The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

'e refer with pleasure to the report of a meeting
held yesterday in the city, of which the object was to
make application to the Lord Mayor to allow the use
of Guildhall for a grand ball, which is to be given for
the benefit of the " Distressed Poles?' It will be seen
that our anticipations of the result of such an applica-
tion have been realized. The Lord Mayor granted
the use of the Hall without a moment's hesitation,
and promised to give the undertaking his warmest
support. We congratulate the Lord Mayor on the
opportunity of commencing his mayoralty with so
praiseworthy an act, and he will have the thanks of all
.generous and humane spirits for the prompt and hand-
,sorne manner in which he has embraced that oppor-
tunity. We hope to see the citizens at large imitate
the example which has been thus set them by their
Chief Magistrate, and contribute with equal zeal to-
wards making the splendour of the ball, and the
amount of its proceeds, worthy so numerous and
wealthy a community.—Times.
We almost feel as if we were insulting our readers
by taking any further notice of the absurd charge brought
against the Lord Chancellor, that he availed himself
of the labours of others in his Central Criminal Courts

Bill. As, however, the mischievous tendency of
charges of this kind may not be so obvious to all as
its absurdity, at the hazard of wearying our readers,
we will offer a few words in addition to our former ob-
servations. Is it wise to divide the responsibility of
public measures ? They who are so anxious to divide
the merit of measures, forget that in proportion as they
assign the merit of them to others, they weaken the re-
sponsibility of ministers. The old doctrine of • at-
tributing measures to the Ministers who pro-
pose them, and holding them fully responsible
for them, is much more for the interest of

the public than the new fangled doctrine which
has been so perversely taken up. Were it even
true that the frame-work of the Bill had been prepared
by others—though Mr. Charles Phillips has proved it
to be substantially the Chancellor's own, and no one
has yet contradicted him—and that the Chancellor had
merely obtained the concurrence of his colleagues, and
then introduced it with the sanction of the Government

into Parliament, would any one doubt that the measure,
if carried, was his measure ? If not, why should he be
held responsible on the failure of the plan ? Let us sup-
pose the Poor-law Amendment Bill to have failed. Would
not the Tories, in that case, deem themselves justified
in abusing the Government, and especially the Lord
Chancellor, for the mischief caused by an attempt
which had so failed ? Yet who ever supposed
that any Member of the Cabinet either drew
the Act or framed any of the clauses ? In all times
the person who takes up a Bill and carries it through
Parliament, has been deemed its author ; to him be-
longs the praise of the measure if successful, and on
him falls the blame if unsuccessful. We repeat that
it is highly impolitic to allow Ministers to throw any
part of the responsibility of measures on the original
framers of them. The public should be accustomed
to look always on Ministers as the only responsible
parties. The question, who framed or devised a
measure, is one which ought never to be asked, be-
cause so sure as others come in for a share of the
merit, so sure will Ministers be disposed to shift on
them also a share of the responsibility ; and the public
rviil be any thing but gainers by the change. Ministers
occupy a space in the public eye ; but a measure may
have been suggested by very ingenious individuals,
whose responsibility may yet be worth very little. If
praise be withheld from Ministers, blame must be with-
held from them.—Morning Chronicle.
Lord Althorp, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in-
structed iVIr. Littleton, the Irish Secretary, to open- a
negotiation with a person whom his Majesty, by the
advice of his confidential servants, had denounced, al-
most by name, as a rebel and a traitor. Mr. O'Con-
nell proclaimed to the world the preliminaries of the
treaty which had thus been propounded to him. Upon
this disclosure Lord Althorp declared that his personal
honour required him to resign his office ; and we be-
lieve there was not one gentleman in the kingdom who
did not on this occasion agree with Lord Althorp. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer therefore went out. Earl
Grey, accustomed to rely upon his Noble Colleague
for the management of a House of Commons
which seemed occasionally very unmanageable,
had not courage to struggle alone against the di-
ficulties with which he was surrounded. He pro.
tested that Lord Althorp's continuance in office was
absolutely essential to his own ; and, since Lord
Althorp would not return to the Exchequer, Earl
Grey retired from the Treasury. Before many months
—before many weeks—nay, before many days, had
elapsed, an arrangement had been effected which in-
deed baffled every calculation and confounded every
conjecture. Lord Althorp, who had resigned office
because his personal honour required him to resign it,
resumed office, though his personal honour still dic-
tated resignation ; Earl Grey, who had retired from
office because his coadjutor had left his post, was still
in retirement; though his coadjutor was again in the
field. The causes which had produced Lord Althorp's
retreat were still in operation, yet Lord Althorp was
once more Chancellor of the Exchequer ; the single
cause which had produced Earl Grey's retreat was
removed, yet Earl Grey had been insulted by the
offer of the Privy Seal. How then was Lord Althorp's
precipitate return explained ? We were told that his
continuance at the Exchequer was necessary to the
existence of the Administration of which he was a
Member ;—that no other individual could undertake
the • lead of the House of Commons ;—that upon his
secession all the patriotism and all the talent of the
Cabinet would be at once lost to the country. Mr.
Hume, and we know not bow many hundreds of the
people's RepresentativeS, besought Lord Althorp to
avert so sad a catastrophe, and to retain the position
which he alone could worthily fill. Lord Althorp
suffered himself to he convinced. He sacrificed his
personal honour that he might save the sinki
State. It was suggested by one of the journals which
ridiculed this monstrous absurdity, that an event
might speedily happen which would remove Lord Al-
thorp of necessity to the Upper House, and deprive
the Government in the House of Commons of those
services which were so preposterously trumpeted as in-
dispensable to its existence. The event has now oc-
curred. Lord Althorp must of necessity go to the
Upper House. Having reminded our readers of these
circumstances, which took place but four months ago,
let us ask them to watch now the event. Lord Al-
thorp, in July, resumed office, because the continuance
of the Administration required that he should lead the
House of Commons. He can no longer lead the House
of Commons. Will he now retire from office? If he shall
still cling to its sweets, the country will see that the rea-
son he assigned for his coy consent was a miserable
pretext, and that in fact lie hastened back to place
simply because the purpose for which he had left it
was gained in the expulsion of Earl Grey. The Ad-
ministration, in July, would have been dissolved but
for the return of Lord Althorp to the Exchequer.
Lord Althorp can no longer remain at the Exchequer.
Will the Administration be now dissolved ? If it shall
still continue its calamitous career, the country will
know how to appreciate the virtue and the wisdom of
those senators who, at the bidding of Mr. Hume, pro-
nounced that there was no hope for a nation's . safety
but in the prolonging of the official importance of one
dull man. The elevation of Lord Althorp to the
House of Peers is, in many respects, an interesting
event. But to us it seems especially interesting, as it
promises to throw some further light upon the motives
which guided the actors in what we have throughout
i
believed to have been a very base intrigue.—Morning
Post.
Nothing is as yet settled respecting the vacant and
most important office of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The wish is, in a certain quarter, to appoint Mr.
Spring Rice, whose knowledge of details is unquestion-
ably unexceptionable ; but it is suggested, and justly we
think, that the leader of the House of Commons should
be a man of more character and more weight. In this
respect Mr. Abercromby, though not especially fitted,
so far as we are aware, for the office of Finance Minis-
ter, bears the bell over all his competitors, and is deci-
dedly the favourite with all the Members of the House
of Commons with whom we have had an opportunity
of conversing. In all Cabinet arrangements, however,
lisp question of who is the fittest roan for the office is