The Sun.
London, England, 1856-03-17 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, MISCH 17, 1856.

England rejoices with France • at the auspi-
cious birth, yesterday morning at a few minutes
past three o'clock, of an heir to the Imperial
Crown of Napoleon lll.—his infant Majesty the
King of Algeria. So wonderful are the muta-
tions of public opinion, so extraordinary are the
fluctuations of national temperament not less
wonderful or extraordinary -ndeed than -the vicis-
situdes of remarkable historic characters. England
rejoices with France--rejoices with her con amore
with " heart and voice "—at the important event
which, so far as poor human foresight can at all
predicate in a matter of such amazing uncertainty,
appears to have consolidated the NAPOLEONIAN
dynasty once more as in the days of the Great
Man—when at six o'clock on the morning of
MArch the 20th, in the year of-our Lord 1811,
another king—the baby-king of Rome—was
born to an inheritance apparently no less durable
than it was vast in its dimensions, the gigantic
empire carved out of old Europe by the resistless
sword and swayed by the irresponsible
sceptre of the modern SESOSTRIS, younger than
C_ESAR, and greater than CHARLEMAGNE. All
that we can hope now in regard to the infant
EMPEROR, born but a few hours since, in the
purple of the new dynasty, is, that a happier des-
tiny may be reserved for him than awaited the
child of its immortal founder. A longer reign
than that vouchsafed to NAPOLEON ll.—(a reign,
that, of but a few hours towards the close of the
June of 1813)—is reserved, let us hope for NA-
POLEON IV., when the remarkable career of his
august parent shall have been consummated. The
present EMPEROR, now in the forty-eighth year of
his age, may still cherish the belief (without much
extravagance in the way of such anticipations)
that his life may yet be spared to himself, to
France, and, we will add, to the world at
large, until such time as the heir just
born to his Imperial Throne may be capable in his
turn, of grasping with a strong hand the sceptre
of those later CiEsans, the NAPOLEONS—in
obedienee to the sovereign will of the People,
and with a view to the advancement of the
supreme interests, not of princes or of dynasties,
but of humanity and of civilisation ! GOD grant
that this hope may prove no idle day-dream. For
otherwise than through it there is seemingly no
escape whatever for France—or, for that matter,
consequently, of course, for Europe—from more dis-
astrous and more appalling political convulsions,
than those which France and Europe have already
of late years so often experienced. With the fulfil-
ment of this not unreasonable, or, at any rate, in
any way impossible day-dream, England and France
may yet preserve their intimate alliance with
each other intact, and together secure to the
world at large the blessings of a sustained and
progressive civilisation.

The great event, so anxiously looked forward
to throughout France and Europe, has duly come
off, and in the most auspicious manner. A child
of France is born, and there is, therefore, ground
for hope that the NAPOLEON dynasty may not
only be prolonged, but that the Imperial Throne
may be occupied by the direct descendants of the
EMPEROE,. This is, unquestionably, satisfactory,
but there are attendant circumstances wkich mate-
rially diminish the gratification which every true-
hearted Englishman must otherwise have felt.
We do not desire to dwell on the many former
disappointments to claimants for the French
Throne—of the cup of promise being so frequently
hurled from Royal lips—Dii avertite omen. We
earnestly hope that the Princely infant may be
spared to become a real blessing to his parents and
to the great country that participates in the fer-
vent rejoicings at his advent. But we cannot ap-
prove of the ridiculous and unmeaning ceremonies
prescribed for the occasion, which savour too
much of the follies of the effete race leenished by
indignant Franco from its shores.
One of the acts ol the EMPEROR which excited gene-
ral hope and joy was his magnanimous and honour-
able choice of a Consort. He selected the woman
whom he loved, without regard to the royalty of
birth, which has been one of the ridiculous attri-
butes still regarded in many quarters as indispen-
sable. The act of the Imperial Reformer was
hailed with general acclamation. It was hoped
that it might have prevented many sacrijic es yet
to come—that the offspring of such a marriage
would be emphatically children of the people,
who would receive that popular support which was
denied to many formerly placed in similar posi-
tions. But, alas ! the promise has not been faith-
fully carried out. The trumpery and almost far-
cical performances indicated assume the aspect of
so many apologies to despotic powers, to make up
for the absence of the divine ichor, that ought to
circulate in the infantine veins—apologies that
may disgust and alienate the People, but cannot
conciliate those to whom they are thus obsequiously
tendered—who will not maintain appearances a
moment longer than it may be convenient to re-
tain the mask.

