The Sun.
London, England, 1856-04-05 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 5, 1856.

It is now, unhappily, but too notorious that
many questions of paramount importance that
had been ventilated at the &iris Conferences re-
main unsettled, and tharihere are abundant
' materials for future disputes and differences. It
has alfeady bee* announced that the Plenipoten-
tiaries are not to leave- Paris until the ratifications
have been definitively exchanged, and it is more
than hinted that there is ample work of a very
arduous character to fully occupy the inter-
Toning time. The new political constitution of
the Danubian Principalities will alone give rise
to many animated discussions. That an intense
desire has existed in several quarters to constitute

them into a separate Kingdom—with a Prince of

: one of the European, i.e., German, families on the
Time—is certain. Significant hints on that
point were thrown out at the Conferences of Vienna,
. both by Lord J. RUSSELL and the Jaren Ds
BotinurrikY, and a statement was annexed to
Protocol NW: 6—that relating to the sitting
of the 26th of Nfarch—in which the views
of the Western Powers were developed.
They related chiefly to the union of the
Principalities, and the appointment of a
hereditary sovereign, either a
prince of the
country, or (what it was declared would "
per-
haps be the best") a prince of one of the reigning
families of Europe. We need scarcely say bow
groat (4.a bone of contention"- remains .yo" t to be
picked, and that, while such a point remains
open, it cannot be supposed that a final arrange-
nlent has been arrived at.
The War that has jast been brought to so hasty
and improvident a conclusion has, it is universally
admitted, abrogated all former treaties respect-
ing these provinces. RUSSia canano longer pre-

Lend to -any protectorate therein. They are now,

to all intents and purpobes, as much integral
portions of the SULTAN'S dominions, as any other
Sit a his territories in Europe or in Asia. It
hvalmost-neeedless to say, that the disinterested
Allies of ABD-ITL-IVIEDJID could not force on him
the surrender of such valuable provinces, how-
ever greatly they may desire such a result. The
Government of the Porte has already earnestly
aid emphatically protested against their union,
and it can scarcely be supposed that he would
- assent to the partition of his kingdom, and the

• nomination of a creature of the AUTOCRAT'S to the
throne about to be created at his expense. From

various intermarriages of members of the Imre
rial family of St. Petersburg and other influences
known to be in operation, it would be difficult, if
not impossible, to find a German Prince with
whom the influence of the CZAR would not be
omnipotent. We have already had a sufficient
example in the case of Greece to prevent us from

~t'._v

again suffering ourselves to be drawn into a course
in every respect so impolitic, and injurious to the
best interests of Europe. It is possible that there
might be found a Coburg ready to fill the post, fur
whenever was there a vacant Crown, whether
matrimonial or otherwise, that one of the lucky
family was not ready to become a candidate for ;
but we believe that such a nomination would be
one of the worst that could be made, and we are
quite satisfied that it would be highly unpopular
both in France and England.

What, then, is to be done while this most im-
portant and interesting question remains in
abeyance ? Will Austria consent to withdraw
her troops before some settled Government has
been decided on ; and if she continue to occupy
the Principalities, how can the soldiers of France
and England be brought back to their own
countries ? It will, in fact, now be the interest
of Austria to perplex the question, and to raise
interminable difficulties in the way of a final
settlement. In this she will be ably assisted by
the representatives of Russia and Prussia,
and it must be remembered that the latter
will now raise their voices as potentially as any of
their colleagues. Indeed there appear to be but
too many reasons to fear that a regular mull has
been made of the matter, in consequence of the un-
seemly and injudicious haste in which this most
unfortunate and inauspicious Peace has been so
recklessly patched up.
We can now understand some of the motives for
the mystery that has been observed in reference
to the terms finally ageed on, and the forbear-
ance (!) which induced Russia to comply with
every demand, while there remained so many
open questions, which she could twist to her own
purposes at any time when she deemed it expedient
to do so. By an apparent yielding she got the
naval blockade raised, and obtained the coveted
opportunity of replenishing her exhausted store',
and disposing for English gold of the abundant
produce now lying idle and unproductive in her
warehouses. She has caused the Baltic fleet to
cease to exist in official recognition. She will
witness, we need not say with what
delight and satisfaction, the discharge and
dispersal of ten thousand trained and
efficient sailors who cannot easily be got
together again, and whomit may take years to
replace. She was literally at our mercy. Through
the culpable folly of her opponents she is no
longer so, but has still the power of rekindling
the torch of discord whenever it may suit her
purpose to do so ; and this we have obtained by
the "Precious Peace," for which the people are
called on to rejoice with exceeding joy
If Lord PALMERSTON had anything favourable
to communicate to the country in reference to
the Treaty, there is no doubt but that he would
have been only too happy to have had the oppor-
tunity of so doing. We have already pointed out
the real value of the pompous platitudes and
vague generalities respecting the objects of the
War being accomplished, and the integrity and
independence of the Ottoman Empire being
fully and adequately guaranteed. If it
were indeed so, we would be supplied with
ample materials to judge for ourselves. The
nature of the British Constitution would be a
sufficient answer to those who demanded silence.
Lord CLARENDON might have stated that no rati-
fication could be exchanged until the representa-
tives of the People had been fully consulted, and
their approval duly and constitutionally obtained.
Why should the Crowned heads know everything
while the Peoples, by whom they are supported
and from whom they obtain their power, are kept
in the dark ?

