The Sun.
London, England, 1833-09-13 00:00:00

THE \VEST INDIES.

A mail from the Leeward Islands has brought papers
from St. Thomas to the Bth ult., and from the other
Islands of corresponding dates. The following are ex-
tracts :

" At Grenada the negro population preferred remaining
in their present condition to becoming apprentices, as they
considered it a hardship to support their children, and
after the apprenticeship is ever, themselves, out of the
wages they will then receive, the amount of which, to
the old and infirm, would be inadequate to purchase the
comforts now provided by the planters."
The Legislature of Dominica bad agreed to assist in
devising measures to carry into effect the Ministeri-1 p'an
upon rereivi.ig their portion of the compensation awarded
by Parliament. At Antigua a similar disposition pre-
vailed. Owing to the distress of the planters there, occa-
sioned by the short crops, the Governor had consented
to allow the presenc year's taxes to stand over until next
year.

The amended plan had not reached Berhice or St.
Mitt's, and consequently dissatisfaction prevailed there.
The coffee crop at Berbice will fall abort nearly one half
of what was expected, and the letters state that no bills
could be drawn, unless attached to bills of lading.
The negro population throughout the islands were tran-
quil, which was also the case at Jamaica on the 27th July,
as stated in letters of that date brought by
the firighttnan,
Tapley, arrived in the D mns.
The Demerara Courier, of the 221 July, contains a
c lay of a despatch from Mr. Secretary Stanley, dated 13th
June, transmitting the resolutions of the House of
mons abolishing slavery and giving the planters a compen-
sation of twenty millions, with reference to which the
Governor, Sir J. C. Smith, had issued a Proclama-ion,
communicating, without reserve, not only the whole of tba
details of the proposed changes respecting the slaves da-
termined on by Ministers, but also the arrangements con-
templated for carrying these measures hate Cltecution,

SPIRIT OF THE. PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some humourous wag in a German paper has
announced, as a piece of serious political intelli-
gence, that the Emperor of Russia has resolved
never to recognise any other Sovereign in Por-
tugal than the hopeful Don Miguel. The
Conservative press in England seems to hail
this announcement as an authentic declaration
of the Northern Despot against Donna Maria,
and therefore considers the cause of her Most
Faithful Majesty as entirely lost from this day
" henceforth, and for ever." The recognition of
England and France in their eye seems nothing
—the naval victory of Napier is nothing—the
capture of Lisbon is nothing—the raising of the
siege of Oporto is nothing—the military occu-
pation of the two capitals of Portugal by the
troops of her Most Faithful Majesty is nothing,
the convocation of the Cortes is nothing ! No,
all these facts are undeserving of attention ; for
the Emperor Nicholas, sitting in his palace at St.
Petersburg, is reported to have said that he
was determined to back the Usurper of Por-
tugal, whether he wore a Crown or no, and
that he would never recognise the title of his
niece—her Most Faithful Majesty ! Let all,
then, whom it may concern, tremble at this
menace ; let them all know that Lisbon,
if it renounces Don Miguel, is destined never
more to see a Russian diplomatist ! Is not this
worse than the scourge of the cholera, or the
calamities of civil war ? How can the people on
the banks of the Tagus, on those of the Mon-
dego, or of the Douro, live under the " hiding
of the Czar's countenance ?" It would be pre-
sumptuous in us to decide on so weighty a
question without considerable deliberation ; but,
after reflecting upon it for the requisite time, we
think that we may venture to give comfort and
consolation to the Constitutional party in such
solemn and trying circumstances. Let them
first expel Don Miguel from the soil of Portu-
gal—let them make him continue his reign (if
in exile he still must call himself a sovereign,
like the Bourbons at Hartwell) in a Spanish
fortress, or in an English depot—let them see
that he has made himself an incognito prince
in a Prostestant state, or a prince cardinal at
Rome—let them put him upon a pension
abroad, taking securities for his good behaviour
—let them even transport him to Cronstadt, or
to Odessa, to reside in the dominions of his
imperial protector—let them dispose of him
in any of these merciful and laudable ways,
and we will answer for it, that the hoaxing
determination of the Czar will be seen in its
true colours, and that the young Queen will suffer
nothing by the affected ungallant opposition of
the Northern Autocrat. But, after all, speak-
ing seriously, what would it matter if the young
Queen of Portugal were never to be acknow-
ledged by the chief of the Muscovite Govern-
ment ? Does her Most Faithful Majesty ex-
pect a mission from the Court of Pekin, or
from the Schah of Persia ? No. Yet each of
those Powers might exercise as legitimate an
interest or control at the Court of Lisbon as the
Autocrat of Russia. It is a disgrace to ci-
vilized Europe that it should be otherwise, and
the blood of enlightened freemen almost boils at
the very idea that an envoy of a despotic and
barbarous Power should presume to dictate in
the recognition of Sovereign titles or Constitu-
tional charters among a distant and unconnected
race, at the other corner of a continent r The
determination ascribed to the Russian Auto-
crat in respect to the fact above stated,
if it were not a mere piece of plea-
santry, would constitute a bitter satire on
the conduct of the Russian Government.
The Emperor Nicholas in 1828 recalled his
Ambassador from the Court of Lisbon, at the
same time, and for the same reason, that the
Usurper was excommunicated by the other re-
spectable Princes of Europe. He has hitherto
considered Don Miguel unworthy of renewed
intercourse, and has accredited no envoy to his
Court. The Usurper has not yet " purged "
himself of his perjuries and enormities, so as to
allow a pure Russian Monarch to commence his
diplomatic relations before his fall ; but after his
fall, after he has ceased to be a King de facto,
which (in the opinion of the Russian Court) he
never was de jure, then the Autocrat is ready to
acknowledge him, and to refuse all recognition
of his rival, who combines an acknowledged title
with the exercise of practical power ! We say
again that our Conservative prints must be
hoaxing the English public or the Emperor
Nicholas ! Times.

