The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-21 00:00:00

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L)NDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1856,

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Diplomatic relations between the Western
Powers and Naples will forthwith be suspended.
The reckless conduct of BOMBA. has left no alter-
native, and having hesitated and diplomatised
until the act was divested of the greater portion
of its vigour and utility, France and England
have at length partially adopted the course indi-
cated some six weeks since, and which, when
once alluded to, should not have been postponed
for a single hour. We say "partially," because,
in consequence of not sending their fleets into the
Bay of Naples, they have yielded to the brow-
beating of Russia, and only carried a compara-
tively trivial portion of their threats into execu-
tion.

Now, this is all not ouly very humiliating,
but very injudicious and impolitic. A great
nation should never make its bark worse than its
bite—should never utter a threat which it was
not firmly resolved to carry out to the fullest
extent, unless its demands were complied with.
More especially, it should not exhibit the
slightest symptom of poltroonery, nor yield
to the ominous hints of a more powerful an-
tagonist what it refused to justice and
equity. It should put forward no requisition
which it was not firmly determined to enforce, not
only against the party originally complained of,
but also against all his aiders and abettors, who-
ever they might be. Nothing should be lightly
or recklessly required, but still less should there
be any abandonment of a well-founded claim. The
mere notion that such an abandonment is possible
may, by inducing resistance, occasion great mia•
chief. It is like the futile demonstration of firing
over the head of an infuriated mob, which only
increases their anger and stimulates their audacity,
occasioning tenfold the bloodshed that would have
followedpatnieee had there been a greater amount of
displayed, or that the fusillade, when
once ordered, had proved effective in the first
instance.

In our impression of yesterday we inserted the
substance of the important article in the Moniteur,
which explained the policy of France, with which
that of England is completely identified. That it
completely justified the cessation of amicable rela-
tions is indisputable. But it did more ! It fully
warranted an imperative demand for immediate
redress— an inflexible determination that the peace '
of Europe should not be endan-
and tranquillity
v,ered by the perverse and contumacious refusal of
the Lilliputian D3spot, to attend to the disinte-
rested and wholesome advice tendered. France
and England have either gone too far or not far
enough. On the " ill reception of their legitimate
observations," " the insulting doubts cast on the
purity of their intentions," and, above all,
" the offensive language opposed to salutary

counsels," and the " obstinate refusal " to
listen to their salutai'y advice, there should
have been an immediate 3 withdrawal of the Am-
bassalors, and the adopt ion of the measures indis-
pensable for the security of the subjects of France
and England who migh t unfortunately be placed
within the power of BOIABA and his chosen body-
guard, the Neapolitan lazzaroni.
This step, when once even hinted at, should
have been instantly taken. A squadron merely
cruising in the direction of the Bay of Naples,
but refraining from entering its waters, could
have afforded no real protection. The anticipated
danger might occur before notice could be given
to the officers of the fleet, and the assailants
would only be stimulated to greater outrages at
the notion that France and England dared not
disturb the sanctity of the Neapolitan waters.
The chief object of the document ap-
pears to be to deprecate the anger of Russia—
to prove to that Power that "the suspension
of diplomatic intercourse in sense constitutes
any intervention in internal rdfairs, and still less
any act of hostility." Our transatlantic cousins
would not be quite so mealy-mouthed. They
would act decisively in any exigency, and conse-
quently would escape the disgraceful shirking and
quibbling usually resorted to. Had England and
France, without waiting for Austria, declared
that the passage of the Pr uth would be regarded
as a castes belli, the Easte m difficulty, and with
it the sacrifice of 50,00 C► British subjects, and
100,000,0001. of English. money would have been
averted. But red-tapisixt forbade the wholesome
demonstration. We should move by inches—and
thus a sanguinary and expensive war was forced
upon us. We earnestly- hope that in the present
instance a similar course may not be followed by
similar results—that we, may not again be drift-
ing into war through the want of firmness and
determination on the part of the Allied Govern-
ments.

