The Sun.
London, England, 1833-01-08 00:00:00

Union, or, in plainer words, endeavour to break
down the only barrier which stands between
them and the enjoyment of despotic power?
But is this any reason why other Irish laymen
of independent fortune, and a spirit above abject
servitude, should be sincerely and from the
bottom of their hearts desirous to play the
O'Connell game? That Protestants should
consider a repeal of the Union anything but the
prelude to a total overthrow of Protestant li-
berty and property in Ireland, is to suppose
them frantic. But we see that the higher and
better order of Catholics themselves, have dis-

dainfully rejected the terms of the Autocrat and
his minions. Lord Killeen, the son of the Pre-
mier Catholic Peer of Ireland, refused the pledge,

. .._
and preferred an honourable retirement from
an unfair contest. Mr. Wyse, of Waterford,

was equally decided, and bore the same conse-
quences like a man of honour and a gentleman.
Now, is it possible to believe that the senti-
ments of such persons as the Noble Lord and
the late Member for the county of Tipperary are
not shared by the great majority of individuals
of their rank in the Catholic body ? Mr. Sheil,
indeed, to our infinite regret, has enrolled him-
self in the O'Connell regiment ; but even his is
a qualified allegiance. He does not approve
the repeal of the Union per se,—he only ac-
cepts and sanctions it as a succedAneum for
other measures of relief or amelioration to Ire-
land, and in case the British Parliament should

refuse to do her justice. This is at worst
but hypothetical ruin ; and, in truth, we
are persuaded that many of those who
have, in general terms, swallowed the anti-
union pledge, have done so conditionally,
in what we conclude to be the sense of Mr.
Sheil—that if they cannot otherwise obtain a
full measure of Church and State Reform for
Ireland, why then, as a last shift, they will
drive the repeal of the Union. More objec-
tionable pledges than this have been taken before
now, and without much reluctance, by very
honest men. We go further, and affirm, that if
there be no hope from the Reform Ministry and
from the British Parliament for Ireland, every
Irishman who felt that there was more chance
of redress from a domestic Legislature would be
justified in exerting himself for its revival. How-
ever, the duty and policy of Government are
clear. Let such a broad and effective Church
Reform be introduced for Ireland as may prove

a sufficient motive with every independent Mem-
ber from that country to support his Majesty's
Ministers, and may unmask all who still persist
in the scheme of separating the two islands as
factious and unprincipled incendiaries. Our
belief is that measures of ample Reform will be
proposed, and that even amongst the professed
advocates of repeal the Whig Government will
find stanch and conscientious allies.— Times.

The list which we publish this day, contain-
ing the names of all the Members of the new
Parliament, the names (in England and Wales)
of their unsuccessful opponents at the elections,
and the numbers who voted for Reformers and
Conservatives respectively, is a document which
cannot fail to attract much attention at the pre-
sent crisis. This table affords the most com-
prehensive analysis which has yet appeared of
the great political movement of the first election
under the new and reformed system. It ex-
hibits the conflicts of the elective body through-
out the kingdom, not only in their immediate
results as they appear from the returns, but also
in their conflicting power as it stands compara-
tively on the face of the poll-books. We see at
one glance what is the amount of the triumph
achieved, and what the respective strength of
the parties by whom it was contested. That
the issue has been a glorious triumph to liberal
principles is universally acknowledged—bating
the epithet—even by the Tories themselves.
Whether it will or will not Drove a triumph to
Ministers will depend altogether upon the course
which they pursue in the new Parliament. If they
prove bonafide Reformers, economists, and
enemies of corruption, even the first Reformed
Parliament is strong enough to carry them
through the necessary measures. The first Re-
formed Parliament is stronger even than that—
it is strong enough to force upon them the
adoptimi of such measures, even if they should
feel disposed to give them the go-by : so that,
in addition to the fair presumption of-the-good
intention on the part of its authors, we have"the
positive working of the Reform Act itself in-
suring to us those practical consequences with-
out which it would be all a delusion. In fact,
Toryism is from this hour forward a nonentity.
Whatever the Conservatives may be able to do,
must be attempted in a different tone and upon
a different scale from the old dominating party
whose reign is at an end.—Morning Herald.
We conceive that there can be entertained but
a very little difference of opinion as to the pro-
priety of the Lord Chancellor's adopting some,
if not all, of the very usefill and practical sug-
gestions which appeared in an Evening Contem-
porary last week about his Lordship's new
Bankruptcy Court. That the official assignees,
whose numbers may, perhaps, be too large, but
whose services have, we know, been found of
considerable value, should be put to expense by
an outlay of money in the hire of clerks and
offices could never have been intended, and that
they should not, be repaid such expenditure is
very hard. By adopting the simple suggestion
of applying the rooms on the ground floor of the
Bankruptcy Court in Basinghall-street, which
are at present appropriated to the Chief
and Deputy Registrars, to the use of
those gentlemen, the expense, at least of
offices, would be saved. The accumulation
of books and papers will in time be very
great, and they might all be properly preserved
in the excellent accommodation which there is
for them in the vaults and rooms under ground
in that building. By this means there might be
a much easier communication with the official
assignees than there is.at present, and the Chief
and other Registrars might all go into the rooms
up stairs hi the private part of the Bankruptcy
Court. The office,of 'the House Registrar there
is now useless. It' has for many years been
attended with indulgences never contemplated
by the law, or :within the spirit of any Act of
parliament ; and, the office be not now itself
virtually repealed ~1.1 the Bankruptcy Court
Act, the whole ,of the upper part of that
Court ought not, with the exception of two
or three rooms- only, to be devoted to the
accommodation of a' Registrar and a House-
keeper, to the exchision of the more deserving
officers of the Court.% There can be no doubt on
this point ; and. the :next, the uselessness of the
glaring,
of Bankrupts' Office, is equally
Secretary
unless the, public, or, to speak more
properly, the bankrupts' estates, are to continue
to pay, to the 'exclusion of the creditors, the
great expenses of this ' office, for no •practical
good whatever.' All that is done there might as
well be done in the Registrar's Office, and
parties would not then have to go to two places