The Sun.
London, England, 1834-09-13 00:00:00

PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of bib
Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters)

PRICE OF TALLO W
Town Tallow 46s. 6d
Yellow Russia
White —s. Oct.
Soap Ditto . —s Od.
Melting Stuff
Ditto Rough ~. ors. Od.

2s. 7d.

SO AP„Ile per 112113.
Yellow Soap
Mottled —s. Od.
Curd —s. Cd.
Graves l6s Od,
Good Dregs ss. Od

PRICE OF CANDLES.
The price of good Store Candles in the Retail Shops is as follows :
Candles, per dozen, 7s Od ; inferior, 6, id.—Moulds, 8s ed.
Sixpence per dozen discount for cash.

COAL MARE
Per Ton 8. d
Chester Main l5 6
Garesfield
Hebburn Main lB 3
Holywell lB 3
Ord's Redh ugh
Pontop Windsor lB 0
Tan field l9 6

.ET.—Sept. 11.
Per Ton s. d.
Walls End Killingworth
Walls End Northumberland lB
Walls End Riddell's
Bell's Primrose
Lambton's Primrose

Wylam
Walls End Bewicke and Co._ 19 6
Walls End Brown's lB 0
Walls End Carr and Co l7 9
Walls End Clark and Co ln 0
Walls End Gosforth
W Its End Heaton 2O 0
Walls End Hilda lB 3
Walls End Hotspur
Ships arrived since

Walls End Braddyll's Hetton 3t 3
Walls End Hetton
Walls End Stewart a
Walls End Tees
Cowpen

Hartley
Silkstme Biram ..... 14 6

S►lkstone Wilson l6 6

Walls End Preston Grange 14 6
Walls End West Hetton l9 3
West Hetton small l2 0
last market-day, id.

COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK.

Per Vuarter_l Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I Beans. Pease
47 58 29
A s hburn 34 18 23 38 44
B.t.singstoke 40 54 28 :35 24 2S 36 42
Bit h 43 56 22
44 54 26 34 ;20 24 33 44 42 46
26 20 25 32 34 42 46
Bridgewater
48 56 28
32 16 20 34 38
Chesterfield 44 52 28 3;3 16 22 44 48
Derby
46 49 31 33 25 26 40 42
Dolicaster
48 60 28 31 19 26 40 46
50 29 25
Exeter 41 23 28 18 26 44 52
44 52 25 32 20 28 37 42 20 56
flungerford 36 57 22 30 20 28 34 40 36 40
Leicester 46 31 24 37
34 54 30 34 18 32 50 44 40
Rernsey 52 58 26 28 21 25 38 45
Shaftesbury*. 54 25 17 4I
Sliepton Mallet.. 48 57 28 42 24N 32 40 44
Sherborne _ 43 56 26 32 22 28 38 4.1
l'aunton 53 27 I 19 —• 36
Yannouth 48 52 24 28 20 21 3R
Yeovil 44 52 28 33) 22 26 36 40 Per Bushel. s. d. s.d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s.d. s. tl. sd.
Shrewsbury 70 73, 0 0 0 0 5 6 7 0 0 0 00,00 00
DEVIZES CORN MARKET—Sept. 11.
Per Sack. s. d. a. d.l Per Quarter. s. d. s. d.
Best Wheat 25 oto 26 61 Barley 28 0 to 34 0
e.__..•

Per Sack,
Best Wheat ,
Second
Thirds
911 Sacks of V%
at the averag.

DEVIZES COI
s. d. s. d.
..2i 0 to 26 6
.. 22 0 24 0
VVa
ito2o 0
hesold
,e of 22 n

RN MARKET—Sept. 11.
Per Quarter. s. d. s. d.
Barley 28 0 to 34 0
Oats 24 0 i 8 0
Beans (per sack) l9 0 22 0
Flour (per bag) 36 0 42 0
Bread (per gait) 1 1 0 0

BIRMINGHAM CORN MARKET, Sept. 11.
Wheat, 62 lb.
Barley, imperial quarter
Do. Grinding, 49 lb.
Oats, 391 b
Old Beans, 6614 lb l5 6 17 0
New ditto
New White Boiling Pease, 3 imp, bush.
Ditto Grey ditto

The executors of the late Mr. St. John Long have
agreed to dispose of the secret of his healing art to the highest
bidder.

