The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-01 00:00:00

INVERNESS-SHIRE ELECTION.

(From the Inverness Courier.)
NOMINATION OF THE CANDIDATES.
Oa Saturday last the nomination of the candidates for
the representation of this county took place on the hustings
at the Exchange, Inverness. The day was pretty favour-
able, and the attendance numerous. The surroundine
windows were again filled with the beauty and fashion of
the North, including several ladies from the adjoining
counties of Ross and Moray.
The candidates, namely, the Right lion. Charles Grant
and John Norman Macleod, Esq., of Macleod, took their
place on tl.e hustings at 12 o'clock, accompanied by their
-friends. Mr. Grant's party (which was loudly cheered)
consisteu v the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, Mr.
Fraser of Lovat, Mr. Fraser of Culbockie, Chisholm of
Chisholm, Mr. Grant of Glenmorriston, Mr. Stewart
Mackenzie of Seaforth, &c. Macleod was attended by Mr.
Mackintosh of Geddes, the Rev. Mr. Smith, Urquhart,
&c. The SHERIFF having read the writ,
T. A. FRAsER, Esq., of Lovat, nominated the Right
Hon. Charles Grant as a fit and proper person to repre-
s-nt the county in Parliament. He was proud that it had
fallen to his lot to nominate a candidate so highly qualified.
During his Parliamentary career, Mr. Grant had distin-
guished himself as the friend of civil and religious liberty,
and the determined supporter of the just rights of the
people.—(Cheers.)
W. FRASER, Esq., of Culbockie, seconded the nomina-
tion. Mr. Grant, he said, had a strong claim on a nume-
rous class of the constituency, who were now for the first
time called to exercise the elective franchise, he having
been mainly instrumental in obtaining for them that high
privilege. lie had a great respect for the Right Hon.
Gentleman's opponent, but he hoped and trusted the en-
lightened person just nominated would be returned by a
decided rnaj )rity.
W. Mackiwrosii, Esq., of Geddes, proposed that Mac-
leod, of Macleod, should represent the county of Inverness
in Parliament. The interests of the county were various
and highly important, and they were led to believe that in
the next Parliament there would be an interference made
with the corn laws. It became their duty, therefore, to
have a representative whose views were the same as their
own, and who would watch over their interests.
The Rev. Mr. Satiric Uaguitater, seconded the nomi-
nation of Macleod. No person was more anxious than
himself to bear testimony to the high talents and the
public and private worth of Mr. Grant ; but, with all his
respect for the Right Hon. Gentleman, he differed from
his political sentiments. On public grounds men might
have objections to a candidate, however amiable and en-
lightened. There were several questions which deeply
affected the prosperity of the county. These were, the
kelp trade, the corn laws, and the wool question. Measures
had been passed on these subjects which affected hundreds
and thousands of their countrymen. He did not blame
Mr. Grant for the part he had taken in these questions.
The Right Hon. C. GRANT then came forward and was
received with great cheering, waving of hats, handker-
chiefs, &e. When silence was restored, Mr. G. returned
thanks for the kind manner in which he had been received.
One of his first duties was to explain the cause of his re-
cent absence from the scene of action at its busiest period.
That absence had been ascribed to a most unfair cause.
It was said that he had shrunk from the representation of
this great county, and had taken refuge in the southern
parts of the kingdom. It was within his option to have
represented more than one mighty constituency in Eng-
land, without expense and without encountering the fatigue
of a long journey ; but his answer uniformly was, " So
long as the county of Inverness deems me worthy of serving
it, so long shall my services be at its command."—(Great
cheering.) His detention had arisen from the laborious
duties of the department under his charge, which had been
greatly increased by the death of his invaluable friend and
coadjutor, Mr. Villiers. He now presented himself to the
constituency of Inverness-shire at a great crisis, when the
measure of Reform so anxiously desired by the nation, was
brought into full operation. The change contemplated in
the electoral system had not affected him in the county.
Since it was first announced, twice had he appeared before
them and solicited their suffrages—once when he accepted
office under the present Government, pledged to Reform,
and at another time when that Government appealed
to the country on the same question. To those who
were now for the first time admitted to the exercise
of the highest and noblest privilege which a Bri-
tish subject could enjoy, he presented himself to
them as a member of that Government which,
through two years of anxious and harassing toil had com-
pleted this great measure of Reform ; as a member of that
Government which, repeatedly baffled, returned to the
charge and chose rather to resign their offices than aban-
don their principles, and as a member of that Govern-
ment which was called back by the united voices of the
people.—(Cheers.) They must remember that period.
