The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The meagreness and general insignificance of
the agricultural report of last session have been
already observed upon in this journal. We have
no scruple in alleging that any impartial man
who reads that report, and has patience to wade
through even one half of the mass of evidence
annexed to it, will rise from his task impressed
with the strong persuasion that the object with
which the Committee was got up, but most
certainly that the aim of those who directed its
inquiries, and who framed the official statement
of its opinions, was, through thick and thin, to
support the existing corn laws, or one supposed
to be of equivalent efficacy, against the importa-
tion of corn. The error, the gross and fatal
error, of the agriculturists with regard to this
all-important question, is one which will not be
made apparent to themselves until the further
progress of embarrassment and misery among
the farmers, and the compulsory fall of rents, in
spite or by reason of this very corn law, some
twenty-five or thirty per cent. lower than their
present ratio, shall bring home to the most
stupid and obdurate of the landlords the con-
sciousness that they have for sixteen or
eighteen years past been sailing in a wrong
direction, and that agriculture in this country
did not begin to suffer until after the prohibi-
tion of 1815 was enacted. The same arguments
which have of late been used to justify the con-
tinuance of the corn monopoly were long put
forth in the service of shipping and manufac-
tures, until it was found that the screw had lost
its gripe, for that our monopoly would not
stand the retaliation resorted to against it. The
protecting duties on foreign manufactures and
foreign ships were relaxed, but the success of
that equitable measure of Mr. Huskisson has
been cramped and rendered incomplete, because
an attempt at freedom in general commerce
could fully prosper upon no other principle than
that of an extension of free trade to the neces-
saries of human subsistence. A hundred times
have we asserted that the first fruit of a relaxed
corn law would be a rise in the price of foreign
corn, and that so small is the portion of Euro-
pean soil which, without an immense change in
the distribution of capital, could be devoted to
corn tillage, beyond that surface from which it
is actually raised, as to make it a matter of little
less than certainty that the growth of British
manufacture would for many years -keep a-head
of the increase of Baltic wheat, and thus main-
tain the relative position of the British grower
in respect of the foreigner, with nearly,
though not quite, the amount of its exit-
ing advantages. However, as all the world
knows, that is not the most interesting
question for a statesman. Whatever enables the
general consumer, or, in other words, the bulk
of the people, to get food on easier terms than
at present, is a paramount benefit, and must not
be withheld for the sake of an oligarchy of land-
lords. A letter upon this subject has been sent
to us from Mr. Oswald, M.P., who pledges
himself to bring before Parliament the discus-
sion of the laws which regulate landed property
in its possession, transmission, and occupancy,
as an essential preliminary to a revisal and
amendment of that law which governs the im-
portation of foreign corn. To any system of
measures undertaken for so just and sound a
purpose, it is impossible that we should not
wish a success commensurate with their aptitude
to effect it. If one curse and nuisance could be
named more pernicious than another to the well-
being of this country, it is the artificial impedi-
ment thrown by the landlords in the way of an
easy and cheap supply of bread. It is, in
truth, a tax upon every human being in Great
Britain, heavier than the income tax, when its
pressure was most nearly insupportable.—Times.
