The Sun.
London, England, 1851-07-22 00:00:00

22, 1851.

ing institutions or this-country?---(Hear.) A document which,
taken in its plain sense, was au overt act, totally opposed to
the laws of this country —nav, to the laws of every country
in Europe.—(Hear, hear.) He could not agree, therefore,
with the Noble Earl in thinking this was merely a spiri-
tual act. On the contrary, he believed it was an infrac•
tion of the spirit, if not the letter—and he believed it
was of the letter as well as the spirit of the law of
nations—and it was on this ground that he justified the
course he took with reference to the Bill. Having arrived
at this point, he should like to consider what the effect of
the measure would be on three parties—namely, its effect
upon the Catholics, upon the Government, and upon the
country. On this subject he had received an immense
number of letters from Roman Catholic clergymen in Eng-
land, some of them of the most distinguished ability and
the sincerest piety. In one of these it was stated that the
general feeling among the English Roman Catholic clergy
was against being any longer under the Propaganda, eveu
spiritually, because it was a secret, arbitrary, irresponsible,
despotic tribunal, and was not tolerated in any Catholic
state having a real hierarchy. The explanation given to
this bull was that it took away instead of increasing the
power of the Pope, and that he abandoned a portion of that in-
fluence and power he formerly exercised over the vicars-apos-
tolic, giving to them a power which they did not before pos-
sess. It was pretended that he did away with the power of the
Propaganda, and released the English Roman Catholics from
its influence, and that he did not intend arbitrarily to ap-
point bishops against the wishes of that body, and overbearing
their election. Now the Irish hierarchy had all the cha-
racter and qualities, until lately, of a legal hierarchy ; they
elected their own bishops, and possessed a proper and fair
exercise of their rights; but that character of freedom and
independence, which not only made the Irish a real hierar-
chy, but made them a national hierarchy, had lately been
interfered with by the arbitrary act or the Pope, in sending
out, against their advice and wish, Dr. Cullen and others as
prelates. In the letter apostolic, the Pope, or rather, the
Court of Rome—because he believed the Pope had little per-
sonal influence—had taken care that the string connecting
the English Catholics with Rome should be drawn tighter
than ever it was ; and, instead of giving independence to the
hierarchy here, they were going to do that which they had
already done in Ireland, by reserving (and he understood
they had even done so already) the power of nominating to
all vacant dioceses.—(Hear, hear.) He had aeon a do-
cument in the Italian newspapers, which he believed to
be authentic, purporting that the Pope declared it to be
his wish that in England the Roman Catholic rites and
ceremonies should be carried on more in accordance
with the practice at Rome; and he also understood
that the Pope had lately issued a document in which he
makes preparation not only to alter all that may have been
corrupted by acquaintance and contact with a more liberal
state of things, but to send over Italians to bring back the
Romans Catholics in England to conformity with the prac-
tices of Rome, and place them more entirely under the Pro-
paganda.—(Year, hear.) He further understood that one of
the new dioceses had been filled up lately in that manner,
without any consultation with the Catholic body in this
country. There was nothing in the laws of this country to
compel a Roman Catholic to obedience to his clergy, and if
he does do so it was perfectly voluntary on his part,
nor did he consider Parliament would be justified in inter-
fering. But that being so, what would be the effect of this
bull on a Roman Catholic? He must either reject it abso-
lutely and entirely, bowing down in humble obedience to the
Church of Rome, or by taking it coute qui coute break with
Rome. Now, what was the declaration recently made by
certain Roman Catholics in England? That as Catholics they
were bound by the principles of their religion to maintain the
spiritual supremacy of the Pope, and to submit in obedience
without reasoning on the matter, either one way or another.
