The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-14 00:00:00

In reference to the more vibe Vital bleesingelhey enjoyed,
as to security of property and rsonal freedom, the natives
of India might surely be said to 'ay more than they had
enjoyed under any preceding Sovereign. If he were asked to
contrast their situation with that of the colonies—of
Portugal—of Spain—of Holland—and even some of those
of England, be might surely claim for the natives of
India superior advantages. This was a question which
involved the happiness of 100 millions of fellow-creatures,
and he would ask, what would have been the fate of the
immense empire they inhabited if oppression had been
continued to be exercised towards them. Going generally
into this quesion, he might assume that there could be
no grounds of complaint against the government of the Easy
India colonies for the last fifty years—he could
not go back to an earlier period, because he
felt that he must condemn as much as anybody
the conduct pursued in the East India colonies
under the administration of the Earl of Cornwallis.
But subs( quently to that period the government of India,
with all its faults and failings, was calculated to give sub-
stantial benefits to the country, which theretofore had
been tormented by a succession of enemies, open to all acts
of injustice, and having no security whatever.—(Hear.)
For that people it was neceseiry and highly advantageous
that a government should be found whose brilliant career
should not depend on a morbid inactivity. The East
India government was a government which gave to the
natives what they wanted—repose, security, and tran-
quillity. It protected them from encroachments and
danger ; and the very circumstance of the jealousy
which arose from the system of the monopoly, gave security
to the natives from the encroachments of others. In this
respect it gave not only advantage but the greatest repose. It
was said long ago that the East India Company had then
bad their charter for many years, and it was inquired
what benefit had been derived from it ? The same ac-
count which was given then was to be repeated—that re
pose, tranquillity, and security had been afforded to the
natives. The natives were uncouth, they bad no proper
conception of anything; but within the last 12 or 14 years
the entire population had acquired a political existence.
It bad grown up tinder Government, and acquired those
right feelings which enabled it to take advantage of pro-
per laws and regulations. Twenty years ago,
it was never dreamt of to give a political existence
by any charter to the natives of India. Now it would be
considered by every discerning person as a mania if this
country were to think of dealing with them by charter,
or in any other respect, without regarding them as
in the enjoyment of a political existence.—(Hear, hear.)
The influence of the East India Company operating
slowly through their government on the people of India,
not by violent convulsions having its effects suddenly, but
by the ameliorating exercise of kindness and virtuous ex-
ample, had greatly tended to the improvement of that people.
There were other reasons for the continuance of the ad
ministration in the East India Company. He would not
allude to them at length ; but there was one circumstance
to which he could not but allude—that it was by the inter-
position of that Company, between this country and the
people of India, that India had been protected from those
c-ntinual vicissitudes of political party and ambition
which had been felt in this country, and which would have
opposed the most formidable impediment to the progress
of that people. He had now stated shortly some of the
reasons which had induced Government to believe that on
the whole it was the wisest plan to continue the Company
in the possession of the administration of the country. He
thought it was clear that any other form of government
might be liable to the same inconveniences with which
the East India Company's government was formed.
Any other form Ki government would be likely to pro.
duce very considerable evils. What were the circumstances
that marred the efficiency of the East India Company's ad•
ministration ? One circumstance was, the union of its trade
with its government. This had been a generally admitted
principle, he thought, until he heard to-night two
Hon. Members arguing for the Government to continue the
East India Company, both in the administration of the
laws and in the trade with China. It was felt, however,
to be a great inconvenience that the Government should
be permitted to carry on the trade. He objected to it, not
on the ground of theory merely, but of practical inconveni-
ence. He said more than this—that the union of the Sovereign
and the trader in that country was calculated to give a
false impression of the character of the Government. The
object of the trader was mercantile profit. That was otce
the object of the East India Company; but although
that was now no longer their object, the people could not
help thinking that their rulers were still governed by that
ancient principle. Nothing, therefore, more marred
the perfect efficiency of our government in latlia
than the union of trader and Sovereign.—(Hear, bear.)
Another circumstance which tended considerably to mar
its efficiency, was a want of proper control over the expen-
diture of the subordinate presidencies. This control was
deficient not only in the Government at home, but
in the supreme Government of India. The effect
of this hid been that the subordinate presidencies had in-
volved themselves in expenses without reference to the
real necessities of the case. One reason of this un-
doubtedly was, that the East India Company, being
engaged in commercial pursuits, and drawing its divi-
dends from commerce, was not compelled by any ne-
cessity to control the expenditure of the revenue derived
from territory. He did not mean to say that the members
of the East India Company were more indifferent
to the prosperity of their territorial revenue than others
would have been in their situation, but simply that they
bad no peculiar interest in attending to that revenue,
and that consequently it could not be expected
that they should watch its expenditure so narrowly
as it ought to be watched. Another circumstance which
had interfered with the efficiency of the government
in India was, the interference which too often took
place from home.—(Hear.) It was essential to the
well being of India that confidence should be placed in its
administration, and that, as far as possible, the interposition
of the borne authorities be confined to cases of a strong and
extraordinary nature, or rather to cases of a general na-
ture. All that depended on the administration of the
government in India ought to be left to the administration
there. Raving once resolved to place confidence in those
to whom they delegated the government of India, that
confidence must he very large indeed, or otherwise the
government there could not be efficient.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought for the reasons he had mentioned, as well as
for other reasons, the nature of which was well known
to the House, that it was on the whole most expedient
to maintain the political administration of the East Indies
in the hands of the East India Company. He would
now say a few words regarding the trade of that
Company.—( Hear, hear.) The House was aware
that the Company had now the monopoly of an exten
sive trade to China, and the question was, in what
manner the House should deal with that part of the sub-
ject. He scarcely knew whether it was necessary for him
to enter at any length into that question,because it was one on
which the people—he meant the nation—had made up
their mind.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Ile felt, however,
that if, as a Minister of the Crown, that decision was tint
founded in justice, it would not he proper to come forward
and propose it. Therefore he would confess it was not
merely because it had been decided by the people, but
it was also on other grounds that he proposed to open
that trade. As far as regarded the voice of the nation,
he roust say that it was not the clamour of the moment,
but it was the voice of an enlightened community, formed
during a succession of years, and particularly during the
period since the last renewal of the Company's charter.