The heart of the nation was bowed as the heart of one
man. But the recall of the Ministry bad re-assured
public confidence, and restored public tranquillity. He
would advert, though briefly, to this important measure.
When the Reform 8,11 was announced, it was said, do
not grant that privilege to so numerous a constituency, the
people are not sufficiently ripe for constitutional liberty ;
you are opening the floodgates of licentiousness; and the
long established patriotic institutions of the country
will be swept away. What was our answer ? Little
do you know of the people of England or the people
of Scotland, in anticipating that such consequences will
flow from this measure. We have a confidence in their
wisdom and patriotism, and the result of the next ge-
neral election will prove that the members returned will
be sent not to destroy but to build up. We have made
this experiment. Look at the elections throughout
England end Scotland. A more magnificent spec-
tacle could not be conceived. The manly, unassuming,
unobtrusive, and uncompromising attitude of the people to
maintain the Constitution, attest the salutary effects of
the Reform Act. Such is the spectacle at this moment.
—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman then adverted
to the charge brought against him, and alluded to by the
mover and seconder of his opponent, that certain interests
of the county were not so carefully attended to in his hands
as they would be in those of his Honourable Opponent.
How could the Reverend Gentleman conceive that he
had no feelings in unison with theirs on these ques-
tions? With respect, first, to the kelp trade. Did he
mean to imply that it was in consequence of any exer-
tions, or the want of any exertions of his (Mr. Grant's)
that that trade was at present suffering ? He felt for
the distress that was produced, but it was a national
question, connected with great manufacturing interests.
We all know that during the war, barilla—the article
which has chiefly superseded kelp—was excluded by high
duties. The manufacturers applied for relief; their in-
terests were labouring and declining, , and, in order to re-
lieve them, Government found it necessary to reduce the
duty on barilla. It was, however, the reduction of duty,
not on barilla, but on salt, that great national benefit,
which gave the first blow to the kelp trade. But observe
the progress of science ! A new mode of chymical pre-
paration has been discovered, by which batilla itself will
be displaced. Now, would his Honourable Opponent go to
Parliament and say, true it is that science and genius are
making new discoveries, but in the name of common
sense and the county of Inverness, I say, " Stop ?"
(Laughter.) Would be call upon them to re-impose the
prohibitory duties, and to stifle all scientific discovery ?
While France has tried her chymical science, and other
nations of Europe are advancing in the same path, would
he say to Parliament, " Just be so kind as to re-impose
all the prohibitory duties, to oblige the county of Inver-
ness ?"—(Continued laughter.) It was said that his Ho-
nourable Opponent, when he entered Parliament, was to
correct all these things. He was to create a new era in
the isle of Skye, and restore the kelp trade. Did he—did
any man—believe that whatever were the powers of the
eloquence of his opponent, that be could stand up as the
'niggle Colossus to overturn all the enactments of previous
Governments?—(Cheers and laughter.) The next ques-
tion was the wool trade. Here great national interests
were again involved ; and no man who understood the

(PRICE 7D.)

subject could deny that if the duties on foreign wool were
prohibitory. the effect would ultimately be severe on the
!cowers of wool in this country. In Spain and part of
Germany, the wools were much finer than can be grown
our climate, and if we exclude them from our manu-
facturers, we exclude our goods from the foreign mar.
kets. To support our manufacturers who found it neces-
,ary to use a part of the finer foreign wool, it was neces-
sary to relax the prohibitory duty. Now, all these sate.
rations, so much deprecated by his Hon. Friend, were
made by that very Government which he would replace in
the room of that of which he (Mr. G.) was a guilty mem-
ber. To the principles he professed, that Government was
is deeply pledged as I e was. But he should like to know
why his opponent was silent on these topics when
he was in Parliament. He was in Parliament three
or four, years, surely not forgetting all the interests of In-
verness-shire, the kelp trade, and the wool. Surely it was
to be expected, that when he entered Parliament, whether
AS the Member for Sudbury or Inverness-shire, he
would have exercised his talent few restoring that state of
things he now so much desires. Night after night he had
the pleasure of meeting him in the House, without an,
great fear, for be did not seem anxious to attract attention
to those subjects now so important in his consideration.
