The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-18 00:00:00

cumstance was turned against them ; they were charged
with being unsocial, and on that charge was founded the
refusal to admit them to a participation of political power.
The fact was, however, that the logic of bigotry and
intolerance was never wanting whenever it was thought
sirahle to attack the character of a religious sect. Let
it be proposed to tolerate any sect whatever, and to that
ct the most dangerous qualities were, for the time,
attributed. As to the charge of unsociability brought
against the Jews, it was true, as it regarded their reli-
gion ; and that was an additional security to which it
might otherwise be supposed the Christian religion would
h exposed by the admission of the Jews to civil rights.
But that they were unsociable in their political capacity
and as neighbours, had not been proved, and without
proof was not to be believed. His Right Hon. and Learned
Friend bad 'produced a gre it miss of testimony to show
that such was not the case; upon which testimony his
lion. Friend, the Member for the University of Oxford,
had made no impression whatever. But the charge, if true.
was applicable not to the character of the Jews alone, but
ter the character of all persecuted Recta which had existed
in various nations. From the reign of Queen Eliz theth
down to the Revolution, the Catholics in this country had
evinced much greater confidence and attachment in foreign
princes than in their own. It was a saying of Cromwell's,
that all Catholics in England were espagnioli,ed. It might
have been said at a subsequent period, when France be-
came the chief Catholic power, that they were gallicised.
In consequence of this constant recurrence to foreign
powers, the Catholics had a religious patriotism, which
was separate from their national patriotism. It was the
same thing with the Calvinists. When the Calvinists in
this country were persecuted, they were constantly look-
ing to the Calvinists of France for support. In Fr nce,
on the other hand, the Hugonots thought the English
Protestants much more their countrymen than French
Catholics. In this country we had abolished all invidious
religious distinctions respecting Catholics and Calvinists,
and the consequence was, that if England were invaded
to-morrow, neither C tholic nor Calvinist would trouble
his head to consider whether the invaders were the most
bigotted Catholics, or the most bigotted Calvinists. Why
not try the same experiment with the Jews? Why not try
the same experiment which had been tried in France and
Prussia' and which was now trying in the United States of
America ? Why not, if the Jews were supposed to be an
unsocial and disloyal class of men, convert them into a so-
cial and loyal class of men ? The only other main charge
brought against the Jewish character had not been
brought by his Hon. Friend the Member for the Uni-
versity of Oxford, for his Hon. Friend had too much
knowledge and taste to bring such a charge, but it had
been brought by others. It had been brought by the Hon.
Member for Oldham, whom lie was sorry not to s,e in his
place. It had b-en stated by that Hon. Member that the
Jews were a mean race, that they were a sordid race, that
they were a money getting race, that they were averse to
all honourable pursuits, and fit for nothing but those of
usury—an occupation to which they sacrificed all patrio-
tic feelings and all social affections. He (Mr. Maemley)
believed that this would IT found to be anosher example
of that logic of bigotry and intolerance which hail been
manifested in all ages, and which having in the first in-
stance generated vices then made those vices a plea for
persecution. If England had been to the Jews only half
a country, bow could we expect from the Jews feelings
of more than half patriotism? They had always treated
the Jews as foreigners, and they now won 'ered that the

Jews did not ferias natives. They had driven the Jews

to live by mean occupations, and trey now wondered they
did not cultivate honourable ones. They prevented the
Jews from possessing an acre of land, and they now com-
plained that the Jew. devoted themselves entirely to trade.
They debarred the Jews from the pursuits of honourable
ambition, and they now reproached them for taking refuge
in the employments of avarice. For many ages they had
inflicted injustice upon the Jews, and they were then sur-
prised 'that the Jews bad recourse to the artifice and
cunning which were the invariable defences of the
weak, against the overwhelming power of the strong.
—(H-ar, hear, hear.) Those who of po,ed the emanci-
pation of the Jews, were sufficiently acquainted with the
Jewish History to know that the vices and imper-
fections now charged against the Jews were not natural to
the Jewish character. There was nothing in that cha-
racter which incapacitated them from discharging the
highest duties of citizenship. In the earliest ages of civi-
lization, when all other countries of the earth were still in
a state of barbarism—when letters and arts were yet un-
known in Athens—when scarcely a but stood on the spot
which was afterwards to be Rome—this despised nation
had made large conquests, possessed great
*political power,
established numerous manufactures, c 'flied on an extensive
commerce, erected splendid temples and palaces, and boasted
of eminent statesmen, warriors, philosophers, historians,
and poets. What nation had ever more manful y exerted
itself in the cause of civil and religious liberty ? What
nation, in the la-t agonies of its dissolution, had given

greater proofs of what might be accomplished by a brave
despair? If, in the course of many ages, this despised
and ill-treated people might have, in some degree, degene-
rated from the qualities of their forefathers—if, by having
been subjected to humiliation and slavery, they might have
contracted some of the vices peculiar to outcasts and slaves,
instead of b,ing a subject of reproach to them, was it not
ather a subject of shame and remorse to us ? Let the