DARING BURGLARY IN SURREY.—Last night
week, about twelve o'clock, the house of William Whitton,
Esq., of Great Bookham, was entered through the parlour
window, the shutter of which was forced off the hinges and
thrown upon the floor. Three of the party walked delibe-
rately up stairs. One of them demanded the keys and money
from the servant maid, who had come out of her bed-room;
and the other two went into Mr. Whitton's room, and, stand-
ing by the bedside, insisted upon having his money, adding
that " Money they would have and must have." The villains
then forced open a secretary in the same room, and stole thirty-
two sovereigns, and 351. in notes. They then went into a
room in which Mrs. Whitton sleeps, and stole the time-piece
from the chimney-piece ; after which they returned to Mr.
Whitton's room, and burst open the linen chest, &c. After
they left it was found that the back-door had been secured
from the outside. Happily the lives of the inmates were
spared. Information havin been given of this outrage, the
most active search was madeg for the fellows who committed it,
which ended in the apprehension of no less than six. On Tues-
day a very long examination took place before the Rev. Win.
Heberden of Great Bookham, assisted by Messrs. Everett and
Harding the clerks to the magistrates, when three of the six
were fully committed for trial, two for further examination,
and one discharged.

MY LORD,—My first letter contained four only out of
the catalogue of the facts by which the " Whigs" forfeited
the confidence and alienated the affections of the people of
Ireland. My object is to show that the hostility which has
subsisted between the popular party and the government
was created and is continued by "the follies, the faults, and
the crimes" of the Whigs. Whether the time is come to
put an end to that hostility, and to consolidate the adminis-
tration by means of the efficient aid of the Irish people,
remains, my Lord, for you and your colleagues to determine.
There happens just at this moment to be a seat vacant
in the King's Bench. Of Judge Jebb I will say nothing.
I will content myself merely by calling your Lordship's
attention to the fact, that a most animated eulogium has
been published upon his judicial character by the talented
but most virulent and unqualified advocate of Orangeism !!!
Can you, then, doubt what was the colour of his judicial
politics ?
But we war not with the dead—peace be with him—we
strive only for the living. And now, my Lord, it remains
to be seen who is to be his successor. You can select a
man of competent ability and learning,_ whose politics are
most adverse to your's, and to the civil and religious liber-
ties of the Irish nation—for there are many such at bar. A
vivid and exclusive patronage of thirty years and upwards
has brought to maturity many men of that description.
You may select a man of first-rate ability and great learn-
ing, whose politics coincide with your's, and who, having
been in bad times a friend to civil and religious liberty, has
often felt the cold hand of repulsive bigotry coming between
him and a just elevation—for Mere are still some men of
that description at the Irish bar--or you may choose, in
your caprice or folly, to appoint some man who has not
committed himself in politics simply because he selected a
circuit on which it might have been imprudent to avow
anti-popular principles, but a man who would, when free
from restraint, be just the person in the world most likely
to indemnify himself for the forced silence of his probation
by becoming a most active partisan on the bench. You
may select some man of plausible pretensions without one
solid qualification, who would be the sport and ridicule of
all parties, whilst he had the confidence of none. This
" juste-milieu" course, the worst and most contemptible of
all, may be followed. Alas, for poor Ireland ! There
seems a fatality in her destinies which could alone make
such a selectien probable ; but if you choose to select in
that way, there are not wanting men at the Irish bar to
suit your unwise purposes.
It is not for me to suggest the name or to trace the cha-
racter of any individual. I have pointed out classes out of
which you may and must select. All I have to do is to
assure you that the fate of your administration in Ireland
depends mainly on the appointment you make. It is, in-
deed, time for you to take one step to conciliate the people
of Ireland—to begin to give the people some season to con-
fide in the administration-of justice, whilst you commence
to cleanse the sources through which it may flow.
Assuring you, my Lord, that you and your colleagues
cannot on this occasion take a false step with impunity,
I proceed with my catalogue of by-gone mistakes and faults.
I have already gone through four of them, though you
may not have perceived a mistake in the enumeration. I
leave that mistake to be accounted for as it may. I have,
however, in my first letter, shown you these five things :
First—l have shown that the Orange party have not one
just or reasonable ground of complaint.

Whilst, on the other hand, I have shown these four causes
of complaint on the part of the people
FIRST—In Earl Grey's original constitution of the Irish
branch of his government.
SECOND—In the selection of Mr. Joy for the office of
Chief Baron.

