The Sun.
London, England, 1833-11-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL

Some of the papers in the interest of the
ultra-Tory Opposition persist in bringing before
the public the supposed appointment of Major-
General Ellice as Lieutenant-Governor of
Portsmouth. We took ats opportunity several
days ago of stating our conviction that no such
appointment could, as was alleged, have taken
place, and chiefly, without pretending to a
knowledge of the facts, at least, from any com-
petent authority, we denied that Lord Grey
could have meditated such an abuse of that
military patronage which a Prime Minister too
often contrives to wrest out of the hands of the
Commander-in-Chief, because we were assured
that Lord Grey's Ministerial honour, in the
exercise of a great public trust; would revolt
against the obvious partiality of the nomination
referred to, in favour of an officer so compara-
tively inexperienced and undistinguished as
Major-General Ellice. Shortly after our opinion
was declared, an evening paper, which is believed
by many people(how justly we know not) to speak
from official information, contained a paragraph
directly negativing the whole story of that
promotion, and asserting that no such
appointment had ever " been so much as con-
templated." This, it seems, does not satisfy
our brethren of the Tory press, one of whom
conveys, throughout a long article, the impres-
sion that the appointment was actually contem-
plated, if not completed, and has been revoked
from no other motive than the alarm produced
by its premature disclosure to the public by
means of the press. Now, whether it may or
may not have been contemplated in certain quar-
ters, is a question we need hardly discuss, being
persuaded that such intentions, if they ever
existed, are fir from likely to be realized. But
as an act of justice, it is right that we should
exonerate from unworthy suspicion some of
those parties on whom, owing to peculiar cir-
cumstanees, it might otherwise very naturally
fall. We shall, then, express a decided belief
thsAt Mr. Edward Ellice, the Secretary at War,
never concurred in any similar misapplication of
patronage, and, indeed, never entertained a wish,
but the contrary, that the member of his family
alluded to should be held up in so invidious a
light to the country. Our conviction upon
this point amounts to certainty—that the Se-
cretary at War would have pronounced, had
the appointment—or the design of it—been
made known to him, an absolute and manly
dissent from, and protest against it, on
grounds connected with the interest and reputa-
tion of the service. One word against Major-
General Ellice, as a soldier or a gentleman,
has never, so far as we understand, been breathed
by any human being. But that is riot enough.
The allotment of honours and emoluments where
there are many distinguished candidates must,
in all fairness, be adjudged according to a re-
view of their comparative service, and in favour
of those who can exhibit the most salient and
multiplied proofs of their professional supe-
riority. We are sure that no fraternal preference
would have blinded the discrimination of the
Secretary at War on such a subject, or biassed
his integrity ; and we have the strongest reason
for alleging that Mr. Edward Ellice would, with
whatever violence to his personal affections, have
refused to sanction the choice of his brother
for the Portsmouth government, had it been,
which it never was, submitted to his approba-
tion. This Right Hon. Gentleman holding a place
of high and important trust, one which, from
the opportunities it affords of intermeddling
more or less directly with the whole military de-
partment, and from the allurements which the
political station of its occupant must be suspected
of throwing in his way towards a corrupt or sel-
fish perversion of his extensive power, it becomes
the duty of an honest journalist to wipe away
from the conduct of Mr. Ellice whatever foul or
injurious colouring the insinuations of adverse
faction may have cast upon it, and to state, on
behalf of Mr. Ellice, that neither in the case of
Major-General Ellice—of his brother, who is a
merchant--his other brother, who is a naval
officer—or his fourth brother, a clergyman, has
he ever asked a single favour, or lent himself to
the grant of a provision for any one of his nu-
merous family out of the public money. It;
therefore, there has been any project of pro-
moting Major-General Ellice on this occasion,
we feel it both a duty and a pleasure to repeat
that the Secretary at War has had no participa-
tion in it, and no knowledge of it whatever.—
Times.