We subjoin from the Globe a few remarks on
the peculiar mode of conducting controversies,
and style of comment adopted by some of our
contemporaries. We are told in the Life of
John Kames, that when at the bar " having
joined issue with his adversary on what he con-
ceived to be the fair merits of the case, he pro-
ceeded to develop the principle on which he
apprehended the decision ought to rest, and
endeavoured with all the acuteness of which he
was master, to show its application to the ques-
tion in discussion. He knew that if the principle
were once conceded, and its application demon-
strated, the cause was gained ; the arguments of

his opponent needed no deliberate examination,
for they fell of necessity to the ground. It was,
therefore, in general, much mote an object with

him to rear his own structure of argument upon

a solid basis, than to cavil with or impugn the
reasoning of his antagonist; the one task almost
always superseded the other ; and the scornful
neglect with which the latter was treated (where,in
truth, no formal refutation was necessary) served
to precipitate its downful." The rule of John
Karnes, like most other rules, must be

taken with many exceptions ; but in general
it may be said of minute controversy,
that it is seldom very edifying ; and it is
always very wearisome. For our part the longer
we live the less we feel disposed to indulge in
controversy ; and we have a strong distaste in
particular for controversy of a carping and sple-
netive description. By pecking incessantly at
our adversary, and insinuating that lie is in-
fluenced by all manner of corrupt motives, we do

not necessarily establish the goodness of our own
cause. There is much truth in the remarks of
the Globe. What a nuisance a newspaper
would be, were it to meet in a kindred spirit all
the daily and weekly vituperation by which it is
assailed. In fact the only way to render discus-
sion supportable for any length of time, is to
exclude from it all which draws the attention of
the reader to the writers, rather than to the
subject of dispute. A little good-humoured
pleasantry now and then may be borne with ;
and we would not proscribe the application of
ridicule where it is fairly called for ; but a certain
breadth of manner and joviality are necessary
even to ridicule ; and strictures constantly in-
spired by ill-nature are regarded with the feeling
we entertain towards snarling curs, or towards a
person who should be found running a sharp
instrument into every one who passed him.
These remarks are not dictated by any peculiar
sensitiveness to splenetic criticism, for,.fi.orn

