The Sun.
London, England, 1833-08-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr. Peter has renewed his motion on Lord
Warwick's case, which he promises to bring for-
ward again next session. We believe Lord
Warwick to be, personally, a very respectable,
though somewhat simple Nobleman. His state-
ment that he had purposely left home at the
election, as though he had anticipated some-
thing wrong which he ought not to witness, re-
minds us of an anecdote in the works of an old
humourist, who represents a fair Quackeress as
so shocked at the evident commencement of im-
proprieties by a libertine assailant of her ino•
desty, that she shut her eyes in order not to see
the whole intended wickedness. Alas, that vir-
tue, either female or male—either personal or
political—should be so ignorantly innocent !
We respect, of course, the sensitive purity of
Lord Warwick ; but we do ask of Lord Althorp
whether the political custody of so important a
county as Warwickshire ought to be confided to
a person who flies from the mischief which he
ought to prevent, because lie has too pure eyes
to behold evil ? We have cast our eyes over
the journals of the House, and we find some
tolerably strong and appropriate passages which
hear directly on the case of the Warwick election.
The statutes of the early Edwards forbid the
interference of " great men," or nobles in elec-
tions. It is a high misdemeanour at common
law to interfere with the purity or freedom of
elections.

EXTRACT FROSI THE COMMONS' JOURNAL 6.
(Resolutions, D-c. 10, 1641.)
" Whereas, the House of Commons has received infor-
mation that letters from Peers are directed to boroughs

:hat are now to make elections for Members to serve in

Parliament, they conceive that all letters in that nature
from any Peers of this realm do necessarily tend to the

violation of the privilege of Parliament, and the freedom
of election of Members that ought to serve in this House
of Commons, and do declare that, notwithstanding such

letters, all persons to whom elections of knights and bur-
gesses do belong, ought to proceed to their elections with
that freedom which, by the laws of the realm and by

right, they ought to do ; and do expect, that it any such
letters from any Peers of the realm shall hereafter he tent,

unto them, the parties receiving the same certify the
contents thereof, and bring the letters themselves to the
Speaker of the House of Commons."

COMMONS' JOURNAL*.
(Resolution 1700, A.D.)
" That for any Peer of this kingdom, or any Lord-
lieutenant of any county, to concern themselves in the
election of Members to serve for the Commons in Parlia-
ment, is a high inftinvement of the liberties and privileges
of the Commons of England."
This resolution is now annually repeated, and
on the Irish Union it was extended to Irish
elections. The same resolution stands on the

Commons' votes of this year, on the 13th of
February last. 1813. In the HeHeston Election
Report a motion was made in the House of
Commons to instruct the Attorney-General to

prosecute the Duke of Leeds, Vlhicli was only
lost, in an unreformed House, by a majority of
three, and the culpability of the Duke of Leeds
being infinitely less than that of Lord Warwick.
Lord Warwick says that he only advanced mo-

ney to pay the " legal expences.'' His advance
was 3,5001. Now, by a Parliamentary Return
of returning officers' charges, &c., made in April
last to the House of Commons, the Town Clerk's

charges to the candidates were 1061. 135., Sir
Charles Greville's third share being 351. 11s. t.
the number of electors being I,34o.—Times.
In the House of Commons yesterday, Sir
R. Inglis, in presenting the 41st report of the
Committee on Public Petitions, made a curious
siatement respecting the sittings of the House
during the session now mercifully concluded.
The Hon. Baronet told the House that the ap-
palling facts contained in this statement bad
been collected "by one of the most able and
intelligent officers of the House,"—
" He best can paint them who shall feel them most."

