The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-01 00:00:00

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AMATEUR MUSICAL FESTIVAL.

The second public rehearsal of this performance took
place yesterday evening. The " Israel in Egypt" and
" Creation" of the great masters, Handel and Haydn,
proved so great an attraction to the public as to secure a
crowded audience long before the commencement of the per-
formance. It is creditable to the committee that each day's
progranzme of the music displays great taste, and is free
from the light and trifling compositions which are too often
introduced, under the intriguing auspices of music publishers,
among the sterling productions of acknowledged talent. An
opinion unhappily prevails in the minds of the gentlemen to
whom the management of musical festivals is usually com-
mitted, that unless the programme be light (as the phrase
goes), the public will not be likely to patronize the perform-
ance. We believe the contrary to be the fact ; and we
know that where the selection falls into the hands of ama-
teurs of real ability, a stern determination to reject inferior
compositions exists, which is at once gratifying, and has a
manifest tendency to improve the public taste, and advance
the interests of the art.
The performance of the evening opened with the first
act of the " Creation." This oratorio has been so long
before the public, and so frequently performed, that it would
seem a work of supererogation to enter very minutely into
a critical analysis of its merits. Haydn composed his ora-
torio of " Tobias" nearly thirty years before the " Creation,"
and previous to an acquaintance with Handel's writings in
this branch of composition. It was not until he resided in
this country that he became familiar with the sacred works
of him whom he was accustomed to acknowledge as " the
Master of us all." The " Creation" and " Seasons" will
descend to posterity, while the oratorio of " Tobias" is
already to be remembered only from the reputation, ac-
quired by other works, of its great author. The perform-
ance yesterday of the introductory movement of the " Crea-
tion"—intended to depict the disorder and confusion which
reigned until the fiat of Omnipotence had called the world
out of Chaos—was ably sustained. The elaborate modula-
tions, and elegant motivos, which appear at intervals, hap-
pily dispersed as solos for the wind band, proclaim this mas-
ter's intimate knowledge of orchestral effect. The voices,
in the opening chorus, were well kept under, and beautifully
contrasted with the burst of all the instruments at the close
of the words, " Let there be light, and there was light." Mr.
Turner sang the first solo, " Now vanish,"to which succeeded
the chorus describing the expulsion of the evil spirits, and
the " new created world." The change from the chromatic
fugue to an elegant melody; introduced with simple harmo-
nies and progressions, and repeated with bold and unex-
pected modulations, shows the fertile ingenuity of the com-
poser. Miss C. Novello, in the song with accompanying
chorus, " The marvellous works," displayed a purity of in-
tonation, and an exquisite feeling of the intentions of the
author. Mr. Phillips's performance of recitative is the
acme of perfection ; his variety of tone, distinct articula-
tion, and his just appreciation of the ideas intended to be
conveyed, are unrivalled in this country. The last move-
ment of his song, " Rolling in foaming billows," is highly
characteristic of Haydn's descriptive style of writing ; and
the idea of the " limpid brook," with its streams murmur-
ing through the silent vale, is well conveyed to the mind
by the subdued accompaniment of the violins in triplets,
and the solos for the flute, oboe, and corno, which alter-
nately relieve and take up the points with the voice. The
corns upon the lower C, shows the author's intimate ac-
quaintance with the capabilities of an orchestra. The
graces and cadenza of Mrs. Knyvett, in the song " With
verdure clad," were in keeping with the style of the compo-
sition ; her forte is the cantabile, in which she rarely fails to
succeed. " Awake the harp" is a good fugue on an excel-
lent and musical subject, which is worked somewhat in
Handel's manner ; it was taken up with spirit, and the roll
of the basses at the close proved very effective. Mr. Sa-
pio's performance of the scena " In splendour bright," was
not much to our taste, and injured by an attempted imita-
tion of Braham. We never heard " The heavens are tell-
ing" better executed ; although the time of the first part of
the chorus was taken rather slower than usual, yet it gained
in effect by the change. The inversion of the pedal point
at the coda upon the E, drawn out by the tenor trombone,
whilst the basses ascend by semitones, is a true example of
the sublime in music. Mr. Purday undertook the per-
formance of " Now Heaven in fullest glory," preceded by
the dramatic and descriptive recitative, and the perform-
ance did him credit. "In native worth," is said to have
been the favourite of its author. The tone which Lindley
produced in the accompaniment of this movement, is
incomparable. Individual performers on the Continent
may surpass him in execution, but in purity and volume of
tone he is alone. The Chorus, " Achieved is the glorious
work," a fugue worked up after the author's peculiar style,
closed the first act. The performers appeared to have a
thorough knowledge of each of these movements, and the
whole act was correctly and spiritedly got through. The
second act opened with the overture to the oratorio of
" Joseph," by Mello], (one of the pupils of Gluck), who by
his writings has done much to form that style which Herold
has since so successfully adopted. There are good effects
in this composition, and the Hebrew corale was well instru-
mentated, and was in contrast with the final movement.
" Marcello's Duet," one of the gems of the Ancient Con-
cert, was a treat in the hands of Miss Novello and Garcia ;
the last movement is particularly elegant, and received full
justice from both ladies. " Lord, what is man," from the
" Redemption" of Handel, is a lovely melody, and Mr.
Hawkins sang it as if he duly appreciated its merits.i
The
" Benedictus," of Beethoven, from his " Mass in C," s an
exquisite composition for four soli voices with accompanying
chorus ; it abounds with delightful melodies, novel har-
monies, and is instrumentated in the author's happiest
manner. The committee may congratulate themselves on
their success in bringing forward such a choice specimen of
" the poet of sounds," which was warmly received by the au-
dience. Madame Garcia, who sang the " Gratias Agimus"
of.Gulielmi, possesses a voice of considerable compass and
power. As a composition, the song is rather antiquated,
and owes its presence in the Scheme, from the clever ac-
companiment of Willman. The " Glory to God," from
" Joshua," concluded the second act. A great composer
has said of this chorus, "he had long known music, but
knew not half its power before he heard it ; and, in his
opinion, there was only one author who could write such a
sublime composition." Those who had the good fortune to
hear it yesterday evening we think will acquiesce in this
opinion. " Israel in Egypt," the master-piece of Handel,
and the most sublime specimen of musical writing
which exists, followed as the third act ; but we must leave
it for our notice of Monday's performance, of which this
was the rehearsal.