House do justice to the Jews. Let them repeal the disa-
bilities under which they laboured—the last relics of in-
tolerance in this country. Let them opea to the Jews
the doors of that House—let them open to the Jews every
career of honourable competition. Until they did that,
let no man presume to say that there was no genius
in the countrymen of Isaiah, and no valour in the
descendants of the .Maccabees.—(Hear, hear, hear.) In
supporting the proposition of his Right Hon. and Learned
Friend, be considered himself supporting the true interests
of Christianity. He should think that he was offering a
gross insult to his religion, if he were to say that such an
aid as intolerance was necessary for its support. Without
such an aid it had been established, and without such an
aid he was confident it might be maintained. It had
tamed barbarous, and overpowered refined nations. It
had triumphed over the graceful mythology of the Greeks,
and the rude and bloody rites of Saxon superstition had
vanished before it. But all .these victories had been
achieved, not by intolerance, but by toleration ; for we
learnt from history that the early Christians looked upon
persecution not as an ally but as a foe. "May the
Christian religion (said Mr. Macaulay, in conclusion)
continue far ages to bless this country with its genial in-
fluence; strong in its acute and lofty philosopry—stroog
in its spotless morality—strong in that powerful evidence,
to which the most comprehensive minds have surrendered
their belief; the last consolation of those who have out-
lived every earthly hope—the ►ast restraint of those who
are above all earthly fear, But, Sir, let us not mistake
the character of that divine religion—let us not attempt
to fight the battle of truth with the weapons of error, or
endeavour to support by oppression a religion whose
noblest distinction is, that it first taught the human race
the lesson of universal charity."—(The Hon. Gentleman

-at down amidst the loudest cheers. We regret that the
rapidity with which he spoke has incapacitated us from
giving more than an imperfect outline of one of the most
eloquent speeches that we were ever so fortunate as to hear.)
HALCONI BE rose under the greatest disadvantage,
after the eloquent address which the House had just heard
—a speech, however, which abounded with sophistry.
The Hon. Member was not entitled to call that persecu•

(ion which merely prevented men from obtaining advant-
ages, the conditions of obtaining which they were not
willing to fulfil. A country was entitled to confer poli-
tical power only on those whom it chose to select for that
purpose. There was no abstract right in men to political
power ; for political power, fur the conduct of affairs,
could not be ve•tett in the whole of the people ; and must,
thereore, he entrusted to a selec. portion of them. Those
selected must he qua ified in the manner which the Con-
stitution of Encland Lad long required. Among those
qualifications, was the test of a religious creed ; a most
wise security, applying, as it did, not to temporaities, but
to matters of a spiritual nature. He admitted the Jews
were a hotly against whose moral character nothing could
he adduced; that they were good and loyal citizens of the
King ; but in this usost Christian country—Christian at
l-ast beyond tho-e walls—it was not right that full po-
litical privileges should be -conceited to them.

Mr. POULTER thought it might be fait ly hoped, that
by admitting the Jews to an equal participation in the
privileges of Englishmen, they would, before very long,
lead them to a reconsideration of their religious opinions.
From the common vices of man, it must be recollected,
and that which more especially prevailed in this country—
drunkenness—the Jews were wholly exempt. They
were unstained by political crimes—they contributed
cheerfully to the wants of the state—paid their full quota
of taxe., and they ought no longer to be contumeliously
debaired from those privileges which other sects so full:,
and so freely enjoyed.
Mr. IiUME c:,uld not find any arguments to at:a vet
against the prodosition for the removal of these unjust and
injudicious disabilities. The arguments of the lion.
Member for Oxford on the subject of the Jews' oath had
no weight in his mind—they swore by Jehovah on the
Old Testament, and we by God on the Gospels, which
;aktsnnedtri eoponanrwtehaeialtl?or‘evaeNsdo,nafloc,
uglpdowlwi
would
ei.clradel
t.gpuisrvei
was the only difference. . It had been said, if this sec,
them wee
Brahmins:iaptleraisgu hret
'e
hire gt orbeytaht
than seeing Brahmins and Parstai in that Hume. (A