The average sittings of the House used to be,
as it would appear from this statement, four
hours and a half, or five hours a-day. During
the late session they have been nine hours a-day ;
and, during the larger portion of the session,
namely, since Easter, 12 hours a day. The
long (as it was called) Reform session of 1831
lasted 119 days, during which the House sat
918 hours : the late session lasted 142 days,
during which the House sat 1,270 hours. But.
Sir R. Inglis omitted to mention one very
remarkable fact—namely, that all the im-
portant business of the session has been
transacted within the last five or six weeks, and
that the vast majority of the session has been
taken up with long-winded and unprofitable
speeches, made upon motions which seemed to
have been brought forward with no other object
than that of furnishing topics for display to gar-
rulous vanity, and a means of fictitious repu-
tation out of doors. The " displays" were in
nine cases out of ten lamentable failures, while
the motions have been so seldom pressed to a
division, that the most extended charity will
hardly induce any one to believe that they could
have originated in any serious desire to benefit
the public. This vice of interminable prating
must be eradicated, or in the next session the
House of Commons will become a positive nui-
sance. In expressing our gratification to find
that Sir R. Inglis has not suffered the session
to close without calling the attention of the
House and of the public to this subject, we beg
to ask Hon. Members and the country whether
the matter would not have been rendered ten
times worse if the newspapers had attempted
to report all the rubbish (as Sir R. Peel very
properly called it) with which the Parliament
have thought proper to fill up the interstices of
the work they have performed this session ?
We say attempted, because to accomplish
Lhe task would have been impossible. If it
had been tried for half 1,270 hours to translate
into English all that the " tail" said in Irish—
" to do" into the vernacular the patois of Mr.
Hume—to render intelligible the oratorical
figures of Mr. Aglionby*, or to extract mean-
ing from the speeches of a Halcomb or a Roe-
buck, not a single reporter would have survived
to witness the prorogation of Parliament yester-
day ; newspapers would have circulated only
among persons of unsound mind ; and the
consituents of the orators would have demanded
their resignation without a moment's delay.
Thanks to the newspapers, the public have had
a great escape throughout the session, and now
that it is over the newspapers have one also,
Colonel Evans submitted to the House the
following resolution That it appearilig by
the report of the select committee appointed to
make inquiry into the circumstances of the late
election for the borough of Warwick, that the
Right Hon. the Earl of Warwick, Lord Lieu-
tenant of the county, and a Peer of the realm,
in violation of the resolutions and standing orders
of this House, and of the law of the land, 13
deeply implicated by his agents, and the appli-
.
cation of large sums of money, in various cor-
rupt and illegal practices during the last election
fortlhv
le)
te boroughst
e woafr
d\,, S
and
rwi evka aot thatrid r e
m.
,peandiAlexander
.
Brown, o
burgesses of the borough,
would turn if trod upon,
This is the gentleman
buswhote d that the Werra ought
to turn properly.

