The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-17 00:00:00

made to believe, they may be made to feel, and
their conduct held up to the view of a discerning
country." Surely this impassioned language, these
words that burn," exhibit any thing but " in-
difference." Nor do we cry up real indifference as a
cardinal virtue on all occasions. In private life to bear
and forbear on such topics is exceedingly difficult. On
some occasions silence implies consent, and to succumb
is often to give the victory to an assailant. But the
case of public men is widely different. They should
know that their character and conduct is public pro-
perty, and liable to be dealt with freely as such. They,
therefore, should be made of " sterner stuff" than to
bend to every breeze, or to take fire at every spark.
It is not easy to discover from the Chancellor's speech
what is the description of vengeance with which he
means to overwhelm his opponents—whether he means to
answer the Press by the Press, or by criminal informa-
tions. We hope, for his own sake, he means the
former. Having ourselves taken no part in the at-
tacks upon the Chancellor, we are perfectly dis-
interested spectators of the strife ; but knowing, as
we do, that the law is generally but a sorry restorer
of wounded reputation, and that public opinion is
sure to right itself, however widely it may have been
led astray, we should lament to see a man of Lord
Brougham's splendid acquirements appealing to an
arbiterment so little calculated to meet the occasion. It
is the failing even of great minds to look upon their
own case as the most grievous. We no not deny that
stronglanguage has been used towards Lord Brougham,
and that much of the motive is involved in mystery ;
but if his Lordship will consult the pages of Swift, of
Junius, of the North Briton, and many others, which
will readily occur to him, he will perceive that the
worst that has been said of him is milk and water to
the language which was held towards public men of
those times, most of whom have descended to posterity
with reputations little, if at all, damaged by the alembic
through which they thus passed. Besides, wise men
should know that they often owe more to their enemies
than to their friends ; and that while censure is the tax
which a man must expect to pay for being eminent,
instead of resenting it, he might learn from it to cor-
rect thoSe parts of his character and conduct which
have been marked by that degree of error from which
none are exempt. Let Lord Brougham do this, and
he will have little, upon reflection, to upbraid his as-
sailants with, while posterity will neither know nor
care whether they ever existed.—Morning Herald.

We will not do anv of our numerous readers the in-
justice to imagine for a moment that they have not
read from the beginning to the end, and with the
most lively interest, the whole of that admirable
speech which was spoken by Lord Brougham, upon
the occasion of his Lordship's recent visit to Aber-
deen ; for one more replete with interest, more abun-
dant with statesmanlike views, more satisfactory, both
with regard to the past, and to the future conduct
of any individual it has rarely fallen to our lot to
peruse. Where now, we may fairly ask, be the ca-
lumnies of his malignant revilers and backbiters ?
Where be the lies which they lied with a grace like
truth itself ? Where be their vile insinuations and
/cowardly inuendos ? Where be their charges of
inconsistency ? Where the proofs of the Noble
Lord having conspired with Lord Althorp, to turn
the great Father, of Reform out of the Cabinet, that
they might reign in his stead ? Where the truth of
the accusation that Lord Brougham was inimical to
the further progress of reform, and that he tripped up
the heels of the Warwick Disfranchisement Bill, from
no other motive but a desire to check it ? Where the
foundation for the imputation alleged against him of
being inclined to Conservatism, and by no means re-
luctant to form part of a Conservative Cabinet ? All
—all---all gone I gone for ever, like the baseless fabric
of a vision—leaving not a wreck behind them, but the
enmity and unsated malignity of their inventions, and
the scorn and contempt of those who have been com-
pelled to listen to them, to tell of their existence
Never was there a more complete discomfiture than
that which has been experienced by the former—ne-
ver a more successful onslaught, than that mane upon
them by the Lord Chancellor—never a more complete
flight than that to which he has put all their base in-
ventions and foul mouthed calumnies. The Noble
Lord has been subjected to a severe ordeal—he has
been marked out for slander in his private as well as
in his public bearing—he has been surrounded by
treacherous friends, and embittered enemies—darkness
has been scattered around his path, and clouds of doubt
and suspicion been made to encompass him as with a
garment ; but he has triumphed over all—and, now,
to repeat the beautiful lines quoted by him in allusion
to a more important matter—we may say as equally
true of him as true to nature—that,

" As some tall cliff that lifts its awful form,
Swells from the vale and midway leaves the storm,
Though round its breast the rolling clouds are spread,
Eternal sunshine settles on its head."
—so has he burst through the gloom—so has he rolled
away the storm—so does he again stand forth in all
the brightness of unsullied character and well-earned
fame. But to come to particulars. And, first, of his
share in the rejection of the Warwick Bill, by the
House of Lords.