But he would refer to the course of events, and the pro-
greas of commercial enterprise. It was impossible for any
person to look at the progress of our commercial system
during the last 10, 15, or 20 years, and not to know that
it was impossible any longer to continue restrictions
on commerce. Our commercial policy fifteen years
ago was restrictive, and although many restrictions had
been removed, yet he admitted that there were others

which it would be better not to remove.—(Hear, hear.)
It was well known that up to the period to which he had
just referred the whole of our trade with every part of
the world was one of restriction. Wherever the specula-
tion of the British merchant directed him, he was met
and fettered by restriction. But at length the growing in-
telligence of the nation burst those fetters, and set a great
part of the trade of the country free. The example of
England was not generally followed, but it could not be
long before the intelligence which had brought about the
change here would spread itself over other nations and

produce the same result ;
" See through this air, this ocean, and this earth,
All matter quick and bursting into birth."
The germ of improvement was growing fist, and would
not be checked, and when other nations should have fol-
lowed our example, it was to be expected that, with ruck

creative wealth as we possessed, we should still go on with
the principle of free trade, as became a great com-
mercial nation. We should make a complete departure
from that little narrow line of commercial policy which
we had heretofore pursued, and wl ich, however it
might liave obtained fur us fragments of the wealth
of other countries, was not calculated to bring us to
that eminence of immense wealth and imperial glory
to which he hoped we were still destined.—(Hear.)
The exclusive privilege of the trade with China
upon every ground must now be considered to have ar-
rived at its natural termination. But there were
circumstances which, even if the House and coun-
try were prepared to continue the m o poly,
would require its termination, There were cireutit:tances

aeNanNieted with the trade itself which called for its termi-
nation. In consequence of the diminution of the profits
of the trade, the East India Company felt themselves sonic
time ago obliged to abandon the Indian trade. The China
trade was a trade decreasing rather than increasing
in profits. There was, however, a further necessity for
putting an end to that trade—it was, the particular
relation of this country with the Chinese. That, in his
opinion, constituted a main difficulty against continuing
the monopoly.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The
Chinese were a sensible, jealous, and capricious people.
They were despotic and arbitrary, and there might cir-
cumstances occur that would excite a collision between
them and this country. That, among others, was with
him a most material ground why the exclusive privileges
of trade to that place ought not to be continued.
He spoke of them as men who had done their duty well,
but their position was a most invidious one. At one time
they were 'compelled to interpose with all the weight of
their national character—at other times professing their
inability to do any thing in matters of great consequence.
It was a necessary consequence that their position should
excite suspicion. It was further said that the monopoly
of the Hong merchants required that there should
be a monopoly to meet it. But it appeared that in the
earlier part of the history of the Company's trade, there
was no such monopoly in China—there were licensed
merchants certainly—but it was in 1715 that an attempt
was made to institute the present system, which Was
strongly opposed by the Company and successfully resisted
at the end of six years. In 1760 the attempt was re-
newed, and was then successful. Therefore, he thought
that when the monopoly of the East India Company
was put an end to, there would also be an
end to the monopoly of the Hong merchants. Year after
year brought news to that most sensitive and suspicious
people of the great and important victory obtained by
the Company. In 1818 there was the Nepaul who actually
sent a regular embassy to the colonies, praying for aid, but
they did not move till after the war was concluded, when
they made application to the Governor-General, that the
residents settled at Nepaul should be removed. Then
came the Burmese war.—(Hear, hear.) How astonished
the China caravan must have been to find in one
of their annual visits to Burmah, that they had not to deal
with their old customers, but found the English quietly
settled in the place. All this must have given cause of
jealousy to that most sensible people.—(Hear.) In his
opinion a regular representative of this country would not be
liable to these suspicions, as be would neither be connected
with commerce nor the country. The trade with the
country had most wonderfully increased. In 1814, the
trade, which was only 10,000 then, had in 1826 risen to
60,000. The total value of the trade with China in 1813
and 1814 amounted to 131 millions, while in 1829 and
1830 it had fallen to 113; and the private trade, which
in 1813 was nine millions. in the years 1829 and
1830, had risen to thirty millions.---(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Member then went into some statement re-
lating to the management of the trade at Canton, particu-
larly es regarded the licensing of vessels, and showing the
impolicy of having t%-ese licenses withdrawn at the will
of the super-cargo. • The Hon. Member for Hants, in
his resolutions before the House, and in the observations
with which he had introduced them, inferred that the
trade with China should be opened gradually. Now, in
point of fact, such was already the case, and con-
siderable progress had already been made in so open-
ing the trade as not violently to offend the prejudices of
the natives. If, fifteen years ago, that Hon. Member bad
been asked what steps should be taken for the gradual
opening of the trade, he would have no doubt answered—
you have a peculiar people to deal with, and have to take
into account the high influence possessed by your traders,
from their wealth and character. You mast, therefore,
be careful how you deal with the subject. You must
