The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-30 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 30, 1856.

Prince FREDERICK WILLIAM of Prussia, the
suitor for the hand of the PRINCESS ROYAL, was
duly paraded yesterday at the Drawing-room for
the inspection of the select " upper crust," who
constitute what is termed " the fashionable
world." A contemporary, who at one time by
no means favoured the projected alliance, alludes
to the presence of the yourog couple as the "chief
feature of the ceremony." It has, indeed, a me-
lancholy interest for the people of Great Britain ;
an interest affecting the future happiness of a
daughter of England, and, also, the welfare and
prosperity of the country.

History supplies many instances of the misery
entailed on English Princesses by similar con-
nexions. Most parents would feel the serious ob-
jections that exist to engagements formed before
the parties are capable of IQ lowing their own minds
or deciding whether " hands and hearts" can go
together. A child of firteQn years old may obey
the commands of her pa rents ; the possibility Of
refusal may never enter her head. Months; pos-

sibly years, may elapse before the fatal nature of
the step, so improvidently taken, may be revealed I
to her wind, -but-. when the unwelcome truth at
Jenv'th .on her mind, hitter, indeed, must
,he her sensations, at the irrevocable proceeding ,
the mode in which she has been induced to
barter her hippiness for ► life of splendid misery.
It,naay ,be said that the People have nothing
to do with this part of the case, that they
have no right to interfere between parent
and child, or to oppose arrangements made
by those who may be supposed to have the
best opportunities for forming a sound judgment
on such a point. But, through their chosen Re-
presentatives, they will have a legitirnat3 °ppm.-
tini4.for expressing their opinions. The disin-
terested suitor will have no objection to a hand-
some dower, and we scarcely expect that the
PRINCE CONSORT will emulate the conduct of the
Duke of CAMBRIDGE, and declare that, as he is
abundantly wealthy through the liberality of the
English people, and the lucrative offices which he
holds, he will provide for his eldest daughter from
his private putsedtirTn-7, his lifetime. That
laudable example we scarcely hope to see followed
in the present instance, and, therefore, the ques-
tion of dower must be discussed before the war-
riage, and any fitting conditions and stipulations
may be made by the guardians of the public
purse before they consent to any grant of public
money.

We earnestly hope that they will steadfastly
refuse to part with a single shilling. We are
already sick of our German connexions, and have
uo desire to increase the ties by which we are
bound to European despotisms, or by which
the prevailing German influence may be extended.
" England for the English, and not fur the Ger-
mans," is a cry that is rapidly gaining strength,
so that it must soon be heard in the most secret
chambers of the Palace. We have seen now this
precious peace, for which the nation in place cf
rejoicingought to "mourn in sackcloth and ashes,"
and very probably this very match now on the
tapis has been one of the make-weights for the
disregard of British-'honour•. and of British jute-.
rests, and the surrender-of unquestionable rights
'essential to the maintenance of the maritime
supremacy of England.
But far beyond even the personal question to
the youthful Princess, and the dislike which
every true-hearted Englishman must feel to a
further infusion of the German elements in the
British Court, are the consequences that must
follow the by no means improbable union of the
I Crowns of Great Britain and Prussia, that may
result from the marriage. Wa cannot contem-
plate au event, more disastrous to the welfare and
prosperity of the nation, or one more likely to in-
volve us in very untoward complications. It would
completely derange "the balance of power,
about which so -much has been said, and for
which so many serious sacrifices have bean sub-
mitted to. France, and Austria, and Russia
would certainly object, and new wars would arise
to reduce the overgrown strength of the United
Kingdoms. This danger does not arise in na-
tions where the Salique Law is in operation.
Prussia could not possibly be joined in this man-
ner with either of the other great Powers.
But England recogniseS a female Sovereign, or the
right of succession ex parte materna, and therefore•
England may be annexed to Prussia in a manner
seriously affecting the peace of the world, and
therefore a matter of "grave European interest,"
which might properly be brought under the notice
of a Congress. We interfered respecting th
Spanish marriages on much slighter grounds ;
asd therefore other nations would possess the
right to protest against its consummation unless
a new act of settlement was passed, excluding the
Princess from the English throne while Queen
Consort or Crown Princeas of Prussia.