The case of Spain is simplified into the pro-
blem, whether absolutism is to have Don Carlos
at its head, or the Queen Regent, ruling in the
name of her infant daughter ? In the solution
of such a problem we hardly think that the liberal
public of England will take any interest. The
compromise which, under the advice of the
contemptible doctrinaire Government of France
has been made between the pseudo-liberals and
the party of Zea Bermudez, whereby the new
order of succession is to be wedded to the old
principles of Government, removes the only
circumstance connected with the dispute which
could make it interesting to the English mind,
viz., the opportunity which it at first seemed to
afford to the advancement of constitutional
principles. That such a compromise has been
entered into causes us neither surprise nor dis-
appointment. In our observations upon the
death of Ferdinand, we anticipated such a case
as highly probable, while our contemporaries in
general, misled by the melodramatic displays of
military preparations by Louis Philip, predicted
an immediate French invasion of the peninsula,
to establish the throne of the infant Queen
on a liberal basis, and surround it with free
institutions. We knew the man better—we
stated that he dared not do anything that would
bring upon his tottering power the serious dis-
pleasure of Russia. We compared his mili-
tary displays, on this occasion, to such clap-
trap spectacles as the unfurling the flags of
Ulm, and the ridiculous expedition to Ancona,
where the French King, under pretence of
checking the Austrian influence in Italy, which
is supported by upwards of 85,000 bayonets,
sent, to borrow an ancient illustration, some
persons with arms in their hands, being too
many for an embassage, and too few for an
army. We do not know that Spain is much
prejudiced by not having such a " liberal" Go-
vernment as Louis Philip would give it, if his
dread of Russia were not greater than his pas-
sion for the lowest sort of popularity. It is
better, perhaps, that absolutism should not
assume in Spain, as it does in France, the
mask of liberality. For our part, we con-
sider the open and undisguised despotism
of the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian
Courts, '
as superior, in every respect, to
the spurious and hypocritical liberalism of
the Tuileries. The great Autocrat of the
North hates cordially all free institutions, but he
avows that hatred honestly—we are in no doubt
about his principles.
Louis Philip hates free-
dom as sincerely as
the Autocrat, but he pre-
tends to respect that which he incessantly la-
bours to destroy. .His speeches are often even
servilely complaisant to the popular feelings of
i
the French, but his actions ndicatea hankering
after the despotic power of the ancient regime.
Nicholas prevents the expression of anything
like a free sentiment in the Russian press, but
that is a more honest and merciful way of pro-
ceeding than what we see prevails in France,
where there is a chartered liberty of the press in
theory, but, in practice, a virulent and incessant
prosecution of the organs of free opinion. We

may, therefore, infer that Spain will be as well
off under avowed absolute principles as she could
be if governed by the system of Louis Philip.
The question of the Spanish succession is now
merely a personal one : it has ceased to be a
question of principle.—Morning Herald.

When Lord Durham determined on the step
of prosecuting one of his many traducers, he
must have prepared himself for much obloquy;
because the same busy spirit which, ever since
the extent of his services to the country in the
cause of reform became known, has never ceased
persecuting him with malicious inventions, would
naturally resent the endeavour to arrest its acti-
vity, and thence exert itself to misrepresent his
motives. In truth, the Conservative journals,
in full chorus, are now calling out that they are
persecuted because they are about to be denied
the privilege of retailing all manner of
falsehoods against his Lordship. A great
deal of ingenuity has been employed in
perplexing a very simple question. We are not
aware that the most strenuous of the advocates
of the liberty of the press ever maintained that
that liberty should he extended to the tran•
sactions of private life. It is quite impossible
that any good could ever result from such an
unlimited liberty. The public cannot possibly
enter into all the circumstances which determine
the actions of men in private life ; and being with-
out the mean sof arriving at any sound conclusion,
they ought to abstain from all interference, leav-
ing every man to the tribunal of his own
conscience, and that of his relations and friends,
who can best appreciate his motives, and who
best know whether he ought to retain or forfeit
their attachment. Whenever the practice of
tolerating inroads into private life has prevailed,
the consequences have been anything rather than
beneficial. The time is not very remote when
London swarmed with a set of miscreants, who
regularly levied contributions on the public under
the name of" making ink." They would pitch on
an individual in easy circumstances, embarked
in business, to whom it was of importance to
stand well with the public—they would institute
inquiries into his habits in the neighbourhood—
his hours of leaving home, the places he fre-
quented, &c., and having thus obtained a few
materials to serve as a groundwork for their
fabrications, they would send a proof sheet of
an intended communication to the public, with
an intimation, that if a certain sum were not
forthcoming, it should appear. There were few
men who had the courage to set these miscreants
at defiance. A man who long lived by his
industry in this nefarious work, and who con-
trived in consequence to have always a well
stocked cellar at the expense of the wine mer-
chants, and others whom he intimidated, took
his departure not many years ago for another
world. One shopkeeper in Holborn, who had
suffered much from this sort of persecution, at
length took courage to face his enemy, and had
him brought to justice, when a chapter in the
literary history of this metropolis was opened ;
one which, for the honour of human nature, it
were as well to close for ever. In fact, the
same want of principle and the same wants
which now impel men to levy money by
threatening others with accusing them with
infamous vices, impelled them then to make
the Press the instrument of their vile purposes.
