The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-28 00:00:00

LON!)ON, FR !1)A N(G, Jil7%,:E 98, 1833.

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, JUNE 27.

Mr. John Phillips, and his sisters, Miss Margaret
Ind Miss Mary Ann, were indicted for assaulting Mrs.
Jane Drummond Grindall.

It will be remembered that about four years ago an old
gentleman of immense wealth was, with the present pro-
secutrix, hurried away, and placed in a private madhouse.
From some circumstances which accidentally transpired
the nefarious transaction was discovered, and an habeas
having been obtained, such evidence was adduced as to
lead to a charge of conspiracy, which was tried in the
King's Bench, and the parties concerned convicted, The
old gentleman, after his release from the madhouse, re-
fused all communication with his relatives, and at his
death left the whole of his property ,a comparative
,tranger. Great efforts were made by the nephews and
nieces to upset ►he will ; but after proceedings in Chancery,
in the King's Bench, and in the Ecclesiastical Courts, the
will was finally established. It was some part which Mr.
Phillips either had, or was fancied by Mrs. Grindall to
have had, in these proceedings that gave rise to the pre-
sent indictment.

Mrs. Grindall had been engaged in extensive I'w pro-
ceedings, and having heard that Mr. Phillips Lad in his
possession papers of importance to her interest, she called
to demand them. She was shown into a front room on
the first floor, and after waiting some time Mr. Phillips
and Miss Mary Ann came in. Mr. Phillips said, " You are
Mrs. Charles Grindall," and then att 'eked her and struck
her on the chest and breast. Miss Mary assisted her.
brother. Moss, who is a policeman, came, and witness
was given in charge and taken to the station-house. As
she was going down stairs Miss Margaret struck and
broke the gold pin to which her gold watch wis attached.
The Jury found Mr. Phillips Guilty, but the two Misses
Phillips Not Guilty.
The sentence of the Court was that he pay a fine of 405.,
and enter into sureties to keep the peace.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 27.

The Earl of RIPON moved that a message be sent to
the House of Commons acquainting them that a confe-
rence would be held in the Painted Chamber at half-past
five o'clock to-morrow, upon the subject of the West India
resolution.—Agreed to.
The Earl of SEFTON presented a petition from the
Catholics of Liverpool, against the marriage laws.
Lord SUFFIELD presented a petition from the me-
dical practitioners of Liverpool, against the proposed
alterations in the Apothecaries Act.
Oa the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the
House went into Committee upon the Limitation of Ac-
tions Bill.

The Bill went through the Committee, and was ordered
to be reported.
The Freehold and Copyhold Estates Bill also went
through the Committee, and was ordered to be reported on
Monday next.
The House then adjourned.