various illegal practices, the Attorney-
General be directed to prosecute the Earl of
Warwick, and all other named or described in
the report of the said Select Committee, as
concerned in the unlawful proceedings afore-
said." Of course the Gallant Member is well
enough acquainted with the forms of the House
to have been aware that the Usher of the Black
Rod would summon the House to undergo the
ceremony of prorogation long before it could
come to a vote upon the subject : and by this
means the motion was disposed of. The case
of the Earl of Warwick, however, must be
vigorously dealt with next session. We here
subjoin all the resolutions about the interference
of Peers in elections which were adopted this
session, February 13, as they have been in
preceding sessions : we published one of them
yesterday. There is a report, we hope well
founded, that the Earl of Warwick intends to
resign his office :
" RUOLUTIONS OF THE House OF COMMONS.
(13th February, 1833.)
" Elections--Resolved, That no Peer of the realm,
except such Peers of Ireland as shall for the time being be
actually elected, and shall not have declined to serve for
any county, city, or borough of Great Britain, bath any
right to give his vote in the election of any Member to
*rya in Parliament.
'' That it is a high infringement of the liberties and
privileges of the Commons of the United Kingdom for any
Lord of Parliament or other peer or prelate, not being a
Peer of Ireland at the time elected, and not having declined
to serve for any county, city, or borough of Great Britain,
to concern himself in the election of Members to serve for
the Commons in Parliament, except only any Peer of Ire-
land .t such elections in Great Britain respectively where
such Peer shall appear as a candidate, or by himself or any
others be proposed to be elected; or for any Lord-Lieute-
nant, or governor of any county, to avail himself of any
authority derived from his commission to influence the
election of any Member to serve for the Commons in Par-
liament:
"Resolved, Tbat if it shall appear that any person bath
been elected or returned a Member of this House, or en-
deavoured so to be, by bribery, or any other corrupt
practices, this House trill proceed with the utmost severity
against all such persons as have been wilfully concerned in
such bribery, or other corrupt practices."— Times.
The King's Speech, delivered yesterday, is, all
things considered, a moderate and unassuming
epitome of the proceedings of the session just
terminated—a session not more remarkable for
its inconvenient length than for the variety and
importance of its legislative labours. Foreign
affairs, considering their extraordinary magni-
tude, and the degree of interest which they
nave excited throughout the country, are touched
upon in the speech with more brevity than
might have been desired ; but the great domes-
tic questions which have, for the present, been
decided by Parliament, are all referred to se-
riatim, and au opinion, which must naturally be
that entertained, or at least encouraged, by Ali-
nisters,is pronounced in favour of each arrange-
ment, as it comes in due course under his Ma-
jesty's notice. The terms on which the Bank
Charter has been renewed are declared to be
" well calculated to sustain public credit, and to
secure the usefulness of that important establish-
ment." Now we must, with all deference, dis-
sent from both Members of the above pane-
gyric ; for it appears to us that nothing can
snore tend to undermine and endanger public
credit than a contraction of the metallic basis
of the currency, and a proportionate ex-
tension of paper ; while, if new faculties of use-
fulness were given (which we deny), to the
Bank, there would be more than an equivalent
for them in an increased temptation to the mis-
chievous exercise of its powers through aug-
mented issues to the country bankers. Of all
the dealings with great commercial interests
which have distinguished the present session,
that by which the Charter of the India Company
has been renewed may, perhaps, be regarded as
the least open to exception. Two objects of
immense value do undoubtedly seem to have
been aimed at, and successfully, by the framers
of the new Charter, viz., a more beneficent and
wholesome Government for the natives of India,
and a recovery for the British people of that
natural and inherent freedom of commerce which
had been wrested from them by the barbarous
monopoly of the trade with the Chinese empire.
The abolition of West Indian slavery is spoken
of by his Majesty with cordial satisfaction. The
difficulty of reconciling the dictates of humanity
with the rights and interests of the planters, is
not overlooked by the King, and an anxious
hope is expressed that both the colonial assem-
blies and the emancipated slaves may give willing
effect to the intentions of the Legislature. The
several amendments of the law, by which the
titles to property have been rendered more
secure, and the proceedings at law and
equity less costly, form a subject of
just congratulation ; and the appointment
of a commission for digesting into one body the
enactments of the criminal law,and for inquiring
how far a similar process of codification might
be extended to other branches of our jurispru-
dence, is pointed to as a proof of the deep and
anxious interest taken by his Majesty in all those
efforts of the Legislature which have for their
object to make justice easily accessible to all his
subjects. In our opinion the measures passed
during the last session for cleansing the Augean
stable of the law, and the congenial ones which
were proposed, but have not yet passed, for ac-
complishing more effectually that inestimable
purpose, are those which, among all others of
the present age—we might add of more than a
century past—will have left behind them the
most enduring and most ameliorating con-
sequences. The corporate improvements,
recently referred to in this journal, as deriv-
able from Lord Brougham's Bill introduced
a few days ago, but postponed in its progress
until the ensuing session, are alluded to, with an
intimation that the notice of Parliament will
again be called to the subject. The Irish Coercion
Bill is described as having been productive of the
best effects in subduingf the spirit of insubordi-
nation which
Ireland. The had so long
ongPrevailed throughout
Temporalities Bill, abo-,
fishing
vestry cess, and
ilregulating juries, both!
as as to their criminal andfunctions, is ad-
duced to demonstrate the reliance which may be
placed by the people of Ireland on the Imperial
Parliament, for its disposition to insure
welfare ; and the King declares his determination
their
h
to preserve the Union inviolate. u
whole it may be remarked, as to tphins first
session of a Reformed House of Commons, that
the new instrument has worked more kindly in
some respects than its most sanguine friends had
predicted from so unripe an experiment ; and
that it has signally disappointed the forebodings
of its enemies, who stigmatized, by anticipation,
an assembly chosen by the people as one through
which it would be "impossible to carry on the
public business,—as a slave and pander to the
lawless mob,—as a wild democracy, inconsistent
with the maintenance of property and order, and
repugnant to the spirit of our monarchical con-
atitution."— Times.