But it requires no CEDirus to discover the solu-
tion of these enigmas. The deplorable marriage
to which we have already alluded is looked on
as of far greater moment than the wishes or in-
terests of the British nation. Prussia is nearly'
connected by dynastic ties with Russia, and the
good CLICQUOT will not allow one of his nephews
to marry a Princess of England, unless an-
other be permitted to escape with impunity
from the awkward dilemma in which be
was involved through the ambition and
grasping cupidity of his parent. With the aid
of the Angel of Peace, and the assistance of the
Red EMPEROR, and Uncle LEOPOLD, the matters
have been placed in this untoward position,
which has been effected in consequence of a family
compact for the interests of the few, but strongly
opposed to the prosperity and welfare, not only of
the people of Great Britain, but of all Europe.

At no distant period, and still more when our
present becomes matter of history, the contrast
between us and our principal ally in the close of
the War wilt be noticed and discussed with in-
terest. We hope it is not mere national vanity
to think that the posture of England will appear
the more dignified and the wiser. The Govern-
ments of each country have fired their guns alike,
and some official bodies have hoisted flags and set
bells a-ringing, but here the resemblance stops.
The great body of this nation here heard with no
gratification of the acceptance of the Austro-
Coburg terms by the CZAR, er of the Conference
of Paris ; nor does it evince any joy at the attain-
ment of peace. In France it is the reverse. The
unseasonable exultation which greeted the ac-
ceptance of the "five bases " by Russia has
doubtless lowered most disastrously the final
terms which could be prescribed to
her, and now that those meagre terms
have been agreed to we hear of nothing but
reviews, fetes, and illuminations. England
appears silent, reserved, disappointed ; France
clamorous with joy, and gratified to her heart's
content. The grave EMPEROR pipes and her peo-
ple dance. Our Court would probably like to
follow his example, but it fears the response. He
had no need to fear, for the popular mirth began
even before the Imperial music.
Whence this difference ? Some refer all to the
Malakhoff, and the apparently greater honour gained
by the French arms. If, however, a most trust-
worthy correspondent of this journal, writing
from Paris itself, may be credited, the Parisians
at the time did not regard our achievements at
the Redan . as really less than theirs at the
Milakholf. They had the luckier, but not
not. the more dangerous one. . .If, then, they
can be satisfied with the Malakhoff and the
subsequent incapacity of PELISSIER to avail him-
-self of his conquest, it woad reflect rather too
much on the good sense of our neighbours. It
would suppose them content with-a comparatively
barren victory. We attribute the exultation ra-
tber to impatience of war burdens ; but for this
they would not have been. satisfied with half
beating the enemy in the Crimea. Conscriptions
and taxes began to annoy them ; and though they
had accomplished but little in comparison with
the cost already incurred ; and though the results
of another campaign must have been magnificent
in comparison with its cost, yet a half-won vic-
tory and fiscal relief together were enough to make
Frenchmen in love with peace. There is no doubt
that the French went to war chiefly for military
glory; this, since Waterloo, has been a speeial ob.
ject, with the whole nation, and we may pardon
their delight at having vanquished the CZAR

t
of Muscovy. History, however, will never r
pace side by side the loss of the Grand
Army followed by the Russians in Paris, and
the conquest of half Sebastopol. Even a consi-
derate thirst for military glory would have exulted
but little in the present peace.

Looking at all these points, we must thia 4
that history will award the palm, on the whole
to the English people. In the first place, it conk -
palled its reluctant rulers to war from the nobles: t
motives—the immediate one being to put a sto)
to the aggressions of Russian ambition, aid thy -1
more important one that of liberating Poland ani 1
the oppressed nations from the yoke of Imperi ; .1
despotism. Next, the English people endured ,
without giving way, the costly and fats .1
mismanagement of their rulers. They on 3 y
ejected the most incompetent, and enforced tu-
wonted, though lavish, vigour upon such CARN( its
as our aristocracy afforded. Again, though presr;eti
equally with their allies by heavy taxation,
and by high prices of food, they reinforced their
army to the most formidable dimensions, construo •
ted a fleet of gun-boats which would have driver
the CZAR from St. Petersburg, and awaited the
spring to do what competent administrators woulil
have effected the spring before. Finally, when
their rulers disappointed their expectations, ao -
cepted a strip of Bessarabia in the place of Poland ,
and the destruction of little Kinbourn instead cif
the annihilation of Sweaborg, Helsingfors, anti
Cronstadt, they refused to shout and illuminate
for a peace which might, indeed, relieve their
pockets, but would leave their judgment unsatis-
fied.