Bat even supposing that no such objections
were entertained by the Powers—what, we ask,
would be the feelings of Englishmen on beholding
a Prussian Viceroy occupying the palaces of
their sovereigns, directing the government
of the country, and systematically exclud-
ing British citizens from all offices of honour
and emolument ? We venture to assert that
such a system would not remain long in
operation. It would, at all events, require
the occupation of England' by a strong force of
foreign bayonets to induce the people to submit
to that which would he felt as the deepest degra-
dation they could be called on to endure.
There are, therefore, ample grouudi for the in-
terference of Parliamerit, and we earnestly hope
that interference will not be withheld until it is
too late to impose terms adequate to prevent the
possibility of so great an evil.

Gather up the stick; return MOSES his lamp;
and check the bills of the oilmen and gas corn-
panieS. The fireworks and the illumination are
ever. The truce, notwithstanding, is still a truce,
and not a peace ; the people thought so before,
and they think so still. It is not in pyrotechtly_
it is not in the range of alchemy to change the
nature of a momentous fact, or impose on millions
of sober Englishmen what is dishonourable and
unsafe for what is honourable and to be relied on.
A hundred millions' worth of fireworks wouldn't
do it.

As we predicted, the population of London
i hronged the Parks in large numbers to witness
ivhat was to be seen. Over and above, the sur-
rounding districts poured in rivulets of their own
into the general stream—the whole, by their
generally decent appearance and orderly de-
meanour, composing the only spectacle of the day
which Englishmen could be at all proud of.
Bitterly sensible as we are of the peace being " a
scll," the result of the exhibition of "German paste,"
we can take but little exception to their conduct.
To have been absent, some might think, would
have displayed better taste ; but, all things con-
sidered, it was perhaps but reasonable they should
be there. The spectacle cost them upwards of a
hundred millions—the 10,000/, included—it
was got up without their being consulted,
and would have been presented had they
not been there. To the credit of the
next best thing they are, however, unquestion-
ably entitled. If they did not sulk, they cer-
tainly showed no symptoms of rejoicing. By an
epicurean sort of process they seemed to have
dissociated the spectacle from the object of it.
We will not say they acted as if about to witness
an execution—their conduct was admirable, but
as if they entertained a little distrust as to
whether the promised spectacle might not turn
out a botch. We defy the most inveterate
Ministerialist to point out a single symptom
of rejoicing, or to connect their presence
with approval on their part of " the Peace."
We are not speaking of the traders, few
comparatively in number who got up illuminated
advertisements of their wares. We speak of the
body of the population. How many of our Lon-
don readers present on the occasion once heard
in the Parks a syllable about the Russians, the
Sardinians, the Turks, the Austrians, the French,
the War, or " the Peace," during their peregrina,-
tions ? No one to whom we have put the ques-
tion can remember to have heard a word on the

subject, amid any of the multitudinous masses !
They came to see as much 34 they could. of tlt-
-10,0001. worth of fireworks, and there was an
end on't. To-d:q they have got colds and head-
aches, awl etii make COMpati4oll4. These are not
likely to be favolir3hie to " the Peace."
Had a shower of rain in4-errupted the display of
fireworks, we are mistaken if there *Mild n9t have
been a good many savoury similes, in which the
stoppage of the war and -Germanism would have
c.3nspicuously figured.

