The Sun.
London, England, 1833-12-02 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

The Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria, ant
their Royal Highnesses' household, attended divine service
yesterday at the Palace at Kensiugton. The service was
perfortn,d by the Dean of Chester.
Earl Grey visited Prince Lieven (the Russian Ambas-
sador), at Ashburnham-house, on Saturday evening.
The Lord Chancellor left town on Saturday for Brighton.
Despatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-
office from the Earl of Mulgrave, the Governor of Ja-
maica, and also from the Governor of the Bahama Islands.
The Baron de Wevenburg (the Austrian Special Mi-
nister): (isited Prince Lieven yesterday.
Iscoi

Vit Junt Altborp Itft '.own on Saturday on a visit to
Mr. Spring Rice, at his residence near Hertford. The
Duke of Richmond visited the Noble Viscount previous to
his departure.
Mr. Secretary Stanley has left the residence of Mr.
Coates, on a visit to his grandfather at Knowsley-hall,
Lancashire.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK.

A Jamaica mail arrived this morning, brought by the
Lord Melville, sailed on the 27th of October, and by which
Jamaica papers have been received at tile North and South
American Coff,e_house, to the 27th of Ortober.

From the Papers of the 26th of October.)
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, OCT. 25.

ABoLITION or SLAVEttY.—Mr. Mais said that the
period bad arrived when the question of emancipation was
to be considered by the repre•ent,tives of the people of
Jamaica. After a long speech on the subject, he recom-
mended the House to conic to the following resolution:—

Resolved—Teat the House of Assembly of Jamaica are
bound, in the discharge of their duty to their constituents,
to protest against the interference of the British Government
with the internal laws and regulations of this island, as
exemplified in tie Bill now before the House, passed by
the Imperial Parliament, entitled "An Act for the
Abolition of Slavery throughout the British Colonies,
for promoting the Industry of the Manumitted Slaves, and
for compensating the pet sons hitherto entitled to the
services of such Slaves," many of its enactments being
subversive to the constitutional rights and privileges
of the colonial legislature. They protest against the
amount to be raised under the Act, avowedly for
the purpose of compensating the proprietors of slaves,
as the sum appropriated to this island out of the
twenty millions sterling, will be very inadequate to the
value of the property they are compelled to relinquish ;
they protest against the general appropriation of the grant,
as a calculation for capital would be the most simpre, the
most equitable, and the soonest arrived at. After a lung
debate, Mr. Cox moved an amendment to the following.
sffect ;-_That a Committee be appointed to take into con-
sideration his Excellency's message of the 15th inst., and
to bring in a Bill to recommend such measures for the
preservation of the peace of the island under the Owed
system by the Bill passed by the Imperial Parliament. Ire
consideration, the Committee divided, and the snaendmenit
of Mr. Cox was carried by 24 to 14. Ire fact, the ques-
tion is in seatu qua.

THE FUNDS.
If we can put confidence in the contents of the Express
received front Paris this morning respecting the affairs of
Spain•, the Queen's troops have been successful in the
North, and are driving the Carlists before them in all
directions. It is stated that Saarsfield has entered Vit-
toria, and another of his Generals Bilboa ; but other ac-
counts state that the troubles continue in Navarre, caused
by the arrival there of the insurgents of Alava, who have
evacuated Vittoria to take refuge in that province, which
has greatly increased the ranks of the Carlists. Thus we
find as noon as one province is cleared of the Carliste, they
start up in another.
Accounts front Tolouse state, that they are assured that
orders have been given to the Intendants of the Etstera
Pyrenees to get ready all the effects necessary for the troops
to pass the frontier. _ _ _

Consols, which left off on Saturday at 88i to 89 for
the Account, opened at the same price this morning, and
may be quoted now at 89 to Spanish, L..a ; ;
guese, 58 ex dividend.
HALF-PAST ONE.
Consols continue firm at 89 to /1•• for the Account.
Mora-y is very scarce in the Market, and worth Five per
Cent. It is also the same out of the house. •
In the Foreign Market, Spanish, 2S ; P,rtuguese,
57i ex dividend ; Dutch, 49 50i ; Brazil, 661.
THREE O'CLOCK
Consols for the Account, 89k.