The first session of the Reformed Parliament
Is now at an end. Parliament was yesterday
prorogued to the 31st of October next, when it
will, of course, be further prorogued as7usual,

One peculiarity in the session which has just
closed, was pointed out yesterday by Sir R. In-
glis. The House of Commons has sat twice
the number of days, and thrice the number of
hours of former sessions. The Parliament which
passed the Reform Bill sat 119 days, the last
session of 142 days, or 1,270 hours. In 1806,
Parliament sat 129 days and 645 hours; in
1807, it sat 104 days and 5 hours a day ; and
in 1811, the average of hours was four and a
balfa day. In the late session, the sittings were
on an average nine hours a day, and for much
the larger part of the session considerably more
than 12 hours a day. We may say, without
fear of contradiction, that a great deal of time
has been spent very unprofitably. The system
of discussing, the various clauses of long Bills in
Committees of the whole House, seems to us
to betray a great want of skill in the mode of
conducting business. We cannot help thinking
that the Bills should undergo much preliminary
criticism in Committees, and that they should
be laid before the whole House in so perfect a
shape as to leave little room for dis-
cussing more than the principle. The in-
novation of discussing every popular measure
three or four days too ought to be abandoned.
The consequence of such a waste of time in the
beginning of the session is the hurrying over all
measures whatever towards the close. It is to
be hoped that in the period between this and
the next session of Parliament, Ministers will
avail themselves of the labours of some able man
of business to draw up a system of improved
procedure for future Parliaments, which may be
submitted to the House on its re-assembling.
The present system might have been endured
when there were only a dozen speakers in the
House of Commons; but in the present day,
when upwards of 600 Members are returned
principally for their powers of ready declamation,
it is now altogether unsuitable. The Speech of
his Majesty contains a clear and succint account
of the labours of the session, and indicates some
of the subjects which must be entered on in the
next session. The view which is taken in it
of our foreign relations is fair and candid. On
Portugal Ministers would have been justified in
indulging more perhaps than they have done
in the language of gratulation. What has been
achieved in that country is in reality a proud
subject of triumph. No pretext has been af-
forded to the enemies of liberty and good go-
vernment, from complaining of any violation of
international law ;and the detection of the intrigues
of the Conservatives in favour of Don Miguel
must for ever shut their mouths in Parliament
on the subject of Portugal. Should the news
of the death of the King of Spain be confirmed,
and the consequence be a civil war in that
country, we shall be able to appreciate the value
of what has been effected in Portugal. On the
whole, the representatives of the people may
not in all cases have redeemed their pledges ;
and the constituencies may have expected more
from Ministers and the Reformed Parliament
than has been realised. But we cannot help
thinking that, on reflection, they will admit that
much has been done both in the way of reduc-
tion of expenditure and improvement of our
institutions. And it ought to be borne in
mind, that the vessel of the State is now fairly
launched on the sea of Reform—that what has
been gained this Session in the way of reduc-
tion and municipal improvement, lays the foun-
dation for still further reduction and still further
improvement. The balance of the Constitution
has been inclined towards reform ; and what we
have not received this year we shall infallibly
obtain in future years. Upon the whole, then,
we think the situation of affairs is such as to
give satisfaction to the people ; and that we may
look with pride and satisfaction on the first
session of the Reformed Parliament.—Morning
Chronicle.