We resume our observations on the important,
though little understood, subject of colonization.
It has been often remarked, that the only colo-
nies of the English which succeeded were founded
by individuals, and that the home Government
only interfered with them when they had become
of consequence. The history of all colonies
governed from Downing-street have been a suc-
cession of squabbles, and accusations of jobbing
and favouritism on the part of the local authori-
ties, the truth or falsehood of which could not
be ascertained in this country. During our Bo-
roughmongering Government, it was not to have
been expected that any encouragement would be
afforded to an attempt to found colonies on a
principle merely of advantages to the settlers
and the parent country. But from a Reform
Government, we are surely entitled to expect
that HO discouragement should be thrown in the
way of whatever promises to offer new markets
for our industry, and fresh fields for the em-
ployment of our redui4dant population. The ex-
pectations of the public in this respect, however,
have been disappointed ; and the blame is thrown
on Mr. Hay, Under-Secretary of the Colonies, a
legacy of the Tories, who is as hostile to every
thing liberal, if what is said of him be true, as
Mr. Horace Twiss could possibly be. A body
of respectable Englishmen had formed them-
selves into a Company, with a view to the
foundation of a colony on independent principles.
The names of the Provisional Committee were
most respectable. We shall here give them:—
W. Wolryche Whitmore, Esq., M.P., Chair-
main ; George Fife Angus, Esq. ; Dviatinic
Browne, Esq., M.P.; H. L. Bulvver, Esq.,
M.P. ; Walter F. Campbell, Esq., M.P. ;
Henry Drummond, Esq., Captain Gowan,
Richard Heathfield, Esq., Samuel Hoare, EA ,
William Hull, Esq., M.P. ; J. Jephson, Esq.,
e q
M.P.; C. Shaw 1 fevre, Es ~
M.P. ; Lord
Lumley, M.P. W. A. Mackinnon, Esq.
NA). ; J. A. S. Mackenzie, M.P. ; Samuel
Miles, Esq., John Melville, Esq., sir a. Mus-
grave, Bart.,
m.p. ; R. Norman, Esq., J. E.
Strickland, Esq., Colonel Torrens, M.P.;
George Trani, Esq., M.P.; H. Throcktnorton,
Esq., M.P.; Sir H. Williamson, Bart., M.P.
Tnese names alone are a guarantee for the
honest intentions of the Company. The Com-
pany, instead of az-kit.g money or assistance
troni Government, offered 125,0004 for 500,000
acres of waste land, and in a country absolutely
desert. Their plan was distinguished by novelty.

In tne first pace, it promised a continual fund
for the purpose of pauper emigration, and,
secondly, it provided against the evils which, in
all the colonies of modern times, have resulted
from the want of any rational system in the dis-
posal of waste land. The Company observe,
in answer to a letter from Mr. Hay, refusing the
sanction of Government, " that the proposed
undertaking is not open to the objection against
the establishment of colonies which is held by
many enlightened persons, viz., an objection to
the expense which colonies often occasion to
the mother country, and to the great amount of
which they, place at the disposal of a Minister
at home; since., in the present case, it is pro-
vided that all the public expenses attendant on
the colony should be borne by the colonists
themselves, and that the officers so to be paid
for administering the government of the colony
should not, the governor excepted, be appointed
by the Secretary of State." They stated further,
" That the proposed colony would present a remarka-
ble contrast with the penal settlements of Australia—a
contrast of all that is good in colonization with all that
is bad; local self government instead of arbitrary will ; a
rational and fixed system in the disposal of waste land
(one of the elements of colonization), instead of a sys-
tem which, though based on the plan devised by the pro-
jectors of the colony (the plan of the Colonisation So.
ciety, just then adopted by the Government as to New
South Wales and Van Diemen's Land), is rendered
almost nugatory by previous want of system, and is de-
pendent for its duration on the pleasure of the Secretary
of State for the time being ;a society concentrated by that
rational system in the disposal of waste land, and,
enabled to employ their capital and labour with the
greatest advantage, instead of a society dispersed by the
profusion of the Government in granting waste land,
and so prevented from raising commodities which
require combination of capital and labour ; a moral
society, or at least a society placed under circumstances
the most favourable to morality, instead of a society pre-
eminently vicious, in which the most disgusting depravity
prevails, and in which such vices are becoming natural
habits. The contrast would, no doubt, have been most
wriking. But they are at a loss to see in what way the
establishment of so much good by the side of so much
evil could be productive of public inconvenience. On
the contrary, they submit to Viscount Goderich that the
want of a costless, concentrated, and civilized colony in
Australia, furnishes a very strong reason why the Home
Government, not being called on to incur any expense or

. .
to create any patronage, should enable them to establish
such a settlement in that part of the world; so that there
may be one British colony as least in a favourable climate,
to which persons of all classes may resort, without incur-
ring political, social, or moral degradation."