Why was the kelp trade allowed to slumber? Why was
the wool unruffled by the breath of his eloquence ? To
have exercised himself then would have been the true
course to win his way to the representation of Inverness-
shire.—(Great cheering.) It had been thrown out, that
the agricultural interests of the county would be in danger,
if he (Mr. Grant) were returned. Of all the imputations
made against the present Government this had most sur-
prised him. Could it be said, because he had been the
advocate—the champion, as it had been said, and be
avowed it—of Free Trade, that he was necessarily op-
posed to agriculture ? It was the opinion of his honour-
able and lamented friend Mr. Huskisson, that in the re-
laxation of our commercial restrictions, the prosperity of
the landed interest should be consulted. It was an unfair
and desperate conclusion, that all public men who are
pledged to relax prohibitory duties must therefore abandon
the interests of agriculture. There were other topics
which had been mixed up with this contest, but as tbey
had not been alluded to by the mover or seconder of his
opponent, he would best show his respect for the electors
by not trespassing farther on their indulgence.—(Cries of
" No, no—Go on.") It had been said that as be (Mr.
G.) had been connected with previous Governments, he had
been inconsistent in his public life. The same charge had
been brought against men far more eminent than he could
pretend to be, and they were reproached because, on th-
maturest deliberation, they had changed their opinions.
" Ever since I came into public life," said the Right Hon.
Gentleman, " or at least came prominently into it, the
principle upon which I acted, was, to extend as far as
might be compatible with safety, the bounds of civil and
religious freedom—cautiously, indeed, and gradually, but
tor the purpose of making wider and wider the circle of
admission iota constitutional privileges. I always con •
ceived of the British Constitution that it contained within
itself a principle of self-renovation, that as in early periods
it was suited to the petty wants and minor exigencies of
an infant people, so it has grown with their growth, and
strengthened with their strength, and is capable by the
fulness and freeness and flexibility of its movements to
adjust itself to all the capacities and exigencies of a great
and imperial nation. This is my reading of the Constitu-
tion. I found that there was one party which detested
improvement and called it innovation, and that there
was another party which detested improvement be-
cause it was not innovation. I took the middle
course, open to obloquy, but sanctioned by my sense
of duty and conscience, and sure of being ulti-
mately sanctioned by the good sense of the people
Upon this principle I promoted the question of Catholic
Emancipation, and, although I regret that on this ques-
tion there may be some difference of opinion among those
I address, yet I must be allowed frankly to express the sac
tisfaction which I feel in the belief that my humble efforts
may, in some degree, have contributed to the success of
that measu e. Upon the same principle, even while holding
a high office in Ireland, I resisted the re-enactment of the
Insurrection Act, a terrible measure of coercion ; and
with respect to that also, I flatter myself that, though
it has since been occasionally revived, its condemnation
was sealed from the moment of that successful resist-
ance on my part. On the same principle I support-
ed the relaxation of commercial restrictions; and on the
same principle I have acted with respect to Reform.
I felt that it was impossible for any public man, with-
in the last ten years, nut to have perceived the pro-
gress of that question, and the inevitable result to which
it must lead. The rapid diffusion of knowledge, the
extension of education, the widely diffused sense of con-
stitutional rights and privileges, the growing indigna-
tion of the people against the unconcealable abuses of the
existing system ; all these, and other circumstances, has-
tened to produce a crisis, which nothing but the wisdom
and providence of Parliament could safely encounter. On
a former election, my Hon. Opponent charged me with
abandoning the Duke of Wellington on the trivial question
of the disfranchisement of East Retford. My reply was,
that on the night to which he alluded, I was prevented by
family circumstances from being in my place in the
House: but had I been there assuredly I should have voted
with Mr. Huskisson for the disfranchisement of East
Retford. In the next year, on the occasion of the same
question, I stated my sentiments to the House; I implored
the Ministers to consider the state of public feeling on
Reform, the intense irresistible desire of the people for
that principle. I warned them that unless timely conces-
sions were made, the excitement and exasperation would
rapidly increase and would at length compel measures of
a much wider nature than would then satisfy the public
demand. Those warnings, which were given by others, as
well as myself, were, however, disregarded. And what has
been the result? The question of East Retford, which
my Hon. Opponent regards as so trivial and contemptible,
was the germ of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) It was
very soon easy to perceive, that the safety of the country
could be secured only by a comprehensive and efficient
measure of Reform. This was my conviction, and as to
motives, if it be supposed that any sordid or ambitious
considerations influenced my conduct, either at that time
or subsequently, why, on such a supposition, did I quit
the Ministry of the Duke of Wellington ? It rested en-
tirely with myself to remain a member of that Ministry,
but from the change which had taken place in the con-
struction of the Cabinet, I felt that I could not place
sufficient reliance on the Government, in regard to tnea
sures sufficiently liberal for the necessity of the times. In
the year 1830, it was again open to me to enter into
office as a Cabinet Minister; iu the course of that sum-
mer offers were twice made to myself and to the friends
with whom I acted, to become members of the Duke
of Wellington's Administration ; but we declined from
the same reason. This fact (I mean the fact of
out• twice having refused the proposition to juin
that Government) has iu the course of the last
Session been twice stated in the House of Commons,
first by nay Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign affairs,
and next by myself, in the presence and bearing of those
by whom the statement, if not correct, might have been
contradicted. Let us hear no more, then, of sordid mo-
tives.—(Cheers.) But after all, what is the real cause of
this opposition to the present Government ? It is not
kelp or wool, or any of those topics of censure ; the real
unforgiveable crime of the Government—the sin for which
there is no expiation, is the Reform measure.—(Cries of
" True, true," and cheers.) It is, that having promised
Reform we faithfully kept our promise. If we had pro-
duced some paltry inefficient, suspicious, and mutilated
plan—something which might just have served to fight a
battle in the House of Commons, and to load the Govern-
ment with the execrations of the people, we should have
escaped the censure with which we are now assailed.
