The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-21 00:00:00

PERTH RACES, OCT. 12.

A Gold Cup, value 100 soya , added to a Sweepstakes
of 5 soya. each. Twice round.
Lord Elcho's Gondolier 1
Sir J. Boswell nd. XXX 2
Mr. Ramsay's Round Robin
Mr. Marley's Littlego 4
Mr. Ponton's Prince

A Plate of 501., heats twice round, was won in two
heats by Mr. Dawson's Brown Stout, beating Round Robin
and Sutler.

A Sweepstakes of 5 me. each, and 20 addtd, was won
by Sir J. Bo,well's Meretrix, bearing Aibion, Meg Merri•
lees, and two others.

HUNTING APP OINTMENTS.

His M.jesty's Stag Hounds meet on Friday, at Swinley
—at half-past ten
The Craven Hounds meet on Wednesday at Henswood ;
Friday, at Dormington Gate—at half-past ten.
The White Cross Flamers meet on Wednesday at Owles-
wick ; Friday, at Terrick.

Mr. Dansey's Hounds meet on Wednesday at Mr. San-
day's, Home Lane ; Friday, at Thurgarton Priory—at
half•past tea.

Mr. D. Radcliffe's Hounds meet on Thursday at Letch-
worth ; Saturday, at the Royal Oak, London Road.
Mr. Berkeley's Hounds meet on Thursday at Cranfield
Green ; Saturday, at Hall Weston—at half-past ten.
The Brookside Harriers meet on Mondays at Newmarket
Hill; Wednesdays, atAshcombe and the Kennel,alternately;
Fridays, at Telescombe Tye—at half-past ten.
The Brighton Harriers meet on Wednesday at the Race
Course ; Friday, at the Dyke—at half-past ten.
Mr. Portncan's Hounds meet to-morrow at Milton
Park ; Thursday, at Balbarrow—at half-past ten.
Mr. Farquharson's Hounds meet to-mortow, at Dead
Mow; Thursday, at Milbourn
The N. F. Hounds meet on Thursday, at Wilverley
Post; Saturday, at Clarendon Park—at half-past 10.
The B. V. Hounds m-et to-morrow at Helham Com-
mon ; Friday, at Baghere Common,
The Somerset Vale Hounds meet on Wednesday, at
Oakhill Saturday, at Tour Foot Inn, West Syford—at
half.past 10.

The Cadbury Harriers meet on Wednesday, at Q,
hampton.

The M. Hounds meet to-morrow, at Shilvingbampton;
Friday, at Broom Hill Mill.
The Charborough Hounds meet on Wednesday, at
Charborough Kennel.
Lord Harewood's Hounds meet on Wednesday, at
Peckfield Bar; Friday, at Clifford--at half-past 10.