We have every reason to believe that a colony
founded on proper principles, with respect to the
distribution of land, would have been eminently
successful as far as regards the cultivation of
produce marketable in this country, and conse-
quently the opening a market for British indus-
try. It is by combination alone that man is
powerful. Wherever men are scattered, whether
in Russia, America, or whatever region, they
are weak, because they cannot act in combina-

tion. No man will raise more than he can
consume himself, because he is without a
market. By a proper system with regard to the
disposal of waste land—that is, by selling it at
a proper rate—the settlers must concentrate,
because they could not remunerate themselves
by cultivation. We regret, therefore, exceed-
ingly, that Lord Goderich should have allowed
himself to be seduced by a Tory Under Secre-
tary into an abandonment of his first intentions
with regard to this colony, which would have
proved of infinite value to the mother country.
We trust, however, that the subject will not be
lost sight of, and that a Reform Ministry will
show that they do not wish to copy the example
of their predecessors in considering colonies not
as means of contributing to the advantage of
colonists and the relief of the mother country,
but as sources of corrupt patronage. We trust
that it will be seen the clever author of " Eng-
land and America" is unjust to a Reform Mi-
nistry, when he supposes they will countenance
opposition to a system of colonization from
which the mother country would derive great
commercial advantages, merely because it would
not offer room for patronage.

" If," says he, " a Governor of New South Wales
shall ever be called to account for acts of cruel oppression
in that colony, those acts would be defended on the ground
that they were approved of by the Council, an assembly
consisting partly of settlers, having an interest in com-
mon with the wl ole body of colonists. That would be
the defence : whereas the truth is, that the Colonial
Members of the Governor's Council in New South Wales
have been deeply interested in that misgovernment of
which they shared the profits, in the shape of contracts,
undue supplies of convict labour, and immense grants of
land. In Upper Canada (says Mr. Ellice, now English
Minister at War), it was the fashion for every Coun-
cillor to get a grant of from 5,000 to 20,000 acre., to
the great detriment of the country, and the great nui-
sance of the inhabitants around.' This is only a sample
of the numerous ways in which same of the inhabitants
of subject colonies are bribed to lend their assistance in
hurting the other inhabitants ; to lend their names to the
strangers, so that the acts of these strangers may be
glossed over with the semblance of being approved by the
colonists ; to lend their voices, and in case of need, their
arms to the strangers ; so that to the force of the strangers
there may be added that of strong colonial faction. Hence
more pillage than would have satisfied the strangers;
hence the most bitter feuds among the colonists them
selves; hence more or less the peculiar evils which Ireland
has suffered by being governed from a distance, through
the instrumentality of a strong domestic faction. The
evil of having to obey laws made at a distance would be
great, hut less than evils inflicted in order to procure
obedience to laws so made. The government of colonies
from a distance involves both kinds of evil. So much
evil would never long be borne by a colony which had
been founded, or which was extended in the way here
proposed. The colony being fit would be able to govern
itself."

We have already observed, that the only suc-
cessful colonies of modern times were founded
by Englishmen without Government interfe-

rence. v They governed themselves from the be-
ginning, the mother country only reserving to
herself the foreign trade ; no great hardship, as
whatever they required was to be obtained in
England better than anywhere else, with very
few exceptions. We do not believe that Minis,
ters will, when the matter is fairly examined by
them, oppose a plan which promises to be be-
neficial to the mother country, on the narrow
ground of absence of patronage. But, at all
events, the House of Commons can make the
Ministry what they please they should be. We
trust that, at a time when we are suffering from
abuses of the poor laws—when the cry of re-
dundancy is heard in Ireland, and many parts
of England, a plan which promises to go
far to cure the evil will be encouraged by the
House of Commons. We shall to-morrow
examine how far the country may expect relief
from colonization.— Morning- Chronicle.
It was our painful duty to record yesterday
another instance of the barbarous punishment of
military flogging, of which the King's Mews
Barracks was the scene, and the sufferer a sol-
dier of the ist regiment of Grenadier Guards.
The crime—his having come on duty in a state
of intoxication, behaving there insubordinately,
and threatening, when desired to give up his
arms, that he would run the first person through
who attempted to take them from him. The
punishment-500 lashes with the cat-o'-nine-
tails on his naked back 1 The whole misconduct
of the soldier may, we presume, be reterred to
having got drunk, as the most quiet and orderly
men, when sober, are capable of saying and doing