We greatly fear that it is not merely in these
paltry observances, better suited to the atmo-
sphere of St. Petersburg, or of Thibet, than of
Paris, that conciliation to those who cannot ap-
preciate the term has been carried. Prussia, who
had so long nibbled at its leek in inglorious
obscurity, has been invited to send representa-
tives to the Conferences. Whether that be merely
to render a formal assent to matters already con-
cluded, or to fling additional weight on disputed
points into the Muscovite scale, seems to us equally
objectionable. Nor can the strongly-expressed
anxiety of the Emperor NAPOLEON to have the
proclamation respecting the final arrangements
for the cessation of hostilities, and of the birth of
the Imperial heir simultaneous, be regarded as
without extraordinary significance. It is diffi-
cult to say at this moment what concessions may
have been made to forward that object, and to
induce the Russian and German Powers to re-

cognise the infant heir. Time may tell—and it
is by no means improbable that the Peace thus
prematurely arrived at may not be hereafter
regarded as so very felicitous an event by the
Peoples of France and England, or one calculated
to add great brilliancy to the Imperial Crown.
There are tales in all languages respecting the
failure of early precautions to avoid dreaded evils
for youthful heirs. We earnestly hope that none
of those taken on the present occasion may here-
after serve to " point a moral or adorn a
tale," to add a further tag to homilies on the
futility of human wishes and human care. That
certain solempities should attend the birth of
the heir apparent to so imperial an heritage is
doubtless correct, but the exhibition of more
natural feeling would be far more pleasing. The
transmission by the hands of the Grand Chan-
cellor of the Legion of Honour of the Grand
Cordon of the Order and the Military Medal to
the infant still " muling and puking in its
nurse's arms," is simply ridiculous, and calculated
to bring the noblest, because the most widely-
based order, ever instituted by earthly sove-
reign into contempt and disrepute. As well
might the babe receive an immediate corn
mand, and have its aide-de-camps in attendance
to transmit its orders.

From one misfortune that attended the last
Prince so welcomed, the present is happily ex-
empted. He has no German Imperial blood to
'least of, and therefore may not be considered a
necessary victim on the Altar of Kingcraft--a
Royal sacrifice to the Moloch of despotism, and to
unholy alliances, that may be deemed objects of
State necessity. The near relationship to the
KAISER did not preserve his inheritance, or his
life, to the youthful King of ROME. Had he been
more roughly cradled—more honestly nurtured--
his fate might have been very different, and we
witness with sorrow a departure from the course
which. might have rendered the Princely infant,
not merely a child of France, but of its magnani-
mous anti mighty people—a suitable "Emperor
of the FRENCH," whenever the time should arrive
for the fulfilment of his destinies.

Th© memorial from the Literary Association of
the Friend.i of Poland submitted to Lord PAL-
MERSTON, on Saturday last, was certainly not un-
called for, nor presented a moment too soon.