Much uncertainty prevails among the friends of
Mina, as to the cause of his present inactivity, it being attri-
buted to ill health. Now, we know this not to be wholly the
case : the gallant General declared, previous to his leaving
this country, when the probability of his being appointed to
the command in Navarre was first intimated to him, that the
insurrection was not to be put down by force of arms. " Give
,me money," said he; " money I must have, and then I will
pledge myself to put an end to it." In connection with this
policy, our readers will observe the many dismissals and
changes that have lately taken place among the Carlist chiefs ;
by which it seems probable that the gallant General is already
in the field. No individual is better, or, indeed, so well ac-
quainted with the personal acquirements of these leaders as
Mina, they having been, for the greater number, his compa-
nions in arms.—Morning Chronicle.
It appears that the modern wall at the west end of
St. Stephen's Chapel is now in such a dangerous state as to
threaten momentary destruction, not only to the lives of the
workmen, but to the splendid masonry of the crypt beneath,
and which forms the groined roof of the Speaker's dining-
room. Yesterday, between twelve and one o'clock, a poor
man was buried in the ruins. After three hours' search for

the body, it was at length found, and taken- out shockingly
mutilated ; his widow and four children were waiting to re-
ceive the corpse, on which of course there will be a Coroner's
inquest, and we trust the Jury.will strictly investigate the case,
and ascertain whether or not the life of this poor man was lost
under circumstances which some care and precaution might
have prevented. Mr. Martyn and Mr. Baker, the respectable
builders, who, it is said, are about to construct the temporary
Houses of Lords and Commons, were on the premises, but it
appears that no persons duly authorised were giving any direc-
tions. The burnt timber and other rubbish is sold to poor
people, who are taking it away in donkey carts, and are every
moment rendering the ruins more unsafe, and endangering
their own lives. The conduct of Lord Duncannon, Sir John
Hobhouse, and Lord Mulgrave, on the melancholy occasion,
was such as to reflect the greatest credit upon them. They
repeatedly endangered their own lives in endeavouring to ex-
tricate the unfortunate sufferer, for the wall of which we have
spoken threatened all who came near it with destruction. But
who, we ask, are the responsible persons who should shore up,
or, with proper precautions, pull down the ruins that are
crumbling on the heads of the workmen and others who go
near them ? We put it to Sir John Hobhouse, whether, as
Chief Commissioner of the Woods and Forests, he ought not
to see that proper precaution is taken to prevent other lives
from being sacrificed ? This is the second person who has
been killed in the ruins, and we hope the Government will
take such steps as will avert any further calamity.—Morning
Paper.
The Bank of England has discontinued its branch
bank at Exeter.

A new work, entitled " Village Reminiscences," is
about to appear, from the pen of a lady whose undoubted ge-
nius, no less than her position in life, cannot fail to command
attention. Her stories, like those of Miss Mitford, embrace
details connected with rural scenery and character, but they
include also narratives of a loftier mood—plots of mysteq—
developments of passion—exhibitions of the strange and fear-
ful traits of our nature, and brilliant, though satirical pictures
of the follies of the great world.
The Law Magazine of this quarter states, " that
there is no truth whatever in the report that the appointment
of Sir Charles Pepys to the Mastership of the Rolls was made
contrary to the wishes of the Chancellor. He is said to have
proposed it himself in one of the first letters he wrote from
Edinburgh after the death of Sir John Leech."