very foolish things when they have the misfor-
tune to surrender their reason to the fascination
of strong drink ; but drunkenness is both a
moral and military offence, and ought to be
chastised—in some instances severely, but never
by punishments of torture or brutality, Which, if
they do not destroy life, only harden and degrade
the offender—a wretch upon whose person and
feelings the brand of infamy is stamped—whose
character and caste is gone, and who is,
thenceforth, worthless, desperate, and irre-
claimable. Soon after his present Majesty
came to the throne the public were informed
by some of the Journals that affect to be ac-
quainted with much of what passes behind
the curtains of Cabinets and Courts, that the
King had expressed a decided aversion to the
cruel and degrading punishment of military
flogging, and wished to have it abolished. As
to the sentiments of Whig patriots ou the sub-
ject, they were long ago known to the public by
their speeches and their votes ; but unfortunately
the sentiments of office are different from those
that were cherished in " opposition." If it were
not so, we should not, in this the third year of a
Whig Administration, see public opinion braved
and shocked by the application of the British
knout to the back of the British soldier. And
then a sentence of 500 lashes ! According to
the present military system, it is, of course, quite
legal, notwithstanding that the once Ultra-Liberal
Sir John Hobhouse was, during the gn-Aer part
of two sessions of Parliament, Secretary at War.
The Courtmartial who sentenced the unfortu-
nate man to that amount of torture, and the la-
ceration consequent upon it, did no more than
what they were auaiorised to do by the regula-
tions of the service ; hut our reforming Ministers
stood pledged to the reform of a mode of punish •
ment that disgraces our military system, and if it
does not find the English soldiers brutes, is
calculated to make them so. It appears that
of the 500 lashes only 200 were administered
at the one time—and why ? The surgeon
felt it his duty to interpose. We have it on
the authority °fa Ministerial paper that " a fresh
hand was procured at every 20 lashes, but not a
sigh or groan escaped the unhappy object. After he
had received 200 lashes, without a murmur, Mr.
Harrison, the surgeon of the regiment, went up
to the man, and, from what lie observed, gave
orders to stop the punishment." It is added
that he was then taken in a coach to the military
hospital in Rochester-row, when the proper
applications were made to his back, " which was
most dreadfully lacerated." We hope there is
some mistake in the statement which says a fresh
hand was procured at every 20 lashes. But
whether there be or not, the interposition
of the surgeon at the end of 200 lashes
shows that the man was flogged until there was
danger of his life if the punishment were pro-
ceeded with. It is the duty of the surgeon to
watch the agonies of the writhing wretch, and
to take care to stay the uplifted arm of the
drummer at that point of suffering when there is
peril of the torture breaking in upon the very
sources of existence. What a duty for science
to perform !—what a spectacle for humanity to
witness! Well convinced are we that military dis-
cipline can not only be sustained without mili•

tary torture, but that it can be much more effi-
ciently sustained without it. The French army
is an instance of the influence of the moral
system of discipline. The most magnificent army
that, perhaps, the civilised world ever saw, for
organization, numbers, and discipline, was that
army which Napoleon marched into Russia. The
veteran legions that composed that army had
conquered every thing until the resistless ele-

'penis of avenging nature conquered them. Not
a man of all those mighty legions ever had a lash
applied to his back for any military offence. We
quoted on a former occasion the opinion of their
Chiet—the greatest master in the art of war since
Hannibal—on our system of military punish-
ments ; should not our readers be reminded of

it again ? An English officer, it is recorded in
" A Voice from St. Helena," told Bonaparte,
that the greatest part of the English soldiers
were brutes, and must be driven with the stick.
What observation did the captive Emperor of
the French make upon it ? " Surely," be said,
" the English soldiers must be possessed of sen-
timents sufficient to put them upon a level with
the soldiers of other nations, where the degrading
system of the lash is not used." Whatever

debases man cannot be serviceable. Bingham
says that none but the dregs of the canaille volun-
tarily enter as soldiers. This disgraceful
punishment is the cause of it. Again he says,
" I would alter your system. Instead of the
lash, I would lead them by the stimulus of honour.
I would instil a degree of emulation into their
minds; I would promote every deserving soldier,
as I did in France. After an action I assembled the
officers and soldiers, and asked, " Quels sont
les braves r' and promoted such of them as
were capable of reading and writing. Those who
were not I ordered to study five hours a day, and
then promoted them. I would (speaking of the
English army) substitute confinement, bread and
water, the contempt of his comrades, and such
other punishments, for the lash. When a sol-
dier has been debased and dishonoured by stripes
he can care little for the glory and honour of his
country. What honour can a man possibly
have who is flogged before his companions in
arms ?" Such were the just, humane, and phi-
losophical sentiments of Napoleon on the two
systems which have been acted on in France ana
this country for maintaining military discipline
—the moral system—that which wakens and
keeps alive the sensibilities of honour, and the
regard for character—and the systetn of brute
force which extinguishes every spark of manly
feeling, and drives him who has committed a
military offence into the desperation of cureless
debasement. Great, as a military crime, we
acknowledge the offence of the soldier to be
whose case has drawn forth these remarks. As
a soldier, he knew that he subjected himself to
such punishment ; but could no other means be
found to chastise and reclaim him ? Would not
hard labour or solitary confinement have brought
him to his senses and to a state of contrition ?
Is lie to be flogged again when he becomes able
to bear the remaining 300 lashes ? Humanity
recoils at the thought.—Morning Herald.