The Peace is unpopular in its known aspect ;
what it will be when we come to find sentences in
the document worthy, perhaps, of the Vienna Note,
we cannot, of course, predict. Its grand defect, in
the judgment of Englishmen, is that it is a peace
concluded on the fall of Kars, instead of the fall
of Cronstadt, and amidst the manifest impatience
for it of an empire and an imperial expectant
father, both of whom ought to have made it a
boon to be sued for by an arrested criminal.
England justly retains her view that Russia is
a political felon of the worst glass ; one who from
north to south, and from east to west, holds in
the face of Europe and Asia her vast stolen pro-
parties. We reasonably hoped that, at least, all
the civilised countries which she had subjected to
her brutal and degrading sway would have
been delivered from the thief, and restored to
their rightful owners ; but we see not one single
nation, no, nor a single tribe, emancipated or
rescued. Not even are the poor Crimean Tartars,
or the Circassians, much less Poland and Finland,
restored to their rights. It is this which, veil it
as Government prints may, sickens the heart of
the country. Turkey is partially protected on her
European side for a while—that is all for which
we have shed our best blood and wasted at least
100,000,0001. of our money. Enough has been
done to relieve Austria a little, and to enrich
Prussia ; but towards any European result—any
result advantageous to Liberty—any result but
that of adjusting the shares of military despotisms
—next to nothing.
All this is the more provoking, because it is now

clear that Russia was at our mercy. Another
campaign would have made lasting work
of the peace. The despised nationalities would
have had their turn. Warsaw, instead of menac-
ing Europe, would have defended it. All, how-
ever, is now over. NAPOLEON 111. has expressed

his satisfaction that Russia is not humiliated.

Russia, in return, will continue to abet and
patronise absolutism throughout Europe. The
Courts of despots rejoice, and priestcraft sings for
them its Te Dettms ; but England and Sardinia
feel themselves cheated ; Poland, Italy, and Hun-
gary look despondingly again on their fetters, and
religious liberty vainly seeks consolation in the
liberality of the SULTAN, for • Concordat which
enslaves Austria, Hungary, and Lombardy, and
for the suppression in France of her Protestant
worship.

The proceedings of the Crimean Board of In-
quiry have at length been formally opened at
Chelsea Hospital, and on Monday the business
will commence in good earnest. The first case
taken will be that of the Earl of LUCAN, who will
be invited to offer such explanations as he may
think proper in reference to his conduct as affected
by the report of Sir JonN NUN= and Colonel
TuLLocn. A similar course will then be adopted
with respect to the Earl of CARDIGAN, Sir R.
AIRE; and Colonel GORDON—the only parties
having a locus standi before the Court, or who
have a legitimate right to be heard. It will afford
the best evidence of the spirit in which this new
commission de lunatico was framed, that the very
parties whose statements made to the Crown after
a stringent and searching investigation on the
spot, in obedience to the Royal order, should not
have received any formal notice of the intended
proceedings, and that they are only indebted to
the courtesy of the Commissioners for any notifi-
cation of the course about to be adopted. There
,is nothing whatsoever in the warrant about them.
It only directs the Court to receive explanations
from the inculpated officers, and any hearing
awarded to those who are virtually defendants, to
sustain their own deliberate statements, must be
entirely a matter for the discretion of the Corn-

It will be seen from the report which appeared
in The Sun of Thursday that two new members
have been substituted far the senior members
originally selected—viz., Sir ALEXANDER WOOD-
EORD for Lord SEATON, and Sir GEORGE BERKELEY
for Sir TkIOMAS 11‘111A.noN. We should be sorry
to impute any undue partiality to officers of such
high rank and distinction. But it is well known
that both the real and the nominal Commander-
in-Chief are exceedingly anxious for the full and
complete acquittal of the officers on whom such
handsome rewards and high distinctions were
lavished, at the very time when they were labour-
ing under the heavy imputation of causing the
almost total destruction of the British cavalry,
and the serious sufferings and privations to which
our gallant soldiers were subjected through gross
negligence or incapacity—or, possibly, something
still worse.

It must be remembered that thii is the third
time of asking. That the Committee of the
House of Commons, even in their rose-water re-
port, imputed heavy blame in some quarters.
That Sir J. M‘NEIL and Colonel TuLLocx, who
were sent, if possible, to counteract the impres-
sion that might be occasioned by the investiga-
tion before Mr. ROEBUCK and his coadjutors, not
merely strengthened and corroborated the state-
ments which it was hoped they would have re-
butted, but accumulated fresh charges, of a very
serious description, against the delinquents. And
now, by a proceeding hitherto unprecedented, the
positions are wholly reversed—the judges are
Made to change
places with those whose conduct
they were compelled to impugn, and the former
defendants are to offer explanations, which are,
virtually, accusations against the quondam Royal
Commissioners. And cui bone f Simply that
men of rank and high standing, favourites with
the powers that be, may be enabled to find a

loop-hole for escape from the penal consequences