1,);-e

i ,-;,•:,i-,,-.':-.1,7--4',-.1-4f;'0..).
~, , .. • . , ,
--)k
SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC i
iggfcislALS,
—.a.-- -' . s •1.:14...n,;t
By the latest arrivals of French Papers, which
extend to Friday last,
we have no decisive in-
telligence from Spain. The Moniteur of that
day assured us " that Madrid continued to en-
joy perfect tranquillity, and that the Madrid
Official Gazette had published the recognition
of the Queen's title by France, which had pro-
duced the best effect." On the other hand, we
know that seditious or insurrectionary disturb-
ances had broken out in the provinces immedi-
ately bordering on the Pyrenees, and that they
had interrupted the regular intercourse between
the southern parts of the Peninsula and France.
Still we see
,no evidence, whatever may be our
apprehensions, that a serious struggle is on the
point of commencing. The tendency of parties
has been already strongly indicated by the cir-
cumstances and character of the Spanish popula-
tion (which we have often described). The
direction in which their feelings would lead them
on the present occasion has been fully pointed
out, and the only doubt which remains, is—not
whether disorders may not, or must not, occur,
but what are the means or the force on
each side which must ultimately determine
the result of the contest. The Carlist fac-
tion, embracing the classes who formerly cote-
posed the " Army of the Faith,"—who wel-
comed with exultation the French invading bay-
onets under the Duke of Angouleme, in 1823,
to put down the Cortes and national indepen-
dence,—and who have since rebelled in Catalonia
against the despotic Government of Ferdinand,
as too mild, notwithstanding its declared arbitrary
principles, seems to act without leaders, without
plan, without a common signal, and without a ge-
neral concert. It is, in deed, everywhere moving,
everywhere active, where there is a fanatic pea-
santry to receive, or a profligate priest to give,
the impulse ;—it everywhere " evinces its uttex-
tinguished and obstinate vitality; but, like the
different cuttings or sections of a poisonous rep-
tile, which separately twist and wriggle with con-
vulsive agony, its forces cannot unite so as to
act in one mass or to advance in one line. On
the contrary, the Queen Regent has in her favour
the central administration,—the regular army,
—the resources of the state, and the provincial
authorities, together with an undenied combina
tion of views and concert of operations—the
force of public opinion among the most en-
lightened part of the nation, and the grateful
recognition of the most renowned foreign
Powers. The only ascertained, real, and or-
ganized resistance which has hitherto broken
out against the Queen's Government, is that of
two divisions of the province of Biscay, which.
probably in all does not include more than 300,000
inhabitants. The third division of the Basque
Principality, called Guipuscoa, still adheres
to the existing Government. The Apostolicals
of Navarre have been repressed by the troops in
garrison at Pampeluna, and perhaps the absence
of a similar adequate force was the real cause of
the disorders which have occurred in the neigh-
bouring districts. In the former, the guerilla
leader Santos Ladron is said to have been taken,
anti his followers dispersed. Catalonia and Ar-
ragon—the former strongholds of absolutism_
have evidently not moved. The temporary re-
•istance at Talaveira was easily extinguished, and
we have no evidence that Don Carlos has en-
tered Spain by the Portuguese frontier with a
single follower. The reports about the menaces
against the Queen's life at Madrid—about the
corruption of General Saarsfield in Estremadura
—and about insurrections at Cordova and Se-
ville, are evident fabrications, invented by the
knaves of the Stock-exchange to act upon its
dupes,—and having served their day are already
forgotten. In the isolated point of Vittoria,
and in the single town of Bilboa, we have
the only examples of a real, though, we trust, a
very temporary ascendancy in favour of the Pre-
tender. In the mean time, it can scarcely be
expected that matters can long continue in their
present unsettled and uncertain state. The
Queen's throne seems now to be suspended be-
tween two hostile parties, without resting upon
either, and without being supported on the
broad basis of national interests or prejudices.
By her late manifesto she has limited the con-
test to a mere dispute about dynasty on the part
'of her Government, while on the side of her
rival she has left the double device of dynasty
and political principle. She cannot, therefore,
rhe expected to recruit her strength from the
ranks of her enemy, while she may cause deser-
tions or repel proffered aid from her own. If
Don Carlos shouldtake
7isse
rniitho
ed w h
it nt o
with
tt
preparedis thheioeatdr
fio(pat
oppose
loss e:
has been advised) to hoist the old banner of
amidili rr aagi
ancient
ii e on rt
laws,C Castile, l eshe inscribed
such pretensions by exhibiting a single page
taken from the code of more modern political
improvements, denounced by her as " dangenns
inn ivations." When asked to afford motives
for the loyal devotion of tier partisans, she can
only present a minor and an infant of three years
of age, instead of a charter, and claim the pity
of fanatics, without laying any foundation for
the allegiance of freemen. She probably
places her reliance on the great body of the
na ion, which is generally quiescent, and which,
for the most part, desires peace and tranquil-
lity under the existing possessors of power and
existing institutions, before improvements whichh~
may be purchased by civil disturbances; bias
even in this case, she has acted wrong in refus-
ing more ac ive aid from plitical Reformers, as
the submission of this class would have been
ilantseurd equally
meanites in n
manifesto against
agaue,saly ail circumstances.
treoostitu
tiooaii.hanTehse,
therefore, can answev,r.yoenifonagereivnetitneo,tes,nal purpose of the
e h
i,tightestefiyto
(iiutility,sa rm amidthe mustopposition
illitaeyn d ethed
srsti.totikoVoe
taorethfar
people.from
a l ar
addedms a ofch
al-1.: foreign i gonr
aPteiwooe
wishing that the Queen Regent should have
of Spain as a codicil to the last will of her de-
ceased husband—we are far from supposing that
it would have been wise or safe to have ember.
rassed herself with the establishment of new in-
stitutions, at the very moment that she was
beginning a difficult administration of public
affairs ; but every dispassionate friend of the new
dynasty and of Spanish rights must. blame her
precipitation in denouncing all constitutional
changes as " dangerous ;:'' her imprudence na
allovviog Ferdinand 's arbitrary Almistera to re-
tain their present power in her councils„ and her
only
yit
party
ty foresight
on sac!) engagements.
competition with the Toligio us fanaticism of her
Govern-
enemies. The faction of Don Carlos aze not likely
lose in
political repelling
ae the elaeoeam
fisidoetii sotditlabeelicfrteeeeeroicif
joititg,thts
to be satenes) by such concessions, 01 to retrain
I:;;3outsat
ono position •
byrrseel
and interests of the people--stronger than, the:
jectures.thiTs
will of Sovereigns—the decisions of
menus, or the compromises of I; Esocy —hare,
without any check film the late 'c—
i,
e subject
coti
mitui,,,,,,