A story was told some time ago in a provin-
cial paper, that Lord Durham, driving through
a certain village, his property, and being in-
commoded by some accidental obstructions in
his passage, so far forgot the proverbial tempe-
rance which distinguishes his character, as to
order the said village, thus detected in flagrant
delict, to be immediately gtswept from the face
of the earth." This anecdote was copied into
some London papers. It seems that Lord
Durham, in truth and in fact," has not
driven through the village—has not been in-
commoded by any accidental obstructions
therein—and has not uttered a syllable of the
terrible sentence which has been reported to
have fallen from his lips. All this is com- ,

mon place enough. An Editor is hoaxed
into the statement of something which is
not true ; he retracts the statement, as soon
as he ascertains its untruth ; but the more
tragical part of the tale is yet behind. The
Whig Solicitor-General, instructed by the
Whig
:Earl, has applied for a rule to show
cause why a criminal information should not be
filed against the publisher of the provincial paper
in which this libel first appeared, and against
the publishers of the John Bull and Standard,
who have dared to give it additional circulation.
We do not well understand why Lord Durham
is so incensed at the imputation of these evil
deigns against the village of Philadelphia.
Philadelphia is Lord Durham's property; Phi-
ladelphia is upon Lord Durham's estate. It' it
interferes with a desirable improvement, or mars
a beautiful prospect—if the publican is an ex-
perienced poacher, or the curate an obstinate
Conservative—we do not see why Lord Durham
should not forthwith prepare his order of re-
moval. Now, if an intention is imputed to any
man of doing that which is not necessarilycriminal,
we do not say the imputation is not a libel, hut
we do say it is a libel which the friend
of freedom, the patron of the press, the Peer
who " goes along with the people," will
hardly venture to complain of in Westminster
Hall. The fact is, that Lord Durham, in prose-
cuting those whom he calls the libellers of

his private character, is punishing those who have
been the fearless assailants of his public con-
duct. It is not because he is accused of demo-

lishing a village, but because he is accused of
ruining a nation, that he seeks, by aid of the
eloquence of Sir John Campbell, the friendly
interference of Sir Thomas Denman. We con-
gratulate our Contemporarirq upon the testi-
mony which is borne by this angry man to their
integrity and independence. Let not Lord
Durham flatter himself that by the vengeance
he is now preparing to inflict he will succeed in
silencing the reproofs which his guilt and folly
have deserved. If our Bench were corrupt, as the
Whigs have not yet made it—if our Jury-box
were servile, as the Whigs have not yet found it—
there would still be Englishmen ready to de-
nounce, through all pains and perils, the dema-
gogue among Lords and the Lord among
demagogues, the country's worst citizen, and
the King's worst subject. As for Philadelphia,
it is much to be congratulated on the discussion
of which it is the subject. Instead of being
" swept from the face of the earth" it is immor-
talized. The salvation of Philadelphia will be
as eternal as the destruction of Troy. The hero
of the one epic, to be sure, will not resemble in
all respects the hero of the other ; for, though
all men know that Lord Durham is, like
Achilles,

Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer,

. _ .
no man will say, who witnesses his exploits in
the King's Bench, and elsewhere, that Lord
Durham, like Achilles
Juru negat sibi nata ; nihil non arrogat armis.
—Morning Post.

There are occasionally publications whose con-
tents are of such an extraordinary nature as
frequently to render it a matter of serious doubt
with those on whom the task of perusing them is
imposed, whether they were written in the spirit
of truth, or in the spirit of falsehood—whether
in a sarcastic or in a serious vein—to laud in
earnest, or to expose to greater contempt and
indignation, the objects of their uncalled for eu-
logiums. Of this nature is one now before us,
entitled " Russia as it is, and not as it has been
represented, together with observations and
reflections on the pernicious and deceitful
policy of the new school ;" and truly, after having
perused its forty pages from beginning to end,
we are in doubt whether we ought to
quarrel with its author for having been guilty
of the grossest flattery and falsehood, or to
award to him our mite of approbation for having
exposed to merited scorn the Sovereign of the
country of whose interests, and institutions, and
policy he treats. From some former recollec•
tions, however, of the style and sentiments of
the writer, we are inclined to believe that the
pamphlet has been put forth as a defence of Rus-
sia and Russian policy, and that it is not to be
treated as a thing o f double meaning, which
strikes while it flatters, and kills while it appears
to embrace. As such accordingly we are bound
to treat it. The author, a Russian priest or a
Russian cook, for his quotations and his meta-
phors render it doubtful to which class he belongs,
enters upon his subject with hearty good will,
deplores the infatuation of those who cannot see
in Russia the very essence of perfection in moral
and political institutions, and in her Sovereign
the very image of the Deity. There is no such
thing as slavery in Russia, says he, and he proves
his proposition in the following very clever
manner :