•
I temperament, we are, perhaps, less affected by ill-
natured remarks than most people. But we are
much mistaken if the press do not suffer in general
estimation by offensive and personal controversy.
The public, too, we suspect, are charitable enough
to attribute the lessons read by one Journalist
to another, to envy and a spirit of rivalry, rather
than to a strong love of truth. The homely
adage of " two of a trade" will be but too apt
to suggest itself to the reader, when he sees
one Journalist overflowing with zeal to expose
the sins of his brother Journalist. But even in
the warfare waged against public characters
there is surely a measure to be observed. Be-
cause, for instance, Lord Grey, like some other
great men, is somewhat too partial, perhaps, to
his own kindred (and we allude more particu-
larly to the living bestowed on the Bishop of
Hereford, on whom a popular Government
ought not to confer favours, because though he
is the brother of the Premier, he is the enemy
of his Government), we ought not to overlook
the many most important services he has ren-
dered to his country, and the fair and honour-
able spirit by which he is actuated. To laud
the Government everlastingly would be doing it
great disservice; because praise, even when
deserved, nauseates in the long run ; but the
other extreme of constant censure—of allow-
ing no merit—of constantly dwelling on errors
and imperfections, is equally to be condemned.
We lately copied some admirable observations
from the Scotsman on this subject. If we wish
to pi omote the good cause, we ought at least to
allow to public men credit for the good they
achieve. Reflections on the errors and occa-
sional stationary policy of the Government is
perfectly fair; but the constant denial of all
advantages from its administration—the syste-
matic suppression of all the great popular gains
resulting from the domestic policy of Lord
Grey's Cabinet—the oversight of the grievous
difficulties of party and aristocratic faction, and
the fruits of a century of misgovernment which
impede and encumber Ministers, is evidence of
a miserable and unworthy spirit in the sup-
porters of popular opinions. It cannot propel
the cause of Refortn or remedial Legislation,
but has the certain and invariable effect of
throwing it back. It is one thing to advocate
principles and political opinions in advance of
the age, but another to seek that end through
constant political detraction of the reputation
and just merits of public men. This odium
politicum of journal controversy is as reprehen-
sible as the odium theologicum. It is not so
scandalous as the vulgar attacks on private cha-
racter in other quarters, but the reputation of
public men is their next best title to private
esteem. Having allowed ourselves to be drawn
somewhat further than we intended when we
began these observations, we shall leave the
subject in the hands of our evening contem
porary

" We have no objection, in a conventional sense, to
what are termed decided party papers, for two or three
good reasons. One of these is, that they tolerably well
instruct all those who know how to read them with the
strong and weak sides, both of the party they espouse and
of that to which they ate opposed. Thus, allowing (or a
portion of fudge directly constructed for the class of per-
sons who like to peruse their own real or fancied opinions
in print exclusively, there is always something to be ac-
quired from this class of journals. There is another
description, however, to which we feel much less indul-

gent, and which, like Horace's mediocrity, ale sustainable
nor by gods, nor men, nor columns.' We more espe-
cially advert to those sage persons whose excess of genius
is expended in finding fault with whatever is said or done.
This generic fault, Voltaire, in his usual arch and felicitous
manner, satirises by his Venetian Senator Pococurante, who
was too great a genius to be pleased with any thing; the
exact converse of the real state of the case, for positive ge
nius is by no means so difficult. We could point out jour-
nals whose sole pretensions to sagacity are founded on an
eternal propensity to grumb!e, in the style of Crockery, in the
farce. Everything is as it ought not to be; and if
measures of magnitude are under consideration, the favou•

rite practice is to skip over all the leading points of im-
provement or policy, and to dwell upon some minor con-
sequen.ial and unavoidable evil, and drum upon it to the
end of the chapter. We have read columns of exceptive
writing which are constructe.i upon no other principle.
The air of wisdom assumed on such occasions forms the
most ludicrous part of the story, for it is scarcely necessary
to say that this colt of wisdom is of the very commonest
description. No small number of the bright things
against tree trade, foreign policy, the police, the criminal
law, and we know not what besides, ate composed in this
spirit, and it is astonishing what a reputation may be ac-
quired by it in public-house back parlours. We
will not say that this cant is not as intrinsically
good as indiscriminate panegyric, but, as Sterne
says of that criticism, it is indisputably, if not of
the worst kind, the most tormenting. We can con-
ceive, indeed, nothing more insufferably asinine than the
exulting complacency with which some difficulty, or
undeniable evil, in the course of a critical course of dip-
lomacy or arrangement is hailed by scribes of this de-

scription. It amounts to a species Of Godsend, and the

poor reader is buried in an avalanche of common-places
forthwith. Now this we deem insufferable, especially iu

quarters which sddotn unfold or devel, p a principle of
any kind, and who, even in respect to what they censure,
never advance to the dignity of proposing a feasible alter-

native. The mass of V this sort of observation which it
has been the fate of the first session of the Reform

Parliament to encounter need not be dwelt upon—it has
been truly stupendous. Half its own supererogatory
oratory, and much even that was written about it,

amounted to little more. People begin now to perceive
the real state of the case ; and while much remains to be
altered and improved, no small portion of evil has been
aba•ed, and difficulty overcome.
" There is also a minor walk of this sort of wisdom,
which principally consists in watching for some trifling
inaccuracy or mistake in contemporaries. A Weekly
Paper, certainly capable of better things, shines amazingly
in this province of the very little, for which, if it has a
motive, it may be assured it will never be answered. To

be sure, there is some advantage in bunting for this
small deer ;' such game is always to be discovered, when
the owl-like propensity exists to look for it. Such prac-
tices, however, never either made or supported a reputa-
:ion yet ; and if people do not perceive, they feel that
:hey do not like it, and we never knew the habit effect

anything for a Journal in the long run. The Scotch
baker, whose object in repairing to the club was chiefly
to contradick a bit,' was sometimes deemed sagacious
by his companions, but never agreeable.
"So ends our Chapter Of Hats.' "—Morning
Chronicle.