invite them to go back to the most remote period ;
but sure he was, that although they went back even to
the Saxon era, they would not find any institution re-
sembling those Unions arrogating to themselves the
power, authority, and privilege of overawing or en-
deavouring to overawe the legislative and execu-
tive, by endeavouring to enroll and place under their
command large bodies of the people, and establishing a
confederacy which might overturn all existing institutions,
sold which were wholly incompatible with any Government,
law, or constitution whatever.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
There was nothing in the constitutional history of
the country which bore any resemblance or affinity
to the Political Unions; and if it were true that nothine
of the kind was discoverable in the constitutional history
of the country, it remained for those who were prepared
to defend such institutions to show that they were in
harmony with ti-e spirit of the constitution ; and that they
might at any time be instituted without any violation or
breach of the constitution. Now they could not have an
implied existence, because all ttn it spirit and operations
were contrary to the constitution. He would, however,
admit that there was a period when societies similar to
those had an ephemeral existence—he meant at the era of
the French Revolution—societies whose roots bad been
watered with tears and with the blood of millions.
He conceived that those institutions, which were exten-
sive, and attempted to be established throughout the coun-
try, were anti-monarchical, were in violation of the privi-
leges of Parliament, and the prerogatives of the Crown.
No one, let his ingenuity be what it might, could successfully
defend those unions on the gri.und of constitutionality.
He had no hesitation in laying down this proposition, that
all political power which was not established by law, was
an unconstitutional power. Let the nature of the power
be what it might, there existed that which showed it to be
unconstitutional. There was a great difference bt-tween
natural rights and political power. All persons were re-
cognised by the law of the land, but no indi-
vidual could claim political power—it could only
he obtained by constitutional grant. He (Mr. F.) could
show in an instant, arid from an authorized document (he
alluded to the resolutions of the Birmingham Union, and
particularly to that which was contained in the 19th page
of the document he held in his hand), that the unions
assumed to themselves great political power. Having
read a part of it, the Honourable Member went
on to say that it there appeared that a self-constituted
committee had framed a system, and arrogated
to themselves great political power ; and without entering
at all into the nature of that power, he was quite prepared
to argue that that alone was illegal and unconstitutional.
He was ready to argue that no body of men, however good
their intentions—however much they might have an eye
to the public good, bad a right to frame a system of laws
by which they might acquire great political power.
Their notions of power were derived from the doctrine
of passive obedience. In that Council was centred ab-
solute power, and to this Council the members paid
a military obedience.—(Hear.) What was the direct
aim and end of their self-constituted power, might
be derived from their fourth article which states it to be
to watch the proceedings of the Legislature, and to peti-
tion, address, or remonstrate with the Crown when the
rights of the people were infringed upon.---(Cheers). It
was true they set out by saying their first duty was to prove
themselves good, faithful, and loyal subjects of the King.
—(Cheers and laughter.) It was said that man was the
only laughing animal, but he verily believed that if any
irrational or savage creature could be brought to laugh, it
would he by perusal of these Political Union regulations.
He could not understand the logical deductions of the
framer of these rules, whoever he might be, that could
deduce such acts as those warranted by the Political
Union regulations, from the text of order, faith, and loyalty.
It was a recurrence to the system by which jacobinisna
had been promulgated in France; which was, by the
promulgation of clubs throughout the country, and
sending delegates to form a National Convention, to su-
persede the legislative and executive government. Their
supposed good order and loyalty to the King was a mere
colouring to shelter them from the operation of the law.
This was the case with those who had promoted the
French Revolution.—(Laughter.) The tights of man
were founded on the assumption that the foundation of
political society was essentially popular—( Hear, hear)—
and these Political Unions declared that all persons were
eligible to become Members, by which they inculcated
anew the doctrine of political equality.—(Hear, hear.)
It had been said that these unions could not be more
illegal than the Carbon-street and other conservative
societies. Now fur his part he could see no more likeness
between the Carlton Club and the Political Unions, than
there uas between a man and a monkey.—(Laughter, and
cries of " Hear.") These unions stated that, however de-
sirous both Houses of Parliament might be to promote the
ippiness of the community, their Members had not the
means of knowing their wants, bred up in the lap of
luxury, and surrounded by parasites—the Members of
the Legislature had no means of knowing the extent to
whica distress existed in the country, and then they
proceeded to say that they would watch narrowly
the proceedings of the Legislature, in order to preserve
the country from danger. He would ask, was it to the
self-constituted committee that the Legislature was to look
for light and reason ? Was there among these men that
impartiality of judgment that would !eat) the House to
give up its judgment to theirs ?—(Hear, hear, bear.)
Was there that talent among them that would induce the
Legislature to put itself under their tutelage ?—(Hear. )
Were its Members known as public men, or were they
persons in whom the country could place implicit
confidence ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Or were they per-
sons who sought to engender a spirit of dissatisfaction
in die country, placing the poor in open hostility with
the rich, or did they put forth such arguments as would
induce persons to suppose that through them, and them alone,
natiimal regeneration wisto he effected ? He would leave
the House to answer these questions for themselves. What
was the interpretation to be given to the whole of Unit.
proceedings ? He would leave tile House to say whether it
was not that the Ministry ba formed out of themselves.
Without prophesy, he could point out what such a Minis-
try would be, the appointments to which would please the
council of the Birmingham Political Union. It was of
course easy to say who would be Prime Minister—(Name.)
Why, he would say the Hon. Member for Birmingham,
Mr. Attwood.—(Great laughter, and many Hon. Mem-
bers took off their hats to the Hon. Gentleman.) Then it
would be doing the Hon. Member for Dublin an
injustice, unless he got the seals. He was told that the
laws would not permit such an appointment, but then it
ought to be borne in mind that the Political Unions were
set up fur the express purpose of setting all law aside.
Then there were two gentlemen at Birmingham of
high legal attainments, who, he had no doubt, would
do very well for Attorney and Solicitor-General. He
would name Mr. Parkes and Mr. Edmonds.—(Hear,
hear.) Then for the situation of Heine Secretary,
which required sound judgment, good temper, and great
discrimination, he would nacre Me. Larkins—(A laugh)
_while for the office of Secretary for It eland, he thought
the appointment of Mr. Steele would be most congenial
to the Political Unions.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear,
and laughter.") That might all appear very extravagant
to the House, hat if Hon. Members would take the
trouble of reading the speeches delivered at the Unions,
they world find that if those bodies hail their way, his
Majesty would have no other choice. For argument's
seke, he would- admit that those composing tile councils
of Political Unions were very great Statesmen, and the
greatest of patriots; but their whole power was based on
popular enthusiasm, and would lead to universal suffrage ;
and a Government formed from such materials would
not stand an hour. Universal suffrage, he believed,
would lead to universal confusion. 'nose bodies, the
Political Unions, were formed on the same basis, as the
Jacobin Ciubs in the time of the French revolution. The
language used now was much the same as was heard
then; they had the same allusions to the fate of Charles
the First ; the same allusions about the beheading o the
French Queen, and the uselessness of the House of Lords.
He would read a few extracts—(No, no; Hear, hear)_
he meant to show that they were illegal and unconstitu-
tional. The extracts were from speeches delivered at
Newcastle, and published under the sanction of the
council of the union; they were therefore now not
the speeches of the individuals, having been adopt -d by
the Union. The Hon. Member then read an extract,
which laid down the principle, that when existing law
fails in producing justice, the people must have recourse
to the law of nature, and made reference to the fate of the
ancienne Noblesse of Fiance at the Revolution. It also
declared that a representative Government, having demo-
cracy for its basis, was the only one which could insure
peace and prosperity to the nation ; and that the people,
with a voice of thunder, must demand annual Parliaments,

(131-trcE 7D.)

