The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-06 00:00:00

sWon, which he had made for himself, and which he pre- I
served, because it was founded in confidence on him, and
above all on his perfect goad faith ; and ho (the Earl of 1
Clarendon) thought that Luis confidence would go on in-
creasing, because the great position which ho occupied, and
the great power which he wielded, had never disturbed his I
tear and honest judgment. It was a remarkab;e circum-
stance, as showing the result of that Emperor's policy, that
on the 30th of March last ho had received from the Pleni-
potentiaries a treaty of Paris in the Tuileries—in that
very palace in which, on another 30th of March, a treaty
of Paris against France had been signed by the represen-
tatives of the respective Governments of Europe. (Hear,
hear.) His noble friend had alluded to certain diffi-
culties which had attended his (the Earl of Clarendon's)
position. He had felt those diffieulties arising out of a
general belief of the insincerity of England—that England
was inflamed by a thirst for military glory, and arisinn,
out of the warlike spirit which had been exhibited by Par-
liament
and the press. He became deeply sensible of the
existence of that feeling, and of the impression that we did
not mean to make peace, and that we proposed to drag
France on in the war although she believed that every ob-
ject had been attained. He must say that the Emperor of
the French had not shared in that impression. He had full
confidence that what we had undertaken we would perform.
He believed in the honour of England, and he believed
also that no British representative would negotiate wishing
those negotiations to be unsuccessful. The Emperor know
that we should at all risks and hazards require that all en-
gagements should be kept with us. (Hear.) Another reason
which rendered the negotiations unpopular was the belief
that Russia was insincere, and that the Conferences would
be put an end to like those of Vienna. That belief made
him (the Earl of Clarendon) the more desirous to say that
throughout the negotiations the conduct of the Russian
Plenipotentiaries had been most honourable and straight-
forward. (Hear.) They certainly had with great modera-
tion, endeavoured to improve some of the conditions which
had been accepted—always, however, saying that if the
conditions were insisted upon, they would be faithfully ob-
served, and they had never insisted upon any material or
substantial deviation. He would also say that on more than
one occasion proposals had been made to Count Orloff at
variance with the terms which he had been instructed to
accept, and that on reference to the Emperor of Russia,
his Majesty had accepted those proposals, and had shown
every disposition to meet the views of the Plenipotentiaries.
His noble friend blamed Lord Cowley and himself (the
Earl of Clarendon) for having been a little too soft, but lie
thought that their lordship would be disposed to cast no
blame if, without abating one jot of the conditions, he and
Lord Cowley had consulted the dignity of a Sovereign be-
tween whose subjects and the subjects of herMejesty there
were and must be mutual interests of great importance.
(Hear.) He thought if they reflected on the state of things
which existed now ; if they remembered the terms which
Russia had imposed on Turkey ; if they bore in mind that
Russia had claimed and exercised a protectorate over the
civil and religious privileges of many millions of the Chris-
tian subjects of the Sultan ; if they remembered that Se-
bastopol and the great Russian fleet were no longer stand-
ing menaces to Turkey—that Russia had exercised a pro-
tectorate over the Principalities—that she was capable of
obstructing the navigation of the Danube—that she was
meditating constructing another Sebastopol, and menacing
Norway; if they remembered those things, and reflect
that all the treaties between Russia and Turkey had been
annulled—that the Sultan, by his own free will, had se-
cured reforms, and privileges, and immunities for his
Christian subjects—that Sebastopol was no longer a menace
to Turkey—that the Black Sea was open to the commerce
of the world—that the Principalities would no longer have
to endure and suffer from Russian protection, and that
their institutions would be placed under the guarantee of
Europe—when they recollected that the Aland Isles could
not be fortified—that Sweden had been freed from all ag-
gression on the part of Russia—that Austria was more
directly bound by a tripartite treaty—when they reflected
that Sardinia had gained the position which had now been