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL&

The reception given to the Earl of Durham at
Glasgow, did not fall short of what was expected from
the enlightened and spirited inhabitants of that city.
Lord Durham, from his entrance on public life, has
been an earnest advocate of a very extended reform,
and the gratitude of the Scottish nation is particularly
due to a statesman whose zeal and services in the
struggle for that great national benefit are so well
known and appreciated. On Wednesday last there
assembled at Glasgow not merely the Reformers of
that city and its neighbourhood in overwhelming num-
bers, but also deputations from most of the rich and
thriving communities to a considerable distance. It
is said that the numbers assembled on Glasgow-
green could not be fewer than 120,000. Such
manifestations of feeling afford the best answer to
the silly affirmations of the Conservatives, that
the nation is sick of Reform, and disgusted with the
Statesmen who effected it. There can be no mistak-
ing the Glasgow dinner, or that which preceded it at
Edinburgh. The vassals of the Thanes, collected
from the various districts of an extensive county, un-
willing guests at Sir George Murray's dinner at Perth,
form a contrast to the gatherings of Glasgow and
Edinburgh, with which the most obstinate Tory must
be struck. No ! there is but one opinion as to the
Reform which has already been obtained ; but though
all admit that Reform is only valuable as means to an
end, and that end good government, there are differences
of opinion as to the mode in which the end shall be
sought, and the time which shall be allowed for effecting
various changes, the necessary consequences of the Re-
form Bill. There are various powerful interests in this
country interwoven with the whole frame of society,
opposed to the ameliorations which the people have a
right to demand, and must obtain ; and the only ques-
tion is as to the mode in which these interests are to
be combated. No Reformer, we believe, imagines for
a moment that the public will be satisfied with what
has been done, so long as one recognized abuse re-
mains ; but some will be disposed to make less allow-
ance for the obstacles to be overcome than others. The
House of Peers, for instance, must be brought into har-
mony with the House of Commons, and that can only be
done by making both responsible to the people of Eng-
land ; but of those who see that this task awaits us,
and cannot be avoided, there are many who think that
the time is not yet come for proceeding to the work—
that it must be greatly facilitated by events--that the
people should have a clear and distinct proof in the
previous trial afforded to the Lords, that the two
Houses cannot remain as they are. Again ; the Re-
form Bill consecrated a principle, rather than finally
settled details. The principle was, that all those who
from their possession of property are presumed to have
the requisite intelligence, and whose interests are iden-
tical with the interests of the whole community, should
return the representatives to parliament. The number
of representatives returned, the number of places return-
ing them, the securities necessary to the perfect exercise
of the franchise, the duration of parliaments—are all
matters of regulation. Having, however, once obtained
the consecration of the great principle so effectually as
it has been obtained by the Reform Bill, all further im-
provements become practicable, and it is only necessary
that there should be a conviction of the necessity
of any one to have it effected. No man supposes,
for instance, that if fifty years hence it shall be found
a number of places now villages are become great
cities, from the fluctuations inseparable from trade,
while a number of places now populous and thriving
are comparatively deserted, and the progress of decay
has reduced the numerous small boroughs retained in
the Reform Bill to so many Old Sarums—that altera-
tions in accordance with these fluctuations will not be
made in our constitutional law. Reformers, however,
in the meantime, are divided as to the extent of trial
which the Act, in its present details, shall receive, be-
fore proceeding to alter materially its provisions. In
like manner, Reformers, though all agreed that the sine-
cure Church of Ireland is an abuse, and that extensive
reforms in the Church of England are necessary, are
not agreed as to the question of Church establishments
—whether religious liberty supposes the universal admis-
sion of the voluntary principle, or whether the State
ought to select the religious teachers of a section of
the population, for the instruction of the whole, to be
supported at the public expense. On these and a
number of other points opinion is necessarily divided.
Why do we dwell on these particulars ? Because there
are many zealous and honest reformers, who feel grate-
ful to Lord Durham for his services in the great cause
of Reform, and have the very highest opinion of his in-
tegrity and devotion to what he deems the best interests
of his country, who may not share the particular opi-
nions respecting the extent to which Reform ought to
be carried, expressed by him at the Glasgow dinner.
There are many men who conscientiously think that
the householder suffrage would not secure a re-
presentation so well calculated to promote good
Government, as a suffrage based on an amount
of property, affording a presumption that the holder
possesses the requisite intelligence. Again--
there are many conscientious Reformers, who
are afraid of the ballot. And even with regard to tri-
ennial Parliaments, though there may be less difference
of opinion, there are still many who deem a longer du-
ration, upon the whole, beneficial rather than other-
wise. We now approach a more delicate subject. We
are, of course, fully aware that an additional interest
has been taken in this dinner to Lord Durham, from
an expectation that the unhappy differences between
his Lordship and the Lord Chancellor would form a
leading topic at it, and that the former would enter

into Material explanations with regard to the charge of
falsehood conveyed by him in his letter to the publisher
of the Edinburgh Review, against a statement in an ar-
ticle attributed generally to Lord Brougham. They
who looked for additional light on this subject from the
speeches at the dinner will be disappointed. Lord Dur-
ham left the matter precisely where it was, with one ex-
ception, namely, that he could not have consented to
certain mutilations of the Reform Bill, because he was
not in England when these mutilations and changes
were engrafted on it—that. he .had just suffered the first
of a series of calamities which might have unnerved
a man of the steadiest mind, and he had been kindly
and considerately permitted by his Sovereign to travel
for a time to recruit his health and spirits. In answer
to the statement that he wished to • propose a less po-
pular plan of Reform than that which was given to the
people by the Government, he repeated positively and
distinctly that it was false. Having consulted with
Earl Grey whether he would be justified in stating
publicly what occurred in the preparation and discus-
sion of the Reform Bill, that Nobleman, in a letter
read to the meeting, answered that, in his opinion,
" no such disclosure can be made consistently with the
obligations of private confidence and public duty. Were
all that has taken place with respect to individual
opinions, on the various modifications which almost
every measure of Government must undergo, before it
is finally agreed upon, to be exposed to public view,
there must be an end of all security and confidence in
his Majesty's councils." With respect to the counter-
charge that Lord Durham was the first to disclose the
secrets of the Cabinet, when addressing his friends at
Gateshead, he denied it. " All I stated (said his
Lordship) on that occasion at Gateshead, was, that
Earl Grey had entrusted to me the preparation of the
Reform Bill, and that I had been assisted in that task
by three of my colleagues; was that a secret ? It might
not, perhaps, be known to my friends in Durham, but
it was notorious to every man living in the metropolis,
where I had been residing ; for all the memorials to
the Treasury, and all the deputations to the' Prime
Minister, were referred by him to me. I saw the
parties in my own house ; I received there every
information which I thought likely to elucidate the sub-
ject." The speech delivered by the Lord Chancellor,
at Salisbury, was alluded to by Lord Durham. We
have already expressed our regret that two Statesmen
to whom the country is so deeply indebted, and between
whom it is of so much importance that there should be
a good understanding—have been gradually led to in-
dulge in language of asperity when alluding to each
other. " I will not (said Lord Durham) follow the
example which he has set us ; and nothing shall fall
from my lips inconsistent with his high station and his
former services in the cause of his country." The senti-
ments which followed, if they have been correctly in-
terpreted, are not strictly in accordance with the above