The special reports of the Warwick Election
Committee were again the subject of discussion
yesterday, in the House of Commons, on the
motion of Colonel Evans, and which was pre-
maturely closed by the prorogation of Parlia-
ment. Lord Althorp objected to the motion of
the Gallant Colonel as premature, because the
evidence was not printed, and Mr. Peter hav-
ing given notice of his motion for next session ;
but the Noble Lord pledged the Government
to the future impartial consideration of this im-
portant case, and that Ministers " were deter-
mined not to protect any individual in the vio-
lation of the privileges of that House." His
Lordship also stated that the Earl of Warwick
had returned "no written answer to the letter
which had been written to him," and that he, there-
fore, could not, say " what course Government,
these circumstances, meant to pursue." Lord
Warwick has, of course, like all men thus awk-
wardly circumstanced, shrewd reasons for not
committing himself on paper. But as the
letter of Lord Melbourne remains without
reply, Ministers may still consider themselves
obliged to recommend to the Crown Lord War-
wick's removal from the lord lieutenancy. Thus
this notorious matter at present reposes, but it
is evident that the Reformed House of Com-

mons will not allow it to rest, and will signally
punish the gross and scandalous violation of the

freedom and purity of election. It is very con-
venient, and a politic recrimination in the Con-
servative journals, to cite the cases of well-known
election interference by Whig Noblemen in other
boroughs, " who have gone infinitely further
than Lord Warwick is accused of going." We
doubt the fact of any Whig " proprietors of
boroughs" having excelled or equalled the Duke
of Newcastle, the Marquis of Salisbury, the
Marquis of Exeter, or Lord Warwick, in elec-
tioneering illegality and political oppression ;
but if true, it furnishes additional arguments
why this abominable invasion of the liberties of
the people should he stayed by the signal ex-
ample a detected offender. But we may fairly
observe that during the existence of the
" borough system" the Liberal party could only
succeed in maintaining a small phalanx of men
of popular opinions in Parliament by the pur-
chase and management of boroughs. Lord Litch-
field may have outstepped the law and propriety in
maintaining his political "influence" in the city of
Litchfield. He may be " only one of fifty Whig
Peers who have gone infinitely further than
Lord Warwick is even accused of going," as the
Standard asserts. But there is this essential
difference between the Whig and Tory Nobi-
late Earl Fitzwill'a
y—that the late Duke of Sutherland, the
Dukes of Cleveland Norfolk, and Bedford, the
boroughs at the advetntctaolfly
Litchfield, all patriotically the Earls' of Radnor and
surrendered up their
Parliamentary Reform,
the amendment of the re Grey's
and supported Lordnoble measures for
Rutland, Tory
Dukes of Newcastle,
Hertford,
\vratrford, Exeter,
and Beaufort, the Marquisestof
lølifidly anAdievkieLio°ulsilsy.
tailailde,Scaulimsbutnryu,itaiisi
,Eall
r Earls
opposing, to the last moment, the great renova-
tion of the British Constitution. We do not
marvel, therefore, that those " Conser7ative"

