The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-02 00:00:00

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_
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EII
§Aln

OCTOBER 2, 1856.
LONDON, THURSDAY,

But for the abominations veiled by the fine
words, it would be quite amusing to glance at the
two great " Unions " which sustain the grand
iniquities of the Old World and of the New. we
sometimes wonder that the Free " Independent
and Sovereign States " of America adhere
so pertinaciously to " the Vnion." For the
" Holy Alliance," of Pree and Slave States, the
former will put up with anything. But the other
day they let the oligarchs of the South convert the
Whole fair If orth into hunting grounds for fugitive
eaves, allowed coloured freemen to be seized,
tried by a judge who was paid a double fee for
delivering them to a probably perjured captor,
and sent into slavery without the intervention of
a jury ; and just before they tamely submitted to
a repeal of the act which made Kansas uncondi-
tionally free territory. True, the Free States
Seem roused a little now, but we shall soon see
whether they really have the pluck, with their
seventeen millions of people, to deliver themselves
from the three hundred thousand slaveholders,
with whom they are now in Holy
Europe can hardly comprehend
Alliance.
prehend this miserable
subserviency
of the North to the South, of the
Republics of Freemen to the Republics of Slaves.
?
Yet what is Europe itself
of freemen and despots. A great federation
The freemen in a holy
alliance with the despots, and lending the strength
of the free to strengthen yet more the hands of the
Were there not a tacit union between
despots.
the courts of free countries and despotic coun-
tries, did not the despots count securely on the
forbearance of free peoples, and the
secret co-
operation of their courts, they would tremble
though surrounded by their immense armies. The
Congress of -Vienna and. the American Declaration of
Independence both are guilty of the same wicked-
ness. They professed to secure freedom, but
they were based on the retention of bondage.
America professed to carry out the principle
that all men were born, free and equal, but it
doomed men by hundreds of thousands to be no-
thing but the goods and chattels of others. The
Holy Alliance of Vienna professed to secure na-
tional independence by releasing all nations for
ever from the great conqueror's yoke, but it
doomed states and peoples to partition among the
despots of the day, without regard to language,
race, or even to royal promises. Russia in her late
Circular calls this the-normal state of Europe, and
justly may she do so, when of European tyrants it
may be so truly said—

Quos penes arbitrium est, et jug, et norm regendi.
Like American slaveholders, they have made the
retention, as political chattels, of such nations 45

Poland or Lombardy, a part of the normal condi-
tion of Europe ; and England has lived and lives
to sustain this condition ; she put her hand to the
accursed deed at first, and she has never recalled
her signature.

It is in this plain fact that the Wing of the
Russian Circular lies. PAnonsToN and WALEW-
MI Gan only reply with the to quoque argument ;
"Bless your impudence," they may exclaim,
"you just escaped from the birch, and talk in
that style to your masters. You that bullied the
SULTAN, turned his servants out of office, de-
manded that he should agree to a new treaty
whether he liked it or not, and put on
him, first, the MENSCHIKONN pressure, '
then the pressure ' of a hundred
and fifty thousand men on his side the
Pruth—you lecture us on respecting the right
and independence of Governments I" To all which
the CsAn would coolly reply, " Well, call me
shameless if you please ; grant that you might
have a more immaculate reprover; yet can you
deny the truth of my accusations ? Don't you
occupy Greece ? Don't you press on my dear
cousin BOMBA ? Don't you want him to alter his
mode of Government quite as much as I wanted
the Turk to alter his ? Are you more content
than I was to be refused by the weaker power ?"
Not very easy would it be for the two Governments
to meet these taunts; if the CZAR was wrong how,
071 their mon principles, can they be in the right
One of their advocates, we perceive, puts
forth the ground that abnormal danger may be
prevented by abnormal means. If a man's house
is on fire, he might break into his neighbour's to
prevent a wider conflagration. Naples is ready
to blame forth ; then the States of the Church and
Lombardy take fire, then Austria inundates Italy
to extinguish the conflagration then France
rushes in that Austria may not tyrannise alone
and then, of course, " the deluge," or floods and
flames all over Europe.