universal suffrage, and the vote by ballot. This thunder-
ing demand, the Hon. Member thought was not quite
consistent with the spirit of our laws.—(" Quite," front
Mr. O'Connell.) The Hon. Member then read another
extract, having reference to the flourishing state of Ame-
rica, as resulting from the good effects of a republican
form of Government. The Hon. Member made a similar
comment upon this resolution, and then proceeded to con-
tend that there was an extremely conservative spirit pre-
valent throughout the country—(oh, oh ! and a general
laugh)—lie meant a spirit of determination to uphold the
laws. As to revolutions, in point of fact, revolutionary
spirit was at a discount.—(ol), oh !) There had been a
great deal of revolutionary experimental:zing latterly in
various places, in most of which it had completely
tailed ; and even where successful, the success had been
any thing but a success calculated to please the Jacobi-
nical feelings of the political unionists. The French Re-
volution had merely effected a change of dynasty from one
part of a family to another, and had added most conside-
rably to the standing army and to their debt. The Revo-
lution of Belgium was essentially a conservative revolution.
—(oh, oh.) Yes ; for private property and national
faith had been respected. It was not a revolution which
consigned two or three hundred thousand unhappy beings
to gaols, and thence to scaffolds ; nor was it n revolution
which created twenty thousand sovereigns instead of one,
on the " sovereignty of the people" principle. Nor was
such a state of things as this; however ardently sighed
for by the supreme council of the political union, at all
desired by the great majority of the people. No, the
condemnation of political unions, which he anticipated
from the great majority of that House—(No, no)—well,
whether there was a majority there or no, the overwhelm-
ing tnajority of the people—(oh, oh)—would raise their
indignant voice against these Unions.—(Oh, ob.) They
were for English liberty, not French anarchy.—(oll.) The
Hon. Member then observed that Ile did not bring this
question forward out of party feeling ; he would not
wish his motion to be understood as at all a retrospective
one. Let by-pones be by gones ; hut what he desired was,
a prospective declaration from the House, so that if, at any
time, Government should find it necessary to bring for-
ward any measure to bear upon these unions, they
might be sure of the assistance of the House. Even
supposing that these political unions were not formi-
dable as a political body, they ought to be put down
as local nuisances, for, at present, it was necessary
for everybody in their neighbourhood to be of their
mind, or woe be to them. At several elections, oc-
curring where, or near where, those Uniens were, they
always marched i❑ bodies to the place; and not only did
any gentleman, who appeared to be opposed to them, run
the greatest risks, but all his friends became marked men,
and were constantly in fear of the consequences of their in-
dependence. Indeed, several gentlemen, who had com-
municated very serious complaints to him on the sutiject,
had earnestly requested him not to mention their names,
lest they too should become " marked men." It was,
therefore, incumbent upon the Parliament to take some
steps in this matter, at any rate, for the protection of in-
dividuals. The non-suppression of these bodies, too, would
inevitably give rise to faction ; for it Ministers refused to
interfere, rival confederacies must be formed for self-de-
fence.—(Hear, hear.) He was no friend to the Conser-
vative, any more than to the Jacobinical Unions, consider-
ing that the only Political Union should be the British
Parliament—(Hear)—and if the latter bodies were sup-
pressed, he would lend every assistance to suppress the
others; but he repeated, if no steps were taken for the
protection of the description of individuals he had just
mentioned, they must form into societies as a matter of
self defence. It was said that this mention of the Political
Unions was unnecessary and injudicious ; that they were
fast dwindling away, and would soon expire of themselves,
and that therefore any notice of them merely had the
effect of giving them a certain degree of consequence.
It was very true that they were dwindling away, but still
the circumstances of the times were such, that not the
least dust should be allowed to remain in which the spark
of revolution might be kept smouldering.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) iThe most appalling disturbances, pre-
dial and civic, had been the result of these Political
Unions, and, he repeated, although they might not
be, and were not, so formidable by any means as they
were two years ago, yet, at tt e same time, they were not
so insignificant as to render it a matter of no consequence
that this House should, indirectly, sanction their exist-
ence. Besides, the resolutions he had to propose were
very innocent and harailess—(oh, oh, and a general
laugh)—and he could not conceive that the House would
refuse to agree to them. The House had inadvertently
given, as it were, a prescriptive legality to these Unions ;
and it was therefore due to themselves that they should
pass a resolution, declaring that such bodies as these did
not exist with Parliamentary sanction. This was not a
time to dolly with fire. Things were in such a state all
over the world as rendered it imperative on us to preserve
the utmost possible internal power. If we once allowed of
internal convulsion, total ruin would be the speedy and
inevitable result. He considered that the institutions of
the cede:try were not only necessary fur the safety and
happiness of the one hundred millions of his Majesty's
subjects, but these institutions concerned the liberties
and happiness of all Europe. Those, therefore, who
under any pretence sought a purpose inimical to the
British Constitution, were not only the enemies to the
liberties of their own country, but they were the enemies
of the whole human race. The Hon. Gentleman con-
cluded by moving a resolution, to the effect :—" Resolved,
That certain voluntary associations, bearing the name of
Political Unions, are subversive of the authority of the
Crown, and are unconstitutional and illegal; and that
his Majesty's Ministers would be fully justified in enforc-
ing the law against them, so as to suppress all Political
Unions, which are subversive of the authority of the
Crown, which are unconstitutional and illegal."
Mr. PLUMPTRE seconded the motion, which he did
with the greater pleasure, inasmuch as it had been said in
another place only a few days ago, that political unions
were inconsistent with any plan of good government. It
was also said the law was sufficient to put them down,
and if it were not, he would be willing to strengthen it,
for he believed there would be no disinclination to put the
law i❑ force. The people had no right to form such
unions as the means of obtaining redress, for they had the
right of petitioning.—(A laugh.) The King, Lords, and
Commons formed, he might say, a political union ; and
with their power these other unions were inconsistent.
He must tell his Hon. Friend the Member fur Stamford,
that his resolution went to give Conservative clubs a severe
blow, as well as political unions ; and certainty, if those
clubs were to oppose all reform, and were to lit themselves
up against the spirit of the age, he certainly should not
ite sorry to deal a very heavy blow at them.
M. COBBETT and Lord ALTHORP rose together, but the
House called for the latter.

Lord ALTHORP said, that the Hon. Gentleman who
brought forward this motion assume I, throughout his
speech, that the political unions were illegal assemblies ;
but, from all the information which he had been able to
procure on the subject, he did not think that they could,
in their present form, be said to be illegal.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman had, in proof of his assumption,
quoted the proclamation issued by his Majesty two years
ago ; but he entirely overlooked the particular circum
stances which then existed. The proclamation Will issued
against those political unions which assumed a right to
organize their members upon a military principle, and even
avowed their purpose of taking up arms. That certain y
was a most illegal proceeding upon the part of those bodies.
and against that the proclamation was dir cted. That
was not the case at present. The appearance of the pro-
claination had warned the Political Unions, as it was
intended, to take care, and the illegal course had been
abandoned. The Hon. Gentleman w shed him to say
whether he thought the prevalence of Political
and the spreading of those bodies growing into great
power, was not detrimental to the constitution, and cer-
tainly he was ready to say that the prevalence of such
Unions was not devoid of danger to the Constitution. But
the Hon. Gentleman said, and in th tt he cordially con-
curred, that the general feelings of the people of this coun-
try were conservative—that the feelings of the great ma-
jority of the people were in favour of supporting our pre.
sent institutions—of preserving them, but, in preserving,
to improve them—(Cheers)—and, by continual improve-
ments, to make them even more worthy of being preserved.
—(Corers.) That was, he admitted, the general, he
might say almost the universal, feeling of the people. lo
every large and mixed society like ours there would be,
and no doubt weee, persons who took a different view
from this, but they were in this country very few. Be-
fore the House adopted the resolution proposed by the
lion. Gentleman, it ought to be satisfied that there war
great danger of these revolutionary views spreading—a
greater danger than at present any man supposed to exist.

