and confirms this statement, assuring us that
each man, after the polling, boasts of the support
which lie has given to his favourite candidate, and
that a row as frequently distinguishes the termina-
tion of an American election in the western states
as the progress of a fair in Ireland. When we say
that we maintain our former opinions on the subject
of the ballot, we have no desire to conceal or to
undervalue the practical arguments in its favour de-
rived from the established bribery of Stafford, of
Hertford, of Norwich, and several other boroughs,
during the late general election ; but who would
alter the electoral system of a whole country, and
make an inroad on the settled habits of a whole
people, in a doubtful attempt to elevate into honesty
a class of burgesses long trained to habits of cor-
ruption, and against whom we have no remedy but
in disfranchisement ? In such instances we see no
necessity for a general application of the ballot ; we
see only a proof that the Reform Bill, in retaining
an overpowering majority of corrupt freemen, in-
stead of creating a respectable body of independent
electors, did not go to the root of the evil, and that
supplementary acts of a penal character must supply
the defects or counteract the errors of the original
measure. If, indeed, Parliament shall shrink from
its duty, and fail to disfranchise those boroughs
whose corruption is fully proved, the question of
ballot will then assume a new form, and many of its
present opponents will, no doubt, be among the first
to affirm its propriety. But let us not act on the
assumption that a reformed Parliament will, of
course, disappoint the expectations of all just and
reasonable men.—Timers.

In the House of Commons Sir William Ingilby
brought forward the resolution of which he had
given notice—" That the duty on malt be reduced
from 20s. and Bd. to 10s. the quarter;" and upon
a division on this resolution, it was carried against
the Ministers by a majority of ten, in a house con-
sisting of 314 Members—the numbers being 162 to
152. Lord Althorp, it will be seen, intimated his
intention of carrying the resolution into effect, though
it had passed in so thin a house and by so small a ma-
jority. Laid Althorp, however, observed that the de-
cision of the House had certainly placed his Majesty's
Goverment in a situation of considerable embarrass-
ment. There can be no doubt that the vote of last
night must entirely derange all the financial projects
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Though Sir
W. Ing,lby'a resolution reduces the duty en malt
more than one half, yet as a reduction of duty gene-
rally leads to a corresponding increase of con ,ump-
' timi, the loss to the revenue will not have that ex-
tent. Still, however, it will be very large, as will
be seen from the amount of the produce of the
malt duty for the last four years, which we sub-
join :-
1830 £3,814,304
18.31
1832 4,359,332
1833 4,825,128
But this is not the only loss of revenue with Which
the Chancellor of the Exchequer is threatened. For
instance, it is confidently expected that the House
of Commons will agree to Sir John Key's motion
for the repeal of the tax on houses and windows,
and that tax amounted in the last year to 2,594,0001.
We need hardly observe, that if the Members of
he House of Commons pass votes which diminish
;he revenue by millions, they must, in common jus-
tice and consistency, grant the Chancellor of the
Exchequer an equitable substitute; for, any imme-
diate reduction of expenditure (though much may
be reduced) to the amount of so large a defalcation
of revenue, is what no reasonable man cm expect,
because it is what no Minister can effect. Let the
Ministers come forward with some decided and
equitable measure of taxation, and they may, we
are convinced, safely depend upon the support of
the House arid of the country.—Times.
We yesterday recommended Ministers to forego
for the present the house and window tax, and
trust to reduction and the possible increase of taxes
to cover the deficiency. When we suggested this,
we never imagined that twenty-four boors would
Not pass before a majority of the House of Corn-
mone should vate for a reduction in another tax, to
an amount equal to the produce of the assessed
taxes. We supposed that the assessed taxes would
not be abandoned without a desperate struggle, and
th tt nothing but the known determination of the
householders to refuse paying them, would tiring
Ministers to consent to abandon so large a portion
of the taxes. We know indeed that the budget did
not answer the expectations either of the country or
Parliament; but we confess we did not anticipate
that so tremendous a breach in• the revenue as was
implied in Sir William Ingilby's motion of last
eight svoutt; be carried by a majority of 162 to
132. The motion was for a reduction of the
malt duty from 20s, Bd, to 10s, per quarter. The