/,~,

IC

K

begun to group the different parties of Constitu-
tionalists and Apostolicals under different poli-
tical banners, coincident with their feelings on
the question of dynasty. The Carlists have
raised the cry not only of " Leng
.life
to
Charles V.," but of " Success to the Inquisition,
and " Death to the negros" (or Liberals),—
thus showing that they regard all those who op-
pose their political idol as the enemies of their
religious faith. They have called to their aid
the ag,graviados, who, several years ago, resisted
the late King's authority in Catalonia, and
supported the factious altars of the monks against
the throne. They have pronounced poor Ferdi-
nand himself asa heretic, who died in impenitent
unbelief, and loaded with mortal sins, notwith-
standing the number of masses which, by his last
will, he ordered to be said for his soul—and all
of which will thus be unable to rescue it in any
reasonable time from the flames of purgatory.
They have likewise denounced the Queen Re-
gent's Government as an emanation from the
Prince of Darkness, and a standing sacrilege on
the rights of the church. On the other hand, the
only real opposition which they have yet met
with is from the Constitutional party whom they
have properly selected as their most bitter anta-
gonists. In the province of Biscay they have
therefore massacred some of those whom they
styled negros, while in Guipuscoa, where the
Liberals have maintained their ascendancy, the
latter have recalled from Bayonne the constitu-
tional chief denominated El Pastor, to place
him at their head, notwithstanding his banish-
ment under the late reign. The exiled Constitu-
tionalists are thus about to enter their country to
support a Government of which they have hitherto
been the victims, in order to keep down the
apostolical faction, whose fanaticism would in-
definitely prolong and extend their sacrifices and
sufferings. In Vittoria, so marked was this dis-
tinction, that the liberal party, hearing of the
preparations making by the Carlists to attack
them, sent a deputation to inform them that they
were resolved not to be massacred without resist-
ance, like their brethren at Bilhoa—that they
would fight to the last if assaulted—but that they
were willing, in consideration of the inferiority of
their numbers, to leave the town in peace, pro-
vided their lives and property were guaranteed.
The capitulation was effected on these terms,
and 300 or 400 Constitutional volunteers
proceeded from their homes to join the Custom-
house troops at Miranda, on the Ebro. Thus,
whatever attempt Zea Bermudez may make to
maintain the Queen's rights by a party neutral in
politics,—however the Regent may endeavour
to render the dispute between her daughter and
the Pretender a mere question of dynasty—it
will be found impossible to arrive at any satis-
factory result without calling in the popularity
of' constitutional ameliorations to secure the new
line of succession to the throne. If we have
been successful in establishing, by a few re-
marks, this position, it will afford us a safe
ground for deciding what ought to he the con-
duct of foreign Governments, particularly of
the English, at this momentous crisis. In ques-
tions of dynasty, supposing they affected the dis-
tribution of power in Europe, we might pro-
perly interfere, but we never can have any right
to interfere in questions of internal government or
constitutional freedom. Our great object, our sole
care ought to be to prevent the intervention
either of the French in support of their ideas of
a charter, or of the Holy Alliance, to extend or
maintain their principles of arbitrary despotism.
With the internal question between the monks
and the Liberals,—between the Inquisition and
the abolition of all tribunals of conscience,—
between the unrestricted will of a monarch and
the establishment of constitutional checks on its
exercise in the Peninsula, we have nothing to
do, and it would amount to a species of political
insanity to undertake any expedition, or to incur
any expense, to determine the Spaniards in
their choice on such subjects. France, it is
true, is differently situated from ourselves,
being, from her immedate vicinity to the
Pyrenees, more liable to be affected by occur-
rences in Spain, but it would require a much
stronger case than we can at present conceive,
or than comes within the common range of
probable events, to warrant even on her part
the slightest military demonstration, or the exer-
cise of any influence beyond the moral influence
of diplomatic advice, friendly encouragement,
and counsel.— Times.