" We shall now show," says he, " our readers, that
what has heen called slavery by those who have thought
fit to misname everything Russian, is properly vassalage,
with the reservation and enjoyment of certain rights and
privileges granted to them by the laws, there being no
word, in all the books on Russian legislation, to signify
a slave Peasant is called, in Russian, Krestianin, but
when spoken of in relation to the lord of the soil, he is
named Krapostnoe Chelovek, or bondsman ; a name at
once indicative of the contract existing between him and
his lord. Otherwise be would have been styled Rab, or
slave, a word no where found in Russian legislative acts.
Indeed, I may add, that it is almost an obsolete term,
very rarely used. A criminal, who works in chains, is
called Nevolnik. The word Rab, or slave, is only found
in the language of adulation, when the ancient Boyars,
presenting tbemselve- before the thrones of their Princes,
exclaimed, We are your slaves.' "
In order, however, to understand more com-
pletely the real character of the freedom and
happiness enjoyed by the Russians, the ignorant
in such matters will do well to peruse the follow-
ing passage, which forms an appropriate pendant
to, if not a necessary explanation of, the other :
" The peasants are composed of Crown peasants, or
free farmers, and vassals. The free farmers, or Crown
peasants, amount to about fifty or sixty thousand; men
who have obtained their freedom by mutual agreement
between them and their Lords, and whose rights have
been confirmed to them by the Crown. They occupy
lands, which have been given or sold to them, and of
which they are the owners, having the power to sell or
dispose of them in any way they think proper. A Crown
peasant pays no land tax, nor any but a capitation tax,
and he is subject to none but the public authorities of
the province where he resides. V, sa ds cultivate the lands
belonging to their Lords, are attached to the glebe, and
cannot be alienated from it. All de,cripti ,ns of peasants
are bound to furnish recruits ; the free farmers do it
by turns, and the vassals by the nomination of their sta.
rostas, with the consent of their lords. The law obligee
every proprietor of vassals to furnish them with a sufficient
quantity of land for their own use : they work three days
for the lord, and three days for themselves. Others, by
their own desire, are put upon obrok (a tax in money), as
it is termed ; that is, to pay the lord so much a head pet
annum, instead of working for him. Those who have
been taught a trade of any sort, pay him a higher obrok
than a mere cultivator, and he receives a passport to go
and reside where he pleases. The peasants who become
traders also pay a very high obrok ; sometimes the lord
takes out a gild for them, and they acquire large fortunes
by commerce. Many lords permit all their vassals to pay
obrok ; then, should they cultivate any portion of land for
him, he pays them for their labour, unless there should be
an agreement made to the contrary, in consequence of the
smallness of the obrok."

Where the Nobles are so good—so kind, nad

c.o7generous—the master of them all cannot but
be supposed to excel them in all good qualities,
even as one star excelleth another in glory ;
and accordingly the author dwells upon this
subject with a repetition of praise and delight
which ought to exempt him, and his descendants,
from the gratification of the knout for generations
to come. Among other notable doings we find
the following :
" The clergy who serve in the remote parts of Siberia,
receive nay and rations of flour from the Government ;
indeed, I ought to say, from the Emperor's private purse.
His Imperial Majesty having heard that the clergy of
Kamchatka were extremely poor, and unable to buy bread,
immediately ordered them to be furnished with fl iur,
and their salaries increased :fun') his own funds;
one of the strongest proofs of his paternal care ; for in
some of those distant places the number of Russians are
so few, it w.uld he a sufficient pretext for a Government
less protective, to refute them a Church Establishment.
But to the honour and eternal glory of the Emperor,
be it said, that throughout his empire, wherever there are
a handful of Christians collected together, there will you
find a church, a clergyman, and all the consolatory assn.
eiarions of religion. In this, his Imperiil Majesty has
strictly fulfilled the words of the gospel, and has ' laid up
for himself treasures in Heaven, where moth and rust
cannot corrupt, and where thieves cannot break through
and steal.'"
Aga n—
" -