produce of the malt duty is 4,825,0004, so that
this reduction, allowing for increased consumption,
will leave little more than three millions. The Mi-
nistry have seventeen or eighteen millions clear,
after paying the interest of the National Debt. It
may be true, as was stated by one Hon. Member,
:hat there are a number of overgrown salaries—that
►here are pensions and sinecures which ought to be
abolished—that the Judges are overpaid—and that
!he civil list may be reduced ; but ingenuity itself
could hardly reduce the expenditure more than three
millions. But if one day the inhabitants of London
determine no longer to pay assessed taxes, and the
next the malt duty is refused, we do not well see
how Ministers can go on without imposing fresh
taxes. Mr. Warburton shrewdly observed, that be-
fore he consented to repeal the duty on malt, he
should like to see the Chancellor of the Exchequer
possessed of the consent of the country gentlemen
to a property tax, to which, at present, they refuse
their assent. What, then, is to be done ? Mr. llar-
vey observed, " as a Reformed Parliament, they
were no longer the servants, but the masters of the
Ministers; and he must blame the Members
for taking the law entirely from them. It was
their duty to give only to the Exchequer what
they thought right ; not to take every thing
from the Government." Ministers could not contem-
plate that Members would expect them to perform im-
possibilities to carry on the government of the
country without the means. We firmly believe that
Ministers never expected that the House would vote
this reduction. If they Lad been apprehensive of
the result of the motion, they would have taken
the trouble to have a full House. As it was, they
evidently had taken no trouble, trusting that the
House would, true to its votes of confidence in
them, continue to go with them on this occasion.
We have no doubt that no men would more regret.
the consequences of their vote than many of the
majority, were Ministers to adopt the very foolish
resolution of throwing up their situations. The only
Cabinet Ministers in the House last night, Lord
Althorp, Lord J. Russell, Mr. Charles Grant, and
Sir J. Graham, by their conduct, ra'her evinced
a determination not to go on. They would not go
into the Committee of Supply and take a vote for
the ordnance, though it is understood that they
wanted money. We cannot believe that more than
fifty or sixty at most of the 162 who voted for the
reduction of the:malt duty really wished to embar-
rass the Ministry. We are satisfied that upwards
of one hundred of the number voted for
the reduction, merely to oblige Ministers—
(and, at the same time, furnish them with an ex-
cuse)—to reduce the establishments of the country,
and to have recourse to a rigid economy. These
men had not the slightest idea of compelling Minis-
ters to resign, and they would have stoutly resisted
any attempt of any party to turn them out. It would
therefore, in our opinion, be a very foolish resolution
were Ministers to think of resigning. They have,
we hear, threatened more than once to resign if left
in a minority ; but though resignation in such a case
mieht be very proper in an unreformed Parliament,
when it was understood that i\linisters must com-
mand a majority, and not be commanded by a ma-
jority, the case is very different now. The number
of independent Members in an unreformed Parlia-
ment was small, and a majority against Ministers,
once obtained, became permanent. Ministers should
consider the difference of circumstances, and not
attach more importance to the vote titan the parties
who voted attached to it. We are clearly of opinion
that they should make much allowance for the cir-
cumstances in which many Members found them-
selves. It is not for them to throw discredit on
the Parliament which is their own handywork. If
they in a moment of pique adopt the resolution of
resigning, they will share with the Members,
only in a greater degree, the responsibility
of the confusion in which they may place
the country. We therefore call on Ministers to
adopt a manly and determined course on the pre-
sent occasion. Let them meet the wishes of the
country, and say distinctly what they can, and what
they cannot do, in the way of reduction.—" Nemo
tenetur ad impossibile." The country will not tole-
rate spoliation under the mask of reduction. Let
them fairly meet Parliament, and they will be sup-
ported by their friends. We repeat it, the country
is not so impatient of taxation as to wish to throw
things into confusion. Spoliation or confiscation
will not be endured. We have thought it necessary
to say thus much, under the circumstances. We
are sure we are only expressing the sense of the
country on the occasion. We know not in what
language to do justice to the conduct of Mr. Alex.
Baring, who, on the night of the Budget, condemned
Ministers for not grinding the people to the dust,
in order to have a large surplus Sinking Fund, and
voted last night for the repeal of the Malt Tax,
But then he is a County Member, and the vote of
last night will help him in his next election.—
Morning Chronicle.
The majority against Ministers on Sir Wiliam
Ingilby's motion, if it do net break up the Ministry
altogether—which we consider the most likely re-
sult—must compel them to a total change of system.
It now stands on record, as a decision of the House
of Commons, that they will not recognise the scale
of expenditure recommended by his Majesty's Go-
vernment ;—at all events, that they will not support
it at the expense of obnoxious taxes. The declara-
tion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which was
tantamount toast vindication of his Budget, was more
than a House of Representatives responsible to the
people could tolerate, seeing, as they must have
seen, the impression which had gone abroad, and
the disappointment which was so strongly felt and
expressed. Should Ministers resolve to keep their
places after a defeat which one of their own body
acknowledges to be haught with embarrassment
they must make up their minds to surrender other
taxes upon the same principle. Now that their
weakness is known there will be no lack of motions,
we should think, in regard to economy and re-
trenchment. But, as we have already said, it ap-
pears to us most likely that they will take the hint,
and retire in time, before any more signal defeat
shall certify to them the fact, that they have lost the
confidence of Parliament.—lVlorning Herald.