make it your business to admit foreigners who will deal
with the natives on the most just and equitable prin-
ciples of trade. Your next step must be, to admit
English traders independent of the Company, whose tran-
sactions with the natives should be so regulated as to ad-
vance the confidence of the Chinese. You must then
proceed by discontinuing gradually the system of
contracts, and of making advances upon them,
in order that the natives may begin to be habituated to
general trading, so that at length they may begin to know
more fully the feelings and circumstances under which
commercial transactions are carried on. Now, it so
happened that these were the very steps which had been
proceeded with during the last 15 years. The Chinese,
as a nation, are not so void of commercial enterprise as is
generally supposed. Their seas ate already swarming
with vessels subject to the laws and chances of
commerce.—(Hear, hear, hear.) One year yielding
gain, and another causing a loss to their proprietors.—
(Hear, hear.) It might he, however, some time before
the Chinese were prepared for an entire alteration in the
system of trade originally adopted in that country with
strangers, whilst they had certainly shown a disposition to
meet a change of some sort. The Right Hon. Member
then read a memorial presented to the Viceroy of
Canton by the traders of that city, stating that
within a certain period there would be an alteration
in the parties trading with that place, and that the chief
of the trade, residing at Canton, might help to lay down
the exercise of his functions in that capacity. The answer
of the Governor was to the effect, that he hoped, whatever
change might take place, that in the 13th year—the pe-
riod mentioned by the memorialist—there would be some
chief of trade or other appointed at Canton. It would
thus be seen that the Chinese were fully prepared
for some change or other.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Member then mentioned the circumstance of an
expedition having been sent to Canton, to different places on
the Chinese coast, to ascertain the feelings of the natives,
which expedition was accompanied by a gentleman who
was so conversant with the Chinese language and customs,
that the natives would not believe but that he had been a
deserter (rein them, although the authorities at the
different places were at first averse to any intercourse
with the vessel, yet in a vet y short time, the people were
eager to converse with the voyagers, and were con-
stantly crowding round the vessel. At length the
progress of the trade in opium had arrested the attention
of the Imperial authorities. The Emperor having heard
of ire progress, sent in a very grave and just remon-
strance, for he must say there was much sound sense
and shrewd observation in it. The Governor of Canton de-
clared it to be illegal, and commanded the authorities to
assemble, and make such provisions as would bring
it to an end.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The late Vice-
roy of Canton bad declared that there was no possibility
of stopping it hut by expelling foreigners, and that he said
was inconsistent with the tenderness of the celestial empire,
and he actually proposed that the trade should be legal-
ised by imposing duties on it. It was necessary, there-
fore, that there should be a functionary or functionaries
resident at Canton, who should be armed with
considerable power, and he therefore proposed, according
to the analogy that had taken place in other instances, that
his Majesty should be empowered by the Bill to issue a
commission to such persons as he should think fit, and
arm them with all the powers which their situation should
demand, for the purpose of watching, protecting and main-
taining British interests in that country. It was most
likely, if the person or persons chosen were men of
discretion, that, by prudent dealing and actual separa-
tion from all commercial transactions, and by an
impartial and honest fulfilment of their duty, they
might conciliate the Chinese authorities. It had
been said, that for this purpose a system of negotia-
tion should be opened with the Chinese themselves.
•He adverted to those treaties with China, and observed
that though they had not been hitherto very- satisfactory
in their results, yet that it was to be expected greater
success would hereafter attend them. He would just
allude to the proposition which had been made by the
Hon. Member for Hants. He (Mr. C. Grant) differed
from the Honourable Gentleman, and he did so with
feelings of deep regret, because the opinions of that
Hon. Gentleman were entitled on almost all subjects
to the greatest respect, but particularly so as regarded
the affairs of the East. He was the first who made him-
self acquainted with the Chinese language, and familiar
with the manners and habits of the Chinese people, and
consequently he must be presumed to entertain such pro-
found knowledge as to make it necessary for him (Mr. C.
G.) to differ from him with great diffidence. The result
of former embassies had not been encouraging, and he hardly
knew what his Hon. Friend meant by saying those
embassies had succeeded in recognising the national
character.—(Hear.) It required peculiar cautio❑ how
we committed ourselves by entering into negotia-
tion,. With respect to the Russians, the c ise was
very different—the two countries were contiguous to each
other, anti it was necessary that there should be certain
precautions taken against inroads. He did not think there
was a great trade between the two countries; and the
House could not but recollect th it in consequence of
two ships going from Russia to the empire of China
a war was almost inevitable. He thought even if he
agreed with his Honourable Friend, that further
embassies should be continued, this would be a very
ill-chosen time to commence them. He thought
it would have the effect of praducing great embarrassment.
In his opinion, it we did not ourselves sound the note of
alarm, the Chinese would receive a functionary of
ours as the Chief of the British nation, and all
proceedings might go on peaceably, and with success; but
if we commenced negotiations, the very instant those
negotiations were communicated, that communication

would be received as the note of alarm, and what
the consequence might he, no one could foretell.