ear, tear.) tie enneelveri the ham. Gtentlemany
reZOTutiou uncalled for—(Hear, hear)—and he certainl's
could not agree to it, particularly the first part, which
was incorrect. The resolution stated that thee Unions
evere and he did not believe that they were. With
,e.pect to the other part of it, he did not see the advan-
tage of the House giving any opinion on the subject. It
w.as to him a great satisfaction to think that the feelings
of the country were in a state of great excitement at the
time the Political Unions arose and were extended ; they
had been preserved and extended since by a continued
and even increased excitement; but he was happy to
eoncur with the Honourable Gentleman in believing,
that, in the present state of the country, their power
was diminishing from want of excitement. For him-
self, he was not speaking out of any partiality to Po-
litic d Unions ; for of all the persons who entertained
political opinions, there was no political party more
hostile to the present Government than the Political
Unions. He, therefore, did not come forward out of any
partiality to those unions ; and what he said could not be
charged to that motive. The Hon. Gentleman said that
Political Unions had interfered at elections, and had pre-
vented those from being elected who ought to have been
elected. Certainly he must admit that Political Unions
had interfered with elections, and, he might say, had en .
I e a vo ured to prevent the proper persons from being
elected ; but their exertions bad not always been directed
against the gentlemen opposite or in favour of those who
supported the Government.—(Cheers.) He had seen seine
of the gentlemen opposite glad of the assistance of Politi-
cal Unions on a late occasion. The Hon. Gentleman
had stated that these Unions had drawn up a programme
of an Administration, and they had stated the names of
those gentlemen who were to hold offices in the State.
The Hon. Gentleman said, it was one of their great and
peculiar objects to get their own party into power; but
he believed that no political party ever existed, which did
not wish to have an Administration formed of those per-
sons who held their own opinion.—(Cheers.) Upon the
whole, he thought the question was hardly one to speak
seriously about; but he felt it to he his duty to give the
motion a direct negative.--( Hear, hear.)
Mr. COBBETT rose to say a few words, as he might,
perhaps, be suspected of having organized these unions.
He wished that the Hon. Gentleman had made out some
harm or some mischief these unions had done. He should
like to know what they had done to make them so distin-
guished. Since they had been established, there bad been
a great many riots in the couutry, but in no one instance
had the political unions taken part in those riots.—(No,
no!—Hear, hear.) At Bristol, in particular, the political
unions hail laboured, and laboured continually and success-,
fully, and had prevented the riots going further. What,
then, had the political unions done? There were great
difficulties and great embarrassments is the gauntry ;
there were various things which they all wished to make
better; and there was a great deal to deplore; but would
any Hon. Gentleman say that the political unions had
produced them ? While the Hon. Gentleman had been
speaking he had set down a few of the causes of these
things, and if the political unions had produced them, the
Hon. Gentleman should have gone a great deal further.
If the political unions had caused the Bank stoppage of
1797—if they had caused the 22 years' war carried on
against France to put down liberty—if they had caused
the American war, which added 72 millions to our debt,
and which ended, as few wars did, in our disgrace—
if they had passed the famous Bill of 1819, which
doubled all the taxes—and if they had, by partially repeal-
ing it, caused the panic of 1825, 1826—if they had made
it necessary, after 18 years' peace, to keep up a f wee of
100,000 men—if they had given 600,0001. among 113
Privy Councillors, and Pensioners, and servants of the
State—if they had given a multitude of pensions and
sinecures to idlers, starving the industrious people—if they
had given Mr. Burke a pension, which had been enjoyed
for 33 years, and long after his death, till it amounted to
90 millions—(Great laughter, and some one behind Mr.
Cobbett warned him of his mistake)—he meant 90,000/.
—if (and he quoted it only as a specimen) the P.l tical
Unions- bad given a man a pension for 21 years for being
Charge d'Affaires at Florence for five months—if they had
given a man a pension of 2301. per annum for fire
months' service, while that gentleman was also a parson,
arid held two livings—he would not take the pert of the
Political Unions.—(Hear, hear.) If the Political Unions
had made the debt 800,000,000/.—if Political Unions
had done all or one of these things, he should say, put thetn
clown—let them be trampled to the earth under the feet
of the people, and let the name of Political Unions be ac-
cursed for ever.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. itIETHUEN had seen something of political unions
in his own county, and could say that he had never on any
occasion witnessed them engaged in as act of riot, or ever
knew them guilty of an incivility. If political unions
were to be put down, they must also put down Conserve-
tive clubs, for they were also an obstacle to the execution
of the law—(No, ne)—and wished, he believed, to
take the Government of the country into their own hands.
If the political unions offended, the law was strong
enough, he believed, to put them dowu.
Mr. O'CONNELL would not have trespassed on the
House, had he not been personally alluded to by the Hon.
Gentleman who brought forward the motion, and to
whom he felt grateful for the office he had bestowed on
him. As the Hon. Gentleman had called on him, he
would state his opinion. He believed that these associe-
sions were legal, and the motion of the Hon. Gentleman
was the most unjust and silliest motion he ever heard of.
It first declared these meetings illegal, and then it said
that the Ministers would not be to blame if they punished
what the Hon. Gentleman called illegal unions. That
was something new, to call on the House of Commons
to resolve that the Minister, would not be to blame for
executing the law. But the resolution was unjust, for it
prescribed what was illegal. It declared that some per-
sons, who bad not been tried, who had not even been
committed, were guilty of an illegal act. If the
Honourable Gentleman got his resolution to-night, he
alight to-morrow post off to Birmingham and hand the
resolution of the House of Commons to the megis-
Crates, declaring the union there illegal.—(Hear, hear.)
Would it be right in the House of Commons to pass a
resolution to-night that the men who were to be tried at
the Old Bailey to-morrow or next week, had behaved
illegally ? That would not be decent in Parliament, and
might bring the House into some danger. They had
heard something of a coalition between the Conservatives
and the political unions not tar from Stafford, and some
comparison had been made between a monkey and a beer.
He too had heard of showmen. One went about with an
elephant and a calf, and when lie was asked which was
the elephant and which was the calf, he replied, " Which
your Honour pleases."—(Laughter.) The Hon. Gentle-
man had been taking lessons from these showmen. They
travelled sometimes, and the Hon. Gentleman had met
with one of them who had been abroad, as he told the
Hon. Gentleman that there were two principles struggling
f a- mastery on the Continent—despotism and superstition.
It was a pity he did not also tell the Hon. Gentleman that
these were not the only principles struggling for power
on the Continent—that there was also cant and hypo-
crisy—(Hear)—Religious cant and political hypocrisy.--
t Hear, hear.) He could tell the Hon. Gentleman that
these were rife on the Continent, and that they forced
themselves into high stations and high offices for uo other
reason but because they stuffed themselves out into im-
portance. Being in office, they made a great parade of
their piety, and busied themselves meddling in every other
man's affairs. They allowed no difference of opinion to
pass, but condemned one man as an Atheist, and another
as an Anarchist. They dealt in foul names and much
abuse. We had none of these in England. There was
no cant, no hypocrisy here. The Hon. Gentleman had
never heard of them before. But if they were inverted
here, what could they do? They would be tore to over-
look the beam in their own eye—to point out the mote iu
the eye of another.—(Hear, hear.) The Charles-street
Society, the Conservative Club, the Orange Lodge, were
iverlooked, and the Hon. Gentleman pounced down on
he lowly political unions—those unions which had turned
tint of that House, and kept them out—the nominees of
the oligarchy. He considered it fortunate for the country,
-het it y, t possessed political unions, for they were ready
again to support the Government, should that other collo-
io comenwnul
nbny,
further
allude,
freedom
thanwasthreatened, ands threatened
to nhich
by a Conservative club in another place, which sought to
bange the councils of the country. The political unions
tosay
is n
:„n
might be more necessary than ever if that collision should
came, and they would again protect, as they had before
arotected, the liberty of the country, end would preserve
tee principles of our free Constitution.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HALCOMB contended, amidst calls of " Quese
;ion," that these unions were illegal.
Mr. WALTER said he was neither a friend nor an
enemy to political unions ; for he was certain that their
nerit or demerit must entirely depend upon the nature of
the object which men unite for the purpose of obt onieg.
That object being beneficial, then he was thoroughly con.
vinced that the best method of obtaining it was by unions ;
~autec,,:es of unanimity and concord would apply ; for in-
end all the maxims which they bed ever heard of the d,l-
- and detached efforts c,euld do but little. A
mem, however, which the present motion induced Imo
:ow to bring under the Dolce of the House, was not of
oat laud able character, but was a political unien of a
emit mischievous nature and tendency. In the email
which he had the honour of repre-entieg, a political union
had been formed, for an object which he had no hesitation

