The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

E SUN,

the excitement of the last two or three days bad pro-
duced its natural effects, for he was obliged to retire
to his room immediately for repose. Later in the
day he had so far recovered as to receive friends who
bad come from a distance to see him. He will leave
Winchester for Southampton on Tuesday, to be pre-
sent at the municipal banquet to be given in his
honour there.
Mr. Massingberd, of Eaton-place, has placed his
house and servants at the disposal of Kossuth, and
there the ex Governor and his family propose to stay
till their departure for America.

THE AWARD of PRIZES at the GREAT
EXHIBITION.
Messrs. LLOYD BROTHERS, and Co., are about to publish a
highly finished Lithograph, from a beautitul Drawing by H. C Se-
leus, Esq., of the Ceremony of announcing the Award of Prizes, by
Viscount Canning, at the Close of the Great Exhibition, forming a
Companion to Haghe's Views of the Opening Ceremony.
Prints, Iss. ; ditto, coloured in imitation of the drawing, 11. Ils. Gd.
LLOYD BROTHERS, and Co., 22, Ludgate-hill, London.

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
miner the direction of Mr. B. Webster.
Enormous success of the Yankee Comedian, Mr. Josh Silsbee.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed the celebrated comic Opera, entitled GOOD
NIGHT, SIGNOR PANTALON. Doctor Tititofblo, Mr. Peal
Bedford ; Signor Pantalon, Mr. Honey ; Lelio, Miss Woolgar; Co-
lumbine, Miss Kathleen Fitzwilliam.
After wlaich, the.laughable comic Drama, entitled THE FOREST
ROSE! and the YA..NTKEE PLOUGHBOY. Jonathan Ploughboy,
Mr. J. Silsbee; Bellamy, Mr. Worred; Harriet Miller, Miss Col-
lir_s; Sally Forest., Miss E. Chaplin.
To be followed by a new and laughable Piece de Circonstance,
entitled BLOOMERI,M; or, The Follies of a Day. Mr. Agricola
Green, Mr. Honey ; Mr. Flighty Bounce, Mr. Paul Bedford ; John
Airey, Mr. 0. Smith ; Mr. Weakly, Mr. Worrell; Mrs. Portia Lu-
crezia Green, Miss Woolgar.
fo conclude with the Farce of FORTUNE'S FROLICS. Robin
R.,ughhead, Mr. Emery; Rattle, Mr. Worrell; Dolly, Mae Ellen
ehaplin.

LONDON, MONDAY

EVE

so extensive as our own Reforml,Bill of 1832, was carried.
In 1847, in the month of November, the Diet met,
and in the Diet KOSSUTH was the representative of
Pesth ;at that time, as KOSSUTH tells us, the Hun-
garians were not planning revolutions, were not toil-
ing in secret conspiracy, but were struggling fairly
and openly for their rights. Now, in November,
1847, no throne in Europa seemed more secure than
did that of LOUIS PHILIPPE and that of FEILDINAND
of Austria; they were at that time planning together
an intervention in Switzerland for the purpose of
putting down 'iberty in that country; and it is

therefore manifest that the struggle in Hungary was
not occasioned by the French revolution of 1848.
The meeting of the Diet did not put a stop to the
encroachments and intrigues of the Austrian Go-
vernment, and KOSSUTH, like a true-hearted patriot,
felt it his duty to do all in his power to resist them.
How did he propose to do this ? By force ? by
violence ? by revolutionary outbreak ? by intrigue ?
No such thing. He proposed to do this by respectful
representations to the SOVEREIGN himself. He thus
himself relates the proposals which he made:—
" I proposed, therefore, that we should meet these
continued encroachments of the Government upon our
rights by resuming the chief source of our rights. On
the head of our Sovereign two crowns were laid—one
was a constitutional crown, the other was an absolute
crown. These two crowns could never agree—they
never could be united—which of them was to prevail
history will show. But as we felt that the absolute
crown was the source of all the encroachments on
the constitutional rights of Hungary, and that
so long as the two were united there
could be no solidarity for the future of