" When I saw," says he, " a Bill come up from the Com-
mons to disfranchise so many hundred electors of a burgh be-
cause nineteen were proved upon evidence, which was of the
most inconclusive and ragged nature, to have received bribes ;
and when I saw this Bill abandoned by the Noble Lord who
had taken charge of it at first, and who is well known to be a
staunch friend of the people, and the enemy of every thing
like corruption—Lord Radnor, I mean—when I saw the Bill
given up by him, and when I saw him get up and say, that he
approved of, and agreed with, every word that I had said, and,
although there are persons who kindly chose to charge me
with inconsis'ency on this subject, avowing this on his legs, I
said that to pass such a Bill was impossible. The House of
Commons did not examine witnesses on oath; the witnesses
told the House of Commons one thihg, because they were not
on oath, and another thing to the House of Lords, because
they were sworn—for the House of Lords could not decide
upon hearsay evidence. What I wish to state is, that I sat on
that Warwick Bill as a Judge in the Chair of the House of
Lords, to decide upon oath ; and, contrary to all my inclina-
tions, which were in favour of the Bill, I decided according to
my conscience, against my sentiments, against my prejudices,
arid in favour of my political adversaries, and Lord Warwick,
with whom I was not even personally acquainted. One of the
last causes which I decided in the Court of Chancery was
against one of my oldest political as well as personal friends,
because, as a Judge, I was called to decide upon oath. And
was I wrong in agreeing with Lord Radnor, when he found
that the Warwick Bill must be thrown out?"

\Vas ever defence more complete, or more satisfac-
tory ? Was ever explanation more candid or more
conclusive ? Then, again, with regard to his inclina-
tion to conservatism, his Lordship declares it to be his
desire to preserve all that is valuable and useful in the
Constitution—to stand by what may be termed its
principia, or elementary principles, of -King; Lords,
and Commons ; but, nevertheless, to be willing " to
go even to the uttermost ends of toe.earth, so to im-
prove those institutions, as to make them yet more do-
serving of the love and veneration of the subject, and more
fitted for lasting endurance, because more entitled to per-
petuity."' If this be conservatism—and further, if " agree-
ment with the opinions which are prevalent in the House
of Commons, rather than with those which are popularin
" the Lords," be a proof of the same thing—verily we
shall begin to think that we are Conservatives our-
selves, and that, instead 'of abusing others for their
adherence to Conservative doctrines, we have been lite-
rally calumniating ourselves. But what of turning
out Lord Grey ? Here is his Lordship's answer, and
we wish the inventors of the calumny joy of their self-
begotten inheritance :
" With respect to the attacks," said his Lordship, " which
have been made on Lord Althorp and myself with regard to
Lord Grey's retirement from office, I shall not say one word
at present, but the day of retribution is approaching. I have
let them go on—they have gone on—the net is closing around
them, and soon will they be held up to ridicule and to punish-
ment. It might have happened otherwise. I might have
considered it my duty to wish for his retirement ; but had I
done so, I am not the man to shrink from the avowal. I
would have told himself so in the first place, and I would have
told the King in the second place ; and I would have told
Parliament and my country in the third place. But there was
no such motive, no such wish, and no such occasion. Lord
Althcrp and I were the two who wished most of all to avert
the calamity of Lord Grey's resignation. But I will not an-
ticipate what will be proved to the satisfaction of the whole
country, except one or two miserable individuals. But they
shall be discovered."

Any comment which we might make upon the
above passage, would but detract from the natural force
of its complete and unequivocal denial : and we shall,
therefore, refrain from any, as well as abstain from all
further extracts from the speech, with the exception
of the following solitary passage, which is too impor-
tant not to be brought prominently forward, and too