" If it had been said that the Emperor of Russia is the
most powerful sovereign of Europe, I should not attempt
to deny it; because it is true, and because it is necessary
that he should be exactly what he is, the Monarch and
the father of his people. The immense empire over
which be reigns, compounded of various nations, several
of whom have been conquered, but have al.e aye been left
in the full enjoyment of their religion and their laws,
united now under one head, certainly require the protect-
ing arm of a firm government, and the. mild and genial
influence of a paternal one, both of which they have ex-
perienced, unaccompanied by any of those capricious traits
of tyranny and oppression, which are the peculiar attri-
butes of despotism. The fiirbearance, the benevolence,
the generosity, the tolerance, and the greatness of soul
which have distinguished the monarchs of Russia, are
not less worthy of admiration than the conquests of their
invincible armies ! ! "

We have not space at present for any further
extracts from this precious production ; but we
shall return to it to-morrow.—MormAdvertiser.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 14.

NALDER V. HAWKINS.—Ira this case, which was
not concluded yesterday when we went to press,
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he must read the
affidavits before he gave his final judgment on the
motion. At present he inclined to an opinion that
the order of the Vice-Chancellor was right, in so
far as it refused to stay the progress of the suit,
but he should consider whether it was not fitting to
refer the case for inquiry to the Master.

VICE-CHANCERY CO URT, Nov. 14.

BOLTON v. EARL NELSON.

This case came before the Court upon a motion,
the object of which was to compel the defendant,
Earl Nelson, and Mr. Noselwood, to place in the
hands of the clerk- in Court the cases and opinions
of the Sicilian lawyers relative to his Lordship's
property in the Duchy of Bronti, and various other
confidential communications on the same subject.
Ferdinand the Fourth, the King of the Two
Sicilies, in consideration of the great services ren-
dered to him by Lord Viscount Nelson, bestowed
by grant upon that Noble Lord the Duchy of Bronti,
accompanied with the title of Duke. By the grant
the Noble and Gallant Lord was to hold the pro-
perty according to the law of the Franks, but Fer-
dinand, in order to mark his opinion of the services
rendered to him by Lord Viscount Nelson, gave
have him a tenancy in tail in the Duchy, with a
power to nominate his successor to the property,
Lord Nelson by his will appointed the present Earl,
and in default of his leaving any male heirs, then the
property was to go to Susanna Bolton, whose sort
the present plaintiff was. The present Lord Nel-
son becoming possessed of this feudal right entered
into the possession of the property, which he had
retained since his brother's death ; almost immedi-
ately after becoming possessed of the title his only son
died, and the Noble Lord, anxious to ascertain whe-
ther his daughter, Lady Bridport, would not enjoy
the property of the Duchy according to the law of
Sicily in preference to the plaintiff, who would take
the Earldom of Nelson, took the opinion, together
with his co-trustee, Mr. Haselwood, of Sicilian'
lawyers upon the subject.
Mr. PEPYS, for the plaintiff, submitted that the
opinion had been taken by the defendants in their
character of trustees, and that the plaintiff, to whom
they were most material, was entitled to their pro-
duction.

Mr. ROLFE and Mr. BARBER, for the defendants,
contended that the Court had no jurisdiction to do
what was asked, the case relating to the possession
of proper), in a foreign State, the laws of which
must decide the question.
His HONOUR said that his present inclination
was against the motion; but before he finally de-
cided the case he should consider it his duty to read
both the bill and answer.

CRIMINAL INFORMATION-HERTFORD ELECTION-

THE KING V. NICHOLSON.

This was a rule calling. on the defendant to show
cause why a criminal information should not be filed
against him for sending a challenge to Baron Dims-
dale, and posting the Baron as a coward in the
town of Hertford. The defendant was examined
on the subject at Bow-street, and bound over to
keep the peace.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained the rule.
Mr. FOLLETT this day showed cause against it,
and having read the prominent parts of the affida-
vits, was not prepared to vindicate the letter and
the handbills which posted the Baron; but the
Court, looking at the situation in which Mr. Nichol.
son stood, would no doubt feel that it was by no
means unnatural that the defendant should send such
a letter, acting as he did under irritation occasioned
by a calumny so injurious to his private character.
The Court intimated that the rule must be made
absolute. It was made absolute accordingly.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 14.

CORBYN V. LEADER.

This was an action brought by the plaintiff against
,he defendant for a breach of covenant.