the nations, I proposed that it was our duty, as the
elder brother of Austria, to go to the King, and to ask
that he should restore the constitutional liberties of the
other portions of his dominions, so as by this means to
put aside the enchainment that had been put upon the
constitutional rights of Hungary. That was what I
proposed? I believe that no just man will charge me
by this proposition of a measure which was universally
adopted by Parliament—no just man will charge me that
I was a Red Republican or planning revolution—on the
contrary, I was doing the work of a true man, faithful
to the rights of humanity. But this accusation will
never meet with an echo in the breasts of generoua
Englishmen.—(Cheers.) My speech was translated into
German; it was read in the coffee-houses and other
public places, when the news of the French revolution
came upon us, and the whole people started into revolt.
That was the Austrian revolution. I frankly own, with
the knowledge of these events, it was my desire not to
be carried away by the elements, but to take the reins
of the elements into my own hands, and to avail myself
to the utmost of this opportunity which God had given,
not Hungary had made.—(Cheers.) Our first proposi-
tion now was for the emancipation of the peasantry.—
(Loud cheers.) Of course, in the circumstances, it was
carried unanimously in both Houses. But I was anxious
not to hurt the interests of any class, but rather to
spare those which, though they might not be exactly
just in their origin, yet by time, by circumstances, by
the lapse of ages, had got interlaced with private for-
tunes, and I therefore proposed, and it was adopted
unanimously, that the people should be free cf all duties
—free without paying for it—for liberty ought not to
be paid for; but that at the same time there should be
an indemnity, not for the peasantry, but for the land-
lords.—(Cheers.) There are ample resources for this in
the land of Hungary, which by good financial operations
might be made to give more than two or three times
what it does now; and I engaged my honour and my
word that a full indemnity should be given, and se the
measure was carried utanimously. The second measure
I proposed was, that, whereas before the poor had every
duty and no rights, now an equality in duties and in
rights should be restored, and that every man, accord-
ing to his fortunes, should be obliged to contribute to the
public necessities.—(Cheers.) 'fins measure was also
carried unanimously. The third measure was, that the
people should have the right of electing, not only the
Members of Parliament, but that they should also elect
the magistrates who were to administer the laws."
Who are the men, we ask, who dare to denounce
any of these three measures as revolutionary ? Surely
no member of that party which acknowledges as its
leader the man who emancipated the negro slaves in
the West Indies, and imposed a burden of '20,000,000/.
on the people of this country, as compensation to the
owners, can venture to denounce KossuTF for hav-
ing emancipated the peasantry; surely those who
advocate financial reform, and who are constantly
exclaiming that they must have protection because
they are unfairly taxed, will not object to Kossuats
that he laid down as his rule of government that
every man should, according to his fortune, be
obliged to contribute to the public necessities, and if
he gave to the people the power of electing their
magistrates he merely followed the example which
the Parliament of England had set him when they
carried the Municipal Reform Bill.
Our space will not permit us, on the present occa-
sion to follow him through his masterly exposure of the
Austrian Court intrigues, inspired by the Archduchess
SOPHIA, the mother of the EMPEROR, and the treason of
the Serbs under JELLActisco,although we must observe,
en passant , that to those conversant with the secret
history of the Court of Vienna, the appearance of
JELLA cuicn, as Ban of Croatia, in arms
against the Hungarians, was quite sufficient to
prove to the initiated who was the chief of the in-
trigue then at work, and was well understood to be
the forerunner of the deposition of the old Emperor
FERDINAND, and of the inauguration as Emperor of
Austria of the son of the Archduchess SOPHIA)
FRANZ JOSEPH. We cannot, however, forbear from
drawing attention to KOSSUTH'S vindication of his
declaration of Hungarian independence, of his depo-
sition of the house of Hapsburg. Never has any
great public act of justice been more completely,
snore triumphantly vindicated, and if we are, inclined
to find any fault with KOSSUTH, it is not for publishing
the declaration when he did, but for not having done
it long before : the abdication of the Emperor FER-
DINAND had left the throne of Hungary vacant, and
KOISSUTH would have been amply justified in then de-
claring Hungary independent. He, however, bore
with the treasons of the Austrian house for months
longer, and be did not propose their decheance until
the Emperor of AUSTRIA, by calling in the aid of the
CZAR to crush the liberties of Hungary, had ceased
to be an independent Sovereign, until the house
of Hapsburgh had destroyed itself as a reigning house
of Europe. As_ was justly and eloquently observed
by Kossuzn, " the house of Hapsburgh as a dynasty
is gone ;it exists no more—it merely vegetates. The
EMPEROR can only act by the whim and will of his
master, the CZAR."
We trust this moat eloquent, and most convincing
speech, which may be regarded as the manifesto of
the Hungarian nation, will be reprinted under the
superintendence cf KOSSUTH himself, and circulated
by thousands throughout the country, and we com-
mend it to the attentive study of our readers as the
most important state paper that has appeared for
years.

The Government have not proved inexorable to the
complaints which have been loudly made in Ireland
in reference to the consolidated annuities. A rumour
which had been for some days prevalent in that coun-
try has now received a substantial confirmation, and
the case of the most distressed unions has been taken
into favourable consideration by the powers that be•
From all unions which have been charged with a poor
rate of four shillings and upwards during the past
year, the quota of the Government debt will not be
demanded for another year. In cases where rates to the
above-mentioned amount of four shillings have not been
levied, the unions so circumstanced will be called upon
for the amount which constitutes the difference between
the amount of rates for current local charges actually
levied and the maximum of four shillings. This ought
certainly to be received as a satisfactory arrangement,
especially as it may be fairly inferred that should the
same cause for postponement exist next year, or in
any subsequent years, an indulgence of a similar na-
ture will be accorded. The Freeman's Journal, a
usually well-informed authority, announces the arri-
val on Friday in the Irish metropolis of the Treasury
minute, arranging the details of the postponement,
and which may shortly be expected to be published.
This determination has been evidently very recently
arrived at by the Government, for in a letter written
by the Prime Minister's secretary, so late as
Wednesday last, to Sir ROBERT DE BURGO, the
chairman of the great provincial meeting in Munster,
acknowledging the receipt of the memorial of the
guardians of that province, the matter referred to
therein is announced to be " under the consideration
of the Government ;" and a letter of similar tenor was
receierd likewise by the chairman of the Kilkenny
board of guardians in answer to the memorial from
that body. In the case of the latter body the Minis-
terial letter produced the result of postponing the
official act of signing the rate-books for a week,
nor did the spirit which was manifested in the speeches
of the guardians lead to the inference that
the book would be signed even at the
expiration of that term, unless a more satis-
factory reply were received from the Treasury.
The postponement of the usual signature was car-