The Sun.
London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

could to the the Minister who was thus playing the
the
mservative game. The moment the alternative was pre-
ated to us—either I.ord John Russell must go, or the cause
Popular advancement will be crashed,---we could not besi-
instant as to the course which we ought to adopt.
Perish Lord John Russell, perish any Minister, and all
Ministers, rather than see the great cause for which, kir so
many years, we had so zealously laboured, utterly destroyed.
rirtrter-an
.Nor was our zeal for the principles of civil and religious
liberty unmixed with personal considerations for the Noble
Lord himself. We remembered former years. We thought
of the days which preceded and accompanied the repeal of
the Test and Corporation Acts,—we recalled to mind the
debates on the Reform Bill, and who it was who framed the
measure which gave rise to those debates, and we
felt grieved and pained, more than we can express,
as we thought on the more recent conduct of the
head of the late Whig Cabinet. It is not too late 'for the
Noble Lord to retrace his more recent steps. Englishmen
are a generous people. They will readily forgive and forget
the past, if he will only give them a sufficient guarantee for
the future. We are willing to believe that the Noble Lord's
reactionary pr,pensities have not been so great as have been
generally supposed. We are disposed to assume that in op-
posing, as he has done, eve measure of popular adva'nce-
ment which has been brought forward for some time past, be
was acting more in accordance with the wishes of hostile
colleagues, than with the dictates of his own nature. If this
be so, Lord John Russell ought now to avow it. The time
has arrived when he is bound to speak out. There can no
longer be any necessity for silence. The dissolution of
his Ministry absolves him from the obligation ally
longer to keep secrets, which it is necessary for
his own Ministerial character should be disclosed.
Should the Noble Lord be in a condition be
come forward with an announcement of this nature;
should be be able to satisfy the country that his opposition to
measures of constitutional reform, has not been the, result of
choice, ,but of circumstances which he could not,. or'.-fancied
he could not, control, the bare announcement. of' the fact
would awaken in the national mind an amount of enthusiasm
in his favour, which has rarely been paralleled. If contem-
poraneovsly with such au announcement Lard John Russell
will come forward and pledge himself to introduce measures
for extending the franchise, and for carrying out a systetnst,
rigid economy in every department of the public service, ivlr
shall guarantee to the Noble Lord, on behalf of the people
ofthese realms, that he will thereby evoke suet manifesta-
tions of popular enthusiasm as will render his new Ministry
one of the strongest Administrations which ever existed is
this or in any other country. There would, in that case, be
such, an instantaneotts and universal rallying round the Stand-
ard of ,a. cabinet based on ;such principles, -aid/mewed to
stand offall by the cuurseefogicjo which-won:ld necessarily re-
sult from them, as would render it morally impossible to re-
sist its will. Lord John Russell would, as the first Minis-
ter of the Crown, possess political omnipotence. His
will would be law. The introduction into Parliament of
his measures, would be synonymous with their triumphant
transit through both Houses. Lord John Russell would
live idolised by his countrymen ; and when the hour had ar-
rived in which his earthly career had closed for ever, his
memory would, for generations to come, be regarded with
profound gratitude and respect.
It will be seen that Lord John Russell's statement fully
confirms the accuracy of all the information we have lately
furnished respecting the Ministerial crisis. The only point
on which there seems a discrepancy, is in relation to the
Papal Aggression Bill. We yesterday stated in our latest
intelligence, under the head of " Ministerial Crisis," that
Lord John Russell, in the event of his resumption of the
reins of office, was not only resolved to adhere to that mea-
sure, but even to introduce a more stringent one. The first
part of this statement, the Noble Lord last night indorsed
in a remarkable manner, for he said that his determination to
pass a Papal Aggression measure was the sole reason why
Sir James Graham refused to take office under him. In
alluding yesterday to the second part of the state-
ment, we mentioned that the Noble Lord was pre-
pared to bring in a measure, "in accordance with his
speech on the introduction of the Bilk" Now, we are sure
our readers will be struck with the fact, that Lord John.
Russell made use last night of the very words which we
employed. " 1 concur," said his Lordship, "in the opinions
which I expressed on the introduction of that Bill." And
—we say again—that a few days ago, in accordance with
this language, Lord John Russell was prepared to give addi-
tional stringency to the measure. But aow, it appears, in
consequence of his learning that Dr. Murray, the Roman
Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, whom he characterises as a
mild and moderate prelate, disapproves of the measure—he
will not only give up the idea of a more stringent Bill, but
will even make modifications in the measure before the
House, as far as regards Ireland. It is much to be regretted
that the Noble Lord is thus so vacillating. The least cir-
cumstance causes him to change his mind. The result is,
that no one can be certain as to what his views are for two
hours together. Information regarding his intentions which
is perfectly correct to-day, is just the reverse to-morrow.
Lord John Russell ought to remember that these sudden
changes in his views and purposes, not only damage his own
character, but deeply compromise his friends.