The importance and value of the inquiry
which is now going on into the constitution and
state of the Municipal Corporations are illus-
trated by the reports of the investigations of the
Commissioners in all the boroughs already vi-
sited. If the Commission had been conducted
in private, public justice would have been
defeated, and those Corporations not steeped in
corruption would have been confounded in a
common character with evil-doing Corporators.
The subject of Municipal Reform is not a party
question. It is true that the Tories possess,
under the system of self-election and the long
reign of Toryism, the predominant influence in
the majority of Corporations; but there are
Whig Corporations equally close in their muni-
cipal constitution, and which in mismanagement
of the public trusts require the same measure of
reformation as that demanded by their Conser-
vative brethren. It is extremely convenient for
the Tory Journals to decry the Commission as
a ministerial scheme for changing the hands of
municipal power and influence from one party to
a rival faction ; but Corporate Refoln has been
longand loudly demanded, and has been hitherto,
as in the Scotch Burghs, resisted by the Tories,
because of the intimate relations between close
Corporations and close Boroughs. We extract
from the Leicester Chronicle of Saturday, a
new version of the second visit of the Commis-
sioners to the Borough of Leicester ; and the
following editorial commentary significantly
shows that publicity was the dread under which
the Leicester Corporators refused their accounts :

" Our readers will perceive that the Corporation have
persisted in their determination to withhold the documents
the lu*
requ,red by
the Commissioners, and, as a matter of course,
pieion which has hitherto prevailed, that all is not
as itShould be, iii the managementof
funds intr the property and
nsted to their cars is not diminished by their
contumacy, One ground
by cross-examination,
furnishing these docu-
ments is, that svitneswsehsi,ch ycross-examination, may he
wade to admit facts
tell the whole they ought not to admit—in
other words, tostoruttihrather than a part of
it, which, to witnesses havinginconvtnentitenit7 to conceal, is, as
everybody knows, very
inconvenient more doubt than
.t b
have
in
That it would
r prove so to the Corporation, we
no
to
Pu
Monday
we have that it was felt
their resolutions t,f the Common Hall onnd
last, that 4 Mr. Henry Dighton proposed, and Mr. Ken.a
worthy Walker seconded, a resolution, that the Han ac.
counts for twenty y, ars, and the Chamberlains' accounts for
ten years, be furnished forthwith.' The same reason that
dictated the one course, preacribed the other—namely, a
(head of publicity. The fear of the consequences that must
ensue to evil-doers, by the exposure of accounts, and n
desire to put off the day of retribution to the guilty of-
fenders as long as possible, is, it is quite evident, the real
ground for not complying with the wish of the Corporate
Commissioners ; and this impression, we feel assured, will
pervade the public mind despite either the resolutions put
orth by the Common Hall—the abuse poured upon the