in describing as in a high. degree factious and improper.
It was a union of the Magistracy chiefly, to raise a sum
of money to be expended in defraying not only the cost of
regi•tering the voters whn were admitted upon the re-
gister in ]ast November, but also the cost of placing on
the register every succeeding year such voters as (night be
friendly to their views ; and, though such w.is not ex-
pressed to be their intention, he feared there could he little
doubt that one of their objects was to keep off such voters
as might be deemed unfriendly to their interests. He
held in his hand a letter from the acting secretary of this
political union, who was also a M,tgistrate of the county,
which, with the permission of the House, he would read :
" Hurst-lodge, Maidenhead, Berks, April 28, 1833.
" Dear Sir,—At a numerous meeting of gentlemen of the
county, which took place yesterday at the Bear Inn, Reading
(Mr. Benyon de Beauvoir in the chair), to consider the pro-
priety of paying strict attention to the registration of the voters
of this county on all future occasions, and to examine into the
expenses caused by their original enrolment, it was resolved
(among other resolutions which I hope shortly to have the
pleasure of sending you post free), that it was highly unjust
and unfair that the whole expenses attending the original regis-
tration of voters, which is to serve as the guide and basis of
all future elections, should be imposed on those gentlemen
who happened to be candidates for the representation of the
county at that particular period; and that a subscription of
sums of moderate amount, varying from 301. to 10/., should be
made by such proprietors of lands and estates in the county as
may think fit, to assist in defraying the expenses of the regis-
tration itself (unavoidably incurred by Mr. Palmer and Mr.
Pusey), and which were wholly distinct from, and unconnected
with, those attending the election.
" I was directed by the meeting to ascertain your senti-
ments on the subject, and I shall feel much obliged by as early
a reply as convenient, addressed to this place.
" I am, dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

" GEORGE HENRY ELLIOTT."
Now, if unions of this kind were suffered to exist on the
subject of registration, they could only be met by unions
on the other side, and every county must become a scene
of political intrigue from one election to another. The
combinz tion of which he had just presented proofs to the
House be hail reason to suppose, however mischievous in
spirit, had not altogether succeeded, as many of the par-
ties applied to for money and had declined complying
with the requisition. He repeated, however, that if one
set of unions were suffered, another must take place as a
counterpoise ; but, in any case, the unconstitutional cha-
racter of this particular union could not be doubted.

Mr. FORSTER entreated the Hon. Member for Stam-
ford to withdraw his resolution. He could assure him
that the political unions were of but little importance in
a legislative point of view.

Mr. FINCH expressed his willingness to act upon the
suggestion of the Hon. Member who had spoken last.—
(Cries of " No, no," "Divide, divide.") If it were true that
those bodies were contemptible, there certainly would be
no necessity for pressing his motion. He could not help
remarking, however. that a singular disunion of opinion
existed in the Cabinet on the subject, for he had heard
that a Noble Lord in another place (Lord Melbourne) had
de,cribed political unions as inconsistent with good
government. If so, then they certainly ought not to be
permitted to exist in this country. But he would pursue
this argument no further, because he conceived he was out
of order in even making the allusion. He had been
informed by his friends that Ministers would upon this
occasion endeavour to conciliate their opponents, and the
result had proved that the information which he had
received was correct.

