The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-10 00:00:00

FRANCE.

LORD DURHAM AND THE FRENCH ALLIANCE
(From the Journal des Debats of Tuesday.)
" There are three parts in the speech of Lord Durham
which we published yesterday. The first part relates to the
reforms which the Noble Lord considers as already neces-
sary to introduce into the whole of the new electoral sys-
tem of England. This portion does not concern us. If
Lord Durham wishes, at the end of scarcely three years,
already to reform the reform laws, if this standard of a new
reform be that which Lord Durham raises against Lord
Brougham, who represents the old reform, the reforrn already
granted, all this being matter interesting to England alone,
we will not meddle with such questions.
" The second portion of the toast addressed itself to
France, and to her union with Great Britain. That the
union between England and France may also be durable is
also our most ardent desire, and we rejoice at perceiving
how the hatred which formerly divided France and England
becomes daily less violent and rapidly more weak. It is a
fine sight to behold these two people, who march at the
head of European civilization, draw closer together the
bonds which unite them. Yes, we love to repeat with Lord
Durham, the union of Franee and England assures the
peace of the world, and so long as this alliance shall last,
war is not possible.'
" There is no occasion for us, however, to point out what
were the causes which brought about this happy alliance ;
for it is one of the benefits of the Revolution of July. The
similitude of the national institutions, the same spirit of li-
berty, the same fears, the same aversions, the same -dangers,
the ascendancy of the middling classes irrecoverably decided
on in both countries, here by the Revolution of July, there by
Reform, and this ascendancy to defend against enemies from
without. Behold,these am the interests which formed the al-
liance between France and England. It is, then, a political
and moral alliance, made to defend the liberty of the west of
Europe against despotic attempts from the north. It is the in-
terest of civilization which has united the two people. We
are then particularly anxious to establish this fact, which
is equally honourable to France and England ; for, accord-
ing to the third part of the toast of Lord Durham, the union
of the two countries is above ail before all things a com-
mercial alliance. According to hito, in this alliance there
was nothing of the liberty of the west of Europe in it, no-
thing of rendering henceforth impossible the resurrection of
the Holy Alliance ; but the alliance between the tco coun-
tries means merely that of commerce and exchange. Let
us sell much coal to France, and let us buy of her her Bor-
deaux wine. Behold, what Lord Durham appears to un-
derstand by the alliance of France and of England. This
manner of explaining a treaty of peace shows very little of a
statesman ; and Lord Durham, in toasting after this fashion
the alliance of the two people, has laid himself open to the
memories of those who recollect that he is one of the rich
proprietors of coal mines at Newcastle.
Heaven forbid that we should blame his Lordship for
having coals to sell, or for wishing to sell a good deal of
them. But this is no reason for making coal-selling an
affair of sentimetJ, and of mixing it up with civilization
and liberty. We hb,ve made an alliance with England be-
cause our principles anti political interests were the same,
and not because he has coal: and we wine to sell. Let us
make a commercial alliance if yo,:, will. We ask no better
if we can do so, but let it be well untl7stood that the com-
mercial question is completely foreign to ti.s? yolitical ques-
tion. Let it be well understood that we can ;Tmain op-
posed to each other as merchants without on that atz..ount
ceasing to be united as a people ; and when we solemnly
drink to the duration of the friendly relations of France
with the people of Great Britain, do not tell us that this
means to drink to the coals of Newcastle or to the woollen
cloths of Glasgow ; for that indeed would be to make use of
very great words for verb little things.
" Lord Durham desires the prosperity of English coals
and of the English loom. He speaks as a proprietor, and
he speaks to manufacturers. His language then is natnral
enough. But when any one speaks in the name of his own
interests to other interests closely allied to his own, does
he do well to underrate the interests of his neighbours, and
to condemn in others that which he approves in himself?
What means this denunciation pronounced at table against
the French Government and Deputies, composed, he says,
of proprietors and monopolists ? Is be a statesman who
makes use of such vague and crude terms ? In the name
of goodness, of whom is Lord Durham speaking ? He is
speaking of manufacturers—that is of proprietors who have
also their monopolies. There are duties, and very high
duties too, which protect English goods against foreign com-
petition. Without ceasing we read in the proceedings of the
commercial inquest that such and such of our goods arc
subject in England to duties of forty, fifty, and sixty per
cent. This, also, is monopoly ; and how do you think
these English manufactories have been raised ? How, and
in what manner, has its industry attained that degree of
activity and perfection in which we see it ? By prohi-