,naanndd
andN Vedunnesiiimayp, r(Le
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARRFT, Nov. 30.
7acleVietxhpetrhieenceexdcetphtiiso,nreoekf
aTghouordaddeay
jag tnatket for cotton. We note an advance of J, to
per lb. on the quotations of Friday week, at which
the market closes steadily. Toe import this week
is
5.13,,431411,1,d7 p.dt, theis is.:lles4oa:trainle7d,2d9iottob,r9r, bags,—viz.o
r,540 Boweds, 61f. to Si. ; 2 710 New oi. 644. to
sp.; 2.530 ALlkon3, Bte., 641. to Bd. ; 2,190 P owns,
S.l. to 104'.; 1,130 Bihia. 71.1. to 84d.; 1,400 Maran-
,m, sd. to gad. ; 20 Part, 541. ;So Denier ;
230 common West Ind.a, 7111. to 71d. ; 50 Egyptians
1 141 I. to 12d. ; and 610 Surat, 414. to 64-d. per lb.
The sales to day amount to 3,00 bag+, at p tic.,

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some partisans of the late prosecution of the
Dublin paper called the Pilot, betray symptoms
of uneasiness at the general disapprobation called
forth by that attack upon a subordinate and
feeble party, instead of one which was really far
more noxious and deserving of punishment. It
is said that Mr. O'Connell " could not have
been identified as the writer." What ! was his
signature forged ? or was his handwriting utterly
unknown to the printer, proprietor, editor of the
Pilot, his own newspaper, to Mr. Barrett him-
self, with whom O'Connell appears to have
been in constant habits of correspondence ?
Could not every one of these have been sub.
pcenaed ? Is it seriously maintained that any
doubt could have existed vas to the author of a
letter bearing O'Connell's name, and avowed by
him exultingly, as the expression of his own
sentiments ? Still Ministers had the editor
upon whom to fall back, and still they had in
favour the obloquy and scorn which O'Connell
must have incurred from defending himself at the
expense and to the severe detriment of an innocent
person,as completely as in their actual proceeding.
If the Ministers did consider that any advantage
was to be gained by throwing the charge of sel-
fish cowardice on Mr. O'Connell (which we
understand to be one of their topics of exculpa-
tion) for sacrificing Barrett to his own security,
would not that benefit have been more gained by
extorting from him a direct and legal answer to
the question whether he had or had not written
and published the libel alluded to, than by
putting the same question more indirectly in the
shape of a prosecution of Barrett ? Speaking
not merely for the interests of justice, but for
those of the press itself, in this case, we are con-
cerned to see him trampled on as the proxy
of a superior culprit ; we can find no better
parallel for it than Air. Fag, in the play,
who quietly takes a canine, from his master,
and revenges himself by kicking the errand-
boy. There is nothing great in this, no-
thing manly ; there is nothing to discourage any
ferocious libeller who can afford to bribe a poor
dependent for standing in his shoes, and it de-
grades the press, by tempting mercenary pau-
pers and men of straw to make a vicious liveli-
hood of the surrender of their own persons and
characters as a screen to those who hire them.
Mr. Barrett, we understand, is a respectable
man, but all substitutes are not equally respect-
able. As to disgracing O'Connell by this pro-
secution, see the triumphant insolence with which
he bearded the Government, and then say who
has the victory Times.
Innumerable letters and pamphlets on the
•
corn law continue to pour in upon us daily, and
few or none of them fail to enforce upon the
public the practical evils of that disgrace to the
English statute-book. Considering how active
a principle is fear, it might appear strange that
so little has been attempted by the landlord
press towards upholding that enormity, at which
the bulk of the nation murmurs : but, on the
other hand, the established power of an existing
usurpation. gives confidence to those who are
presumed to profit by it, and leads them to re-