On that account be thought it not advisable to com-
mence the dangerous plan of a negotiation. About
two years ago, on the occasion of the interruption that
took place in the intercourse with the Chinese at Canton,
the subject of entering into such a negotiation had been
under the consideration of his Maj-sty's Miuisters, and
upon the grounds which he had just stated they had come
to the conclusion that it was liable to considerable objec-
tions. He did not think it would be necessary for him
on this occasion to enlarge at any length on the question of
the China trade; but as it was a subject which was re-
garded with great interest in this country, these were one
or two points connected with it to which he thought it
right to advert. The trade of the East India Company to
China, with the exclusive privileges appertaining to it,
would cease in April, 1834. It would, therefore, then be
open to all the merchants of this country to enter into it ;
and the question now was, whether the company should
send out any ships this season, seeing that the whole of
the trade would be open next year. The ships that would
go out now could not return from China until the latter
end of next year, or early in the commencement of the
year after ; and, therefore, having been asked for his opi-
nion on the subject by the Directors, he had recommended
them not to send out any more ships than those that were
at present under orders for China. When the trade should
become open, he bad no doubt that there would be an
abundant supply from the Chinese market to answer the
demand of this country, and at present there was a very
large stock of tea in the warehouses of the East India
Company. The amount of tea in the warehouses of the
East India Company at present was sufficient to supply
the consumption of this country for two years, after the
cessation of their exclusive trade in April, 1834 ; and
therefore if there should be any interruption to the supply
of tee, owing to the cessation of the trading of the com-
pany, which was not at all likely to occur, there was a suf-
ficient supply here at present to meet the consumption of the
country for two years from April, or even June, 1834. The
proposition had been made that sufficient time should be
allowed to the East India Company to dispose of their tea
after 1834, before the private trader came into competition
with them in the market; but on the whole he thought
that it would be better not to interfere by law with their
private concerns. With regard to the duty under which
tea should be admitted when the trade was opened, he was
ready to admit that an ad valorem duty had some advan-
tages, but he thought that one disadvantageous effect of it
was to augment to an undue extent the price of the article
on which it was laid, and that another disadvantageous
effect of it, in a commercial point of view, would be, that
it would not only be injurious to the trade, but that it
would very much narrow the extension of the consump-
tion of the artic!e on which it was laid. On the other
hand, a rated duty which was in every other respect pre-
ferable to an ad valorem duty, had this peculiar disadvan-
tage attending it—that unless proper precautions were
taken, it would press unequally and unjustly upon the
lowest class of the consumers of tea. The difficulty, then,
which they had to avoid, was the alternative of resorting
to a rated duty that would be the same upon all classes of
teas. Now, on looking at tbe evidence of gentlemen who
were peculiarly qualified to offer suggestions on the sub.
ject—at the evidence as well of gentlemen connected with
the customs, as of those connected with the tea trade—it
would be found that they concurred in recommending, not
the imposition of a rated duty upon the whole amount of
tea consumed, but that teas should be classified into four
or five different classes, and that a rated duty should be
fixed on each separate class, and that in that way relief not
only would be given to the lower class of consumers, but
that tea would be rendered cheaper to all classes
of consumers.—(Hear.) As the subject was surrounded
with difficulties on all sides, it seemed to his Ma-
jesty's Ministers that to propose a classification of teas,
and to impose on each separate class a different rated duty,
was the best mode of proceeding to adopt. Sach had
been the course adopted in the United States before the
duty on tea had been taken off there, and the concurrent
testimony of all who had been examined as to its effect 4
showed that it operated in no way to diminish the re-
venue, while it had not an injurious effect upon the con-
sumption of the article in question. He did not think
that the private trad, r should be confined in the ware-
housing of his teas to the warehouses of the East India
Company.—(Hear.) He was sure that the number of
warehouses would be such as to be sufficient to supply any
demand for them. There was another point to which he
would briefly advert, namely, as to whether the traders to
China should be restricted as to the size of the vessels
which they should be empowered to sail there. He was
aware that this was a point involved in much difficulty,
and that the opinion of experienced individuals had been
given as to the necessity of fixing those vessels at a cer-
tain rate. He would not say whet opinion his Majesty's
Government had formed on that point, but as an indi-
vidual be would say that he could not conceive any neces-
sity for the imposition of such a restriction.—(Hear.)
There was another question which related to tbe basis on
which the trade to China should be established. That ques-
tion was, whether tea should be allowed to be brought from
other parts of the world, as well as from those from which
it was at present imported by the E rat India Company. He
thought that the present limits to which the trade of the
East India Company was confined were extremely wide, em-
bracing as they did the whole of the coast from the Cape
of Good Hope to China, and he thought—(Here the
Right Hon. Gentleman dropped his voice so that the ter-
mination of the s-ntence was altogether lost.) There was
another circumstance connected with the East India Com-
pany, with regard to which he wished to nye few words.
It was to be borne in mind that the company was at pre-
sent an importer to a large extent of raw silk into this
country. They kept up a large establishment of finishers
of silk in India for that purpose, and the importation of
that silk was obviously of great importance to the manu-
facturers of this country. Now, when the trading of the
company was to be put an end to, it would be most un-
wise that this supply of silk should be suddenly stopped,
and it would he most unjust towards those finishers that
they should be thus at once thrown out of employment.
He therefore intended to propose that the Company tirould
be still allowed to empley them, while it would be the duty
of the Government of India to seek out capitalists into
whose hands the trade should be thrown, so that the em-
ployment of those finishers should always be continued,
and the supply of silk, which was so important to the ma-
nufactures of this country, should never fail. In point of
fact the supply of silk would only be continued with the
Company until proper parties could be found in whose
hands it could be placed. He had to apologize for being
obliged to trespass at such length on the attention of the
House. He came now to another part of the question—
namely, the species of compromise which had been pro-
posed by the Gevernment, and which had been acceded to
by the East India Company. It would not be necessary
for him to enter into a specification of all the details of it,
seeing that they were already before the public, but he
would simply and shortly state to the House that the plan
was this--that on the East India Company's surrender-
ing all its rights and privileges, it was proposed by his
Majesty's Government that the authority of the government
of India should be continued in the hands of the Company
for the period of 20 years, that their commercial privi-
leges as a trading company should cease, and that in con.