No man will say, for one moment, that such a
system should be tolerated. But such a system
must be tolerated if a license shall be allowed
to drag private life before the tribunal of the
public. One exception must occur to every
one, namely, when the public conduct of a man
is supposed to be biassed by his private rela-
tions. Thus, for instance, no one would have
thought of prying into the private life of the
late Duke of York, had not a belief become ge-
neral in the army that an individual had ac-
quired an influence over his Royal Highness
which was used to the detriment of the public
service. In like manner, when ladies with no
intelligible title to the public money, but the
possession of distinguished beauty, are found to
be pensioned highly, it is natural that the public
should seek to discover the channel through which
the public money was obtained, and should be un-
charitable enough to connect the distribution of
the public money with private favours. Men in
office are in so far differently circumstanced from
other men, from the manner in which their
public life may be influenced by their private,
that a little more vigilance may be tolerated
respecting them. If, for instance, a Cabinet
Minister were seen to gamble notoriously on the
Stock Exchange,—if a Treasurer were to be
found to play deep at Crockford's,—if a Judge
were to be found receiving rich presents,—all
these are things which it is not unimportant that
the public should know, and the rule of private
life could not be strictly applied to them. But
even here some regard ought to be had to truth.
Because a Judge ought to have pure hands, it
does not follow that he is to be accused of bri-
bery with impunity. Because a Judge ought
to be a man of a sober, virtuous life, it does not
follow that he may be accused with impunity of
being addicted to degading vices. " Lord
Brougham (says the Standard)—we write
it with grief and shame, that spirit and
genius should so sink—Lord Brougham,
the Edinburgh Reviewer, and contributor
to the Times, it is said, has commenced a
prosecution against the conductors of the John
Bull, for the heinous offence of charging his
Lordship with delicate health and lethargic ha-
bits." Our contemporary knows very well that,
day after day, his Lordship has been charged
with weaknesses which would utterly disqualify
him as Judge, and Speaker of the House of
Peers. These charges have been so distinctly
made, with such an air of circumstance, and so
often repeated, that other Journals have at
length stated the result broadly and unequivocally
to the world ; and there is not, we believe, a
conductor of a Journal, from the Land's End to
the Murray Frith (the ultima Thule of Jour-
nalism), who, from constantly reading these
charges, would not (if he had not access to pri-
vate sources of information) set down, in
his own mind at least, his Lordship as a
man not fit to be trusted with the manage-
ment of his own affairs, to say nothing of
those of the public. Will any man, under
these circumstances, say that his Lordship's
eleycaitelncy, as a servant of the public, is not
impaired by the circulation of such a
calumny ? Was Lord Eldon ever charged with
• any similar vice ? He was often the subject of
many a joke on account of his attachment to
, money ; but we are not sure that his Lordship,
being a north countryman, deemed such an im-
putation any reproach. He would have felt
uneasy under a charge of receiving bribes ; but
no man ever hinted that his attachment to
money led him to wish to obtain it by receiving
bribes. The failings of his Lordship were a
fair subject of animadversion—his dislike, for

instance, of deciding causes on principle, and
love of escaping from principle into the specu-
lations of the case—his procrastination even
after he had evidently made up his mind as to
his decision—all these infirmities were fair sub-
jects for animadversion. But Lord Brougham
is not dealt with as the Whigs and Opposition
writers dealt with Lord Eldon. The journal
which now fabricates charges against Lord
Brougham, injurious to his reputation as a
Judge and a Minister, has, be it remarked,
ever since it was established, followed his Lord-
ship into the domestic circle. What is a public
man under such circumstances to do ? Many
things may be said of a roan which he can-
not notice without exposing himself to the
imputation of excessive- irritability ; and
though every man may not like to be the
subject of a joke, yet in such a case pru-
dence prescribes patience. If, for instance,
Mr. Cobbett chooses to say that the editor of
this journal is a gaunt suspicious-looking fellow,
a frequenter of public-houses, a boon companion
of Messrs. Rushton and Parkes—were he to
produce a certificate of his inches, and weight,
and habits, and to challenge Cobbett to a fight,
or a day's work at digging, the public would
only think him as deficient in sense as Cobbett
was in good manners and a regard for truth.