THIRD—In the selection of Mr. Doherty for the office
of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.
FOURTH—In the selection of Mr. Blackburne for the
office of Attorney-General.
I now proceed with my catalogue.
FIFTH--The fifth cause of complaint is personal to Lord
Anglesey. You cannot conceive how much it affected his
character with the people of Ireland.
You may recollect that when the- Duke of Wellington,
reluctantly yielded to the necessity of' granting emancipa-
tion, lie took care to deprive it of all grace by the manner
of the concession. He, in particular, accompanied it with
that most insulting and unnecessary measure, the second
" Algerine Bill"—which enabled the Lord Lieutenant to
prohibit by proclamation any public or private meeting he
might think fit. This is the way the British Parliament
legislate for Ireland, and then, forsooth, these legislators
are astonished and offended that we should prefer a do-
mestic legislature !
In October, 1830, that " Algerine Act" was in full force,
when the friends of civil and religious liberty held some
meetings in Dublin, to prepare, on the part of Ireland, for
the Parliamentary campaign, and, in particular, to bring the
question of the repeal of the Union before Parliament.
The Duke of Northumberland was Lord Lieutenant—
Sir Henry Hardinge, Secretary. They availed themselves
of the Algerine Act, and issued a proclamation to prohibit
any such meetings.
Under these circumstances a petition was got up to both.
Houses of Parliament, complaining of that proclamation as
an oppressive use of the statute. The petition to the Lords
was confided by a Mr. Kertland, who acted as secretary, to
Lord Anglesey, by a letter containing much complimentary
language.
Now, mark me, my Lord, this letter was replied to by
Lord Anglesey, all in his own handwriting. Recollect it
was late in October, 1830. In that reply, he certainly ex-
pressed his disapprobation of the repeal agitation in strong
terms, but he added that, if he were in power, he would not
put down public meetings by proclamation.
His letter has long been before the public, and I believe
you will admit that no statesman out of office ever gave a
more distinct pledge of what his conduct would be were he
to be once again in power. _

Well—thus publicly pledged was Lord Anglesey not to
make use of the proclamation law, when behold, within one
month—namely, on the 16th of November, 1830—the
Wellington administration was scattered, and "the Whigs"
became, after many long and anxious years of hope deferred,
ministers—and Lord Anglesey was made Lord Lieutenant.
He arrived in Dublin early in January, 1831—this
pledged no-proclamation-man arrived in Dublin. Mark,
my Lord—pray mark—how long did this model of modern
'chivalry observe his pledge ? Why, not more than three
days !! ! Before the fourth day had elapsed, he directly
and pointedly violated that pledge : he issued his first pro-
clamation under the Algerine Act.
I admit that this would be incredible if it were to depend
for evidence of its truth upon the testimony of a few indi-
viduals, no matter how respectable. It could not be be-
lieved on less convincing proof than public record, authen-
ticated by nations as witnesses, that one of the flowers of
British chivalry—a gallant soldier—high in character as a
statesman—one of the first of the British peerage—should
thus—there is, my Lord, but one way of expressing it—
give the lie direct to his own written and public pledge, and
voluntarily descend to take his rank amongst that class of
beings who are listened to without being believed, and who
earn for themselves a denomination too base to be written
or almost thought of.
The people of Ireland read his published letter to Kert-
land, and before the ink was well dry on that letter they
read his proclamation. From that moment Lord Anglesey
lost all moral power—all confidence in him personally was
lost. He might enforce his authority by military means—
by gun-brigs and by police ; but he could do nothing by
influence, or even hope to experience the cheerful obe-
dience which has its source in personal respect. That pro-
clamation ruined his character. It was one of the most
foolish• acts of which, under such circumstances, a public
man could possibly be guilty.
But, perhaps, this was a single fault, and might have,
been palliated by the urgency of the case ! Alas ! for Lord
Anglesey, he cannot have any such excuse. He literally
threw away his character for a straw. The meeting against
which his first proclamation was directed was merely a
meeting to present me with an address of congratulation on
my return to Ireland, and of gratitude for my public services.
Even such was the occasion that Lord Anglesey thought
befitting to make important by a violation of his pledge.—
There had been no meeting, it is true, to address him—no
meeting to offer him any gratulation—and the miserable
motive of jealousy to, and envy of, so humble an individual
as myself, was attributed to his act by the indignant public,
and increased the disgust and contempt with which his
violation of a solemn declaration of itself was calculated to
excite.