sideration of their giving up those privileges, an annuity
should be granted to them, the amount of such annuity to
be charged on the territory of India. It was calculated
that the 'resources of India would be sufficient to supply
this annuity, which it was proposed should be 630,000/.
a year, being the amount of the dividends which the pro-
prietors at present received, and it was to be redeemable
at the rate of 1001. for every 51. 53. of annuity. It was
proposed that the guarantee fund should amount to
2,000,0001. for securing the payment of the annuity, as
well as for paying off finally the capital stock of the Com-
pany, and it was proposed that the annuity in question
should be paid for a term of 40 years, at the close of
which period it should be paid at the option of Parlia-
ment, giving three years' notice, to redeem it at the rate
of 100/. for every Si. ss. of annuity. He had already
stated that it was proposed that the East India Company
should retain the political administration of India for a
period of 20 years, at the end of which period they might,
if dept ived of the government of India, demand the pay-
ment of their capital ; bat that if, at that period they did
not demand it, then that the payment of the annuity he
bad already stated was to be continued for a term of
40 years. He had thus stated to the House a general view
of that arrangement which had been proposed by his
Majesty's Ministers, and to the basis of which the East
India Company had agreed. The Right Hon. Gentleman
(in reply to a question of Sir Robert Peel across the table)
proceeded to say that no part of the security for the pay-
ment of the proposed annuity was to be dependent upon
the revenue of this country, that it was to be totally inde-
pendent of the finances of this country, and that it was to
be altogether secured upon the territorial revenue of India.
—(Hear.) This arrangement was, of course, a compro-
mise between India and the East India Company's pro-
prietors; and though it certainly was an advantageous one
for the Company, it Was also an advantageous one for
India. Here the Right Hon. Gentleman entered into a
statement of the commercial and territorial assets rat the
Company, to show that the compromise which was pro-
posed by the Government was an advisable one fir both
parties,—for India and for the Company. It was an ad-
visable one for the Company, as they would receive an
annuity equal to the amount of their present dividends for

a term of 40 years, at the end of which period they would
receive the full amount of their capital. On the other
hand, it was a fair compromise as regarded the territorial
possessions in India. In the first place, there would be
no increase made to the debt of India, by the payment of
this annuity of 630,000/., or by the payment of the
12,000,0001., which it was proposed to make good to the
Company at the end of the term of 40 years, as the pay-
ment was provided for so as to occasion no increase of that
debt. It was provided for by the purchase of a portion
of the redeemable debt of India, upon terms that would be
advantageous to the holders of that debt. It was a great
advantage, besides, to them, to have that debt legally re-
cognised, as it was under this plan, and secured in the ter-
ritory of India. He had already stated that this was a com-
promise, and even supposing that it might be regarded as a
liberal one towards the Company, still he thought that the
country derived great advantage from it, by having this
important question thus quietly and amicably settled, in-
stead of having the Government and the Legislature
involved in angry and interminable discussions with the
East India Company.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared to his
Majesty's Ministers, that it was most important and de-
sirable that this question should be settled without entering
into a contest with the Company that would be sure to
excite ill humour and irritation on their part, the avoid-
ance of which every one must anxiously desire ; and it
was upon that, amongst other grounds, that his Majesty's
Ministers r-commended this plan for the adoption of the
House. After contending that this proposition did not go
to throw an additional burden on India, and that anything
that India would have to pry under it would be more
rim counterbalanced to it in the advantages which such
an arrangement would produce to India, he proceeded to
contend that the revenue of India, on the increase of
which there was every reason to calculate, would be
amply sufficient to discharge the amount thus guaranteed
to the East India Company. He was sure that a country
with such an extent of population—with such an extent
of coast—with such a number of great and navigable
rivers—with a fertility that had been always proverbial—
with a people remarkable for their industry and their ap-
plication—a country, in fine, possessed of advantages that
had always maintained for it the character of a magazine
of wealth--he was sure, he said, that such a country
would always have a revenue sufficient to meet the just
demands upon it. It appeared, from the evidence wh:ch
had been given before the Finance (East India) Commit-
tee, of which his lamented friend the late Mr. Hyde
Villiers was Chaitnian, that in 1828-1829, the revenue
of India amounted to about 22,000,000/. sterling.—
(Hear.) It also appeared that the debt of India was
40.000,0001., which was only double the amount of one
year's revenue of the country. There was surely nothing
discouraging on the face of that statement as regarded the
revenue and resources of India.—(Hear.) He was aware
that the Burmese war, which occurred in 1824, had been
productive of considerable charges on India. It had made
an increase of 10,000,6001. to the military charges, and
the civil charges were increased at the same time. In
1827, the directors sent out orders to India that measures
of reduction should be taken so as to reduce the expendi-
ture to the standard of 1823-1824; and Lord William
Bentinck had, in the course of two years, acted with such
vigour in pursuance of those instructions, that in 1828-29
he had reduced the annual expenditure from 18,000,000/.
to 16,000,0001. Thus in two years 2,000,000/. bad
been reduced in the expenditure. The same principle
of redaction had been ever since in progress, and there
was no doubt that in two or three years the expenditure
of India would be reduced to the standard of 1823-1824.
It appeared from the evidence given before the Committee,
that even during the period of the Burmese war in 1824,
there was an increase of revenue, so much so, that there
was 1,000,000/. surplus over and above the expenditure.