But if he were a judge, and were to be charged
with vices notoriously disqualifying a man for
discharging his functions as he ought, or with
bribery, he would not in such a case sit down
tamely under the imputation. When Lord '
Lyndhurst was charged with having received
money from a certain distinguished lawyer, and
having thence been improperly influenced, his
Lordship had recourse to a Court of Law ; and
we are not aware that he was ever blamed for so
doing. People laughed at the Atlas for having
allowed his Lordship an opportunity of vindi-
cating himself at its expense ; but it was never
doubted that his Lordship could not do less than
prosecute. When the Duke of Wellington
prosecuted the Morning Journal, it was justly
thought that he was not in the same predica-
ment—that though the language was intempe-
rate, yet the charges having reference entirely to
the public actions of his Grace, any mode of
vindicating himself would have been better
than prosecution. The distinction was obvious ;
though, for not being able to make it, Sir
James Scarlett fell, never to rise again as a
public man. And now, with regard to Lord
Durham. He was a public man ; but it is
now some time since he returned to private life.
Why should his Lordship, more than any other
private individual, be compelled to submit to
all manner of imputations, thrown evidently for
the purpose of holding him up as a selfish
tyrannical man, and thereby lowering his cha-
racter with his countrymen ? These imputations
are the fruit of invention regularly tasked ; and
forbearance under them would only serve to
stimulate malice by the prospect of impunity.
The Standard, in oppugning the determination
of his Lordship, affords the best justification of
it, because he shows that even he, familiar as
he is with the loose manner in which charges
are frequently made, at once acquiesces in the
truth of the charges against Lord Durham.
" We have read (he says) of a discreditable
dispute about a right of way, which, while
the high road remains the proverbial type
of publicity, cannot be considered a private
dispute." Why a discreditable dispute 9 Are
all disputes about rights of way discredit-
able ? Or are they only discreditable when
entertained without cause ? But his Lordship
conceives, that in vindicating the right of the
public to a way along the sea beach, so far
from acting discreditably, he is acting the part
which peculiarly becomes a rich man. If his
Lordship succeed in establishing the right of
the public to way along the beach, and prove
that his opponent has endeavoured to wrong the
public, then the act, so far from being discre-
ditable, is highly honourable to his Lordship.
The man who would term such an act discre-
ditable, would be equally ready to term the act
of robbing the public creditable. Even if Lord
Durham fail, yet the assisting his poorer neigh-
bours to have the point tried is a noble act.
Well, but his Lordship is charged with allowing
himself to order the removal of a village, because
its inhabitants were wanting in the respect he
thought due to himself. And is it nothing to be
held up to the community as an overbearing
tyrant, utterly regardless of the welfare of a
whole village, because some part of its popula-
tion acted disrespectfully towards him ? There
is no charge from which a man of well-consti-
tuted mind would be more disposed to shrink,
than that of his having indulged in such a
wanton abuse of power. There may be English
noblemen and gentlemen so callous, so cased in
selfishness, that they would feel only uneasy
under a charge of having on any occasion
sympathised with their fellow-creatures. But Lord
Durham does not appear to be ambitious of the
reputation of living in the hatred of his coun-
trymen. He does not, probably, wish to trust
to fortified castles and guards of Yeomanry Ca-
valry. What is a man, who sees he is the aim
of all manner of invectives calculated to lower
him in general estimation, to do ? He must
have little penetration, indeed, if he cannot dis-
cover the source of all this calumny ; and he
must be equally devoid of penetration if he do
not see that instruments for circulating the ca-
lumny may always be had, so long as a portion
of the press is peculiarly devoted to the reception
of such inventions. And here it may be well
to remark, when speaking of the licentiousness of
the press, that the distinction between Radical
papers and Conservative papers is this—the
Radical papers are often intemperate, and mix
up abuse with argument ; but the abuse
injures rather than forwards their cause, and
no man cares much for the abuse, as it is
so indiscriminate. Cobbett, for instance,
abuses by wholesale ; but it is the abuse
of a drayman, who thinks he is most effective
when he is most copious in vituperative epithets,
and the louder he raises his voice. Cobbett does
not trouble himself with raking into private life
—he does not even take the trouble of ascer-
taining what could easily be known. But the
Conservative journals, like the Conservative
circles, deal most exclusively in defamation.