All very good and plausible. Fires
and foods must, of course, be grand.
But GORTSCHAROTO would not be driven
off by splendid common-place figures. " Good,"
he might reply, "and we were afraid of
the very same thing. We feared insurrection
in the Turkish Empire. The SULTAN was giving
equal immunities as fast as he could to Protes-
tants, and to my beloved brother Christians of
the true faith too—the Greek Church ; but my
Greeks would not endure equal immunities for all
Protestants. Moreover, he was rapidly advanc-
ing in a thoroughly liberal system of administra-
tion, and our own subjects would have been dis-
contented with the sight of Turkish freedom.
We wanted to prevent a conflagration, and our
own house catching fire." WALEWSKI and PAL-
MERSTON could hardly point to the difference of
their objects—that the CZAR aimed to prevent the
extension of popular liberty, while they seek
to obtain a little of it for the people. The rejoin•
der would, of course, be, that that merely related
to the different kinds of danger. That each
,nonarch who intervenes in the matters of another
nation must judge for himself whether there is
danger, and -of what kind it is—that the Allies
go to Naples to prevent a fire, and that the CZAR
went to Turkey for the same purpose. We do
not see, therefore, what men who call the arrange-
ments of the treaty of a Vienna a normal condi-
tion could say to the CZAR'S rebukes.

In truth the clever sauciness of Russia is a just
rebuke for the paltry and unworthy political basis
on which the war was begun, continued, and
ended. Had the " rights and independence of
nations" been the object instead of that of
" governments," ALEXINDER would not now have
had a word to say. Nationalities were carefully
ignored. Hungarians, Fins, Circassians—above
all Pules—were never mentioned. The last were
thrust into the notice of all by events. Polish
recruits were forthcoming Polish soldiers
offered to desert. Poland was acknow-
ledged to be the weak side of Russia
Poland herself had been wronged since the
Treaty of Vienna far more than Turkey,
and still lay under the wrong. But no ;
Poland had no national Government. It was
the independence of Governments, not of nations,
that the Courts fought for- vso Poland and Poles
were thrust aside or forgotten, and all the scamps
of Germany and Italy were enlisted rather than
acknowledge a down-trodden and defrauded people !
All this time, therefore, in the diplomatic clish-
ma-claver about Naples, not a word has been
breathed about the wrongs of the people ; we hear
only of the danger of goading them too far—the
danger to crowned heads---sto the cause of des-
potism—of Germanism—to the cause of Spiel-
berg, Cayenne, and other Imperial safeguards.
It is not for us to justify the present Allies ; but
if the whole affair be not a hoax we are much
mistaken. Russia may taunt, and it is clever of
her to do so, but she knows well that the Lord
of Cayennewill never be very hard on the gaoler
of Poerio—that appearances are all he cares for.
The dungeoas of Naples endanger despotism in
Europe more than the swamps of Cayenne ; he
wants, therefore, to preserve a little outward
decency there, to save the
censure, genus despot from
and cheaply to act the generous despot
with another despot's victims. He also wants
to avert any possible pretext for Austria's march-
ing further into Italy ; he will take care of Rome
and Naples, let Austria not move beyond the
Legations. Only for decency's sake he obtains
the aid of England and Sardinia, and Lord PAL.
WESTON makes political capital out of saving the
despots a dangerous Italian insurrection. When
we read of the Special Austrian representative at
Naples, and her miserable fleet going to Naples
via Malta, we may be sure enough of the real
intentions of the Tuileries and Buckingham
Palace.

We cordially,concuirnwiltehvothwe
iLtheviGaothrmananiyn,noor
things German." r
wi
not
being "particuarly
e have had so many reasons to
deplore the
" anti-Anglican system" that so long
prevailed, that we witness with intense sorrow
the obstinate adherence
usually
thethe
beteobnonxeiiorus
of course.apri
A poor relation is .
vate family, and is far more objectioable,, tolchoernir-
munities. Nations "have no cousins.
go
owond subjectsornces a
u d
theirp a rm o
charitiesuat claims on
utheir
l dreally
should
begin at home." We do not, of course,
join in the absurd cry of " protection ;"
o all we ask for is " a clear stage and
no favour."
But we must earnestly and emphatically protest
against British interests being invariably post-
poned to German interest; and every good thing
being bestowed on foreigners, to the exclusion of
British subjects possessing far higher qualification..
We do not object to the formation of a military
colony at the Cape. Far from it•
It may, and,
under other circumstances, would . unquestionably,
turn out au excellent investment of
capital, a sort
of assurance premium against another Kafir war,
with all its annoyance and inconvenience. But
we do complain, bitterly complain, that the offer
has not been made to English veteran; of unex-
ceptionable character, in the first instance, who
have been, or will shortly be, cast adrift in cons©
quence of the reductions in the army and the dis-
embodying of the militia. The boon need