Lord ALTHORP felt it necessary not to explain, but
to repeat what he had stated. He stated that Political
Unions as at present managed were not illegal ; but if
they obtained great power in the country, he thought they
would be detrimental to the Constitution.
Mr. T. ATTWOOD, in reference to what had fallen
firm the lion. Member for Walsall, said it was true that
a great body of the members of the Birmingham Political
Union did go over to Walsall at the time of the election,
but their conduct was perfectly legal. They pm.
ceeded to Walsall without being instigated by any
member of the Union Council, but at the invita-
tion of the people of Walsall, who had been badly used
by some hired ruffians, as they were called, engaged in
the service of the Hon. Member. About 10,000 of the
Union went to Walsall, and many of them were very ill-
used by the soldiers, for which they had been unable to
obtain any redress. On the following day a great number
of the Unionists assembled again to proceed to Walsall, but
he went amongst them, and would not allow them to go.
The Birmingham Union had never spent a shilling in
election proceedings, and during the three years that the
Union had been established, none of its members had been
guilty of any act-of violence—not even the breaking of a
window.
Mr. LITTLETON said that be had received infot ma-
tion respecting the Walsall election, and could declar• that
the conduct of the Birmingham Union, and of tho'e Unions
which. if not actual y affili ited with it, were acting in con-
cert with it at that election, was most outrageous. The
Hon. Member for Birmingham was considered anything
but an apostle of peace in that part of the country.
Mr. HUME said he had presented a petition, signed by
1,200 inhabitants of Walsall, who complained that the
thsturbances which occurred at the election there were in
the fi; it instance created by the Magistrates.
Mr. FORSTER said the allegations contained in the
petition ::•ere incorrect.
Mr. T. ATTWOOD said that, whatever opinion the
Right Hon. Member for Staffordshire might ente lain as
to his not being an apostle of peace, it was most certain
that a number of persons of the highest station and cha-
racter in the country, and among them many of the Right
Hon. Gentleman's friends, had attributed to his influence
the preservation of the peace of the district of the county
with which he was connected in October, 1831, and May,
1832.—(IIeer. )
Mr. LITTLETON said he must be just : be believed
the Hon. Member had been mainly instrumental in pre-
serving the peace of that put of the country at the time
be had referred to.
The SPEAKER then put the question, and declared
the Noes had it.
Mr. C. BULLER, and others, to force a division, said
the Ayes had it.
A division then took place—
Noes 7B

Ayes 6
Majority
POOR LAWS.

Mr. HALCOMB, pursuant to notice, rose to make a
motion on the subject of the Poor Laws. He was under-
stood to recommend no departure from the present system.
So far as local divisions were concerned, be would neither
have a national nor a county rate, at the same time that he
freely admitted it was impossible for the poor of England
to be in a worse situation than they were, for the system
by which they were oppressed tended fearfully to their
demoralization. His object would be to adhere as much
as possible to the principle of the 43d of Elizabeth ; but
he would endeavour to superadd to that a plan which
would go to divide the poor into classes, distinguishing
those whom vice bad reduced to that situation. The
latter he would desire to see supported by a parochial
rate, the other by a contribution of Is. per month, to be
deducted from the wages of all in employment—a charge
which eventually would become a burden upon the land,
awl qot upon labour ; but which, from being levied in
that form, would best answer the intention of all tyke and
beneficent legishtion--the improvement of the people.
The Hon. Member then proceeded to dwell upon
the privations to which the poor were subjected
in the workhouses, and above all, the cruelty of
(separating man and wife.—(A Lug!).) It was,
under any circumstances, a very serious matter; it
was illegal—no overseer had authority to do so ;it was
demoralising, and no man of right feeling could regard
such a system otherwise than with abhorrence—( Hear)—
it was a grievance not to be endured, that, whether young,
old, or middle-age'', a man should be separated trim his
wife at the will of any human being, and least of all at
the will of an overseer. The system of wot lchou,ea was,
in his opinion, extremely detrimental to children, in con-
sentience of the promiscuous nature of the arrangements,
and the want of classification. He thought that the
children abould be kept separate, and that more atten-
tion should be paid to their religious and moral instruc-
tion. He was also of opinion that a monthly publication
should take place of the cumbers of the poor, and of the
amount of the relief whisk each received. He was eon-
winced that the degradation of having their names inserted
in such a list, which he proposed to hive affixed to
church doors or other public places, would operate as an
incentive to industry, and would induce many to labour, in
order to avoid such an exposure. He had conversed with
many who were perfectly acquainted with the feelings of
the poor, and they were all of opinion that such a publica-
tion would have a great effect. There was another class
of parish poor to which he would call their attenti, 0...,...he
meant the orphan children of the poor; not those who had
been abseiled by their parents, but those who bad neither
father nor mother alive. There were never less than half
a dozen of those in a parish, and in some parishes there
were three or four dozen.
Mr. FERGUS O'CONNOR here observed, that the
20 killkils miseicie in which he took a great interest; and be
... arrorry to-xee the observations of the Hon. Men.l er lost
s,n so thin a' II use. He should therefore move ,' at the
' • If owe be cou4ted.
' --. Less than forty Metubets being present, tie House
-:-„; ,
~-. adjourned at a quarter past tight o'clock.
1\

ITAittl,J,ll4l

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.-SITTING OF JUNK 26.

M. Dupin took the chair precisely at 2 o'clock.
MM. Humann, de Rigny, Thiers, and d'Argout, all in
full costume as Ministers, were in their places. About
sixty or seventy other Deputies were present. While
the proces verbal was being read, about 80 others came
in. As soon as it had been adopted, the President read a
letter from M. Acrarier, Deputy for the Department of
the Haut Saone, tesigning his seat in the Chamber.
MM. Chaps is, Montonville, and Maignien, newly-
elected Deputies, took the oaths and their seats.
The Minister of the Interior then read a Royal ordi-
nance declaring, in the usual form, that the session of the
Chambers of Pee's and Deputies, for the year 1833, was
closed, on which the President immediately left the chair,
and the Deputies separated with loud cries of " Vive
le Roi."