Peers who blindly supported the close and nomi-
nation boroughs, should still blindly continue
the old practices of " electioneering." They
must, however, be cured; and nothing will
more effectually tend to extirpate the political
cancer of our Constitution than the prescription
of the Warwick Election special report.
If the detection and exposure had been
that of a Whig Peer, the Morning Chronicle
would have dealt out impartial justice; and the
columns of our journal, for a series of years,
prove that we have been the oldest and most
consistent opponents of the "Boroughmongers,"
and not the least daring or merciful in dangerous
times when it was penal "to bring Parliament
into contempt." Melancholy and heartbreaking
are the memorials of those noble but indiscreet
men—patriots gone prematurely to their tombs—
who were sacrificed on the altar of borough-
mongering corruption. The trial of Joseph
Gerald especially, his bold and heroic defence,
and his honourable conduct to his bail—his
infamous punishment, the affecting scene of his
death among transports and outcasts, and the
eloquent inscription on his tomb, in Botany Bay,
would draw tears from the eyes of any man not
a " Conservative." It was these ardent but
impatient spirits who kept alive the sacred fire
of Reform, and whose coffins were the step-
ping-stones of the present generation ; and there
are many men yet alive, who have " served their
time," when immured in prisons for advocacy of
political propositions inferior in extent to the
recent Reform Acts. Are we then to shed
crocodile tears over the mere degradation from
offices of undeserved power and authority of
Tory Peers, who thus persecute the people, arid
trample on their rights ? Can Mr. Cobbett
forget or forgive his imprisonment in Newgate
for twelve months, and his fine of 1,000/., for
denunciation of military flogging ? The pseudo
sensibility of the Conservatives is extremely
affected and amusing. The Ballot is denied
the electoral constituency of this country, be-
cause its protection of the people of the schedule
B and miserable little boroughs, yet extant,
would effectually extirpate corrupt influence and
political coercion. Bribery, treating, and bru-
talising drunkenness, ignorance, and delusion,
are the main ingredients of our present represen-
tative system of class voting, by which money is
continued almost the only qualification for a
representative of large counties and small bo-
roughs ; and thus talent and the higher moral
qualities ate excluded from Parliament—thus
such men as Mr. Bailey of Sheffield, and Mr.
Thornley of Liverpool, are prevented from serv-
ing their country. We forewarn the aristocracy
that these gross evils are approaching their end
—that the Reform Acts have effected a new dis-

tribution of political power, which no monopo-
lists can many years withstand. Knowledge is
miraculously illuminating the minds of the middle
and lower classes, and its meridian will soon he
displayed to the wonder-struck eyes of the aristo-
cracy. Those public writers are their best friends
who tell them these truths, however unpalatable,
and however hard of belief. No general election
was ever so notorious for profligate and brutalizing
scenes as the last. The provincial journals
teemed with reports of bloody riots, military
interference, and of a life scarcely credible. Their
collection and publication would do good service
to the cause of reform, and it is honourable to
the present Parliament and the Government that
they have shown a new and determined resolution

to terminate this monstrous national shame. We
are under no apprehension that the Tory Peers
dare oppose the Bills for the reform of the
detected boroughs and the political extinction
of Stafford. The Commons will issue no new
writs ; and they possess powers more effective
than the prerogative of creating Peers, if they
will boldly and honestly exercise them. A
" revolution " had become necessary, and has
taken place—a moral and dignified revolution,
such as the intellectual energies of no other
country in the world could have accomplished ;
and which, if it had not timely occurred, would
have necessitated a demolition of the Tory
Aristocracy, and a dissolution of the whole struc-
ture of society. If now the inevitable and irresis-
tible consequences of this great Political Refor-
mation are not allowed to flow naturally, we need
not the spirit of prophets to foretel the result.
We have proved this Session of Parliament,
that we were not the advocates of an extreme
political movement, and that it was irrational
and illiberal to expect impossibilities of the pre-
sent Administration, surrounded as they were
with almost insuperable difficulties, environed
by bitter enemies, and struggling with the mani-
fold evils of our former misgovernment. But
they will be clad in stronger armour next Ses-
sion ; and, unless we greatly miscalculate, the
reformed House of Commons will occupy a
higher position. Unquestionably Lord Grey's
Ministry has been generously treated by the
House of Commons and by the people at large,
who may reasonably demand a firm reliance on
public opinion, which is the only sheet anchor
of the present Cabinet, amid the storms of
vicious party and political difficulties.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