Commissioners by the organ of the Corporate body, or the I
defence made in its favour by the correspondents of the
Journal. In the private transactions of life, an indi-
vidual who keeps back documents in the hope of re-
futing charges alleged against him, by mere assertion,
is always suspected. In public transactions, bodies of
individuals banded together and doing the same, are
liable to the same imputation, especially where, as on
Monday last, they hold meetings in secret, and
refuse to let their fellow townsmen know that two of their
own body—the most independent and respectable of their
number—have made a motion to have such documents
made public; one of whom (Mr. Fligliton) stated in their
presence, that though two Finance Committees bad been
formed among themselves to investigate their accounts, the
person whose duty it was to call them together had never
done so ! We repeat, therefore, that after such reluctance
to afford information on matters which their fellow towns
men are equally interested with themselves in knowing,
the inhabitants are not only justified in putting the very
worst construction upon their conduct, but also in with-
holding from them that confidence and respect which a
public body ought, and indeed would command, if merited
by their actions. That it may not be said that the cor-
poration are not allowed to be heard in their defence through
our columns, we give the resolutions agreed upon at the
Common Hall on Monday, begging our readers to bear in
mind, that though Messrs. Highton and Walker's amend-
ment, already alluded to, was regularly proposed and
seconded, and would or ought to be recorded among their
corporate proceedings, ❑ot the slightest mention is made
of such motion in the resolutions given in the journal of
yesterday."
It thus appears that the Corporators were not
unanimous in their disobedience to the Royal
Commission. The same local journal contains
a curious and instructive account of the ancient
constitution of the Corporation of the borough
of Leicester. In-1489, the Mayor and muni-
cipal officers were annually elected by the inha-
bitants of the town. All the principal grants of
fairs and tolls were anciently made to the
" Mayor and Burgesses." The public revenues
of the Corporation were vested by the same po-
pular description. The distribution of the
borough revenue, in the records of the Town
Purse and Town Chamber of Leicester, is
shown to have been exclusively devoted to public
objects, and that " personal and selfish pur-
poses" were systematically avoided. In 1592,
a petition from the inhabitants, complaining of
abuses of the Royal grants, was answered by a
promise that the guilty should be dismissed and
disfranchised. The ancient municipal records
amply prove that all the Corporatio❑ revenues
were employed for the use of the town. The
Town Clerk made a great parade of his con-
scientious scruples and oath of office, when,
after two days' examination, his accounts were
demanded by the Commissioners. The oath of
this borough officer, if any, is not given ; but
the Chamberlain's oath is a remarkable illustra-
tion of the principle and legal character of the
Corporate trust :
" We shall faithful and true officers lie unto our master
the Mayor, diligent of attendance at all times, obedient to
his commandments, and ready to do his precepts. We
shall improve the livelode belonging unto the commonalty
of the town of Leicester, to the most behove of the same
town ; and also the tenements thereof we shall well and
sufficiently repair (luting our office. We shall endeavour
also for to improve the Chapman Gilde to the uttermost
of our powers. We shall be attendant at the Cornwall
on the Saturday during our year, and the same to our
powers we shall order; and all traunters that there can be
found, we shall present to our master the Mayor ; and all
horses and mares that there can be found, we shall cause
them to be had from the Cornwall, and out of the Market-
place. And, moreover, we shall well and truly charge
and discharge ourself of all lands and rents belonging to
the town, and of the Chapman Gilde, and of all other
money as shall come to our bands, belonging unto the
commonalty of this town, and thereof a true account shall
yield up to the auditors assigned in the end of our year.
And all other things lawful that belongeth or pertaineth
to our office well and truly to our powers we shall do.
So help us God and all Saints."
The infamy of the modern doctrine of muni-
cipal law, assumed by the corporators of Lei-
cester, that " over all those estates the corpo-
ration have by law as free and ample dominion
as any individual has over his own private
property"—a declaration publicly made by a
recent Mayor—is too scandalous for serious
controversy. It was indeed necessary that such
a usurpation should be brought to the test of
inquiry and remedial legislation. If this con-
struction of the municipal trust were really the
law of the land, it is high time that the legis-
lature radically altered such a municipal system.
The Scotch corporators have already the ad-'
vantage of the popular change, and they will
take care not to lose it again. The Burghs are
open, and the English, Welsh, and Irish
corporations will speedily be visited by a similar
measure of municipal reformation. The corpo-
rators of Leicester have but a short reprieve to
comfort themselves with, pending the meeting of
Parliament. What respect for the Leicester
administrators of justice can the burgesses en-
tertain towards municipal officers who have
given such an example of successful resistance
to the Royal authority by which they s ere
themselves originally appointed ?—Morning
Chronicle.

The unfortunate Whigs still continue in that
distressed position to which their fraudulent
politics first introduced them. They forced
themselves upon a reluctant King and a suspi-
cious country, by renouncing all their Whig
principles and by forming an alliance with the
Radicals,whose doctrines they had always affected
to hold in abhorrence ; and they now wish to
maintain themselves in power by throwing to
the winds their promises to their allies, and par-
tially falling back upon Conservative principles.
They want, in fact, to steer between the par-
ties, and to preserve a disgraceful tenure of
office by duping each alternately, and playing the
one against the other. But the mi,fortune is,
that all parties see through this wonderfully
clever scheme, and secretly doom its unprin-
cipled authors to utter destruction at the first
convenient opportunity. It did not really suit
either Tory or Destructive to turn them out
during the last session, and they were therefore
barely allowed to float on ; but the reprieve has
added nothing to their strength, and taken no-
thing from their embarrassment.
"Few changes e'er can better their affairs,
Theirs being an unnatural situation."