(From Galignani's Messenger of Wednesday.)

The Moniteur contains the official promulgation of the
law for regulating the departmental organization ; and
also a *Royal ordinance, nominating Count Philip de Ham-
buteau Prefect of the Department of the Seine, in the
place of Count de Bondy, " called to other functions."
The same j urnal also announces, under its non-official
head, that the Count de Bondy is nominated Grand Officer
of the Legion of Honour; that M. Boutarel is appointed
Colonel of the 9th Legion of National Guards, in the
place of Al. de Schenen resigned ; and that M. de Schenen
is nominated Commander of the Legion of Honour.
The .Augsburg Gazette of the 22d instant mentions,
from Cat 1-rube, that the Government of Baden has made
some confidential communications to the Second Chamber
of the States relative to the measures of the Frankfort
Diet. touched upon in the answer to the Grand Duke's
speech. Although the particulars of these communica-
tions have not been made public, they are understood to
be of a nature to give the greatest satisfaction to the
country. The same paper mentions that a great number
of furloughs have been granted to the soldiers in garrison
at Stutgard, which indicates, a state of tranquillity in
Wirtemberg.
The Journal de Luxemburg of the 24th inst. an-
nounces that the Germanic Diet has placed a considerable
sum at the disposition of the military governor, for the
continuation of the repairs of the Citadel of Luxemburg.
We learn from Chambery that the court-martial held
there has passed sentence upon two more officers;
one has been condemned to death, and was shot on
the 12th inst., at 6 o'clock in the morning : the
other is to be imprisoned in irons. A third captain was
:arrested on the same day. One young man was so for-
tunate as to evade the grasp of justice, and has effected
his escape.
The Gazette de Lausanne contains the following :
" The staff of the Polish refugees in Switzerland have
just left Porentruy for Bienne, by order of the Govern-
ment. Whether this be a political measure is doubtful,
for it separates the subordinates from their chiefs, and re-
laxes the discipline, so necessary among young men and
unoccupied minds. No symptom of insubordination,
however, has as yet appeared. It is remarked that these
refugees are generally impressed with a deep sense of their
misfortune."

Accounts of the 24th inst., from Havre, mention that
on the preceding day a French frigate, said to be La Rd
solue, which lately sailed from Cherburg, was seen firing
guns of distress between Batfleur and the rock called
Lea Trois Pierres. The particulars of the shipwreck are
not yet known.
(PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.) _

Pants, JUNE 26.—The proceedings in yesterday's
sitting of the Chamber of Peers were rendered rather re-
markable by the haste with which its members went
through the remaining parts of the budget. After
the reading of the proces verbal, the President inquired
whether the Government consented to the amendments
made by the Chamber of Deputies in the budget of ways
and means for 1834. The Minis er of Finance having
replied in the affirmative, the various articles were adopted
without any discussion, and the ensemble of the budget
passed by a majority of 122 against 2. No other business
remaining to be gone through for the present, the two
Chambers are convened for this day to receive the notifi.
cation, by Royal ordinance, that the session is closed.
In spite of M. Dupin's admonition in his address to
the Chamber of Deputies on the day of his re-election,
that the members should guard against the notion
that they had no other public duty to perform than
to vote money to the Government, the business be-
fore the Chambers has almost entirely consisted in
discussions relating to the pecuniary wants and
cads of the Government. The members of both Chambers
seemed to care little whether it was thought that their
patriotism. was as easily to be exhausted as their patience,
and their sole object appeared to be to go through the
business for which chiefly they were called together as
speedily as possible, so that they might hasten to their
otium cum dignitate after the labours of the previous
session,—a session during which a vast deal was said, but
very little for the good of the country was done.
A notice has been posted up at the Bourse by the Direc-
tors of the Caisse d'Amortissement, to the effect that,
fi tun the 24th to the 29th of the present June, inclusive,
instead of the weekly sum of
,1,800,0001., or 300,0001.
per day, laid out for the redemption of stock, the weekly
sum of 2,400,000 francs, or 400,000 francs per day, will
be so employed. The object of this increase is to liqui-
date the accounts of the sinking fund, as from the Ist of
July next the new law is to take force, and by the rise
above par of the 5 and 43- per Cent. Rentes, it will not
be afterwards possible to redeem more than 80,000 francs
per day.
It has teen reported at the Boum, and I have reason
to think correctly, that a courier has arrived from Madrid,
briiii:ng despatches to the Government, dated on the
evening of the 20th, in which an account is given of the
ceremonisl of swearing fidelity to the Princess of Asturias,
as legitimate heir to the crown, and that the day passed off
without the least untoward occurrence. _

The French Funds have continued depressed to-day,
though no greater cause exists for the depression than
yesterday. A few more sales of stock were effected, which
kept the market down. The Three per Cents. opened,
for the end of the month, at 77f. 75c., and closed at
77f. 55c. to 60c. The Five per Cents. closed, also for
the end of the month, at 104.f.—Morning Paper.

(From tt,e Chronica Constitutional do Porto ofJune 11.)
MINISTRY OF MARINE.
" GEORGE ROSE SARTORIUS, VICE-ADMIRAL OF
H. 31. F. 31. FLEET.

" I, the Duke of Braganza, Regent, in the name of the
Queen, send you many greetings. Considering the appli-
cation you brought before my Imperial presence, wherein
you represented that the bad state of your health, occa-
sioned by your protracted fatigues at sea, would not permit
you to continue your services in the command which, in
the name of that august Lady I had conferred upon you,
by the Carta Regia of the Ist of May of the present year,
with that d agree of activity you wished to display in this
toilsome and laborious pursuit, I think proper, in the name
of the Queen, to giant your request, and to exonerate you
from the aforesaid command, which you executed with
honour to yourself and with advantage to the Portuguese
nation in the glorious b ittle, where, with an inferior force,
you disabled and put to flight the enemy's squadron. This
I wish to communicate to you for your information.
" Given at the Palace of Oporto, ihe Bth of June, 1833.
" D. PEDRO, Duke of Braganza.
" The Marquis De LOULE.
" To George Ruse Sartorius."