pose securely on their vested interest in the
starvation of the people. How greatly were it to
be desired that these visionary monopolists would
listen to some voice less delusive than that of their
own sordid prejudice, and that the kindly toast
of the Holkham meetings could be extended
beyond its mere bearing upon landlord ant te-
nant, and " Live and let live" become a device
expressive of the relations between grower and
consumer likewise. At the same time we must
admit, that if the landed proprietors produce
nothing, or next to nothing, by way of argu-
ment, on behalf of their own pernicious attempt
at a monopoly of the supply of food, those who
suffer under that visitation, and complain of it,
have been unable, for a considerable period, to
bring forward any very novel reasoning in oppo-
sition to it. The coin law has continued for
so many years, and has long since afforded ma-
terials for ascertaining its operation under such
varieties of season and of circumstance, that
every important truth upon the subject has fixed
itself in the minds of most intelligent and dis-
interested men ; nor, except where some violent
selfish impulse exists, is there any greater chance
of a difference of opinion upon the good or evil
influence over the community of a tax on bread
than on the truth of the first proposition in
Euclid's elements. The landholders, on the
assumption that their immediate interest is a
matter for consideration paramount to that of
the general welfare of the community, ask
how, if another great fall take place in rents,
shall they continue to pay the interest on
their mortgages, and the sundry other charges
which are !ivied upon landed property ?
The answer is simply, on the part of the
Legislature, " It is no affair of ours. Why dial
you not live within your incomes? Why incur
debts on the monstrous speculation that the
country would pay the interest for you, in the guise
of a tax on corn ?" But look for a moment at
the facts of this important subject. We are told
incessantly that the agricultural interest is in
a declining and wretched state,—that the country
gentlemen one and all are embarrassed,—that
the farmers cannot afford decent wages to their
labourers,—that of the latter some have their
subsistence eked out from the poor-rates—and
others, to an annually increasing amount, are
thrown exclusively upon them, as helpless
paupers. " But what is the cause of all this ?"
a stranger will exclaim ; " is it not from want of
some sort of assistance to domestic agriculture ?
You ought to try a tax on foreign corn." Alas !
we have tried it. For 18 years we have been
withing under the torment of that very panacea ;
for 18 years we. have been dosed with that
favourite nostrum of the landlords; whatever
could be effected by protection,—whatever
by prohibition,—whatever by the subsidiary
quackery of bolstering up rents and wages
from a fund which had been for centuries
the rightful heritage of those who had neither
wages, nor work, nor health, all these experiments
have been put in vigorous action, and it will
not do—something else must be attempted.
The price of corn being higher than abroad,
the price of manufacturing labour has of neces-
aity kept pace with it, and the foreign demand
for British goods has been checked by the arti-
ficial rate of wages. Thus our domestic policy
has conspired with foreign competition—our
manufactures are met by new rivals every year—
the non-pregressive state of our manufactures
offers no market nor vent for an increasing po_
pulation, and the pressure of hands upon the
means of employment, and of mouths upon that
subsistence which ought to be earned by indus-
try, exhibits the most alarming prospect for
hereafter. It is, indeed, manifest to all men
who look at this question of corn laws through
any but an interested, that is a deceitful, medium,
that between a relaxation of those laws and the
overthrow of all society in this country, there is
no alternative. The corn law makers tell us that