And whether their final overthrow will be accom-
plished by a temporary union of different parties,
each eager to do justice upon notorious male.
factors, or by the Conservatives singly, upon
some occasion in which Whig incapacity shall
be exhibited in more than usual prominence,
may be regarded as a matter of small importance,
the fact being sufficiently established that to
govern this country for long together is a task
beyond their power. They have, in truth, no
party worth calculating upon that we can hear of
in any town, village, or hamlet throughout the
empire ; and we warned them that this would be
the case when they were concocting their notable
Reform Bill. There are Conservatives and
there are Destructives everywhere, but who at
the
present time ever hears of such a politician
as a Whig in the ancient and proper sense of
the term?
We believe
thethat, out of the family
circle of the Greys and immediate connection
of the Ministry and their
packed
we might offer a reward forthe
Parliament,
discovery
o f
such a simpleton without much danger of
being called upon for payment. The old

constitutional Whigs are now Conservatives,
and anxious to rectify the absurd blunders
which their leaders have committed ; while the
active supporters of Ministers are, for the most
part, speculative Destructives of various hue,
who wish merely to use them as tools for fur-
ther democratic changes before they are finally
cast off. The packed Parliament supports the
Whig Ministry of course, and for the best of all
possible reasons ; for what would become of the
packed Parliament if aril/thine, happened to the
Whig Ministry ? We say, then, that the Whigs
cannot govern the country, and we point to the
still increasing resistance to the payment of taxes
as one of many proofs of the fact. They have
laid down and acted upon the principle which
the Morning Chronicle, by far their ablest or-
gan, maintains to this hour, that the people are
justified in refusinc, to pay taxes if they 'do not
happen to like them. It is pure nonsense to
attempt to mystify the question by talking of
" extreme cases," for who but the individuals
themselves are to be the judges of what cases are
extreme and what are otherwise ? There is no
difference in principle between Earl Fitzwilliam
refusing to -pay taxes without Reform, and
Wiggins and Figgins refusing to pay them with
Reform. Either the individuals composing the
community are bound by the legal acts of the
constituted authorities, or they are not. The
Whigs say they are not so bound in extreme
cases. Wiggins and Figgins consider every case
as an extreme one, ergo, nobody is bound at all.
We defy the utmost ingenuity of the Ministerial
scribes to bring their patrons out of the dilemma
in which they are placed by having advocated re-
volutionary doctrines. The Whigs are unable
to govern because they have proclaimed, and
still proclaim, the principle that nobody is bound
to obey any Government at all unless he should
happen to think it proper to do so. We, for
example, contemplate Earl Grey with inde-
scribable disgust, and therefore we are exone-
rated, on the showing of our adversaries, from
all obligation to pay any of the taxes which go
towards the salary of that profligate politician.
One Grey is with us an " extreme case," a fright- •
ful " emergency ;" what must twenty such cases
be ? It remains to be seen whether the Whigs
will follow up these principles by declining to put
the penal code in force against the rebel viola-
tors of the law. If they wink at the offence,
what becomes of their official oaths to their
King as the First Executive Magistrate ? If,
on the other hand, they set themselves to punish
the offence, what becomes of their doctrine ? If
one law can be disobeyed with impunity, all laws
may be disregarded, and the social compact is
at an end. According to the Whigs, Westmin-
ster Hall ought to be shut up, and Capt. Rock
has as good a claim upon our allegiance as
William the Fourth. Rebellion rages in Ire-
land and in London, and the men who eat the
King's bread, and are sworn to execute the laws
invent wretched sophistries to prove that the
people have a right to rebel if they like. We
cannot wonder that foreign Powers observe the
weakness which this revolutionary state of things
entails upon the Government, and treat this
country with a degree of contempt to which it
has never been before subjected. They know
that the Whigs cannot go to war because they
cannot cajole or bully the omnipotent ten-
pounders into the payment of taxes, and the
consequence is the extinction of British influ-
ence. Where could Earl Grey get money to buy
gunpowder, unless his old friend Place, the
tailor, took compassion upon him ? For our
own parts, we are in no hurry ; but we put it
to reasonable men whether it is likely that the
indomitable spirit of a great and free people will
tolerate the Whig nuisance much longer.—
Morning Post.
An instance of the careless disregard, not to
say recklessness, with which the property of in-
dividuals is sometimes treated by persons exer-
cising judicial power, under the sanction of an
oath, occurred at the Clarkenwell sessions last
week, on the day appointed for the considera-
tion of applications of persons requiring licenses
for music and dancing. The statement, which
we take from the report of a contemporary, is
as follows :

" The application of Mr. Frampton, of the Chequers
Tavern, in Abingdon-street, close to the entrance of the
Houses of Parliament, for a renewal of his license, was
opposed by Captain Fitzgerald, who stated the house to
be frequently kept open till an improper hour at night.
" The question was hastily put by the Chairman, and
on a show of hands was declared to he lost.