The plaintiff was in 1830 the Commander of a
vessel, an Indianian, the property of Messrs. Palmer
and Co., of Calcutta. He had engaged to take a
certain number of passengers to England; but in
consequence of the failure of Messrs. Palmer and
Co.,ori nhl
esahsi Pt
was detained at Calcutta. The de-
fendantb e Commander of a vessel called the
and he agreed to take the plaintiff's etta, w
pas-
sengers, and provide them with all necessary accom-
modation, and entered into articles of agreement
covenanting to perform the same. The plaintiff
obtained a verdict on three distinct breaches of
covenant.

Mr. Sergeant TADDY on a former day obtained
a rule nisi to reduce the verdict as regarded one
covenant, for the breach of which 50/. damages
were awarded.

Mr. Sergeant WILDE to-day was heard against
he rule, and the COURT discharged it.

EXCHEQUER CHAMBER, Nov. 14.

SMALL V. ATTWOOD.

Mr. WAKEFIELD applied for an order in this cause
to set aside, on the ground of irregularity, a subpoena
calling upon the defendant to pay a sum of 7771164.,
being the amount of a bill of costs paid by t he
plaintiff to Mr. Edward Taylor. When the decree
in this.cause was made it was ordered that the costs
of Taylor should be taxed forthwith, and paid by
the plaintiff, and that, as soon as they were so paid,
they should be repaid by the defendant. This had
been done, and, the plaintiff, after paying the costs,
issued a subpoena calling on Mr. Attwood to repay
the amount to him. The irregularity complained of

wascthe calling:of the defendant to repay c°lt.,ll'-'
writ of subpcens, although such repayment WP-id
tinctly provided for by the decree in the cause'
eil
Mr. WIGRAM, for the plaintiff, contended nimi°ool
practice of the Court was favourable to the".
adopted in the present case. A flis
The COURT—Let a certificate be procure-040
such of the officers of this Court as were not eticoot
in the cause as to the ordinary practice of this MI/
in such cases. Should there he no precedelelbore
inquire what is the practice of the Court 01
eery, and that practice I will adopt in this
Until the inquiries are made let all proceeo°
the case be stayed.

THE MARKETS.

COUNTRY CORN MARK E•I'S DURING TH5.....,,„/".
%V heat. Barley. Oats.
----...—,.......... , tett
Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. B. to 14
Blandford ---......— 54 29 22 0 0.
Brigg- 40 58 36 40 15 22 a
Cambridge—........., 51 31 17 il
Chard
Huntingdon....,,., 58 63 21 23 14 20 0
Long Sutton.- 056 64 17 22 40 j 1
Louth „................—.. 48 54 28 32 18 22 0
Lynn 5O 60 22 25 16 20 e 41
Newark ~,,,,,.,,M,,,,,,57 60 29 40 16 22 0
Nottingham ............ i4B 58 92 38 20 23 i'j ,
Peterborough . 4B 60 30 36 14 22
~,
Plymouth ......--...... ,50 64 30 34 20 23
..0 0
P0ntefract.....,....—.. 1 67 43 27 it 0
Sleaford ........-,.--.. 65 70 36 38 22 28 ,„i 0
Uppingham ........... ,50 60 28 36 118 2! .7....._y
Wisbech _! 48 62 ,20 33 14 22 ""
LEEDS CORN NIA R KET.—Nov. 12. 0 4
1. s
Wheat, Norfolk and Suffblk, 601 b.
York. and Lincoln. 601 b. 0,;. t°4ls.
Barley, Norfolk and Suffhlk
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire
Grinding
Beans 63lb.
0
Oats, Potatoe
Healing, For. 12d. to 13,1 Eng. 9d. to 10}t f 1.4
Shelling
Rapeseed, Engli,li. 25/. to 07, __.... webroic -.-/ CO ..---1. r/ i 1

rapeseed, Engl

251 to 27,

oreign,

1..±A.11.1545RK.
56 sk.T.—Nsouv. 12.
w .....s.
„,
At 0,
Wheat, Old HU
Foreign —s. 50s. 545. ln bond...--s. ...A:V!
Oats, Poland —s. 18s. 20s Old
-...5. .---'e
Small or Feed.... —a. I6s. 18s
Foreign —s. 16s. 18s
Barley, Norf. & Sul ... —s 30s. 31-s Line. & Wold —6. .I'
Foreign --S.
}P'
Beans s. 36s 38s. Foreign —s. -•'"
Pease, White... —s. 425. 465. Grey —s. 01','
—s. ••"-4 0
faros —s. —s. s. Foreign

Free, per last

2,