admission of the former services of Lord Brougham.
Can Lord Durham really believe that Lord Brougham
has any other object in view than himself, namely,
the good of their common country ? Lord Brougham
has devoted his whole life, now within fifteen
years of the extent which the Psalmist assigns to
the days of man, to the great cause of improve-
ment. What motive could be sufficiently powerful to
induce Lord Brougham to renounce all that entitles
him to his well-earned reputation ? He is not an
avaricious man—we have never once heard him ac-
cused of selfishness, in the vulgar sense of the word.
He is only covetous of praise—the weakness of noble
minds. Were he to rank himself among the enemies
of reform and improvement, an universal expression
of detestation would greet him. Does Lord Durham
think that Lord Brougham is not himself aware of
this ? It is impossible that Lord Brougham can be a
traitor to the cause of the people. Allowing that
Lord Brougham, like other people, has his failings—
nay, that he may have erred in the views he has taken
of certain measures—that he may have, in the irrita-
tion of the moment, said occasionally what might have
been as well unsaid—we see nothing in all this to
warrant the public in forfeiting their confidence
in him as a statesman. We see, on the other hand,
great dangers to the cause of reform itself from
the continuance of strife between the two noble
Lords. We do not justify the article in the Edin-
burgh Review : we sincerely think that the insinua-
tions against Lord Durham would have been
better omitted. But let the matter rest. No man
conceives that Lord Durham was not anxious to
obtain an effective reform ; and we are sure that his
Lordship, if he reflects seriously on the subject, must
be aware that Lord Brougham must be equally anxious
with himself to obtain the reform of all recognised
abuses. The subject of dispute between them at the
Edinburgh dinner, if carefully analyzed, was, after all,
more verbal than real. Let it be shown that there
has been any unwillingness in Lord Brougham to con-
cur in the remedying of any great recognised abuse,
and we will then believe that the.difference between
the noble Lords is serious. We confess we are utterly
at a loss to understand the delight which some of our
liberal contemporaries (we speak not of the Times—
its motives are understood) take in decrying Lord
Brougham. Were he a traitor to the people—were
he become so desperate as to use the power he has ac-
quired in hostility to the people—we could understand
the rancour with which some of them seek to destroy
his reputation. These pretended friends of liberal
measures are by no means serving their cause. We
maintain that this disposition to overlook the great and
brilliant services of Henry Brougham, and to fasten on
his weaknesses, has a tendency to impair, in public
men, the wish to benefit a people so easily turned
about by every wind—and ready one moment to stab
the reputation of him who, the moment before, was an
idol.—Morning Chronicle.
The Edinburgh and Glasgow Reform Dinners have
not connected the pleasures of the social board with
the promotion of unity and good feeling among re-
formers. Instead of the Goddess of Concord, crowned
with her olive wreath; the ghaStly Alecto herself
seems to have presided over those pugnacious " gather-
ings," where the sparkling wine inspires such bitter-
ness of feeling as might emanate' from an infusion of
political wormwood—where the banquet-hall is con-
verted into the gladiatorial arena, and the toast and the
song are the prelude to the struggles of ambitious
conflict, and the wordy war of oratorical extermination.
At the Edinburgh dinner the banners of the Brougham
and Durham warfare were first openly unfurled. From
the moment when that Cabinet intrigue was consum-
mated which compelled the resignation of Earl Grey,
until that festival, so unlucky to the Whigs, there was
no doubt a suppressed ill feeling on both sides which
did not find a tongue before. It was then seen that
the accusations made against Lord Brougham by Earl
Grey's friends and partisans, if they had not the open
support, had, at least, the secret approbation of Lord
Grey and his family. Were it otherwise, most
assuredly the late Premier would have taken that op-
portunity to have disabused the public mind of the im-
putations publicly and repeatedly cast upon the Lord
Chancellor. He did not do so. On the contrary,
his conduct is described as being marked with that
cold and repulsive civility, which indicates a great
change from the feelings of intimate and cherished
friendship, and which was an ungratful return for the
florid and apparently fervent eulogium with which the
Lord Chancellor smoothed the path of his departure
from public life, if he believed that his regret was un-
affected and his sentiments of veneration sincere. For
our own part, we cannot help thinking, and we ex-
pressed that opinion before, that Lord Grey would
have acted a part more consistent with high-minded
principle and manliness of character, had he openly
stated his reasons for changing his opinion of Lord
Brougham. We say the same of Lord Durham,
who certainly has not, in this matter, acted with the
candour or the courage for which he wishes the public
to give him eredit. He has shown himself
" Willing to wound, but vet afraid to strike."
At the Edinburgh dinner, his attack on Lord
Brougham was not, avowedly, connected with any
sense of.resentment for a Cabinet intrigue or a fa-
mily quarrel. He attacked only the " clipping
and compromising principles" which the Lord Chan-
cellor had acknowledged. We cannot help suspecting
however that an attack made under such circumstances
was rather inspired by a feeling of private spleen, than by
any enthusiastic anxiety for the public good. At the Glas-
gow dinner, indeed, he has in a more direct and explicit
manner assailed the Lord Chancellor, but not with re-
gard to the circumstances which led to the secession
of Lord Grey. It is said, indeed, that when he de-
scribed Lord Melbourne as incapable of treachery and
intrigue, he meant to imply that another person was
capable of both ; but this appears to us another in-
stance of the want of candour and courage which we
have before described. It is insinuating away a man's
reputation without daring to make any open and manly
accusation against his character. We are not the apo-
logists, much less the flatterers of Lord Brougham.
We have freely enough, but we hope with decency,
also censured those parts of his public conduct which
we thought prejudicial to the public interests, and in-
consistent with the principles which he had 'been in
the habit of professing, or for which the public had
long given him credit. We have spoken of the part
which he acted in reference to the Malthusian
Poor Law Bill in terms of unequivocal con-
demnation. We have censured, in the language
which such an undignified course of proceeding
deserved, his hunting popularity by making a cir-
cuit of itinerant oratory through the kingdom, while
wearing the robes of the exalted station of Lord
Chancellor. Nor less did we reprobate the "do little"
and " do less" principle of Government which he has
recently avowed. Still we cannot forget that the
public cause stands infinitely more indebted to his
former services than it ever was to those of Lord Dur-
ham, or, perhaps, ever can be. It is very possible that
but for the energetic efforts of Lord Brougham in the
House of Commons, when he was the life of his
party, the moderate talents of Lord Durham could
never have achieved any great celebrity. Again, Lord
Brougham, though his conduct has often been severely
animadverted on by the Press, never attempted to
bridle its freedom by availing himself of the advantage
which the indefensible law of libel gives to a prosecu-
tor. Not so Lord Durham : he has practically tried
that which Lord Brougham has only theoretically ap-
proved—the silencing the freedom of the Press by rri-
minal information. We were disposed to believe that
he was sorry for such acts of illiberality and intole-
rance, so unworthy the generous character and con-
scious integrity of the true patriot, but we observe that
at the Glasgow dinner he betrays no symptoms of peni-
tence on this head. He says he has never deviated
from the principles which he now professes. If he can
look back upon the whole of his political life with ap-
probation, of course he must approve of his abortive
criminal information in the King's Bench, and his
other proceedings against the Press. Want of space
prevents us from going further at present into the pro-
ceedings of the Glasgow dinner and the speeches of
Lord Durham, but we will return to the subject.—
Morning Herald.