Turning to the illuminations. The private dis-
plays were, some of then, light enough, but
mostly wanting in variety and taste, the m. st in-
genious being those which. satirised " the Peace."
Two of this class were noticed with much com-
mendation, not only for the right thinking and
manliness, but also for the originality of thought
and design which they reveal. The first was that
of Mr. T. G. Potter, No. 539 (?)—" This shop,"
we quote from the report, " was hung in crape.
Two black flags hung from above, one bearing the
word 'Kars,' and another the word Starvation.'
In one window was a design representing a
widow mourning for her husband, and in another
a mother weeping for her sou. Nailed in front
of the shop was a long strip of black cloth, with
the words Mourn for the lost brave,' and imme-
diately over the door were 16 tall black candle-
sticks, containing as many rushlights, and below
them was inscribed, Watch-lamps of the dead.' "
The second is described as follows :—" At 87,
Queen-street, Cheapside, two allegorical transpa-
rencies, respectively bearing the words, ' Begun
in Sinope and Sham,' Ended in Kars and
Shame.' Along the front of the building, the
British Union-Jack and the banners of
the four Allied Powers, with the device,
' May it be Peace, and not a Truce.' "
As usual, the Government illuminations were the
most costly and pretentious, and in the wont
taste. More than this, they were last in bein,-;
ready and first out. At about half-past ten th•
Horse Guards and Admiralty "began to pale their
ineffectual fires—the motto, " Honi soit qui mal y
pence," fluttering like an expiring virtue. The
letter " A," standing for Prince ALBERT, was dead
out at the National Gallery long before. Propi-
tious be the omen ! If the illuminations at
Somerset House had not then burnt out, the
Government officials had taken pains to extinguish
so flagrant a satire on their aristocratic masters.
There was the drowned honour of tho nation (the
emblematic wreath) iu the salt ooze, and never the
sheen of a farthing rushlight to pluck it up by !

The fireworks were a pretty kaleidoscopical
exhibition, and that was all. The calours were
good—the devices stark naught. There $1744 va-
riety to he sure, but it was the variety of tlic
kaleidoscope—uothing more. They w4re weari-
some from their sameness. Like the g,verning
caste, there was no great piece, and exceedingly
few respectable ones among then. Routine,
however, showed to advantage. They ware let off
in pretty regular order, and with a fair regar i to
punctuality. But tlae Royal Artillery have tht,
credit of being good. plain pyrotechhists, and
,gallant fellows to boot.

We had almost forgotten the review in the Park
ia the morning. Perhaps this was the most ex-
citing spectacle of the day, and more were present
then who rejoiced iu "the Peace" than in the
evening. The celebrants were worthy of the oc-
casion. Prince ALRERT was in high feather, and
to be seen in the glory of his commanding.
genius. He reviewed the troops. Titer° were
500 of them. Of course he did it well.
ruanceuvre of getting them out of the Park
formed!, however, no part of the progranuw:.
which was another mi3take. Prince FREDERICK
of :Prussia, and the reigning Duke of BADEN;
added greatly to the picturesqueness of the sight.
Their uniforms were splendid—as German
uniforms generally are—and they wore swords
and orders ! The main drawback on the spectacle
we are almost ashamed to hint at. The eye as
well as the mind would wander to a stuccoed
structure in the rear, and picture a dutiful and
gentle maiden around whom the toils of Germani,tn
were fast closing. Haw often might she turn
with longing eyes and a sick heart to the land of
her nativity, and moan over the hard fate that
consigned her trusting youth to ungenial arws—
the heartless and most grovelling ambition that
for a princely alliance, as good as bartered a
daughter's peace ! The fireworks and the illtuni
nation are over. When may they be looked fol.
again ?

To many the discussion in Parliament of such
a subject as the disendovrineut of all sects in Ireland
will appear like the first pre-shadowing of the ful-

fitment of Lord STANLEY'a prophecy, " that volt'',

taryism, whether we like it or not, will be thc
c•i•eed of the next generation." Mr. STAFFORD
saw, perhaps, the beginning of danger, and wishes:
to stave off discussion, by moving that "the Hour
do adjourn ;" he found, however, that neithe!
friends nor opponents of the motion were pre-
pared to meet a grave question, and to deprive
au Honourable Member of a chance which he had
gained throug,h patience and the ballot, by such
an unmanly expedient. The Member for Roch-
dale was, therefore, permitted to throw down his
gauntlet, and to move that the [louse " resolve
itsej into committee, to consider the temporali-
ties of the Irish Church, aid other pecuniary
provisions made by law for reli4ion
teaching and worship in Irelani." He explaine-i

that the resolutions he intended to move were ff,r

the abolition of all Parliamentary grants in aid 01
religious worship and instruction, the strictest re
gard being had to existing life-interests.
By this time all who take any interest in Par-