They seldom (our contemporary, the Standard,
perhaps, excepted), reason—that would be
vulgar ; but they affect to abound in anecdotes
—they sneer—they tell falsehoods, or improve
on them. The radical papers coarsely abuse to-
day the idol of yesterday—a single deviation
from the course they advocate is sufficient to
make the idol of yesterday a monster in their
eyes to•day. But the - Conservative journals
would be ashamed to have it for one moment
supposed that they conceived there was in the
whole world one human being who was not ac-
tuated by base and selfish motives ; and they
wish to have it thought that they conceive the
people are not to be reasoned with, but hum-

bugged ; and that he is the greatest politician
who is the best at deceiving them.—Morning
Chronicle.

We perceive by an advertisement in yesterday's
Advertiser, that a meeting is to be held this
evening of as many of the Licensed Victuallers
as may think proper to attend, " to rebut the
informations laid against them for allowing music
to be played in their houses during the holidays
of St. Bartholomew fair." Of the course which
may be adopted by the meeting—or of the plan
which may be determined on for effecting the
object in view—it is, of course, impossible for
us to form any idea ; but that any magistrate
should be found disposed to encourage informers
in the laying of such trumpery informations does
not appear to us to be very probable. A conti-
nued performance of music at stated times,
and for the purpose of obtaining profit there-
from, without a license for such purpose, is
unquestionably a breach of the law, and as such
liable to the punishment which the law has
awarded in such cases ; but fair and holiday
times have always been deemed to have a license ,
beyond the mere license of the magistrate, and it
would be an insult to the public, as well as a
gross act of oppression upon the Licensed Vic-
tualler, were informers to be encouraged by Ma-
gistrates in laying informations, and levying
fines for such paltry and common transgressions
of the law. We trust that the general
Bench has more good sense, even if the in-
formers are desperate enough to try their hand
at what we hope will turn out to be an unsuc-
cessful game to them. While on this subject
we may as vvell advert to a subject which has
given rise to considerable discussion, but on
which, at the same time, the greatest difference
of opinion continues to prevail—we mean the
granting of licenses to public-houses, for the
performance of music. The late extraordinary
scenes at the Middlesex Sessions, and else-
where, where these licenses were granted and
refused in a breath—without much considera-
tion either of the rights of the applicants or of
the justice of the case,—were assuredly anything
but creditable to the good sense and prudent
consideration of the Bench ; and it is unques-
tionably greatly to be lamented, that any body
of men should be allowed to sport so
wantonly as the Bench did on that occasion,
and as all Benches of Magistrates have
always done, with the property of indus-
trious, well intentioned, and deserving indivi-
duals ; but where is the remedy, without the
chance not only of greater danger to the trade
than that which has hitherto accrued from the
freaks of Magistrates, but greater danger also to
the morals of the community ? It is all very
well for those who are unacquainted, at least
with one branch of the subject, to say, " Let
Parliament take the matter out of their hands,
and while the law provides by necessary restraints
and conditions for keeping good order in public
places, let the owners be allowed to cater for
their customers through some other channels,
than the maddening means of intoxication ;" but
into whose hands is the power so taken away
to be deposited ? Into those of the Excise, who
have now the management of the beer-shops,
and who could only exercise it in the same way
that they exercise that with which they are at
present intrusted—that is, grant licenses to all
those who may, under certain conditions and on
certain terms, apply for the same upon the
payment of a certain sum of money? Supposing