Having once begun, he showered out his proclamations
in scores. He proclaimed down public meetings to discuss
the complaints of the people in the most peaceable and con-
stitutional manner—he proclaimed down public breakfasts,
because we talked politics over our tea and toast--he pre-
vented public dinners (save for charity, which be certainly
spared), and he continued as long as he•had any gretencg to

proclaim d. every popular assemblage that stood within
the reach his capricious power.
The " Algerine Act" expired—but soon after the more
unconstitutional and odious Coercion Bill was substituted.
e moment the latter became law, this brilliant star of
Nobility, who gave the pledge to the public that he would
issue no proclamations, re-assumed his proclamation career.
He proclaimed down the existing public bodies, although
their members as well as their leaders had contributed
powerfully—and had indeed been solicited by Lord Angle-
sey's government--to contribute to the carrying the Reform
Bill, and keeping " the Whigs" in office.
I should here close this fifth complaint, but that there
remains one more characteristic trait of the Whig misgo-
vernment of Ireland. Whilst proclamations showered down
on the heads of the reformers and Whig politicians, not a
single proclamation was directed, either under the Algerine
or the Coercion Bill, against any one Orange Lodge, either
great or small—not one ! All the favour and forbearance
was for the Orange Lodges—all the coercion and rigour
was reserved for the popular assemblies. The Orangeists,
especially since the passing of the first Coercion Bill, held
what they called a Grand or National Lodge. They had
meetings which they dignified with the name of Provincial
Grand Lodges, and in some places of the North, what they
styled County Grand Lodges, besides several small Lodges
in Ulster. None of these were prohibited or proclaimed.
The Orangemen assembled when and where they pleased
—the peope could not meet for any political purpose with-
out being proclaimed.
Was this fair—was this just—above all, was it impartial
Let the British people but understand the manner in which
the reformers of Ireland have been treated, and they will
sympathize with our wrongs. But there is a difference
which should not be overlooked—and which greatly,—
deeply aggravates the crimes committed against the Irish
peoplel

- The difference is this—the meetings proclaimed down by
"the Whigs" were all in themselves strictly legal meetings.
Without the aid- of the proclamation no magistrate would
be warranted to prevent or disperse any of these assem-
blages ; no man could be indicted or in any way prosecuted
for attending them. Ido not now dwell on the propriety
and purity of the motives of the persons who called toge-
ther these popular meetings, although these are in them-
selves important considerations ; but I do firmly state, with-
out the hazard of reasonable contradiction, that these meet-
ings were in their own nature perfectly legal.
Not so the Orange Lodges. There is no lawyer who
could deny that the Orange Lodges are unlawful societies.
At least no lawyer whose opinion would be worth having.
It being stated to such lawyer that the Orange Lodges tests
are administered and required to entitle persons to admis-
sion into the society, which are not called for by any exist-
ing law ; that declarations, or at least a declaration, similar
in description is required ; that in all lodges, until lately
and in many still, oaths, or an oath, of a similar na-
ture is requred ; and that there is an oath, decla-
ration, or engagement of secrecy as to certain mat-
ters—as, for example, the pass-words and signs
of brotherhood, also required, or at least taken. Indeed,
the only difficulty in the way of a prosecution of an Orange
Lodge as an unlawful society would be the procuring of
witnesses to swear to the facts as they really and in truth
exist ; but this is a difficulty which the Government could
at once get over if it used against this crime the means of
reward, and of pardon which it so often and so usefully em-
plays in the detection and punishment of other crimes.
It is not, however, for the sake of the legal discussion I
introduce these remarks : it is merely to place more dis-
tinctly before your eyes, and those of the public, the " fol-
lies, faults, and crimes" of the Whigs towards the people—
pointing out still more glaringly the monstrous dereliction
of all principle which made "the Whigs" make use of the
" Algerine Act" at all, especially when I am able to show
that the law was distorted to crush the lawful associations
of tie people, and was allowed to slumber as against the
illegal societies of the Orangemen. The people against
whom the sword was drawn being disposed to be, and having
at critical junctures actually been, essentially serviceable to
" the Wbigs"—the Orangeists, on the contrary, against
whom neither sword nor staff was raised, being the steady,
unremitting, malignant enemies of " the Whigs." I trust,
my Lord, that vou will put an end to contrasts like these ;
but then you should not delay, otherwise your interference
will be too Iate—BEGIN AT ONCE.