The secret of the public wish and determination for Re-
form, was divulged in the memorable declaration of the
Duke of Wellington. The voice of the Prime Minister
said there shall he no Reform. Then was another voice,
that of the united people of Great Britain, which said,
there shall be Reform. 'That fiat has been fulfilled.
Nobly lass that measure vindicated itself in the eyes of
this country and of Europe—for the European Govern-
ments, looking at the angry appearance, and hearing the
reproaches levelled at us by our opponents, and their pre-
dictions of certain ruin, did indeed imagine, that the Re-
form Act would be the signal for revolution, and the
close of the glories of England. They did not know the
resources that were treasured up in the hearts of a fret
and enlightened people.—(Cheers.) They have seen
with admiration bow deep are laid in the feelings of such
a people the foundations of loyalty, of political freedom, o'
consciousness of civil rights and of reverence for the esta

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pr.- plea of order and society, `4ligifire!'.';
Gentleman concluded amidst great cheeritite.' - - • ' '
Machuon of Macleod then addressed the freeholders.
He thought they would give him some credit for coming
forward to solicit the suffrages of the new constituency,
after being twice defeated by the old. Notwithstanding
the polished periods and elaborate eloquence of his Right
Hon. Friend, he trusted he was not altogether unworthy
of their votes. In addressing the new constituency for the
first time, he would give them something of a description
of the former system. It always appeared to him that a
freeholder, however estimable in private life, the moment.
that he entered the Court of Freeholders thought only of
how he was to turn his vote to the best account. When
the father of the Right Hon. Gentleman, by a skilful di,_
tribut on of Indian patronage, turned out the head of iln
of the most ancient clans—the clan Fraser—the value of
the franchise, from a mere nominal amount, rose to the
enormous sum of 1,4001. Hence individuals unwept con-
nected with the county were anxious to obtain a privilege
by which they hoped to provide for themselves or thmilies,
and in this way Mr. Grant acquired more influence than
all the clans and chiefs.—(Laughter.) Then he bequeathed
the Right Hon. Gentleman as a legacy to the county.—
(Hisses.) The Right .IFm. Gentleman had given them
a long dissertation on chymical science and kelp; but in-
stead of paying attention to the claims of the county, be had
concurred with the Government in reducing the duty on
harilla without ever consulting Parliament. The conntp
sends up a petition ; what does he do ? He puts the pe-
tition into his pocket, and does not present it till the dis-
cussion is over. Was that the conduct whiekahould have
been pursued by the county Member? We4ent up peti •
tions on the corn question ; were they attended to?
Certainly not. He did not wonder at the Right Hon,
Gentleman's conduct. The Right lion. Gentleman might
say, true it is this petition is signed by numerous persona;
proprietors of the county ; but what is that to me? lie
support my political influence in the county, I can go to a
certain Doctor, and he will go with me to Inverness. I
will go to Leicester ; there is a Squire there who will
support toe; there is also a banker who will support
me. In Edinburgh, I can get about a deren writers to
the Signet; in Morayshire I have a Miniver-hall these
will support me, but as for the county of Inverness, I care
not a straw. With regard to the Reform measure, be did
not think it would fructify the country, or, on the othet
hand, that it would be the parent of anarchy. He trusted,
however, that the Right Hon. Gentleman would learn one
effect of its working, that it would leave him a Minister of
the Crown without a seat in Parliament.—(Hissing and
uproar.) He (Macleod) hailed with the greatest pleasure,
the change in the Scottish representation, but one of its best
provisions the country owed to Lords Rosslyn and Saloum
and net to his Right Hon. Friend and the Government;
When the Bill left the House of Commons, no tenant could
vote who did not possess a stamped lease. The Right
lion. Gentleman had said a great deal about kelp, but
wonderfully little about corn. He denied that the Go-
vernment meant to injure the interests of the farmer, and
Lord Althorp had made a similar declaration; But he
(Macleod) much doubted their statements. The Ministry.
would be compelled to truckle to that power which them-
selves had created. The present Government came in rid
three great principles, Reform, Retrenchment, and Peace.