How, then, could it be said that that war rendered an
increase in the revenue of India impossible ? But it was
contended that the expenses of that war had exhausted
the country. Now, when they spoke of an exhausted
country, they meant, in common parlance, a country on
which taxes had been imposed to a great amount to meet
a heavy debt. Now, in point of fact, though the debt of
India had been increased, the taxes had not been in-
creased. In fact, they were the same in amount as
they were prior to that war, and the debt had been met
in another way. He bad no doubt in a short time the
revenue of India would rapidly increase. The Right
Hon. Gentleman entered into some calculations to show that
such would be the case, and be especially contended that
it was likely to follow as one of the consequences of the
plan now proposed by his Majesty's Government. If he
looked to the average revenue for any three years, he was
convinced that under the proposed alteration there would
be an increase. This increase, according to accurate cal-
culation, might be stated at, prospectively speaking,
198,000/. in 1834, but allowing for casualti,-s, might
confidently be estimated at 150,000/. He believed he
had very good grounds for these cheering anticipations,
when he considered the ample means for fulfilling them
which were placed at the disposal of Government. He
did not expect them, however, to be fulfilled all at once.
But when, be repeated, they considered the propositions
he bad made, he thought they must come to the conclu-
sion that their introduction into India would impress the
whole of society there with an almost magic effect, and
propel its advances with something like the celerity of a
high steam pressure. The statements he had submitted
to the House were the grounds, however, on which they
ought to proceed in considering any legislative enactment
on the subject. For his part he thought they could not,
consistently with those statements, contemplate the main
tenance of the China trade on its present exclusive prin-
ciples. That, it must be admitted, must cease. He would
proceed to state the particular relations, with regard to
India, under which he proposed to introduce the new
measure. He would, first of all, set out with asserting
tbat its introduction was for the good of India. In this
assertion, however, there was nothing new, for all who
had studied the interests anti welfare of India had declared
sentiments in accordance with the leading features of the
plan. He could, in fact, corroborate its utility by reference
to declared opinions of the judges and of the ablest autho-
rities who had written on the subject of India. It was
evident to every reflecting mind that the attention of
Parliament could no longer be withheld from the
subj-ct of effecting an alteration in many parts (for
he did not think all attainable at once) of the present
system. He would particularly instance two branches—
those of the revenue, and the military establishments.
But he would no longer detain the House, already detained
too long, with dwelling en this part of the subject. There
was one alteration, however, in the frame of the govern.
ment of India which, considering its importance, he could
not avoid mentioning. It was intended that in future,
instead of three, there should be four presidencies. The
government of India at present included the three presi-
dencies of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. A very strong
opinion had been expressed by all persons acquainted
with India, that in consequence of the great change of
circumstances which had occurred with respect to the
presidency of Bengal by the addition of an extensive
territory in the west, peopled by an unsettled and warlike
race,--be said that, in the peculiar situation in which that
presidency was placed, it had been thought advisable to
form those western districts into a new territory. Among
the many opinions in favour of this proposition he found
that of Lend William Bentitick, the present Governor-
General, who ded :red that from the condition of those
districts and their extent it was impossible for the Bengal
presidency to do justice to them as a government. It
was true the general government legally possessed a con-
trol of the subordinate states, but this control could not
be efficiently employed in districts so distant as the newly
added western states of the Bengal presidency. The
evidence, indeed, of Sir Thomas Munroe was sufficient to
show how carelessly the laws were administered in many
parts of the Indian empire, and Low little their adminis-
tration was under the control of the general government.
It was proposed that these subordinate governments should
be altered in two respects, namely, iti a reduction of the
council, and in a total deprivation of our forms of law.
He was quite aware that many difficulties were visible in
the internal structure of the Indian governments in effecting
this change ; but these might in a great measure be over-
come by an assimilation of the modes of administering the
laws in the different local judicatures. In favour of such
an alteration he might refer to an extract from a paper by
the judges of the supreme court, entitled " Observations
on a Suggestion by the Governor-General in Council." It
was as Ml:ows :—" In this state of circumstances no one
can pronounce an opinion or form a judgment, however
sound, upon any disputed right of persons, respecting
which doubt and confusion may not be raised by those
who may choose to call it in question ; for very few of the
public or persons in office at home, not even the law-
officers, can be expected to have so comprehensive and
clear a view of the present Indian system as to know rea-
dily and familiarly the bearings of each part of it on the
rest. * * * There are English Acts of Parliament
specially provided for India, and others of which it is
doubtful whether they apply to India wholly, or in part,
or not at all. There is the English common law and con-
stitution, of which the application in many respects is still
more obscure and perplexed. Mahomedan law and usage ;
Hindoo la.v, usage, and scripture ; charters and letters
patent of the Crown ; regulations of the Govern-
naents, some made declaredly under Acts of Par-
liament particularly authorizing them, and others,
which are founded, as some say, on the ge-
neral powers of government intrusted to the Company by
Parliament, and, as others assert, on their rights as 'MC-

cessors of the old native governments; some
require registiy in a supreme court; oil era do.
have effect generally throughout India; others
culiar to one presidency or one town. There
missions of the governments, and circular
the Nizamut Adawlut, and from the Dewanny
treaties of the Crown ; treaties of the India -
besides inferences drawn at pleasure from the
of the droit public and the law of nations of .
