The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-08 00:00:00

though the present negotiationC are believed to be
real, they are regarded as futile, because we have
not yet done enough to make Russia yield to the
Allies alone, and because the nations will not corn-
! bine to make her yield to the voice of EuroPe. This
last reason, however, is only a repetition of the
first ; for nations, for the most part, like indivi-
duals, take their side according to their interest,
which naturally point's to the strongest. We have,
• ther,fore, to establish unmistakeably that the slight
as well ac the right of the quarrel is on our side
before we can expect Germany to take our part.
Now, this desirable consummation will be effected
all the sooner ht'our ready and determined action.
ilt s now with Prussia as it was in the beginning of
the war with our more open foe. Then Russia
menaced the truth, crossed the Pruth, and seized
her " material guarantees," before we could sum-
mon resolution to tell her we should he obliged to
fight. Had we procleirreel at the outset that oar
sword would fly from the scabbard at the first foot-
step of aggression. Russia would never have ad-
vanced, and we should never Ii the been involved
in a war. ‘vl,ichWe mainly owe to Rnssia's not believ-
ing.iu a &eel:mill:ltem). W ich Ire could not make up
our minds to assert. And now, we shall assuredly
.
entangle ourselves a war with Prussia unless the
ATies make clearly known to her the necessity
under which she lies of joining us, unless he
1103;111, which we sincerely believe she does net,
to league herself with Russia against us. It is
of no use for her to support the Austrian propo-
sitions " loyally," but net effectively. Why urge
peace on Russia when she can force it on her ? If
Prussia were to stop the supplies of materials of
war which the Russians derive from her, and ac-
knowledging, as she does, the justice of the Western
cause, were to ally herself with us, she would then,
indeed, be exerting herself in favour of peace. But
the King prefers a profitable neutrality, which
puts money in the purse though it make him poor
in honour, and filches from him his good name.
We have endured this long, and are to blame,-per-
haps, for having done so. But now it is no longer
possible to tolerate it. When we go to Cronstadt
we cannot leave a hostile neutrality in our rear ;
nor can we permit our enemy to be supplied with
the means of damaging us by his dangerous neigh-
bour. It is really too much to ask of our forbear-
ance to expect that we should allow " our friend"
to supply our foe with the means of carrying on the
war, when, by simply declaring him—what he is—
our enemy, and blockading his ports, wa should
render him harmless, and preventlis strengthening
our great opponent.
These German thinkers have dreamed and
dreamed till they imagine the realities of life are as
impalpable as some of their own metaphysical
theories. But the force of circumstances will soon
arouse them to a knowledge of the fact that the
balance of power is no idle myth, and that in the
European system, when three of the great bodies
are in conflict, the others cannot continue unsettled
in their orbit, but must take active measures to
restore harmony, if they would not see a derange-
ment so great as to require a new system. In
such an event, it would be the feeble and vacillat-
ing who would suffer. And such a State as
Prussia might deservedly be permanently reduced
to the second-rate position which she is contented
to hold.