Take either alternative. What would be the case if they
looked on this act of the Pope of Rome in the same light
as the laws of this country did? It would come to this—
that as the Pope had merely given a name, and not autho-
rity, he had merely made Dr. Wiseman Archbishop of the
Roman Catholics residing in Westminster, which he had
before done, and that he had not created any archdiocese
of Westminster. They must come to the conclusion that
the Pope by this authority had not created either the see or
the diocese, because, according to law, he could not do so,
and that, in fact, he had merely—if the word were not too
strong, and did not savour of disrespect —" nicknamed" a
certain number of persons. There was nothing in the law
to prevent the Pope from giving nicknames; they could not
pass a law saying it should be an offence for the Pope to
call any person by whatever name he chose to give him ;
it was a thing to which legislation could not apply, for he
was not in their jurisdiction, and no act of theirs could
affect him. As far as this was an act against names,
he considered it rather a weak way of legislation
and, to a certain degree, useless ; for if after that
Bill was passed, any private individnel chose to call any
priest or prelate by the name of bishop or curate, they
could not interfere with him for so doing. If be thought,
that was merely a Bill of a nature attacking names, he
would not vote for it, t but he did not look on it as a Bill
of that character, but of a very different character. If the
Roman Catholics hadj taken the view that they must
look on that question in the light of the law of the land,
they must consider the whole proceedings of the Pope in
this matter null and void ; but if they did not, to what
were they exposed? If they imagined that all that had
been announced—the naming of the new Archbishop of
Westminster, and his investiture with the ring and other
badges of authority, was a mere parade, when they mistook
entirely the words of the letter apostolic. The Noble Earl
(Aberdeen) said that letter was a mere form, but it was
nothing of the sort, and was never intended to be con-
sidered as such. Was it of no effect, when it annulled and
destroyed the ancient archbishoprics of York and Canter-
bury, and the ancient bishoprics of Chester and Durham,
rendering them void, and in the face of these titles and
jurisdiction, has created, with full power and jurisdiction,
the archbishopric of Westminster, and twelve bishops be-
sides? The Pope said, that in the full plenitude of his
power, he did away with all privileges whatsoever of the
ancient sees, and ordered that the apostolic letter, enacting
these things, should always be valid and firm, and hold
good, notwithstanding the rights of all former sees in Eng-
land, and notwithstanding all things to the contrary what-
soever. What was that but declaring positively that all
acts done by Parliament, or by the Queen, contrary to the
apostolic letter, must be considered null and void, and not
binding on the consciences of all Roman Catholics? It an-
nihilated the Right Rev. Bench on his left hand, and esta-
blished another. Was it not actually telling the people of
this country to rise in rebellion? Was it the act of a
friendly sovereign? If another friendly sovereign made such
an appeal in this country, would it be considered as
in accordance with the principles of international law?
If they were to send to Rome bishops and archbishops, and
appoint a Bishop of Rome with instructions to distribute
Bibles, and declaring null and void all things done contrary,
and if we were to call on the people of the country to receive
such persons and accept their authority instead of that of
the prelates appointed by the lawful Sovereign, would not
that be urging to rebellion?—(Hear, hear.) He took that
apostolic letter in the extremest sense, and he believed that
in that sense most Roman Catholics did consider it binding
on their consciences to obey. In what an unfortunate di-
lemma had the advisers of the Court of Rome placed the
unfortunate Roman Catholics in this country, who must
either commit a breach with Rome, or by submitting to
Rome, violate all those principles of loyalty'—not to say to
the Queen, but to the constitution—leaving out of view the
question of violating the laws of this country ?—(Hear,
hear.) What was to become of their legislation unless they
stopped this at once?—(Hear, hear.) He had already
called their attention to the existence of a general
reactionary movement on the continent of Europe, and
that there was a design for establishing the preponderance
of ultramontane doctrines. Unfortunately it was true that
the ultramontane party predominated on this side of the
Alps—not so much on the other—and as it happened that
where there was more zeal for the Church of Rome, there
was less division, it was unfortunately the case that those
who entertained different views were not an active body,
and the consequence was that the whole character of Roman
Catholicism was degraded to an ultramontane character.