state of circumstances which will justify almoi
struction of it or qualification of its force." It
dent from the extract which he had read, that
of the present system of administering the laver
from the peculiar condition of the Indian empi
the immediate attention of Parliament. In
cases were brought, owing to the vast extent of
dencies, SOO or even 1,000 miles to be tried,
expense and inconvenience thus incurred were '
aiderabie. This view of the question was like'
borated by the opinion of Sir C. Metcalfe, no
thority on the subject of the system of the ju(
India. Sir C. Metcalfe said, in February 19,
" The only objection that strikes me to the
British Christian population in India is the
discordance of the laws by which our English
native subjects are respectively governed. This
will, no doubt, in time be removed,—and the
better,—by framing laws equally binding on both
in all concerns common to both, and leaving to
own suitable laws in whatever peculiarly concerns
selves alone. The present system of judicature in
by which the King's Court is rendered entirely
from the local administration and institutions,
practically subversive of their power and inf
fraught with mischief; and that part of the system
makes our native subjects, under some circur
liable to the jurisdiction of the King's Court,
some to that of the Company's Court, and under
that of botb, without regard to residence, or any
defined limitations by which our native subjects can
to what laws or courts they are or are not amt
replete with gross injustice and oppression, and is
loudly demanding a remedy, which can only he found
strict local limitation of the powers of his Majesty'
with regard to the.persons and property of native sl
or in an amalgamation of the King's c. nets with the
judicial institutions, under a voile , i I .W 9 fitted ft-
purposes, and calculated to bestow real and equal
on all classes of subjects under British dominion ii.
He would further quote the opinion of the late
Justice of India, Sir E. Ryan, who also, in apt
such an alteration in the administration of the •
India as was recommended by Government, said,
minute dated October 2, 1829—" The great exter
the British territories since the Charter of 1774 h
to the Court a range of jurisdiction which, at pl.
mote from Ca'cutta, can only be considered a ant
justice, if it he not the means of fraud and oi.,
There can be no doubt, therefore, that difficulties a'
conveniences are constantly arising from the undel
uncertain state of the. Court's jurisdiction, which are
perplexing and harassing to the suitors, the judge,/
all who are concerned in the administration of in'
To this he would add the testimony of Sir C. Ore!
present Chief Justice, and his evidence was of
importance on the point. Sir C. Grey said in a
dated October 2, 1829—" It may be doubted •
,there I
the present state of things, which I believe to be
exampled in the history of the world, can last ' 74 dye
longer. Throughout the greater part of India -,0 ion are to be found some individuals at least of four JisPi,4 Ntika of
classes, each of which is supposed to live under a dist,,,,t ord oh',
system of law, and to have different rights and diffe'oo N. law
duties, but none of them accurately defined. There,. No, °le
l persons horn in the British islands Hindoos, Mahonies'o :o!it a
Asiatic Christians ; and, besides all these, there Otto .4lect
many parts foreigners and subjects of Great Britain, "too quotati
have been born neither in the British islands nor in I° tv .. an 01
as to whom, I believe, there is no one who, consistchol 4ln It
with usage, can say, with any just confidence, what
...• I are t(
it is which applies to them. Hitherto it has been ;4
t!dunde
sible to make a shift; but as the native Christians, Pio td for
tish and colonial persons, and foreigners shall increat:°ot esPtiti,
numbers and pervade India, a result which must grad c 1 . carry
take place, matters may be brought to such a Po 00
would scarcely be tolerable." The assimilation of 0, e4t pr
laws would, he believed, lead to a result of great int.
and -4133tnt
ance, he meant the increase of Europeans in India,.„ kit! Priv
what immense advantages would such a result prods, t"ntnet
upon the native society ! The opinion of Lord
would : Ltlt the
W. Dew ,
iles We b
tinck upon this head, which he would quote,
ased facilig 'Pr bin
sufficient to show what a vast effect the incre-
80 ton °,.--
of intercourse between the natives and Europeans was
nu,_
waliaeer
or tinder be
dated May 30, 1829--" Recent events, and the 0
jar r, ,
culated to produce. Lord W. Bentinck said,
or r, 11411
relicts now passing under our eyes, still more clearly)
r to th
tify the persuasion, that whatever change would be beta' • e e
,is mind th
ficial for our native subjects we may hope to see adopwl d between
80
part at least at no distant period, if adequate mrso' •,, motives be presented. I need scarcely mention tbe i iint at pri
creasing demand which almost all who possess the means could
evince for various articles of convenience and luol It,ttiling
in a t
cic P 10
purely European. It is in many cases very renniL„le de
4 nuld I
able. Even in the celebration of their most sacred ; wiFrom
tivals, a great change is said to be perceptible in CalcOBi n?e em
Much of what used, in old times, to be distributed ailed I,ieet,essar
beggars and Brahmins, is now, in many instances, dee°B,,, ' tl be° th
tilit.ure
folk
to the ostentatious entertainment of Europeans; and 'tis %h
nerally the amount expended in useless alms is state:l4oi
port ti
have been greatly curtailed. The complete and e°_sios
co-operation of the native gentry in promoting
and in furthering other objects of public utility; the al 4.€1 tha
edues
to, .. 'Duet
nishing progress which a large body of Hintioo youth Prs, It`o was
made in the acquisition of the English language, lite
...0. tialbar
tore, and science; the degree in which they have eon to 'a'
quered prejudices that might otherwise have been dee° of, loaf it
the most inveterate (the students in the medical ciceatho .iti,4);_siu
the Hiudoo College under Dr. Tytler, as well as it 1,441 t, Ll' r
medical native school under Dr. Breton, in which tyBi, tpt,luow
are pupils of the highest castes, are said to dissect a.); gt, 'our
mals, and freely to handle the bones of a human skeleS°9sco 44 by
a
the freedom and the talent with which, in many °C o.