laugh.) lie would tell Hen. Members, from his own ex-
perience, that they were as intelligent and valuable a class
as any in their own country. He should give the resolu-
tion his most hearty support. He could read a letter to
the House from Quincy Adams, the late President of the
United Sates, stating there were no better citizens than
the Jews, and expressing a hope that ere long the whole of
Europe would see the justice and the wisdom of freely con-
ceding to them the fullest political privileges.
There were loud cries of question, and
Sir R. INGLIS rose, and was understood to say, that
he never expected to divide on that occasion, and he felt
the less inclination to do so in the absence of his Majesty's
'Ministers.
Mr. O'CONNELL must say one word on an occasion
is which his feelings were so warmly interested. He had
struggled for religious liberty, not for sectarian advantages,
but for the principle that man's conscience should be
free—that he was equally punished by unjust restrictions
as by unmerited stripes. He was delighted the day of
good feeling in these matters had come—that this respect-
able and ancient nation, which hail faithfully preserved a
high religious sentiment, was no longer to be estranged—
and that they could at last see tee period when some.
thing like justice was granted to all men—when conscience
was free, and the country rid of a stain which had so long
dishonoured her.—(Cheers; and cries of " Question.")
Mr. W. ROCHE said a few words which were drowned
in the vehement cries of " Question," and
The CHAIRMAN read the resolution.
The " Ayes" resounded in one loud and hearty tone
through the House; the " Noes" were weak, and " few
and far between."
The CHAIRMAN declared the resolution carried—an
annunciation which was followed by loud and long-con-
tinued cheers.
_ _ PROCLAIMING OF KILKENNY.

Mr. O'CONNELL wished to call the attention of the
House to certain occurrences which bad taken place in
Ireland since the passing of the Coercion Bill, which at
once put tto and to everything in the shape of constitutional
right. It had been frequently asserted, during the pro.
gress of that Bill through the House. that it was more
than probable it would never be put in force at all ;
yet not twenty-four hours were suffered to el ipse
after its arrival in Dublin before an entire county was
proclaimed under it, and that in the most tyrannical and
offensive manner. Ireland for 700 years had bitterly felt
the oppression and the galling tyranny of this country, yet
she never at any period felt such an indignant sense of in-
juieire as now. Why was the whole county of Kilkenny
proclaimed, when they had it only a f.or days since, on the
authority of the Noble Lord opposite, that a part of it
only was disturbed ? Way, then, resort to the severe
measure of proclaiming beyond the pit is disturbed ? But
that was not the subject of his present complaint
Not content with putting the county beyond the pale of
the Constitution, the Irish Government must proceed the
length of proclaiming the county of the city. The city, it
should be known, contained 25,000 inhabitants, an had
straggling suburbs tracing into the county. In those
stibur,.s there had, he too well knew, been three or four
Whitefeet offences ; but they furnished no valid ground
for proclaiming the city. The night before this harsh and
unrolled-for measure, there was what he might term a
lame melancholy me riment amongst the people. Music
was provided, and hen night was fast closing in, many
of those melancholy airs were played which were for ever
wedded to the Irish mind by the series of calamities in-
flicted on her by this country. The second night came on,
but they were interfered with by tie Lord Lieutenant
issuing his proclamation, which, to call despotic, was to
treat it lightly, for it woe, in fact, most brutal.—(A good
deal of conversation had been going on since the com-
mencement of the Hon. Member's remarks ) The House
was all ele+s. Why should it not be? It was only an
act of despotism he was complaining of—i was only an
added insult—a new wrong upon his unfortunate country.
He was otiliged to raise his voice to the highest pitch, for
the poor chance of getting some ona on the other side of
the tattle to hear hint. The proclamation of which he
complained was signed, to his astonishment, by several of
the Judges. He was assured that the reason why the city
of Kilk. nay bad been proclaimed was thlt the officers woo
where doing duty in that county might have the benefit of
good accommodation. He believed be should be able to show
that this was the re mon it he was allowed to have what he
noise applied for, a copy of the dispatch trom the Lord
Lieutenant or the Secretary of Ireland, stating the reason
why that city had been proclaimed. if the dispatch was
produced, the reason he had stated would he found to be
avowed. Bath would not be produced—it would be sup-
pressed ; and he knew that it was of little use for him to
appeal to that House, who were not inclin d to listen to
appeals on behalf of Ireland. He spoke without disguise
on that subject at least.—(Hear.) He moved far copies
of all proclamations and orders is-rued by the Lore-Lieute-
nant under the authority of the late Act; for returns of
to e number of per-ons committed to the county gaol of
Kilkenny, the offences wi h which they were charged, the
time when and toe place where those offences were