assigned to her in the Congresses of the great Powers of
Europe—that the alliance between France and England
had been strengthened by the war, and by common sacri-
fices, and common dangers and glories—he thought that
when they compared the state of things which existed two
years ago with that which now existed, they could have
no just reason to be dissatisfied. (Hear, hear.) He thought
that the objects of the war bad been accomplished ; and if
they had not erred in the conviction that the cause in
which they had engaged was right and just, ho trusted
that a treaty which fulfilled the objects for which they had
fought would not be thought unworthy of the approval of
their lordships, and that the people of this groat country,
whose energies and resources happily remained unimpaired,
would be content to sheathe the sword with satisfaction
and honour, and remember only the calamities of war in
order better to appreciate the blessings of peace. (Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY—I am far from denying to the
noble earl who has just sat down the satisfaction which be
has derived from the comparison of the condition of the
country now with what it was two years ago. The ques-
tion to consider is, whether the treaty has fully accom-
plished all the great objects of the war. I can assure her
Majesty's Ministers that nothing could have given me
greater satisfaction than to have been enabled to join in an
unanimous address to her Majesty in answer to the mess age
which she has sent down announcing peace. I certainly
hoped that the noble earl would have so framed the words
of the address as to have prevented any difference of feel-
ing on the two sides of the house. But, with my strong
opinions as to the causes of the war, aad as to the terms of
peace, I cannot consent to adopt that language of high-
flown eulogy which the noble earl has applied to himself,
or say that the treaty has fully accomplished all the ob-
jects of the war. I accept' this peace, as I believe the
eountry accepts it, without enthusiasm, but without oppo-
sition. I believe that the country looks at it as a peace
which might have been worse, and which might have been
very much bettor—(hoar, hear)—as a peace with which
they are willing to put up, although they think that it is
not an adequate reconvene° for all the sufferings shad ex-
pense of the war. (Hear.) I hope that the peace may be
permanent. I hope that it may have a better fate than the
peace of .Ainiens, of which a right hon. colleague of the
noble earl has said that it was a peace at which all men
rejoiced, and of which all men were ashamed. (Hear.) I
rejoice that pace his been restored, but I cannot consider
this treaty a matter of coneratulatioa. Tiro noble earl
had felt it his duty to defend himself from the charges
which have been brought against him in reference td the
fall of Kars and the conduct of Lord Stretford de Red-
cliffe. I must be excused for saying that Ido not think
the noble earl's reply entirely satisteetory. I have greet
respect for Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. It is quite
true that, as a reward for his eminent services, I recom-
mended him for a neat in this house. With respect,
however, to the gratitude which the country owes Loel
Stratford for many and important services—and for
none more import cut than in that position for which his
long experience peculiarly adapted him—the country and
Parliament must not, in the consideration of his long ser-
vices, forget to notice that which appears to be a neglect
of the public service. My noble friend who has just sat
down apologises for Lord Stratford, by saying that he had
no less than six questions, all of mire importance than
Kars, pressing upon him at the same time— and, no doubt,
his time was amply occupied —but if that were so, what
was the meaning of the stern and severe rebuke which had
been given him by the noble earl? He said Lord Strat-
ford did neglect our commissioners at Kars—that Lord
Stratford was sensible of, anti deeply regretted and de-
plored, his error, and wished to recall it ; and to do Leal
Stratford justice, at a later period of the siege of Kars, no
man could devote himself with more energy or ability to
the assistance of the fortress than he did, but then, unfor-
tunately, it was too late. The noble earl (the Earl of
Clarendon), not very slowly, nor is very moderate terms,
told Lord Stratford of his shortcomings; but yet the noble
lord at the heed cf the Government (Lord Palmerston) said
Lord Stratford did everything he could do in Asia—that
lie did everything Gen. Williams could have desired, and
more than he could have asked.