essays we lately had exhibited to us, old customs are od foals w
cussed ; the anxiety evinced at Delhi, and at Agre' lob !Phi R'
Ntie ful
elsewhere, for the means of instruction in the Es! by %jot:1411e
language ; the readiness everywhere shown to pro
sj, sod s°
such means of instruction as we have afforded; the 0
,tkii. ter
lity with which the natives have adapted themseleeebef I N I
new rules and institutions ; the extent to which t of
have entered into new speculations after the example to • ; tilt
our countrymen; the spirit with which many are sal ), '' th est'
be now prosecuting that branch of manufacture (indisb
which has alone as yet been fully opened to Silos s :48 1
enterprise ; the mutual confidence which EuroPe-0 liti.i4tra
and natives evince in their transactions as mere° its ,le the and bankers ; these, and other circumstances, leaveo tok en,
my mind no doubt that our native subjects tot- pli at the
profit largely by a more general intercourse with '"$11 , peel
ligent and respectable Europeans, and would priber sea be
recognise the advantage of it." He would state ado Be . kir
circumstance connected with the introduction of Pity FY : peons into the native society. Some years ago it rialic,- pt stee°6- tv, '
possible for any European to hold leases in India, to
• l;e'a
tinder certain limitations. This restriction it was PetnerS •
it's% totally to get rid of. The change of opinion in r''''otl (13tcs
to the free admission of Europeans had been eemarkablelor /I
though only a few years ago almost all the civil serri:o, policywlttteto,
of the Company were violently opposed to their admiseho. April
they now almost unanimously advocated it. Mr. ElPoid, Iblil ;at
stone, one of the qualified opponents of the measure,
do
I Ikat at
that if the Government of India were strong, Sc*,.l33so' d'14101,,
facility could not be given to the introduction of
_.ber '
it"4ollra
ropeans. Would the House permit him to read a
rro' iii . ,sN.
document on this subject ? It was a communication 180. ' tlikive)vi
the Governor-General, dated January 1, 1830, in CO
at A):l4idee,
oil, in the following words:_" Satisfied as we are
oto f
ttable
the best interests of England and India will be p•rcrotry s° met
and the free admission to the latter of European "1" thst ' Maud —II.
and enterprise, our persuasion is scarcely less strong', or
(I,lllploPe
with every possible encouragement the settlement°!.oo. • 4tdi?„,,
countrymen in this country will be far short of the
to
the
~Q dirge
her which is to be desired, whether regard be had, oder ! bible
extension of commerce and agriculture, to the goto,n_iBo, , I,ium
of the country, to the prompt, cheap, and equal °Pie its yieiti i__
tration of good law, to the improvement of the pent, of iy
teul
knowledge and morals, or to the strength and security ttiiioto
our power." Sir James Metcalfe, writing on t,h, , hoe t !leen(
subject on the 19th of February, 1829, said:-- "iodea ,It Was
from lamented that our countrymen in India are ei!tebito of itsis et
lib
from the possession of land and other ordinary
01 these / ,leit an(
peaceable subjects. I believe that the existence i_.ire, Vs e.. .
pro_ ik Itica
and, of course, that their removal would tend to _or k
ow/ . , ill m tee
it. I am also of opinion that their abolition is
_or 0 , at,
i..
restrictions impedes the prosperity of our Indian ewe te i11it4•74
that progressive increase of revenue, without which ?.., er . 4,444,,!
pense of our establishment. lam further convince,jell t t ill
we ll tr. 11, it
our possession of India must. always he precarious,. PP , raid
• an influential portion of the
_OOl , ,
we take root by haying
inte' I, . :th '4ll
lotion attached to our Government by common _ea ik t,
.t
come cannot keep pace with the continually increasi.ehot
,t,the
....e,
and sympathies. Every measure, therefore, whichtr2:o 0
ok ,1:511ild
by which it '- of
India, and to remove the obstructions . t of I;tt re
settlement of our ceun 0:6 je '4(.14410
conduce to the stability aO, Avy
vs(
of Mr. Bayley, who
peeled, welfare of the people subject to ourtbot ' I 1:4, N
rule, and to the
authority} i Of •th
minion." He would quote another great .se 0 1.,
1,0
who said, in a minute, issa Lb
dated the 51 re Its ice
culatedratousfzillitacotenciehieve,
tBi. e i
December,
shall see fit to declare that all persons, Europesa.v_ °lndia Of'Plt
tives, "siding in the interior of our provinces in In 0010
Whenever the British Ltg r ps'
and to "" " tpt 441
Cl'
shall be subjected to the same regulations,

0)1211,(11,7e1 rrdes:: 1 tr.:
tR
ia
i''l7tarhnhegenr:Yerd ; 41:::14ftdii:Inu:
of Eu , 'II with
Limost , 4 t.o Ia
It•.nzle; ai
that o, alto
e lase, h the
to
'4e su
some ' eC' I 82;
tof the of lan
tried, Cat
hurt,
ienjkruoee wd: ltirt ea
sdrl:it
it;
19, IB_,
ie spree". . 'mg
the e th. tatisi
4.,tost
This obi
' Is
he sou-- •. {
nr
ll
)alrigebetoortohaso ti
thou
t 0
tab
are in
tirely ti
us, and the el
influeo66, to be
ris Las tint en:e '171141 as:vvi
ohne(
Court, native
order at' si„_t,lle
nit
!ets caa effect
W ri
amens- e, , Pr -pose
Ind is e°;11(,)! the
be found of
)je,,,ty's ,;(4, law
Ltive
tted for 1 h>.ll!equal ;°1:i!
ie late t' '4le •
Vsl. 4 eni
appfo • same
the lao ,1q Prop
Said, i°l k 'se of
ti7eitom4expsptohpeicaranakcs. jilt°
7.11
iitse7:4:wf
er
loe
erhrec
glefined. Itt!..the at
eh are 1:(1 7atlY
judges,. :us ref
e • t tlon
of Jll'ee
,1 t(
. GreY, ration;
cif peal 4ities
2 a 03iert` 'one y
d vibe"- Lt
au
to be "ogeo d taus
last 313-.' selse
test; tl dim,.