DANGEROUS CARGO.--A very severe en-
counter took place a short time ago' betwixt one of our
colonial schooners and a party of New Zealanders. It ap-
pears that this vessel, during her last trip to Sydney, had
procured a number of native heads, and also brought up a
chief with them. While the chief was on board the
captain had occasion to overhaul his stock of beads, and
they were all incautiously exposed to his companion. The
chief caught a glimpse of them, anti recognised the heads
of some of his own relatives. Ile said but little at the
time; but when he returned to the islands he procured a
party to revenge the insult given him. They immediately
commenced firing upon the schooner, and a regular fire
was kept up between both parties for some time, when the
vessel weighed anchor and sheered off. It is more than
probahle that if the schooner had not crowded ail sail
the captain and crew would have been sacrificed, and an
exchange of heads taken place.—Sydney Herald, Aug. 2.
The late fluctuations in Bank Stock are a
subject on which much attention is bestowed in the
Money Market, and a suspicion has been very openly
expressed twat they were produced by the specu-
lations of some member of the direction of the Bank,
who has availed himself of his official knowledge
of the negotiations with the Government for a
new Charter. We have received letters indicating
the pet son on whom the imputation of such dishonour-
able practices ought to fall, and urging us strongly to the
proof of his delinquency. There is nut, loiivever, any
evidence of that sort to be obtained, and if such is really
the case, the party has taken care so to conceal the trap•
saction as almost to defy detection. The suspicion ne-
vertheless still exists, and has spread to 30 great an extent,
that it is not unlikely to become a subject of inquiry in
the Bank parlour, where a great majority must at all
events he found of honourable men, who would be glad to
expose and purify the directio❑ of any such unworthy
member. There are instances of the kind on record, one
of them not many years ago, but unfortunately detection
can seldain take place unless the party, as in the case re-
ferred to, is unsuccessful in his speculations, and is unable
to make good his losses. The character of the Bank direc-
tion ought, if possible, to be above suspicion..--Times.

MAJORITY AND MINORITY
ON MR. ATTWOOD'S MOTION,
FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY, WITH
A VIEW OF AN ALTERATION IN THE MONETARY SYSTEM.

MAJO

RITY.
Owen, Sir J. B.—Pembrokesh.
Paget, F.—Beaumaris
Palmer, General—Bath
Patten, J. W.—North Lancash.
Pechell, Sir S. J. B.—Widnsor
Peel, Sir R.—Tamworth
Pelham, Hon. C. E. W.—Lin-
colnshire, parts of Lindsey
Pendarves, E. W. W.—West