On the first of these topics he had said all be meant to say.
With regard to retrenchment, they had cut off the salaries
of a few underlings, thereby perhaps augmenting the poor
rates, and they bad done no more. Then are we at pre-
sent at peace? Ministers had not kept their word, and if
returned to Parliament he, for one, would tell them so.
There was another topic which he felt very reluctant td
bring forward, because he did not wish to mix up religious
subjects with politics. A Bill bad been brought forward
by the brother of the Right Hon. Gentleman fur admitting
Jews to Parliament, and that Bill had received the support.
of his Right lion. Friend. Now, he thought that none
but Christians should have the power of making laws for
3 Christian people. He (Macleod) had hitherto abstained
from noticing his own bumble claims. His interests woe
,lie same as their own. The meat he and his children
rat, the clothes they wore, were all provided for them by
the industry of his tenants. If they were prosperous he
was prosperous, if unsuccessful, he also suffered. After
frequent interruptions, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by
again stating his entire devotion to the service of the county.
Mr. GRANT returned thanks for the flattering manner
in which he had been received. He was desirous also of
adverting to some things which had been advanced by his
opponent. He would say nothing of the good taste and
good feeling which induced him, to revert to the past and
to comment on those who were now no snore; but whose
memory would be embalmed in the hearts of all to cehom
wortb, patriotism, and piety were dear. Neither would
he Mom them on the character his opponent bad given
of the former Court of Freeholders; lie would not ask if
this character had been applied to them by one who had
repeatedly declared that it would be his highest honour to
represent them.—(Laughter.) But if such was the cha-
racter of the former constituency in the county, who was
it that opposed every change in that constituency, and
condemned the conduct of all who desired it ? In discus-
sing the measures of the present Government, his lion.
Opponent stated that one of their pledges was economy,
but they had made only a few underling changes. Ile
(Mr. Grant) gave every credit to the late Government for
their exertions, and believed them when they stated that
they could carry economy no farther. The present Govern-
ment, however, had diminished the expenditure by two
millions. They had reduced two millions of taxes, chiefly
those which pressed upon the labouring classes, and this
reduction the Hon. Gentleman, in the northern greatness
of his mind, thinks a mere trifle. It was unjust to say Go-
vernment had contented themselves with reducing the sala-
ries of their inferior servants; the fact was, they had be-
gun by firm reducing their own.—(Cheers.) But we were
promised peace and we have got war. His Hon. Friend
would allow that two years ago there were symptoms of
the rapid approach of war ; they had therefore had two
years of peace. lie respected Holland, and though nothing
less than the preservation of national faith and national
honour could at any time justify our going to war, yet
it should be remembered that the local hostility at present
unfortunate!) existing in Holland arose solely out of the po-
sition in which the Government was placed by the Duke
of Wellington. He did not mean to impugn the conduct
of the late Government; but, whether right or wrong, the
present state of things was, in fact, the direct consequence
of the position in which the question between Belgium and
Holland was left by the late Government. England and
the four great Powers of Europe had formed themselves
into a Conference to arrange that question ; they h id re-
fused to comply with the demand of Holland to re-
annex Belgium to Holland by force of arms. They
had pronounced the separation of Belgium and Holland
to
,be irrevocable, they had compelled an armistice be-
tween the parties, and they had announced, that any vio-
lation of that armistice would be considered as an injury
done against themselves. He trusted that the local hos-
tility would be brief, and would pass away without
kindling a general war. There was no interruption of
communication or of confidence betwixt England and the
other states. The Honourable Gentleman had depreca-
ted the conduct of Government in giving away, as he said,
500,000/. to the Autocrat of Russia. In doing so he con-
demned a measure made by the Treaty of 1815. The
Members of that Government which his opponent wished
to see restored, had sauctioned the grant in question ; the
Duke of Wellington, with that manliness peculiar to
him, bad declared in the House of Peers that the validity
and justice of the claim were unquestioned. What then
became of the charge against the present Government?
He would only touch on one other topic. His opponent
bad alluded to his (Mr. Grant's) elaborate periods. He,
on the other hand, was struck with the peculiar want
of labour in those of his Hon. Friend. The whole of his
remarks, had, of course, no dependence on the notes in
his hand, but were to be ascribed to extemporaneous
pen and ink by which the lion. Gentleman was moved
beyond the usual sobriety of his tone. He had said
with great solemnity that he did not like to mix up
Christian subjects with politics. What was this Chris-
tian subject on which he was afraid to enter? The Jews.