The tendency of this bull was to give Roman Catholicism in
this country the same character. (Hear, hear.) It was in
order that they might be prepared to receive some such doc-
trines as were breathed in the recent concordats with Spain
and Tuscany. It was a step to bring in that Roman
opinion to destroy and crush that liberal Catholicism which
had grown up in this country among the Roman Catholics
of England.—(Hear, hear.) It was to bring over to those
absurd ultramontane opinions of a few fanatic converts—
who brought more disgrace than honour to Roman Ca-
tholicism by their extreme ideas and absurd practices—those
plain, honest, straightforward Catholics, who were contented
with what they had before, and were anxious to conform to
the free and liberal spirit of this country. It was to intro-
duce a system of interference with educational establish-
ments, arid in the end destroy every liberal institution of an
educational character in England and Ireland, to destroy the
Queen's colleges, the greatest blessing ever bestowed on Ire-
land, to undermine the national-school system, and,
in a word, to build np a wall around the Ro-
man Catholics, and so keep from them every study and
science which they feared might injure that spirit
of absolutism which now existed in the govern-
ment of Rome, and introduce something in the na-
ture of an Index Expurgatorius, to shut out the very light
of science and history.—(Loud cheers.) They all knew
that but a short time ago the Court of Rome condemned
some of the sciences ; they looked on astronomy as Deism,
and on geology as materialism. They crushed and anni-
hilated anything like free judgment, freedom of justice, a
spirit of liberty, or a feeling of independence.—(Hear,
hear.) That was the movement now going on, and it was
because that was the character of that movement that
the absolute Governments of Europe and the friends of ab-
solutism had joined in the coalition for the support of the
Court of Rome, using it as an instrument to effect their own
purposes, although he believed that while using that in-
strument it would prove fatal in their hands and wound
themselves. It was for this that Austria had abandoned
the sensible laws of Joseph the Second; it was for this
that Tuscany had abandoned the wise laws of Leopold the
Second; and it was for this that the Governments of Aus-
tria and Tuscany had given up that which had made the
people of those cot tries comparatively happy and contented
with their condition, so far as concerned religious matters.
It was because he believed such to be the character of the
Court of Rome that he joined in this protest against this
invasion of the rights of conscience, and of civil and re-
ligious liberty, this cheek on the progress of science, this at-
tempt to throw society back, beyond even the mediaeval pe-
riod, into the darkness and obscurity of the dark ages. He
did not look on it as an isolated question whether a man
was to be called Archbishop of Westminster or anything else.
He looked on it as a movement of a great civil and religious
nature, which England was bound by every consideration to
oppose and resist.—(Loud cheers.) It was on those grounds
alone that he could give his assent to the Bill, the details. of
which were not much to his taste. This was a little Bill,
which, as they all knew, would never take effect; and
was not the mode, moreover, in which he would havehdteatlot
with the subject. To be completely effectual, it "g
have touched the cause of all the mischief—it ough
touched the Pope. He should have expectedtthtoatbathvee
messenger to
Government would have sent a right trusty
only
ofs
thf ate ihtsehu
pt
po oboth
supported
te c
Rome, to protest against his act as a breaaogcnhai
himself and this country. He protested
aggres-
sion on that ground, and on that ground
the Bill.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—MY Lords, it Was my for-
tune many years ago to prevailonfelytoiut tom accepty duty on all
the Romano
Catholic Relief Act, and I have
casions, and under various circumstances, to object to any
proposed alterations of that measure. All its provisions
were well considered at the time. They were founded on
the petitions presented to Parliament by the Roman Ca-
tholics. with the view of obtaining an Act of that kind. All
the endeavours which for thirty years had been made in
order to obtain what were called securities for the Church,
accompanying concessions to the Roman Catholics, were
taken into ceusideration, and after all the Catholic Relief
Bill was proposed to your Lordships, and carried through
both Houses of Parliament by the aid of very large majo.
rities. I shall alwaya feel it my duty to maintain the pro.
visions of that measure ; and, I confess, I viewed with
alarm, and felt great concern at, the bull and other papers
which appeared in the course of last year—and under '
which a hierarchy was appointed by the Pope, and other
proceedings adopted—because it was apparent to me that it
was absolutely iwpossiblo to pug over three things Without