wheat is a manufacture, and ought, like other
manufactures, to be protected. But the very
principle on which they rest has become obsolete.
ven Lord Liverpool had sense enough many
years ago to declare that British manufactures
had thriven, not by means of protection, but in
wite of it. Our late course, accordingly, has
been to retrace our former footsteps, and to
promulgate freedom of trade as applicable to
every article of human consumption but corn.
Wheat, however, IriaThrf6lisly, to maintain the
reverse is utterly ridiculous, wheat, we say, is a raw
material. It is as much a raw material as coal,
Or iron, or raw wool, or any other direct and
natural production only enough manipulated to
divest it of surrounding and encumbering matter.
Will it he said that raw materials are fit sub-
jects of taxation in such a country and at such a
time as this But it is urged by the landlords
that much bad land would be thrown out of
tillage by a removal of the corn law ; and was it
not a thriftless and wild adventure, speaking of
it as the collective act of a nation, to place any
land under corn tillage which required a high
bounty to keep it so ? We can imagine mea-
sures immediately conducive to self-defence
which on that ground might be justified by
statesmen, though repugnant to the principles
of abstract commercial policy. But how does it
serve the security of a nation to waste its re-
sources in the payment of an extravagant price
for any essential article when the same article
may be had on far easier terms from another
source ? Is it wise to pay the cost of raising
figs from thistles ?" Is it wise to till for scanty
and uncertain wheat, when the same land might
be planted for abundant and valuable timber, or
sown for certain, sweet, and perennial pasturage ?
The agriculturists tell us that we ought to have a
" sure" supply of corn within ourselves, because
in war we might be unable to obtain it from fo-
reign countries. Is not this absurd ? Has there
ever, since Noah's ark rested on Mount Ararat,
been in this world an universal dearth ? Has there
ever been a conspiracy among kingdoms to reject
the money of any one people in return for a
supply of corn ? Holland has at no period
within the three last centuries been able to feed
herself. She does not prohibit foreign corn
(she is not so foolish) ; and we believe we are
well founded in alleging that she has never
known a scarcity. The views which break upon
us in illustration of the madness of these laws
are almost infinite. It is impossible to condense
them into one, nor into a dozen columns of a
journal. But the complaint of the agricultu-
rists, that the rent of land would undergo a
general and disastrous fall, when part of it now
in corn should be applied to other objects, is on
the face of it most delusive. The immense start
which manufactures must take upon a reduction
in the price of wheat would open a vast demand
for land for other and most important uses. The
increase of manufacturing produce and capital
would flow out upon the soil in a variety of
forms, all enhancing its marketable price or rent,
and this without reference to the production of
mere corn. This point is well and ably illus-
trated by the author of a book entitled " Eng-
land and America," a work where, amidst
numerous extravagances and errors, some valu-
able truths are stated with singular ingenuity.
We have not now time or space for quotations
from that book, but hope very shortly to make
room for them.—Times.

The Shrewsbury Chronicle of Friday last
contains a long report of the inquiry of the
Municipal Corporation Commissioners into the
Corporation of VV-enlock. We -have in this
report a curious specimen of the sort of justice
which is administered in corporations. The
franchise of Wenlock has very extensive limits ;
it includes, among other places, the manufac-
turing parish of Madeley, with 6,000 inhabi-
tants, who have long been desirous of a resident
magistrate, but the corporation of Wenlock
turned always a deaf ear to their request. Public
attention was drawn some time ago to the mode
of administering justice in Wenlock, in conse-
quence of a constable of the name of Walter
having filled up a blank warrant of commitment
with the names of two Bavarian broom girls,
and conveyed them to Shrewsbury in the race
week, in order to have a pleasant journey at the
expense of the county. The inquiry, however,
led to strange disclosures, in many other cases
besides those of the broom girls. It appears
that Francis Blithe Harris, Esq., and the Rev.
M. Bates, magistrates of Wenlock, issued
warrants for execution against the goods of
individuals, bearing that they were granted on
the oath of persons who were not sworn, and
who did not even authorise any warrant to be
applied for. Walter, the constable, managed
the whole business. Precious administration of
justice ! Of all conceivable nuisances, the
corporations of England seem the chief'. How-
ever, the Justices of Wenlock will, no doubt,
hear more of this matter. We regret that our
limits have only allowed us to give a few extracts
to-day from this singular report.—Morning
Chronicle.