—(Loud laughter.) So touch for the logic of his lion.
Friend. tie acknowledged that he did vote for the eligi-
bility of this sect, small in number and persecuted
through several ages of barbarism, of admission into Pare
liament, and be felt that what his Hon. Friend meant for
a reproach was in reality an honour.—(Cheers.) He
had said, that his principle was to extend wider and
wider the privileges of the Constitution. He thought
that within her flowing robe there was room to shelter
and call to her bosom people of every nation, kindred, and
tongue.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Grant again thanked the
people, of whom he took his leave with the deepest respect
and gratitude.
The SHERIFF then called for a show of hands; only one
or two were held up for Macleod, but a whole forest was
held up, amidst loud cheers and waving of hats, for Mt.
Grant. A poll was demanded, and the Sheriff intimated
that it would take place on Wednesday and Thursday next.

THE DEVIL IGNORANT Or GAELIC.-
" Having met, when in France, with a woman who was
said to be possessed of the devil, and who professed to
speak all languages, he (BucitaNAN) accosted her in
Gielic. As neither she nor her familiar returned any an-
swer, he entered a protest that the devil was ignorant of
that language,"—lrvinv's Life of Buchanan.

CAMBRIDGE TOWN ELECTION.

(From a Cambridge Paper.)

We were unable last week from want of room to give
:Mr. Spring Rice's answer to the questions proposed on
Wednesday by Mr. C. Beales, as to whether he was dis-
posed to support the ballot, triennial Parliaments, and the
abolition of sinecures and unmerited pensions. We insert
it this week because it may be regarded as indicative of
the intentions of Government on the various important
subjects which it embraces.
Mr. S. RICE—You are each of you very properly
proud of your independence ; do not let it he ,aid that he
who represents you is not left as free as you are your-
selves. Declining, therefore, to dive a pledge, had it been
asked, I most readily admit the right of the Hon. Gen-
tleman to question my opinions, anti I recognise the duty
which makes it imperative upon me to reply to his
questions. The Hon. Gentleman's inquiries refer to four
paints—triennial Parliaments, the ballot, the reduction of
places and pensions, and the reduction of taxation. Re-
serving my reply to the two first, or constitutional ques-
tions, I shall apply myself to the last. I may, however,
be allowed to claim credit for the Government with which
I am connected for that which they have already effected
under those heads, and may support my declaration
of faith by the works which we have been enabled
to accomplish. The first act of Lord Grey's Cabinet
has been in consonance with the principles the Hon.
teentleman has laid down. We found the pension list
amounting to upwards of 140,000/. My Noble Friend,
Lord Althorp, reduced it by the Civil List Act to one-
half of that sum. Is not this an affirmance of the prin-
ciple; is not this an improvement of economy, as well as
a limitation of influence? It is quite hue that this acts
only prospectively, or, in other words, that parties are
continued in the enjoyment of their existing grants, but on
the expiration of their respective interest a limit is im-
posed on granting new pensions until the total amount is
reduced to 75,000/. It would have been an easy but a
vulgar purchase of popularity to have proposed an inirne-
cliace abolition of these pensions. We had not granted
them ; they *ere the acts of our opponents, and, generally
speaking, were for the benefit of their political friends.
Z' am ready to admit that many of them were highly ob
jeetionable, and, were I making a party speech, I could
easily refer to names and circumstances that would excite
a just feeling of indignation ; but I disdain to purchase
rbeer by personal attack, and I will not allude to a single
individual, however I might be tempted, at once to
illustrate and to strengthen my argument. It is enough
to say that these were Tory pensions, granted
by Tory Administration., which we, as Whigs, Lac
no possible interest in protecting. By striking them
off we purchased popularity at a cheap rate, for
we purchased it at the cost of our opponents. But
popularity cannot be honestly earned if inconsistent with
justice. These pensions had always been dealt with and
considered as grants for life, and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer was satisfied with limiting the patronage of the
Government and the prerogative of the Crown, without
breaking through the claims—tor I hesitate in calling
them rights—created under the old system. Next, as to
places and salaries. I do not think that it would be either
expedient or constitutional that all placemen should he
banished from the House of Commons. Their numbers
should be strictly limited, and at present I may say, with
truth, that there have not been in the late Parliament a
sufficient number of persons to constitute a house, not even
for the ordinary 'amine of Parliamentary duty ; the
Government could only rely upon independent Members.