whole affair passed off, as we think, in a manner, if
not positively creditable to the parties,' at least com-
paratively creditable—creditable, that is, by compari-
son with the Whig Dinner at Edinburgh. The
Radical hosts of Glasgow did not devour all the viands
before the entrance of their guest, and if arty indecency
were committed, it was indecency in some deference to
the rules of subordination and decorum ; the artizans
and weavers who had paid half a guinea for their din-
ner and their fun had command enough over themselves
to seem to be sober, until the noble Earl whom they
entertained gave them the signal that such restraint was
no longer necessary. So far we must applaud the
Glasgow Dinner. Our report of this Festival is taken
from the Times, for by an accident which we scarcely
regret, the express of that Journal outstripped our
own, and we think it right and fair, since our contem-
porary enters into the spirit of the thing more fully
than we could be expected to do, that his accounts
should have the preference to our own more tardy
communication from the scene of action. We thus
guard ourselves from the imputation of any failure of
justice to Lord Durham, of whose numerous speeches
we have not omitted a single word. His Lord-
ship spoke often and long, and we must at the outset
do him the justice to say (whatever may be our opi-
nion of the purpose to which he spoke), that most of
what he said was to the purpose. We do not stop to
describe the processions and the flags: Georgeous
processions there were, however, and flags sufficiently
various and gay. But the one flag with which the
name of Lord Durham is inseparably allied was want-
ing. These Glasgow bodies are discreet. They did
not wish to revive either revolutionary or judicial re-
collections, and, therefore, the tri-colour was absent.
The few reflecting people who were present remarked
this, and their thoughts reverted, accordingly, to the
barricades de Paris, and the King's Bench at West-
minster. Lord Durham certainly hit the Lord Chan-
cellor very hard, and the Noble and Learned Lord
will scarcely thank us for the fulness or the fidelity of
our report. But Lord Brougham is not a man to re-
main long in Lord Durham's debt ; and we promise
the Noble and Learned Lord that whenever lie re-
plies, we shall give the very best report of his speech
that we can procure. It is difficult to guess in what
shape this reply may meet us. We may have it in a
Penny Magazine. We may have it in an Evening
Paper. We may have it—for the Noble and Learned
Lord is not fastidious—in some evening speech to a
Mechanics' Institute. We may, for what we know—
for the Noble and Learned Lord is eccentric
enough even for this—in the middle of a Chancery
judgment. But, come in what shape it may,
Lord Brougham's reply to Lord Durham shall not be
neglected. Lord Brougham may fairly be said to
divide with Lord Durham the honours of the Glasgow
Festival. Who would have cared about what was
going to be done or said at Glasgow had it not been
for the expectation that, as Lord )-3iougham had taken
every opportunity within his reach of saying what he
thinks of Lord Durham, Lord Durham would avail
himself of this very favourable opportunity to say what
he thinks of Lord Brougham ? We declare we do
not know at this moment which of the two has the
better title to be considered as the hero of the day.
The certainty that Lord Durham would speak truth
of one who had already spoken truth of him was an
attraction not to be resisted, especially as truth is so
rarely spoken in this world, and most rarely of all by
Whig and Radical Lords, learned or unlearned.
Lord Durham, it must be acknowledged, did not
disappoint his audience. They had their full half-
guinea's-worth of jest, sarcasm, and well-merited
reproach. Lord Durham and Lord Brougham know
each other thoroughly. They have been intimate as-
sociates in opposition to the Government ; they have
been confederates in coups d'etat ; they have been co-
conspirators in revolutionary movements ; they have
been colleagues in Administration. That they hate
and despise each other is a fact which can no longer
be disputed. But it is more than an indisputable fact.
It is a natural result of the relative positions in which
they have stood. Conflicting interests, personal enmity,
account for their now speaking truth of each other, but
do not create the truth which they severally speak.
It must already have appeared how extremely impartial
we are between Lord Durham and Lord Brougham. We