We have received a letter from Mr. Robin-
son, a member of the Society of Friends, and

an Irishman, calling our attention to the im-
portant subject of the poor laws, in relation to
his native country. The opinion of a man so
well acquainted with Ireland, on a subject of
such general interest, would be at any time de-
serving of consideration ; but now that the
question can be no longer evaded (for a second
Session of the reformed Parliament cannot pass
over without some decision for or against the
introduction of poor laws into Irelanel)—now
that the minds of the people in both countries

. .
are drawn to the state and condition of the

poor, the sentiments of an intelligent observer,
such as Mr. Robinson has proved himself to be,
are peculiarly valuable. It is to the judgment
of benevolent men, who are at the same time
practical men, having no party politics or pecu-
liar theories to lead them astray, that we can
most safely appeal for assistance amidst the
many difficulties with which it must be confessed
the inquiry is surrounded. Mr. Robinson is
one of many inhabitants of the sister island who
advocate the adoption of a compulsory provision
there as well as here. We have not room to pub-
lish his appeal to the people of England, but we
would, impress upon those who are perpetually

crying out against poor laws, on the ground that
Ireland is too poor to pay them, one cause of
poverty to which he alludes in his appeal. It
is this, that no man can safely import machinery
into Ireland without a poor rate to protect him.
Here is a check to manufacturing industry, to
one of the great sources of national wealth ; and
this check would be removed by the law, of
which some people unfortunately entertain so
great an apprehension. But the effect of poor
laws in forcing employment, and by that means,
as well as by supplying the wants of the unem-
p!oyed, in tranquillizing the country, would be
extensive and immediate. Individuals may
perish quietly, but dying multitudes will not be
silent. Poverty and ruin are the great exciters,
the great agitators of mankind. Those who
fear hunger fear nothing else. The dread of
filling up the trenches of famine renders every
other aspect of danger comparatively a matter of
indifference. The great cause of Irish distur-
bance is to be found in that law of nature
which ordains that men shall not perish in the
midst of plenty, without a murmur or an effort,
however hopeless and desperate, to save them-
selves. We fully agree with those who think
there is no time to be lost in doing something
for the poor of Ireland. The Irish themselves
are beginning to see that nothing effectual can
be done without poor laws. You must drive
famine out of the land before you can call in
quiet and industry. But we have not room to
prosecute the subject further at present, and
therefore must postpone to a future opportunity
the numerous reasons which concur in recom-
mending to the notice of the people and the Le-
gislature of both countries a subject so full of
awful considerations as that to which our cor-
respondent has recalled us.—Morning Herald.
The proceedings which took place on Wed-
nesday at the meeting of the subscribers to the
General Dispensary, Aldersgate-street, have ex-
cited a considerable sensation, and cannot be
contemplated without a feeling of pain. In them
we find several of the most respectable mem-
bers of the profession opposed to a respectable
body of governors on a point of their electoral
law, which did not seem to have any immediate
application to existing circumstances, and the
former resigning because the latter obtained the
majority of suffrages. Though we are not
competent from personal experience, or local
knowledge, to give any opinion on the
point at issue, we must say that, so far
as we can judge, our vote would have been
given on the side of the minority. We can easily
conceive cases in which, by the expenditure of a
little money on a declared vacancy, so many go-
vernors might be fabricated immediately in the
interest of a particular candidate as would carry
the election in his favour, both against the
claims of personal merit, and the will of the most
steady patrons of the charity. This would certainly
be an injury to the character and utility of the
institution, though it might afford a temporary
aid to its coffers. On the other hand, it was
broadly stated that the respectable and able men
who now fill the medical situations of the Al-
dersgate Dispensary were elected under this very
law, and, consequently, that its operation has not
always been hitherto mischievous, and may not
be so in future; but surely it is both wise and
charitable to guard effectually against the possi-
bility of unable and inexperienced men " buying
themselves" into situations where, by their want
of skill and knowledge, they may sacrifice not
only the health, but even the lives of the poor.
A s to the argument that by permitting the prac-
tice to continue, the funds of the institution will
be increased, it should be recollected that con-
fidence in the character of such an institution is
as essential to its usefulness as funds are to its
support. But on these points we cannot at
present enter; our sole object in recurring to
the report is, to express our regret at the con-
scientious difference which has appeared between
parties so respectable, and our hope that, by a
friendly mediation, harmony may be restored,and
the professional men be led to resume their use
ful and honourable labours.—Times.