" Mr. Alley, on behalf rrf Mr. Frampton, called upon
the Court to revise its judgment.
" Mr. Frampton stated that no complaint had ever
been made against him during the whole time he had
kept the house, which was frequented by the principal
attendants of the Howes of Parliament. _ .

" Mr. lialswell said a Magistrate who lived imme-
diately opposite, had assured him the house was well
conducted.

" Captain Fitzgerald, on hearing this, consented to
withdraw his opposition, and the license was then unani-
mously renewed."

Here we have a large number of magistrates,
upon the mere ipse dixit of one of their own
body, which he in the same breath virtually re-
tracts, dealing, without discussion or considera-
tion, with the property of an individual and the
rational amusement of the public, and pronounc-
ing a judgment so rash and unjustifiable, that
they feel it necessary to reverse it at the very
moment it is uttered. The memorable saying
of " Strike, but hear," never probably came
across the mind of a Middlesex Justice. While
adverting to this instance of it, we cannot help
offering a word or two upon the tyranny, the
dogmatism, the inconsistency, and caprice,
which seem to govern this body in their proceed-
ings upon the whole of this same question of
granting licenses for music and dancing. One
person is denied a license because he has had
the assurance to have a concert in his room
without the leave of their Worships; another,
because he has had the audacity to put up an
organ in his house in anticipation of a license
being granted. One learned Theban declares,
that he considers music to make a public-house
twenty times a greater nuisance than a brothel,
while another expects to be thrown from his Ro-
sinante should the sound of a fiddle assail the ears
of the latter, while the master is taking an after-
noon ride. All this ridiculous nonsense, this
absolute trash is talked by persons clothed in
the grave garb of magiKracy. From such per-
sons, or rather from persons of such a cha-
racter we should expect a more liberal and
enlightened view of the subject. We should
expect such persons to bear in mind that
to their keeping are intrusted the morals and
good order of the people, and to know that
the sports and pastimes of the people have no
small influence in ameliorating or degenerating
the national character. Unfortunately for the
inhabitants of this vast metropolis, at least the
lower and middle classes, they are denied
almost the means of taking air and exercise. As
out-door sports, how or where
be found in a radius of from
for athletic or
are they to
five to ten miles, nearly covered with build-

ings ? What, then, is the resource but—drink ?
And such being their situation, instead of ex-
pressing surprise at the amount of London
drunkenness, it is much more natural to wonder
that it is not greater. How, then, under such
circumstances, would an enlightened magistracy
meet the evil, but by providing every possible
counteraction, and, among the zest, by furnish-
mg for the people every reasonable degree
of rational amusement ? "Oh ! but music
and dancing !" we think we hear sonic of
these sages say, "Do you call these rational
amusements fit for the lower classes? Would
you have the English people mimic the frivolity
with which they have been at all times taught
to upbraid their neighbours ?" We really would.
We see no reason why an Englishman should
not enjoy a song, a dance, or a concert, quite as
much as a Frenchman or an Italian ; or why this
frivolity, if it must be so called, should not be
allowed to supplant, at least to a certain degree,
the brutality which too often results from too
free a use of gin, porter, and tobacco. A poet
tells us what the man is fit for who " has not
music in his soul ;" and others, as well as all
experience, tell us what are its effects in harmo-
nising the mind, purifying the heart, and hu-
manising the affections. That the Middlesex
Justices would have the people ripe for " trea-
sons, plots, conspiracies," we do not believe ;
but while they reason so shallowly and act so
absurdly upon the subject, we may say of them,
in the concluding words of the poet, " Let no
such men be trusted." Let Parliament take the
matter out of their hands, and while the law
provides, by necessary restraints and conditions,
for keeping good order in public places, let the
owners be allowed to cater for their customers
through some other channels than the madden-
ing means of intoxication.—Morning Herald.