Admitting there are individuals in the Ministry
alive to the duty of securing a safe and honour-
able peace, and not insensible to the fact that
justice to Poland is an essential element towards
the attainment of such a peace, it is even more
certain that secret influences are at work, which
would have Poland thrown overboard altogether,
or left to the uncovenanted mercies of her oppres-
sors. It is well, therefore, that the Premier
should be reminded of what the Friends of
Poland, and the country at large, have a right
to look for at his hands, and should be put in
possession of s° unanswerable a plea for insisting
on rigid stipulations in favour of Poland being
inserted in the Treaty of Peace now being con-
cocted in Paris. It was no question of chivalry
or romantic interference that was pressed on the
attention of his Lordship through the memorial ;
it was the claims of honour and self-interest,
which alike demand that this country should see
to it, no;v that the opportunity is proem ted, that
a national barrier to the aggressions of Russia,
wrongfully prostrated, should be restored, and
the conclusion of a war of right should not be
rendered for ever infamous by the condonation of
a monstrous wrong.
Reminding his Lordship of the fact that the
cause of Poland was in some sort pleaded by a
British Minister, at the Congress of Vienna, as
" the first and most urgent want of Europe ; that
the stipulations then consented to still remain
binding on Russia, and that the signature of the
British Plenipotentiary of 1815 remains for ever
indelibly fixed on that Treaty, which has been
notoriously and scandalously violated by the
Power whom our successes have at last enabled
us to bring to account"—the memorialists nc4 in-
aptly intimate that they have a right to look for
at least equal consideration and firmness, ou be-
half of Poland, from the present liberal Govern-
' ment to that shown by a Tory one. Whatever
weight this may have with the Premier—and
it would not redound much to his credit if it had
[lone—we would fain . hope he is not inseu-
' sible to the reasoning by which it was shown
chat so long as the Polish question remains
unsettled, "so long the weak point of European
stability remains where it was, and the balance of
power is, as it were, out of equilibrium ; and this
because Russia, though in this war she may have
been severely wounded, has as yet suffered no
material or permanent injury to impair her terri-
torial and political position of predom:nauce
towards Europe, which will not be altered so long
as she maintains her present hold of Poland." In
• other words, if Poland is suffered to remain in the
unholy bondage of Russia—the Allies have done
nothing towards restoring the lost balance of
power—and Russian predominance, momentarily
overcome, will in a few years be even greater than
ever. Poland, it is justly urged, is the natural
ally of Turkey against Russia, and that ally the
champions of the independence of Turkey will
have left prostrate, though, if Russia be iu the
oondition she is represented to be, they might
have raised her ! Forcibly and most truly is
it remarked—" Should the negotiations be
concluded upon terms below what Eu-
rope has a right to expect will be
efficient for curbing Russia, the result will be to
induce that Power to raise her pretensions. She
would thus be proclaimed to the world as being
single-handed a match for all Europe, or, at least,
for so much of Europe as the influence of the
Allies would prevail on to act cordially against
her." What true-hearted Englishman is there
but must agree with what follows?—"Brought up
in the almost religious belief which the spirit of
the last war called forth, that England was the first
country in the world, and as such was equal to the
duties and responsibilities of that position, it is
daily more disheartening to find her considered
only as among four or five of equal pretensions."
It is a fact, stomach it as we may, to this degra-
dation we have been reduced ; and if peace is to
be had without another campaign, the more impe-
ratively is it the duty of Government to insist on
justice to Poland, for otherwise, iu this state of
degradation we must still continue. This is a
consideration which it would be treason to the
country to overlook. On every principle of honour,
justice, and'prudence, we would under other circum-
stances have been bound to have interfered peremp-
torily on behalf of Poland; but as matters go, that
interference is essential to the redemption in some
measure, of our lost prestige. It may or may
not be deemed politic, at the present time, to
insist on a full measure of justice being rendered
to that country, to wit, the, restoration of her
independence ; but no conceivable pretence could
excuse France and England from insisting on the
observance of the stipulations of the Congress of
Vienna, to which they were parties, before con-
cluding a Treaty of Peace. Should the oppor-
tunity be suffered to pass unimproved, they wculd
both be dishonoured, and henceforth the might
of Poland would go permanently and cordially to
swell the already over-grown strength of Russia.