are quite unable, we sincerely declare, to assign to
either a preference over the other, whether in temper, in
manners, or in principles. If, as Lord Durham truly says,
the Lord Chancellor ridicules the majority of the House
of Lords at one time, and flatters it at another, does
not Lord Durham himself at one time declaim in favour
of the liberty of the Press, and at another time perse-
cute the Press ? Lord Durham does not think Reform
has gone far enough. Lord Brougham is of opinion
that it has. The difference is easily explained. Lord
Durham is not Lord Chancellor. He has no place
from things as they are of 15,0001. a year. He has no
retiring pension of 5,000/. a year to look forward to.
He owes nothing to Reform as it now stands. The
Reformed Parliament has added no thousand a year to
his future income, after political life shall have become
wearisome, or political power shall have departed.
Hence it is that while Lord Brougham thinks Reform
has gone far enough, Lord Durham thinks it should go
a great deal farther ; that while the former believes it
is quite time for him to becorhe as good a Conser-
vative as a Revolutionary Minister can ever be, the
latter is still a thorough-going Radical, a Radical
notwithstanding the title of Nobility of which he
is so proud, and the princely revenue which has
placed him in the position, for which nature has
qualified him so well, of a local tyrant. There are
various descriptions of Radicals—Radicals from prin-
ciple—Radicals from poverty—Radicals from ambi-
tion—Radicals from bile. Lord Durham seems to
present a combination of the two latter elements of
Radicalism. He took the promise of an Earldom from
Mr. Canning ; he sought the fulfilment of that pro-
mise from the Duke of Wellington ; he did not dis-
dain to reap the empty honours of a mock mission to
St. Petersburgh. At these periods his Radicalism must
have been under the control of his ambition. But
now that Earldoms and missions are out of the ques-
tion, bile has resumed its ascendancy, and the Radi-
calism of the Noble Earl seems as much a part of
him as his complexion. We are convinced from the
example of his Lordship, that bile is the source of
the best and truest Radicalism, after all. He is now
all forp triennial Parliaments, but nothing is more cer-
tain than that, if he should remain out of office
for another year, and neglect in the meanwhile to
take proper physic, he will by the end of that time
be a staunch advocate for annual Parliaments. At
present he stands out for the household suffrage ;
but he must be Prime Minister within the twelve
months, or immense doses of calomel will certainly be
required to keep him from adopting the doctrine of
Hunt, Cobbett, and Carlisle, that universal suffrage is
the only cure for the disorders of our political consti-
tution. He advocates the vote by ballot now, which,
for a Lord, none of whose tenants or dependants dare
say that their soul is their own, is pretty well ; but
by-and-by, if place or pill do not interpose their re-
medial operation, we shall have him contending that a
voter who tells his brother, father, or wife how he
means to exercise his franchise shall be put in the
stocks. This Peer of the Realm now tells the people
that the upper classes are determined to deprive them
of their rights. If his ambition be not gratified, or his
bile subdued forthwith, who does not perceive that we
shall find him presently a very Cade in a coronet ?
here is yet another proof of the Radicalism of Lord
Durham, and it is one to which we reluctantly
allude. After the mob-dinner at Glasgow, and
at a period of the evening when some of the
party at least had taken their wine or their punch
very freely, as was proved by the necessity which
immediately arose of turning one of them out
of the room, Lord Durham directed the attention
of the company—of such a company, at such a time—
to his daughter, who was in the gallery, and forced her
to rise from her seat, and become the object of the ge-
neral and vulgar gaze. We hope the practice is not
likely to become prevalent—it has never yet prevailed
in England—of fathers parading their daughters at po-
litical dinners. Retiring modesty and sensitive reserve
arc the qualities which have hitherto been deemed most
worthy of cultivation in females of the upper classes of
society in this country. But our coronetted Cade is,
it seems, of a different opinion. No pledge is too
dear for him to offer to the revolutionary cause in
which he has embarked. In the progress of the move-