I proceed to the next cause of complaint.
SIXTH.—The sixth cause of popular complaint involves
in it almost all the. functionaries by whom." the Whigs" ad-
administer the affairs of Ireland. Let me, however, give
" the Castle" the priority to which it is entitled, from its
being.the centre to which all persons who have any business
to transact with the Government naturally, and, I may add,
necessarily turn themselves. The clerks of the Castle, high
and low, form the political medium through whiCh all the
affairs of the internal regulation of Ireland must pass. It
is here that the Orange faction has hitherto had the greatest
advantages ; it is here that their crimes were. in fora--.c.-
times, palliated and fr,quently received the
rewards due to merit and public virtue. The Castle clerks
were, you know it well, my Lord, the great patrons of the
ascendancy faction ; and they continued to give to that fac-
tion a practical ascendency after the legal one had been
destroyed. _ _

It was felt by every body that " the Whigs" must give
up all pretence of introducing a new and ameliorated sys-
tem of management iu Ireland, unless " the Castle" was
purified. It was said, "as long as Gregory and his under-
lings have possession of the Castle, it is impossible to hope
for an impartial or popular administration of Irish affairs."
Gregory, accordingly, was turned out, although, to do him
justice, lie had, with all his faults, some Irish feelings. He
was turned out—so far so good—but the other offices re-
mained unpurged and unpurified.
Gregory was dismissed—but who was substituted for
him ? Sir William Gosset. This does not reciu one
single word of comment. Everything else wx-s left as it
was. Gosset was placed at the head of ti.le department, for
such he really is ; and now, I ask, what has the country
gained by the change—l ask you, my Lord, what difference
there is between Gregory and Gosset? The popular party
knows of none, or if they believe in any, it is merely be-
cause they deem Gosset the more Conservative of the two.
Neither can he be accused of the want of manliness in dis-
closing his opinions. He, I believe, is not guilty of any
concealment, and, accordingly, I have heard that he is not
only secure in his office, but that pensions haVe been ac-
tually bestowed upon a group, I know not how many, of his
family. Sons or daughters, I care not which—my friend
Whittle Harvey will, I hope, have another day at them.
In the meantime " the Castle" remains as little popular
as anti-popular, and as thoroughly Tory as ever it was.
" The Whigs" have changed the man ; they have changed
none of the principles or mode of action. Here, my Lord,
I venture most earnestly to implore your assistance. The
Castle clerks and secretaries are literally the eyes and ears
of the Irish Government. Nothing is heard but what they
choose to render audible ; nothing is seen but what they
please to render visible. The present Ministry, if they
choose to judge and to decide for themselves, must at once
dismiss every one of those who differ from them in political
principles, and substitute those who will assist them in giv-
ing the people of Ireland all we ask of you--a fair, just,
impartial, and honest administration of our affairs.
My complaint is—the complaint of the people of Ireland
is—that you have as yet to make the first step towards giv-
ing them that justice and fair play for which alone they seek.
They complain that the Whigs have been four years in office
without having taken the first step, and that instead of mak-
ing the radical change at the Castle necessary to effectuate
these purposes, they have changed one name without
changing any part of the system.
My Lord, I think I know you well. The judgment I
form of you may be coloured by that courtesy of manner
which I have uniformly experienced from you, even when
assailed by more than one of your colleagues. In the pre-
sence of the Irish nation I thank you ; I therefore cannot
be supposed to intend you—and I certainly do not intend
you—any offence, when, on the close of this, the sixth re-
gistered complaint of the people of Ireland, I turn to you
personally and demand, in the name of that people, that
the vacant seat in the King's Bench should be filled by no
incompetent person, no matter what his politics may be—
should be filled by a lawyer learned in his profession—by a
barrister able and discriminating, successful as an advocate,
and respected by all for his integrity and impartiality—by
a man who has never bowed the knee to the dagon of as-
cendancy, or rendered himself suspicious even to the Orange
party by the violence or energy of his political agitation ;
but who, at the same time never shrunk from the tranquil
but firm avowal of liberal and just opinions. There are,
my Lord, such men, Catholics and Protestants, to be found
at the Irish bar. Believe me you and your colleagues are
now on your trial before the Irish public ; almost all of the
practical enemies of Ireland have retired from office ; you.
are substantially a new, show that you are a better Ministry.
I have the honour to be, my Lord, your faithful and
obedient humble servant,

DANIEL O'CONNELL,

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