" CARLOS DE TOUZA, VICE•ADMIRAL OF HER MOST FAITH
FUL MAJESTY'S FLEET.

" I, the Duke of Braganza, Regent, in the name of the
Queen, send you many greetings. Taking into due con-
sideration your great services, zeal, and intelligence, of
which you have given so many proofs in his Britannic
Majesty's naval service, confiding in your love of liberty,
and trusting that you will use all you efforts for the glo •
lions termination of the struggle I am now engaged in to
restore the throne of the said August Lady, and the
Constitutional Charter of the Portuguese nation, I think
proper, in the Queen's name, to invest you with the chief
command of the squadron destined to assist in this noble
tnterprize ; and authorise you, moreover, to select and
name the Commanders and other officers of the ships on
this occasion composing the squadron, being certain that
the appointments yin may now make will be legally con-
firmed, which appeared to me to be necessary to be com-
municated to you for your information and execution.
Given at the Palace of Oporto, June 6, 1833.
" D. PEDRO, Dukc of Braganza.
" Marquis DE LOULE.
" To Carlos de Youaa."
PSISON, JUNI3_I7.

The account from Oporto of the removal of Mirshal
Solignae from the command of Don Pedro's army has
caused great depression amongst his friends here, a►id has
infused new life into the partisans of Don Miguel. You
see there is no end to the intrigues and conspiracies of
these Portuguese.

A positive order has come down for the immediate
sailing of the squadron, and to-day was fixed for their
leaving the Tagus. The 74 gun ship .Raivha, 'or which
the squadron bas been to long detaintd, tvas con il,ed on
Saturday night, but on Sunday morning earl) she was
discovered to be on fire, either through sone negligence,

or set on fire by some incendiary. Extraordinary exer-
tion was made, and in half an hour the fire was extin-
guished, and it is reported with little damage. It broke
out near the powder magazine. Some damage is done,
but it is said it will he remedied by Thursday or Friday,
and then the squadron will certainly leave the Tagus,
with orders, it is said, immediately to engage the enemy.

The cholera continues to make such distressing progress
that scarce any thing else is a topic for convtrsation. The
labour, in each parish, of those who form the processions
for administering the Sacrament, is so great, by night and
day, that the Patriarch has ordered certain orders of
Friars to assist them. More th in 100 bodies are buried
daily in Campo d'Orique. Men are constantly employed
in Jigging trenches the whole length of the consecrated
ground, and they are placed in without coffins, two and
two, beside each other, and covered up as they arrive.
The accounts now, from all parts of the country, are
very distressing, and show clearly that the disorder is
rapidly en the increase.
Don Carlos end his family are not yet returned from
Coimbra. It is reported that since his interview with
Dan Miguel he refuses to quit Portugal. Several
couriers have been sent to him from Lisbon during the
past week, by the Spanish Minister, and the Minister's
brother is said to have been sent up to have a conference
with him ; hut nothing has yet transpired as to the result.
Tt e brig of war, The 13th of May, supposed to he
taken by the enemy, is gone over. She has been seen off
the Rock by the telegraph.
The Bank of Lisbon discounted for the Government
14,0001. worth of paper on Saturday, and it was de-
spatched under a strong escort to the army.
Every kind of fruit is prohibited being sold in Lisbon.
The consequence is that the greatest distress already pre-
vails amongst both the growers and venders of these arti-
cles. Apricots, plums, or cherries, and bread formed the
principal part of the food of thousands who must now
starve or become an easy prey to the dreadful epidemic
with which we are visited, weak or diseased people
being those whom hitherto it seems principally to have
attacked.

A council of naval officers has been held at the ersenal
at which the commanders of the different ships forming
the squadron were ordered to attend, and report the state
and condition of their ships, men, &c. They said gene
rally that, not having had an opportunity of exercising
their crews, they could not consider them in a fit state to
go to sea.
The commander of the Don John VI. said he was
ready to go to sea in her as a volunteer, but not as com-
mander. The captain of one of the frigates said the
same. Two have been dismissed the service.

When his Majesty was in Lisbon, he was present at
the almost daily exercising of the men at the guns ; but
since his departure for Braga, little has been done ; and
at this critical moment they find themselves in distress,
both for commanders and able and experienced seamen.

His Britannic Majesty's ships of war, Caledonia and
Viper, arrived in the Tagus this evening.
It is confidently said Don Carlos has determine.l not
to leave Portugal at present. M. Cordova is returned
from Coimbra, not being able to tnake any impression on
the Prince, as to complying with King Ferdinand's orders.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PAnts, JUNE 27.
Five per Cents., 103 f. 85c. 104 f. 1031. 90c.
Four per Cents., 94f. 50c.
Three per Cents., 77f. 70c. 75c. 50c.
National Loan, 103 E 80c.
Rente de Naples, 91f. 50c. 60c.
Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 16%;1,4
Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 40% ,% %
Royal Spanish Loan, 90% 91
Rente Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 78% tp
Belgic Loan, 1831, 93%
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 65c.; money, 25f. 60c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 55c. ; money, 9.5 f. 50c.
—Cours Authentique.

PRICES OF SHARES TNIS DAT AT ONE O'CLOCF•
Paid. Per Share.
Anglo Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) XlOO 11
Bolanos Mining Compan £lso 12534
Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) £2O 61
Ditto National 17% 23
Ditto St. John Del Rey
Ditto Cocaes 5 15'.
British Iron Mining Company £5O
Columhitn Mining Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) 5034
English Musing Company 12%
General Mining Association l2
Mexican Mining Co. £46
Real del Monte Mining C 0....,
United Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 21. pm.) 40
Ditto New Scrip 5
Alliance Fire Insurance Comp lO
Protector Insurance Comp.

914
21%
7►!
95 96 25
11%%
14
1034
£1 7 0

Australian Co.
Canada Company ..... 17
General Steam Navigation Co. l3
National Provincial Bank of England 5
Provincial Bank of Ireland 25

18 17%
55