alleged to have been committed; how many of those pri-
sonerA had been tr ed, and whether they were convicted or
acquitted. He also moved for a copy of any dispatch from
the 1,,,rd-Lieutenant or the Secretary for Ireland, stating
the reasons on which the city of Kilkenny had been pro-
clai med.

Sir J. HOBHOUSE must, on this first occasion of his
addressing the House in the situation which be now occu-
pied, protest against the assertion made by the Hon. and
Learned Member for Dublin, that the British Parliament
was not inclined to do j-cistke to Ireland, or to listen to ap-
peals in her favour, or to hear in good faith everything that
was advanced in her behalf by those whom she sent hither
as her rep.esentatives. If the Hon. Member real ,y meant
this, let him firing the question fairly before the House,
and he would find that it could be met most trium
phatitly,—(Hear, hear.) The question which the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman asked, was, why the city of
Kilkenny bad been pruclarned. The answer was to
be found in the state of the county of Kilkenny
for the last year. In that time more offences bad ben
committed in that citunty than in the whole province of
Ulster taken together. From the Ist to the 14th of
March alone, there were 114 offences against which it
was the intention of the late act to provide, committed in
that county. It was manifest, therefore, that it was ne-
cessary to proclaim the county of Kilkenny; and when
they proclaimed the county, were they to leave out of the
operation of the Act the city, which W,IB the most impor.
tart part of it ? He had a communication from the county
to show, that it teas from the understanding that this Act
would be at once put in operation, that the magistracy did
not assemble and address the Lord Lieutenant to put the
Act in operation there. Knowing that Kilkenny would
be made the subject of discussion, he had thought it his
duty on the day he came into office to write to Ireland,
expressing his wish that the city of Kilkenny should not
if possible, be included in the operation of the Act. The
answer be received was, that the first wish was not to in-
clude the city, but that it was found in the suburbs and in

city itself, there were numbers of the very persons who
were not only suspected but known to be considerably im-
plicated in these very Whitelet outrages which the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman had been among the first to dis-
, claim, and to put down, which he had again and again de-
clared that he would lend a vigour beyond the law—
namely, his own—(A laugh)—to put it down. To leave
the city unprociaitned, would be to allow it to be the refu..e
to those who were gu,lty of these outrages. The inha-
oil ants of Kilkenny were slisfied that this Proclamation
had been the means of their protection. There would be
no objection to g,ve the copy of the proclamation, for it
tad been placarded; nor any to give the amount of com-
mittals, though it would nut show the real state of crime,
tor out of ten offences th.re were not more than one or two
committals. The dispatch could not be grlnted ; but be
e.aild assure the House, that, if produced, it would not
only confirm, hat would utterly contradict, the statement
of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that the city had
been proclaimed in order that the officers might enjoy the
advantages of the good hotels there.—(Hear.)
Mr. SULLIVAN said, that if there wis any ground
for inflicting this Act on the city of Kilkenny, it ought to
he stated openly and fairly. He was E .:re that there were
none of the authorities of the city who would iustify the
measure. He admitted that there was a necessity for some
strong measure to preserve the peace of the county, but
that necessity did not extend to the city.—( Hear, hear.)
The SOLICITOR GENERAL said the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had complained that the pro; amation
was signed by such of tile Judges as were Privy Coun-
cillors. That complaint came with a very ill grace from
tie Hon. and Learned Gentleman, who, among the amend-
ments he htd proposed, tad brought forward one, the
object of which wa., that no proclamation should he issued
that was not so signed--(Hear, hear)—and he especially
recommended that the Judges of the Court of King's
Bench should sign it—persons who, in his (the Solicitor-
General's) opinion, were the lest fit to be SELMA from
the other Judges of the land, inasmuch as, by their very
office, they must necessarily be the persons before whom
the offenders would come.

31r. HUME had never heard a more I ime excuse than
had been made by Ministers for placing the county of the
city of Kilkenny under Proclamation.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL maintained that the
Government had acted in entire conformity with its pro-
visions.

Mr. O'DWYER Contended that the city of Kilkenny