Is that nothing as compared with former times ? And hi
the abolition of the offices of Vice-Treasurer of Ireland,
of the Post-Master-General, the Lientenartt-General
the Ordnance, and the Clerk of the Deliveries, all Parlia-
mentary offices, the present Government proved it was
teady to act up to its former professions, and to curtail as
tar as practicable the influence of the Crown within the
walls of Parliament. There are limits, however,
which should not be passed. So long as Ministers
and men in office sit in Parliament the Crowr.
cannot name to office, or at least cannot continue
in the public service, men who are not accepta-
ble to the people's representatives. Is it nothing that the
Ministers of the Crown should appear in the House on
Commons to explain and justify the measures and the
course of policy they have advised and pursued ? Is it
nothing when Parliaments are dissolved that Ministers
should appear before large bodies of constituents, to re•
ceise either rewards or punishments at their hands? I,
it nothing that my Noble Friend, Lord Althorp, should at
the very moment I arts aeldressing, you he required to stand
on the hustings of Northamptonshire, before the high-
minded and independent electors of the county ? Is it no-
thing that in their approval he should at once receive a
proof of respect and confidence and a reward for patriot.
ism ? On these grounds, I differ from the Honourable
Gentleman if he conceives that it would advance the liber-
ties of the people of England to exclude all placemen from
the House of Commons. Next as to salaries. Any salary
which is more than sufficient to procure for the state the
services of the most active and industrious public servants
should be reduced. For such reductions I shall be read)
to vote. But has not our conduct been such as to justif)
your confidence on this point? The Duke of Wellington
was in many respects a severe economist ; but after al;
his savings we have gone further still. In one year and
a quarter only our reductions of salaries have been nearly
equal to the redactions effected by our predecessors in
three former years. I am next asked my opinion with
respect to the repeal of taxes. Where it is practicable to re-
time) the burdens of the people, I am as ready to affirm as is
the Hon. Gentleman that repeal of taxes should take place.
You would not seek to enforce, through me, reductions
that would leave the national creditors unpaid, or the
national interests unprovide.d for ; and were you to make
such a demand, which you will not, no personal object of
ambition, not even the hope of representing you, would
induce me to trench upon either of those sacred principles
With these limitations, howevr r, I freely admit that the
repeal of taxes is a duty imposed on Parliament and on
the Ministers of the Clown; and among the taxes which
I should most desire to see reduced or extinguished, are
those which affect the press, and thus check the extension
and circulation of knowledge. With those taxes it was
the intention of Lord Althorp to deal, had he not been
counteracted by the conduct of the Opposition. It may
be asked whether such a reduction is that which it is most
expedient to prefer. My reply is, that if by knowledge
you improve the mind of rnan—it you awake his active
powers—if you extend the force of moral feeling, and the
sanction of religious obligations, you act mo e powerfully
on his physical condition, though perhaps not so imme-
diately or directly, than by any other method whatsoever.
Having thus replied to one portion of the Hon Gentleman's
speech, I shall endeavour to answer his constitutional quer-
teons respecting triennial Parliaments and the ballot.
It must be admitted that no act of the Legislature autho-
rizes any law leis defensible than the Septennial Act. It
was, in fact, a violent invasion of the rights of the con-
stituent body. To provide for the prolonged duration of
future Parliaments might be a just matter for legislation,
but to prolong a trust created for three years to a period
of seven—to du this at the will of the trustee only, has
ever appeared to me one of the most flagrant acts of Par-
liamentary assumption. Upon such a precedent, I know
trot why the treats of Members might not have been con-
tinued for life. But it does not necessarily follow that
because the Septennial Act was wrong, that therefore a
restoration of triennial Parliaments could necessarily he
right. It does not follow that because in an unreformed
Parliament a more direct and immediate popular check
might be requisite, that therefore under a reformed consti-
tution the power of choice should more frequently revert
to the people. The work of legislation is now not only
laborious but difficult and complicated, and it takes a
considerable time before a Member can learn his business.
I address many artisans and traehsmen, and I ark them if
the period of service or apprenticeship were restricted to
three years, whether the result would be necessarily bene-
ficial ? The shortening of the duration of Parliaments is
a matter, however, deserving of every attention), and if it
were found that a reformed constituency did not act with
sufficient force and activity as a check upon the represen-
tation, I shall not be indisposed to vote for short Parlia•
ments. In considering the still more important question
of the ballot, I must premise by stating that any indi-
vidual who, either by threat, corruption, or inti-
midation, compels an elector to vote against his
conscience, commits a political crime of the deepest dye.