bitions—by monopoly. It is prohibition, it is monopoly,
which have protected the industry of England, born in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, against the
competition of Flemish manufacturers, who were so ce-
lebrated in the fifteenth and in the sixteenth centuries.
Before, then, he fulminated his anathemas against French
manufacturers, why did not Lord Durham reflect that
he could not condemn them without, at the same time,
condemning the English manufacturers ; and that if such
toasts are applauded in the heat of the banquet, it suf-
fices only the reflection which follows, however troubled
and short that reflection may be after a political banquet, to
make Lord Durham understand how such fooleries on his
part must injure the political reputation of the candidate
for the post of Minister. We know not if in England that
which is puiquant in beholding a Lord disclaim in the name
of the democracy against Lord Brougham, citizen and de-
mocrat, causes all the rest of the speech to be forgotten ;
but this we know, that in France, as there is less of aris-
tocracy amoDgst us, it is certainly necessary for us here,
even at a dinner- table, to have more tact and reflection.
" Lord Durham has spoken of his last journey in France,
and of the relations he Lid had with the middling classes,
and with the National Guarcig ; but is, then, Lord Durham
ignorant that the middling classes, who constitute the best
portion of the National Guards, are composed precisely of
those very manufacturers whom he attacks with such strange
frivolity.
" We will not judge of the journey of Lord Durham in
France by the few words which he has said in his toast.
But if we judged of him after that specimen we fear that
his Lordshii: is about as ignorant of our couutry as we avow
we are of his. If such speeches as those which be as deli-
vered at Glasgow augment in England the credit and im-
portance of a political character where, we ask him, does he
find the fact, if he has seen :Ind frequented our middling
classes, that the French people ,;_re decided to insurrec-
tionise if the duties on iron and on coaii 'e not diminished?
And where has he learnt that we are ready io make a libe-
ral Customs law, by means of revolution ? If we may be-
lieve the bulletins which come from the towns of France, an
insurrection is much more to be feared from destroying than
from maintaining the system of prohibitions.
'Lord Durham has presented to his table companies of
Glagnur the formidable spectacle of all the population of
the south of France ready to rise en masse for liberty of
commerce—that is to say, to exchange wine against coals.
Lord Dutham has availed himself, of course, of his privilege
as a traveller, and he has evidently exaggerated. All the
population of tho south has not an interest in the freedom
of commerce. 'There are, which is always forgotten, in
the south a great number of towns which are interested in
manufactures. There are in the south of France other
products than the wines of Bordeaux. There are tissues,
iron, cattle ; and liberty of commerce has not a majority of
interests in the south any more than it has on the north of
the Loire.
" God forbid that we should be thought to oppose a
commercial alliance with England ; but before we terminate
we wish to make two remarks. The first is, that we repeat
again and again, that our alliance with England for the last
four years is not a commercial but a political alliance. Po-
litics only led to and made it. That commerce should be
annexed to it is all very well ; but commerce can remain
out of the question, and yet the alliance not be destroyed.
For as this alliance was born without commerce, so it has
lived arid can continue to live without it. We are, and we
ought to remain, wholly free in this respect. France and
England, before being two great mercantile houses, are two
people ; and it is as people and not as merchants that we
have treated.
The second remark which we have to make, and which
spriilgs out of the first, is, that, being completely free in
regard to our commercial relations with England, much care
and prudence are necessary in establishing_ such relations,
so that they may not injure our national manufactures.
Lord Durham pretends that the difference of price between
the productions of English and French manufactures is 400
millions of francs. We are willing to believe this, though
the figures appear erroneous. But this just supplies us
with an additional reason, since the moment there is a ques-
tion of withdrawing so enormous an amount of salaries from
our manufactories, it is essential to examine whether really
four hundred millions' are to be restored to the consumers,
or only to take them away from the producers—the con-
sumer and producer being everywl.ere but the vary same
individual."

STEEPLE CIIACE.-011 Saturday a steeple Chace
which afforded much amusement was ridden by five officers of
the Cavalry DeTot, viz.—Lieut. Paxton and Cornet Kemp of
the 4th Light Dragoons, Cornet Lyons of the 13th, Lieuts.
Gavin and Jones of the 16th Lancers. The ground was a
circle round Boxley Abbey, and in some places was such as to
prove the courage of the riders and the mettle of their steeds.
Several falls occurred during the nub but none of them were
attended with serious consequences. The r:inuing horse was
rode by Cornet Lyons, and belonged to Cornet Hussey. A
numerous field of spectators assembled to witness the exploit.
—.Ma ids ton e Journal