We look upon the passing of the Bank Char-
ter Bill as the first dawn of prosperity to the
country, after a long winter of gloom and des-
pondency ; and we feel inclined to forgive Lord
Grey's Administration half its sins, both of
omission and commission (always excepting
those of the Foreign Department), for having,
at length, by this measure, began to remove that
incubus which Peel's Bill has been upon all the
energies of the country. We are inclined to
give the present Administration the more credit
on this account, as it seems pretty clear, from
the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel's
avowal of their hostility to the measure, that it
would not have been wrung from them, except
as Catholic emancipation and reform were wrung
from them—that is, after they had ceased to be
considered as boons, and had, therefore, lost no
small part of their value. We cannot help
comparing the country, under the hands of the
miserable currency theorists, to a man who, la-
bouring under no disease, is nevertheless swathed
and bandaged up by his doctors, till he loses, and
scarcely knows, the use of his limbs. At length
he persuades them to let his right arm free ; with
this he speedily tears off the rest of the bandages,
throws away his crutches, and is himself again,
in spite of the doctors. So we trust it will now
be with the legs and arms of England, whose
sinews, though so long cramped and paralyzed,
will, it may be hoped, soon resume their
wonted pliability and strength, and impel that
current through her veins for the want of which
her health has been so seriously impaired. We
consider the legal tender clause in this Bill, as
only the beginning of good. The enlarged
system of banking to which the sixty-five mile
clause will give rise, will be another impetus to
renewed prosperity. By the proposed establish-
ment of joint stock banks in the metropolis, it
is calculated that not less than 5,000,000/. will
be, added to the circulation of the country,

which, as we have uniformly contended, as long
as it represents actual value, can never run to
excess. At the same time, we are not such
advocates for a paper currency, as to overlook
the defects it is at present liable to. As far as
the Bank of England is concerned, the faith of
the country may be said to be pledged for the
integrity of its issues : But not so as yet with
other banks of issue; nor will Parliament have
clone what the country has a right to expect at
its hands till it provides for ample security from
those who take upon themselves the trade of
providing a circulating medium for the country,
and, as it were, entering into competition with
the Crown in its power of providing a metallic
currency. At the same time these are minor
matters, and susceptible of easy regulation. The
great point, we repeat, has been gained—the
overthrow of the miserable theorists, who have
well nigh driven the country to ruin and despair.
The prospect at length brightens. May no
clouds again intervene to overshadow it.—
Morning Herald.

The first session of the Reformed Parliament
was concluded yesterday by a speech from the
throne, in the concocting of which his Majesty's
Ministers had the modesty and good sense to
refrain from the introduction of any expression
of congratulation to the Legislature on account
of the change which it has undergone. The
Reformed Parliament has completed its first
session, distinguished from Parliaments not re-
formed only or chiefly by the circumstance that
the community at large now for the first time
in the cessation of Parliamentary labour, a great
public good. The assembling and prorogation
of Parliament are almost the only occasions
which bring the Sovereign of this country imme-
diately to the view of the people. And it has
been the practice to compute the degree of
favour in which the political measures of the
period are held, by the lower and middle classes
of society, from the reception which the Mo-
narch experiences upon being thus brought
into the immediate presence of the public. In
the present instance there is much discrepancy
in the evidence upon this point. Some of
our contemporaries say that his Majesty was
received with warm expressions of attachment,
others allege that a general feeling of indifference
was manifested, while there are some who go so
far as to assert that whenever any attempt was
made to give utterance to anything approaching
to loyal attachment it was universally put down
or discountenanced by popular manifestations of
contumely and insult. Having been attentive
observers of the scene, or of many parts of it,
we think it right to say that, according to our
judgment, none of these accounts are precisely
accurate. So far as our observation extended
his Majesty was nowhere received with en-
thusiasm, nor was he anywhere met with the
expression of contumely or insult. Of that
class of society which is most prone to vehe-
mence in the expression of its political
feelings, the class we mean by the influence
of whose vociferations the Reform Bill was
carried, and the present Ministers sustained
while they forced it upon the Peerage
and the King, very few made their appear-
ance ; while the beauty of the weather and the
gaiety of the spectacle attracted a consider-
able assemblage of those classes to whose prin-
ciples, feeling, and habits every semblance of
disrespect towards the King must always be
repugnant. We believe, and hope we are cor-
rect in saying that his Majesty was treated uni-
versally with respect ; but we fancied we could
detect in the testimonies of respect which were
offered to him some admixture of commisera-
tion. Thousands of manly heads were unco-
vered at his approach ; many forms of female
loveliness bent before him ; but the warm bursts
of gratitude, and confidence, and joy—we lis-
tened for them and heard them not. Of the
Speech which Ministers put into the mouth of
his Majesty upon this occasion, we can only say
that it consists almost entirely of a summary of
the Legislative Acts of the Session, mingled
with expressions of praise, which, as the authors
of the Acts are also the authors of the Speech, may
be considered of doubtful value. The general allu-
sion to the state of foreign affairs conveys just as
much meaning as such allusions generally con-
vey, that is none at all ; while upon the single
branch of foreign policy which excited the desire
and the expectation of something more definite
and intelligible, that which relates to Portugal,
his Majesty is restricted to the communication
of the fact that the diplomatic relations of Eng-
land with that country have been renewed, and
to the expression of his Royal wish for the
restoration of peace, happiness, and prosperity to
its inhabitants. As to the style of King's
Speeches we would not be fastidiously critical.
The statesmen by whom they are written often
are, and always ought to be, intent upon graver
matters than mere elegancies of composition.
But if we wanted any proof that the boasted
march of intellect is a retrograde march, and
might be permitted to infer meanness and barba-
rity of thought from meanness and barbarity of
language,we should point with confidence to the
King's Speech of yesterday.—Morning Post.