The Earl of CLARENDON said he should like to know
where the noble earl found all these reiterated eulogiums
upon Lord Stratford's conduct to Gea. Williams. He had
not made them. (Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY—I find the remarks of the noble
lord at the head of the Government, not certainly in any
authorised form, but in a publication which is as authentic
as any public document which is Laid upon the table. But
wherever blame attaches to Lard Stratford in his proceed-
ings, in the first place he is the agent of the Government ;
and, in the next, the blame which rested on him exorcised
a comparatively small importance on the final fate of Kars
as compared with that neglect directly and immediately
attributable to the Government. (Ilene.) In the eulogiuw
which was passed by my noble IS lend on General Wil-
liams I cordially and entirely concur, and I think no
selection could have been rnade more judiciously, or turned
out more fortunately for the public service, than his
ap-
pointment. But what was his position ? His position
was
that of commissioner attached to the Turkish army. As the
noble early near me has stated, he was exactly on the same
footing as Sir Hugh Rose, who was attached to the French
army. (Hear.) He had no authority, no power, and no
rank; it was true that, not being an ordinary men, he did
take upon himself authority far beyond that which pro
perly belonged to him ; but there is no denying the fact
that, if he had, at the proper time, been properly sup-
ported at home, or by our ambassador at Conitautineple,
Kars would have been properly provisioned, and might,
up to this moment, have remained in the hands of the Ot-
toman Power. (Cheers.) Ile defied the noble earl oppo-
site to deny the fact that, if the commissioner had been
supplied with money, Kars would never have been cap-
tured. (Hear.) The blame in that respect does not fall
upon Loyd Stratford, but it primarily rests upon the Go-
vernnaent—on them rests the first main cease of the fall
(sof:leans, viz., Gen. Williams being deprived of the means
f laying in a sufficient stock of provisions, which, with
hthime astosihstainactoho.f
,leis military friends, would enabled
an eery well for the
against the enemy. (Hear.) It was
to go to the second period,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
. and show the difficulties when
the place we): htehlaeatgsairive,‘ there may become difference of
opinion up
part of the question, it t but ee regard' to the first
~reis undisputed and indisput-
able, that it was from tele3ar4ledect of the Government that
Kars was ever left unprovi'sl
icutl language of my
admiration to the eloqueet ewe (hear.) I listened with
noble friend who introduced the se}stii
nand the noble
baron who followed him ; but I trust feha' notth be deemed
guilty of any disrespect towards them if I aa
noble friend (the Earl of Malaresbniy) rose,YenAtnunfil my
the merits of this question, or the advantagee of the treaty,
to
or the objections which might exist in it, I did not hear one syllable uttered. The!no hie baron did advert to one
eon.
dition of the treaty on which he conceded credit to the iGo-
vernment, but unfortunately that was a condition which
he did not obtain from the enemy, but from our friends—
viz., the Hatti-Scheriff of the Christians, which was
granted, not: by Russia, but by Turkey, therefore that
could hardly be taker as one cf the advantages which the
treaty had secured from Russia, and let me tell the noble
baron that the Hetti-Scheriff does not even form an article
of the treaty.-;--(LordGlenelg—'`l said so.")—The Govern-
ment, then, cannot take credit for having, in the language
of the noble baron, extorted that from this ungrudging con-
sent of Russia. —(Lord Glonelg—" That is not my expres-
sion.")—l be his pardon, it was the noble earl that pre-
ceded him.

The Earl of ELLESMERE—The noble earl alludes to a
passage in my speech in which I said that the British army
had extorted the ungrudgt ng ad miratien of their opponents.
The Earl of DER BY--I don't understand the extorting
of that which is ungruded. (Latight.:l:.) But that is is
grammatical distinction, and I will let it pass. The noble
earl opposite says the fall of Kars made no consequence
whatever with regard to the terms of the treaty. It is,
however, quite cl3ar that when the preliminaries of peace
were signed, no restitution of territory was made by Russia
because she had at that time taken no territory, and con.
sequently the terms of the original preliminaries were, that
in exchange for the fortified positions and territories. occu-
pied by our armies, Russia consented to the rectification
of the frontier, but between that period and the signature
of the treaty of peace the circumstances had changed.
Russia had become possessed of the fortress of Kars and a