Why should they be s.o solicitous to show that
the course pursued cannot be considered as " a
support or encouragement to those who endeavour
to upset the throne of the Xing of the Two
Sicilies ?" Why should they care as to the con-
sequences that may mime ? That they are
more than warranted in breaking off diplomatic
intercourse is admitted, and it is Bomse that
must look to the consequences if those of his sub-
jects who have but too much reason to become
malcontents should endeavour to avail themselves
of the opportunity---he has only himself to thank
for the untoward results. Never was there a
more fitting occasion for intervention, and, if
necessary, occupation of the Neapolitan territory.
But according to the despotic theory it is only
tyrants that can be protected against their indig-
nant subjects. Austrian or Russian troops are
always available for such purposes. But when
the people, goaded by oppression to the verge
of madness, require assistance, then, forsooth,
it is an undue interference with sovereign rights,
and Russia and Austria are ready to rush into the
arena as champions for the injured tyrant, who is
not permitted to do as he likes with his own, and
to rivet the chains on millions of sufferers.

We cannot congratulate the French and Eng-
lish Governments on the course they have
taken, which shows an amount of inde-
cision and irresolution on the part of
two of the great Powers of Europe by
no means dignified or becoming the position they
aspire to fill. The course of Russia is unques-
tionably more consistent with her antecedents
than that of the Western Powers; and, were we
to judge from that alone, we might suppose that
they had been worsted in the late war, and had
been compelled to become humble suppliants for
peace at any price or on any conditions.

A question of some interest to the ratepayers
outside the City boundaries was yesterday mooted
at a meeting of the Metropolitan Board of Works.
Already the working of the Board has occasioned
some amount of expenditure; and with the drain-
age and other works of an expensive description
" looming in the distance," it becomes a matter
of importance that an equitable assessment of the
several districts should be made. By the act of
Parliament, the assessable value of property to be
taxed for the purposes of the Board of Works is
to be estimated according to the estimate or basis
on which the county rate is assessed. Now,
were this basis to be met with in each and all of
the districts represented at the Board, consider-
able difficulty would still be experienced in duly
apportioning the burden of local taxation. It so
happens, however, that the City of London is not
assessed for a county rate, and the assessment in
operation is, or was, consequently based on the
sewers rate of the City. The amount of the
assessment, on whatever basis, suggests doubts in
the minds of some of the members as to its equit-
ableness, and we must say these doubts appear to
be by no means unwarranted.
Knowing, as our readers do, the immense sums
demanded for the smallest conceivable site in the
City, they will be somewhat surprised to learn
that the City assessment of rateable property
amounts only to 1,153,0691. This certainly
would seem out of keeping with the sale of sites
at 67,0001. an acre, and would alone warrant a
suspicion that the City authorities have dealt
leniently with themselves and fellow-citizens.
Under such circumstances it could excite no
wonder if a demand were made by the represen-
tatives of other districts for information as to the
actual basis of assessment in the City. One fact,
however—we take it as we find it—removes the
matter,. to our thinking, from the region of doubt
to that of certainty, and invests the demand with
the authority of justice. Not only, according to
one of the speakers, is the sewers rate assessment
less than the county rate, but the assessment
of the City is below that at which the Property
Tax Commissioners had assessed it.

Civic history, we imagine, will serve the City
authorities but little in the matter. Past good
character may be allowed some weight against
an unfavourable presumption, but here we have
something more than a presumption. and some-
thing considerably short of a good character.
The case is glaring. Our friends in the City have
been taking care of number one at the expense of
the rest of the metropolis. To what extent we
know not. One member of the Board says
the assessment is 400,0001. less than it should
be. For our part we incline to think lie is within
the mark. Supposing the statements on which
our remarks are based prove incorrect, which is
not very likely, the Borough of Marylebone will
still have a right to complain that, with its assess-
ment at 999,3721., it should only return two
Members, while the City, with its 1,153,069/.,
returns three. It is not, however, in order to a
more equal apportionment of representation we
draw attention to this disparity—it is because we
se-3 in the figures strong ground for believing the
City is really assessed much below the value of its
rateable property. There are individuals who will
believe anything, however self-contradictory and ab-
surd ; but short of these, we are unable to conceive
how, if Marylebone be fairly assessed, the City
can be deemed so. Look at the figures : Maryle-
bone, 999,3721.; the City, 1,153,069/. ! He must
be a bold man who will assert or persist in asserting