Cornwall
Penkaze, General C.—
' Pepys, C.—Malton
Peter, W.—Bodmin
Philips, Mark—Manchester
Phillpotts, J.—Gloucester
Pinney, W.—Lyme Regis
Plumptre, J. P.—East Kent
Ponsonby, Hon. W. F. S.—
Dorsetshire
Potter, R.—Wigan
Poulter, J. S.—Shaftesbury
Price, Sir R.—Herefordshire
Price, R.—New Radnor
Pryme, G.—Cambridge
Ramsbottom, J.—Windsor
Ramsden, J. C.—
Reid, Sir J. R.—Dover
Ricardo, David—Stroud
Rice, Right Hon. T. S.—Cam-
bridge
Rider, T.—West Kent
Ridley, Sir M. W.—Newcastle-
upon-Tyne
Robarts, A. W.—Maidstone
Robinson, G. R.—Worcester
Roebuck, J. A.—Bath
Rolfe, R. M.—Penrhyn
Romilly, J.—Bridport
Romilly, K—Ludlow
Hooper, J. B.—Huntingdonshire
Ross, C.—Northampton
Rotch, B.—Knaresborough
Rumbold, C. Ed.—Yarmouth
Russell, Lord John—South De-
vonshire
Russell, Lord—Tavistock
Russell, Lord C. J. F.—Bedford-
shire
Russell, W. C.—East Worces-
shire
Russell, C.—Reading
Ryle, J.—M accl field
Sandon, Lord—Liverpool
Scarlett, Sir J.—Norwich
Scale, J. H.—Dartmouth
Sebright, Sir J. S.—Hertfordsh.
Sheppard, T.—Frome
Simeon, Sir R.G.—lsleof Wight
Skipwith, Sir G.—Warwicksh.
Slaney, R. A.—Shrewsbury
Smith, J. A.—Chichester
Smith, J.—Buckinghamshire
Smith, R. V.—Northampton
Somerset, Lord G. C. R—Mon.
mouthshire
Span kie, Mr. Serg.—Finsbury
Stanley, H. T.—Preston
Staunton, Sir G.—South Hants
Staveley, T. K.—Ripon
Strickland, G —West Yorkshire
Strutt, F.—Derby
Stuart, Lord D. C.—Arundel
Stuart, %V.—Bedfordshire
Surrey, Earl of—West Sussex
Talbot, J.—Athlone
I'ancred, H. W.—Banbury
Tayleur, W.—Bridgewater
Thicknesse, R.—Wigan
Thomson, Hon. C. P.—Man-
chester
Throckmorton, R. G.—Berks
Todd, J. Ruddell—Honiton
Tooke, W.—Truro
Tower, C. T.—Harwich
Townley, R. G.—Cambridgesh.
Tracy, C. H.—Tewkesbury
Trelawney, W. L. S.—East
Cornwall
Trevor, Hon. G. R.—Caermar.
thenshire
Troubridge, Sir E.T.—Sandwich
Tyrrell, Sir J. T.—North Essex
Verney, Sir H.—Buckingham
Vernon, G. H.—East Retford
Villiers, Viscount—Honiton
Vivian, J. H.—Swansea
Walker, IL—Bury
Walsh, Sir J. B.—Sudbury
Walter, John—Berkshire
Warburton, H.—Blidport
Warm, A. J.—Hastings
Waterpark, Lord—South Der-
byshire
Wason, Rigby—lpswich
Watson. R.—Canterbury
Weyland, IL—Oxfordshire
Whalley, Sir S.—Marylebone
Whitbread, W. H.—Bedford
Whitmore, W. W.—Wolver-
hampton
Wigney, I. N.—Brighton
Wilbraham,G.—South Cheshire
Williams, W. A.—Monmouth.
shire
Williams, R.—Dorchester
Williams, T. P.—Marlow
Williamson, Sir H —NorthDur.
ham
Wilmot, Sir E. E.—North War-
wickshire
Windham, W. H.—E. Norfolk
Wood, M.—London
Wynn, Sir W. W.—Denbigh-
shire
Wynn, Right Hon. C. W. W.—
M ontgomcryshire
Yorke, C. P.—Cambridgeshire

TELLERS.
Duncannon, Vis.—Nottingham
Wood, C.—Halitax

SCOTLAND,

!I Abereromby, Right Hon. J.—
1 Edinburgh
Balfour, J.—Haddingtonshire
Bannerman A.—AberdeenDalmeny, Lord—lnver keithing
Dalrymple, Sir J. H.—lidin-
.

buiglishire
Elliot, Hon. G.—Roxburglisliire
Ewing, James—Glasgow
Fergusson, R. C.—Kirkeucl-

bright
Ferguson, R.—Dysart, &c.
Grant, C.—lnverness-shire
dope, Hon. Sir A.—Linlith-
gowshire
Jeffrey:lit:Hon. F.—Edinburgh
Johnston, A.—St. Andrews
Kennedy, T. F.—Ayr, &c.
Loch, J.—Wick, &c.
Mackenzie, J. A. S.—Ross-shire
Macleod, R.—Sutherlandshire
Murray, J. A.—Leith
Oliphant, Laurence—Perth
Ormelie, Earl of—Perthshire
Oswald, James—Glasgow
Parnell, Sir H.—Dundee
Thorpe, General—Dumfries, &c
Stewart, :Sir M. S.—Renfrewsk.
Stewart, E.—Wigton, &c.
Stewart, R.—Haddington, &c.
Fraill, G.—Orkney
Wemyss, J.—Fifeshire