The town of Killarney is, and has been for
some time, more thronged with visiters to the Lakes
than has been observed for the last three years. It is in
contemplation to establish a Regatta on the Lakes for the
ensuing season.

SINGULAR CASE.—About a week since
the following ludicrous circumstances occurred in the
hospital for the cure of Malignant Diseases in Greville-
street, Hatton garden :—A young man named George
Nicholls, who was labouring under the dreadful symptoms
of that malignant scourge, cholera, was admitted an in-
patient of that lazaretto. Having remained therein two
or or three days he was declared to be sufficiently re-
covered to leave it. Oa inquiring for his clothes they
were nowhere to he found, when an Irishman, who had
charge of the patients' wearing apparel and other property
was interrogated respecting them, and he admitted having
sold them on the presumption that the owner would die,
and therefore have no further need of them. The ma-
nagers were consequently under the necessity of rigging
Nicholls out with the fumiga'ed apparel of the deceased
patients which were of all sizes, and he left the hospital in
a plight worthy the pencil of a Cruikshank.
REVIVAL OF DUCKING-STOOLS.---AVYE-
BKIDON NIORALITY.—The faithb-ss sib of a well known
character in this refined part of the good town of Mon-
mouth, a few weeks since deferred her liege Lord, and did
not return to her duty till Saturday last, having in the
interim conducted herself in a manner not in very strict
accordance with certain sacred obligations imposed upon
her on entering that state of which she has proved herself
not one of the brightest ornarnfnts. On her return on
the day mentioned, the injured husband requested she
would accompany him a few yards into the ‘Vye, into
which they waded until they had arrived at a sufficient
depth of water to answer the intended purpose, when, in
the presence of numerous spectators, Benedict, with the
greatest took his spouse in his arms, and
dq)ped composure,hersisliccssive times, over head and ears, into
the cold stream ; after which he handed her to the shore,
and directed her to walk home. The equanimity with
which the lady submitted to the penalty imposed upon
thlfir her was truly editying ; and we are
d isra'innstgenredseson ditos,procure, by subscription among
the husbands of the neighbourhood, a ducking stool, after
thc manner of the ancients, and to take some means of
expressing their obligations (probably by decorating with
garlands the already ornamented brows of their friend) for
his revival of a custom likely to produce very salutary
rt-
sultes