such to be the case, would either the Li-
censed Victuallers or the public gain by such
an arrangement ? Would not beer-shopkeepers
have an equal right to a music license as the
licensed victuallers, and would not the morals
of the public be in danger of greater contami-
nation than they are now exposed to—not from
the permission to have " music and dancing"
only—but from the combination of these ex-
hilarating amusements " with the maddening
means of intoxication ?" Far be it from us to
attempt to justify either Middlesex or any other
magistrates, in all the exercises of the authority
with which they are invested—either in the
matter of licenses generally, or in regard to those
of music in particular. Nothing is farther from
our thoughts. We are fully aware of the nume-
rous oppressions of which they have been guilty,
and of the painful uncertainty which rests upon
the minds of all respecting their decisions ;
but authority must rest somewhere, and if that
authority be perverted or abused, the proper
remedy is, not its extinction where useful, but
the attachment of such punishment to the abuse
of it as may prevent its repetition. We would
not,lb pullil
ty down,
lwne,asitn,
of fact,a b
beeftoterre thewsteroseatwore b
being
ro-
erected on the same ground. Music licenses
may be given and withheld—granted and re-
fused—most capriciously, tyrannically, and un-
reasonably—they may be taken away in the same
manner, and without any better show of reason
—and such things are unquestionably as greatly to
be condemned as they are in every respect unwor-
thy of an enlightened and impartial Magistracy ;
but the throwing open of the trade in music, if
we may be allowed to use the expression, is a
remedy which, to those interested, seems to us,
at least, worse than the disease.—Morning
Advertiser.

A Cheshire farmer was lately asked by the
minister how it was that when he preached the farmer
always fell asleep, but when a stranger preached he was
all attention. The farmer replied, " Why, Sir, when ye
preaches I know aw's right, but when a stranger comes I
canna trust him, and so I keeps a good look out."—
Morning Post.
NOVEL EFFECT OF OIL ON/WATER.--
The following is a secret worth knowing :—ln rough
weather they (the fishermen of the Bosphorus) spread a
few drops of oil on the surface, which permits them to
see clearly to a great depth. I was aware that oil would
calm the surface of the sea, but until recently I did not
know that it rendered objects more distinct beneath the
surface. A trinket of some value had been dropped out
' of one of the upper windows of our palace into the Bos-
phorus, which at this placc was ten or twelve feet deep.
It was so small, that dragging for it would have beea
perfectly fruitless, and it was accordingly given up for lost,
when one of the servants proposed to drop a little oil on
the surface. This was acceded to, with, however, but
faint hopes of success. To our astonishment, the trinket
immediately appeared in sight, and was eventually re-
covered,—Sketches of Turkey.

THE CONSTITUTION OF POPE.—Headache
was the urgent symptom which
i Pope constantly com-
plained of, and this he was n the habit of relieving, by
inhaling the steam of coffee. It is difficult to conceive on
what principle this remedy could alleviate his sufferings;
but from the manner in which he aggravated them by
improper diet, it is very probable that his remedy was no
better than his regimen. It appears that, like all dyspeptic
men, he was fond of every thing that was not fit for him.
He was too indulgent in his appetite," says his biographer,
" he loved meat highly seasoned ; and if he sat down to a
variety of dishes, he would oppress his stomach by reple-
tion ! and though he seemed to be angry when a dram was
offered to him, be did not forbear to drink it. His friends,
who knew the avenues to his heart, pampered him with
presents of luxury, which be did not suffer to stand
neglected. We are told by Dr. King, his contemporary
and friend, that bis fame of body promised any thing but
long health ; but that he certainly hastened his death by
feedingpiritesmddfucahoowsnfi
seasonednhilhlvrmitiesof Genius.
dishes, and drinking
s