Lord Durham has had his gala at Glasgow. The
Radicals at Glasgow have enjoyed the honour and
satisfaction of entertaining Lord Durham. And the

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1834,

anent it is difficult to foresee what pageant may be got
up, or what accessories may be required. But Lord
Durham is resolved that on his part at least nothing
shall be wanting ; that it shall be no fault of his, if
when the proper time arrives, he cannot supply a fit
representative of the Goddess of Reason out of his own
house.—Morning Post.

The public had in yesterday's Times the fruits of
our exertions to obtain early information of the pro-
ceedings at the Glasgow dinner, and are therefore now
in full possession of the remarkable speech delivered on
that occasion by Lord Durham. The speech was in
itself a good one, without reference to the questions of
personal difference which it embraced, though from
them of course it borrowed its most lively interest. It
was a good speech, because it was a clear and forcible
exposition of popular principles to which he pledged
himself by a member of the aristocracy. It was a
speech of considerable triumph also to Lord Durham,
and to those who had anxiously anticipated his
successful treatment of certain charges brought against
him by one who it was suspected would be unable to
sustain them, because it completely settled the whole
matter of the speeches at Edinburgh and Salisbury, as
well as that of the article in the Edinburgh Review,
and, combined with a satisfactory vindication of Lord
Durham, a humiliating overthrow of all that a well-
known personage had said or insinuated against him.
Withthe personal quarrels of public men, it is true,
that the country need not concern itself, but where
controversies carried on between such individuals are of
a mixed nature, involving on one side considerations of
personal honour, truth, and trustworthiness, and on
the other an inquiry into the opinions really held by
men either in high station, or candidates for it, upon
points of great importance to the well-being of the State,
which those persons may be more or less enabled to
influence, it then becomes a subject well worthy of na-
tional interest and observation, to ascertain by proof
the merits of the parties, and the degree to which
each of them ought to be relied upon or distrusted. We
feel it to be no more than justice to Lord Durham to
state, that the impression made upon us by his speech
is favourable to his political honesty. He met the
accusation of his Noble° and Learned assailant
with signal boldness and • directness. He declared
that the averment of his having wished to pro-
pose a less popular plan of reform than had been
granted by the Government was an utter falsehood ;
and if he did not go into details upon that question,
lie assigned the motive for his abstinence by producing
a letter from Lord Grey, enjoining him in a manner to
refrain from the disclosure of what had passed in the
Cabinet, but bearing witness to the consistency of
Lord Durham throughout. The Noble Earl rebuts
the charge of having betrayed the secrets of the
Cabinet in his speech at Gateshead, by explaining
that what he there alleged as to the particular share
which Lord Grey had delegated to him in the
preparation of the Reform Bill, was a fact known
to hundreds of persons in London, who had, either
on their own behalf or as representing public
bodies, communicated with him on many of the
questions under delibern' ion. He disowns the charge
of being a " Dcs:.ructive," and recommends the removal
of what is corrupt in our institutions, as the best and
only means of preserving what is valuable in them ;
at the same time it must be understood from his own
lips what are the lengths which Lord Durham has
made up his mind to as a progressive Reformer : for his
avowal of them, although evidence of his own frank-
' ness, is by no means equally conclusive of their wis-
dom. He would purify the church here, and in Ire-
land—on that all Reformers, and indeed all rational
friends of both churches, arc agreed. He would purify
the corporations every where, and restore them to their
primitive uses, by making them correct and valid re-
presentations of local interests, as Parliament itself is
presumed to be of the general interests of the nation.
He would repeal the Septennial Act ; and so are the
majority of reflecting men, we believe, disposed to
assign a shorter duration to Parliaments. He would
make the occupant of every house, no matter how
small the value, an elector—a Measure on which
Lord Durham will find throughout the country a great
diversity of opinion. He would adopt the ballot,
which we have invariably, though without intempe-
ranee, opposed, as a measure of more than doubtful
policy, one of which the necessity is not apparent, and
in the aggregate effects of which we cannot help fearing
that the deep-seated evil would be found to overbalance
any apparent and superficial good. However, this is
not the time to argue questions of general expediency
either by the side of Lord Durham or against him. Our
business is with the light which his speech reflects
upon the conduct of a no longer professing friend,
but who now comes forward in the natural character
of Lord Durham's prosecutor. The noble Earl accepts,
though with a becoming acknowledgment of the Chan-
cellor's enormous facility and success as a debater—he
accepts the challenge to confront that learned person
in the House of lords, and in the face of an adverse
majority of Tory Peers, whom Lord Durham thinks
not unlikely to meet half way the calculating overtures
of the noble and learned personage—with all these ad-
vantages, says Lord Durham, " I fear him not ;" and
then, in allusion to the other persons composing the
present Ministry, whom Lord Durham speaks of
as having been many of them his intimate associates
in office, and many of them still his private
and intimate friends, his Lordship adds, what all
the world will concur in, that " Lord Melbourne,
the Prhne Minister, is an honest straightforward
Statesman, incapable of intrigue and treachery,"—
an expression which seemed to the whole of the
vast assembly of auditors to carry a sting in it ;
why, we shall not inquire. With regard to the ques-
tion between Lord Durham and his accuser, it is im-
possible for any candid man to read that speech with-
out feeling that it settles the dispute. It is the lan-
guage of one who knows that he has been injured,_
who has nothing to conceal,—who fears no investiga-
tion, and never dreams of the necessity for evasion.
Some of the dapper friends of a certain learned person-
age indeed, with a forgetfulness as marvellous as if they
had been bitten by their principal, pretend that Lord
Durham needlessly volunteered his own defence, and
to half-deplore, half-despise these personal miseres.
There was no misere, then, or personality, or provo-
cation, in the snarling calumnies of the Edinburgh and
Salisbury meetings, or in the more subtle, venomous,
and elaborate falsehoods of the Review. What a pity
that they should not one and all go unanswered !
Times.