If acts of this kind have taken place in Cambridge, if
they can he proved, not by vague statement, but by posi-
tive evidence, I care not who the offender may be, or how
respectable and venerable his station, I pledge myself to
you, if 'there be law in the land or authority in the House
of Commons, to drag him forth to public indignation, and
make him responsible for his evil deeds. That the force
of unjust authority is and has been so used in several
places in England cannot, I fear, be doubted. In some
cases it has proceeded from the aristocracy and the higher
classes, and has been directed towards their dependents ;
in others it teas been resorted to by the multitude in order
by intimidation to control the la householders. In
either case it is equally unjust—in both it is equally un-
constitutional. Electors should he free ; the question to
be decided is—will the ballot make them so? The evil to
be averted is at once a political evil and a moral offence.
The ballot is only a mechanical means to provide against
the moral and political crime. Now, it will not be

lie • ,
contended lnits:tbai if the dbjed to be gaked, namely,
freedonar of tWeli Can he secured by moral Cans, the
secondary ar Acharical prateetiark ought not‘to be re-
sorted to. The moral means which may be employed
for this great work will be found in public opinion—
that greatest of all checks and correctives. If it can he
considered and held disgraceful to interfere by authority in
the performance of a public duty by another, men will
hesitate before they forfeit the esteem of the circle in which
they move. I admit that this check has not heretofore
been efficient ; but could it ha so when so much was ano-
malous, corrupt, and degrading in our Parliamentary
system ? But if these obligations of duty are disregarded,
may we not hope that a Reformed Parliament will in itself
afford us a new and increased protection? I believe that
public opinion on these matters will he more vigilant and
more enlightened. I believe also that Parliamentary justice
• will he more powerful and more impartially administered.
Assuming, however, that my expectations on these points
maybe too sanguine, it remains still to be proved that the
mechanical continuance of the ballot would be an adequate
protection to the voter ? Let me put a case—suppose a
master who employs many workmen ; he canvasses them,
• and threatens dismissal if they do not promise to vote for
his favourite candidate. They may, it is nue, refuse such
promise, but they may also, under the present system,
decline breaking their word, or abandoning their princi-
ples. But if they yield, the promise is given ; if they
keep their promise, the present evils remain unmitigated ;
they vote against their opinion. But it is suggested that
they may break their promises. True ; but is it to
fraud, to lying, and to dishonesty, that we can or ought
to trust for a remedy in this case ? Are hypocrisy
and baseness thus to become the pledges and guarantees
for English freedom? Igo a step further ; not only may
the voter break his promise, but he assuredly will do so.
This can, I think, be made out by experience. If educa-
tion produces high moral feeling—if wealth, by diminish-
ing temptation, ought also to diminish offences—and if
the class on which public opinion acts with more force
ought to be the most steady to their engagements—let
me ask, how the ballot system acts in the higher walks of
society? There it has been tried. The election fur an
East India Director takes place by ballot. There persons
of great wealth, power, and education vote. Wbat is the
result? Ido not ask whether the electors are free, I now
ask only whether the electors are honest? Is it nut, on
the contrary, notorious that every candidate makes his ac-
count upon 25 violations of engagement in every 100 ? and
as ladies vote, and as of course their virtue and fidelity can
never be suspected, the whole burden of their falsehood
falls on the male electors. But it is said that the ballot
has been found to answer in the United States. It is trw
that in some of the States it is practised, though not "ittSe
all. Where practised it remains to be proved whether the
experiment has succeeded in preventing either undue influ-
ence, faction, or bribery. This is a matter to he proved,
however, one way or the other. In Virginia it does not pre-
vail; and a very eminent friend of mine, a citizen of that
State, the eloquent Mr. Randolph, stated some time back to
me, We have lately held a conversation to revise certain
parts of our constitution ; we have among us many eager
spirits, but, thank God, there was not one wild or base
enough to propose that a Virginian was to conceal his vote
by the adoption of the ballot." One word more on the
subject, and I have done. Secrecy is the whole recom-
mendation of the ballot. May it not be doubted whether
secrecy could be maintained ? Suppose the election over,
.rd the electors met at the Crown, where we have con-
versed together, or at the Smoaky, er Sociable, would they'
not discuss the merits of the respective candidates and the
conduct of the electors, and would not the secrets of the
ballot-box necessarily transpire ? I have endeavoured to
argue this case fairly, and with a view to the interests and
feelings of the peeple themselves, not doubting the pro-
priety and duty of giving the elector every protection in
the free use of his franchise, but expressing a doubt, not to
be shaken but by evidence, whether the ballot system could
be relied on as a protection. In reply to a question on the
subject of colonial slavery, I can only state, that I consider
slavery to be at once a misfortune and a crime from which
tee are bound to extricate the nation as soon as practicable;
and if required to explain my interpretation of these latter
words, I should say, that I employ them solely in re:erence
to the interests of the slaves thernaelves.