The extreme length of the proceedings at the
Glasgow dinner, in honour of Lord Durham, coupled
with other matters, of which it is essential that we
shOuld furnish some brief account, compel us to omit
those observations on the subject to which it is calcu-
lated to give rise. It would be unjust, however, on
the one hand, to the people of Glasgow, not to state
that they acquitted themselves with great credit of the
honourable task which they had undertaken, and, on
the other, to Lord Durham, not to state that while
due honour was done to him, he also did credit to his
past consistency and exertions by the liberal principles
of which he still professes himself the advocate. " Vote
by Ballot," "Triennial Parliaments," and " Household
Suffrage," are, as he deems, essential to a full, fair,
free, and independent representation of the opinions
and interests of the people ; and on all these points we
need not inform our readers that we have long been
cordially agreed with him in opinion. In his condem-
nation also of the course pursued by the Government,
of employing those to carry their views and wishes
into effect whose principles are opposed to theirs and
those of their supporters throughout the country, we
most cordially join. It is base and impolitic in the
highest degree—base because ungrateful, and impolitic
because their best measures and best intentions have
scarcely a chance of being fairly dealt with, or fairly
carried into effect. We trust, however, if Lord Mel-
bourne deserve the high eulogium bestowed upon him
by Lord Durham, that this system of policy will be
altered for the better, and that we shall have neither
Tory foreign Ambassadors to represent British inte-
rests at foreign Courts, nor Tory Lord Lieutenants of
Counties to give the tone to our domestic politics.
Upon another point we shall not for the present touch
—we allude to the now irreconcileable quarrel be-
tween Lords Durham and Brougham—farther than to
say that, in conjunction with many of our contempo-
raries, we deeply lament it. What will add also to
the regret of the public is, that the quarrel appears, on

due investigation, to have no substantial existence, ex-
cept in the imagination of the two Noble Lords, and
the supposed insults which each has received from the
other.—Morning Advertiser.

THE ARMY

(From the Limerick Chronicle of Wednesday.)

Yesterday the first division of the depot companies of the
69th regiment, from Tralee, marched into this garrison, under
command of Major Monins, and proceeded this morning for
Clare Castle; to occupy the quarters of the 37th depot com-
panies. The detachment included the companies of Captains
Stuart and Easson. Monday next, the remaining two com-
panies of the 69th, Captains Hooper and Coke, arrived here
from Tralee, for the same destination, on being replaced by
the 37th, this day, under Major Kell. Captain Easson's com-
pany, 69th, with Ensign Hemphill, are to replace Captain
Costley's company, 37th, to Kilrush. The conduct of the
69th depot, while stationed at Tralee, was such as to merit and
obtain the respect of every class of the inhabitants ; and, to the
honour of the officers, strict discipline was maintained without
any appearance of rigour,
Captain Easson's company, 69th regiment, left, by, the
Clarence steamer this morning, for Kilrush, to replace Captain
Costley's company, 37th, ordered to Tralee.
Staff Assistant Surgeon Byrne is ordered to take medical
charge of the depot companies 36th regiment in this garrison
in place of Surgeon Reilly, ordered to join the service com-
panies in the West Indies forthwith.
The party of the 7th Dragoon Guards detached from this
garrison to Newcastle, arc to remain at that out station for the
winter, if any disturbances arise from the recovery of tithes.
The 91st are detached from Birr at Shannon Harbour, Ba-
nagher, and Frankford.

The 60th Rifles have detached a company from Nenagh to
Roscrea.

The grand division of the 82d regiment, from Belfast, ar-
rived in Dublin this day, under command of Lieut.-Colonel
Hogarth.

The 27th (Enniskilleners) are now concentrated under
Lieut.-Colonel Hare, K. H. , at Beggar's Bush, George's-
street barracks, and Pigeon House, Dublin. The garrison of
the metropolis is at present composed of the 3d Dragoon
Guards, 15th Hussars, Grenadier Guards, 27th, 46th, 81st,
and 82d regiments.
The grand division of the Royal Regiment from Dublin,
under Lieut.-Colonel Wetherall, K. H , marched into Athlone
last Wednesday, where the head-quarters are fixed.
The 14th regiment, from Athlone, have arrived at Mullin-
gar. Captain Hazlewood's company is to be stationed at Tul-
lamore, and Captain Watson's at Killucan ; the company at
Castletown-Delvin having been countermanded for the present,
in consequence of the appearance of the cholera.
Detachments of the Royals have been sent to Roscommon,
Shannon-bridge, Ballinasloe, Clogher, and Ferbane.
The Atka troop-ship is arrived at Cork from Dublin, to
embark reinforcements for the troopsin the West Indies.

The depot companies of the 78th Highlanders, from Dundee,
have taken up the quarters of the late depot companies of the
71st at Perth. The 71st are now concentrating the service
and depot companies in Scotland.
Lieut.-Colonel Badcock, of the 15th Hussars, has left Dub-
lin on leave of absence, and the command of the regiment has
devolved upon Major Sir Walter Scott, Bart.
Lieut.-Colonel Cater, of the Royal Horse Artillery, has
left Island-bridge for England, on leave of absence.
Three companies of the 35th (or Royal Sussex) Regiment,
left this garrison for Templemore on the 23d instant, and three
companies followed on Friday for the same destination. Both
of these divisions were commanded by Field Officers. Four
companies with the head-quarters of the 25th, under the com-
mand of Lieut.-Colonel Goldie, marched hence on Saturday
for Templemore.—Dublin Paper.