liamentaiy debates will know that the member
for Rochdale, Mr. Mum, is the Coryphaeus of
the Voluntaries in the House of Commons ; in-
deed he rarely speaks but on their favourite
topic, and was listened to, therefore, with the
indulgence, and even attention, which the House
generally accords to a member who confines him
self to the subject he best understands. And it
will be readily acknowledged that, as counsel for
Voluntaryism, no advocate can be better up in
his case. While, however, not concealing
his opinion on the general question, he
yet kept closely to the local aspect
of it ; nor can it be denied that Volun-
taries are wise in making Ireland the Alma
of their contest. The grand difference, how-
ever, is that they attack State endowments in
their weakest position, thotwli a victory there
would, as all the opponents plainly saw, open the
way to the siege of the more formidable fortress
on this side St. George's Channel. It was clear

in the debate that the Irish Church could offer no
defence on its own merits. No argument was
advanced in its favour which will bear the light
of the present day, except. that the Irish Church
is a buttress of the English Church, because no
sooner would it be disendowed than the same
arguments would. be employed against the English
Church. That, however, is not quite true—were
it so we should unhesitatingly disendow both ;
to practical man there is a great diff2rence.
Neither the historical nor present facts f the
Irish Church apply to the English Church

though the theoretical arguments for and against
both, as establishments may be, and are simile!.
It is the practical position of endowed .Protee-
tanism in Ireland which is its weak point. It
ic the church of a small minority only ; it is not
even a relic of a faith once dominant, but a faith
forced on the country by conquest and wholesale
confiscations ; its endowments, to the extent of
some 800,000 L, are appropriations of property
which belonged to the creed of the oppressed
majority. The congregations are, with insigne"
ficant exceptions, either ludicrously small or On'
existent, and a great part of its livings the merest
sinecures. The means by which it has bee°
attempted to make it really the Church of Ire-
land were correctly stated by Mr. M. to be `` Per.
secution, ascendancy, and endowments." Pro'
ten ants were by Wittrem 111. put in possession
of the property and the soil of the country ; ever/
political privilege was confined to them, while
Catholics lay under a civil proscription which we
now can hardly credit, and the entire revenues of
the Papal Church were transferred to its bitter

enemies.

The result we all know. In 1829 the alternr
rive came to be rebellion, suppressed by the
bayonet, or relaxation ; and Sir ROBERT PEEL and
the Duke of WELLINGTON chose the wilder
course. In that course we have been slowly ad"
vaucing ever since, the last act of importance
bcing the endowment of Maynooth College ill
1845. That course is now, however, likely to be
reversed. It is plain that Mr. SroorrEn's ma'
rity grows, and any Parliament may be returned
pledged to abolish the grant. The grant itself'
also, is but a shabbily small pittance compared
with the enormous revenues taken by the Protes'
tan, Church from the Catholics ; while it is Per.
featly certain that no Minister could carry any ill.
crease of Papal endowments, much less the endow'
ment of the Catholic clergy. Justice, therefor,'
can never be done to Catholics. England will
not tolerate the payment out of the Exchequer of
"emissaries of the Pope"; and with the views of
justice prevalent al the present time, it will be
utterly impossible long to maintain the extras'
pant inequality of position between the majority
and the minority in Ireland. It comes, there'
fore, to this ; that, as the Noble Member fer
Lynn has so strongly asserted this is the age et,
reigions equality, and that if the country 'oo°'
not tolerate equal endowment, which in the cass
of Catholics it will not, it must carry out equality
by equal disendownaeut.
For a long time the Government took no Par

in the debate, but left it to Messrs. MIALL, If 14;
Qt7HART, Fox, and HADFIELD, on one side, and
Messrs. NEWDEGATE, G. A. HAMILTON, STAFFOSP'
and NAPIER, on the other. At length Lord Pl-1/
MERSTON fLvoured them with his views on the
question. He laid 80130 stress on the sth article
.
of the Act of Union, while others thought It
rather in favour of the motion. The truth be'
that it is about as elastic as GEORGE IV.'s COCOA'
tion oath. He acknowledged the onrnpetence
eciof
Parliament to deal with Church revenues, hods
it notoriously had done so already ; but his g
objection to the motion was that the argument•
iu supp rt of it would ultimately prove fatal to
tlitl English Establishment ; an objection spit
from the merits of the question. L;rd PAriggiP
STON considers a Church Establishment to be II
"essential part of the organisation of a civilise!
country, and of one which has any regard for roll'
;lion" though he confessed that America los
civilised and religious country. soraebo
<l.naerica appears to be the primer from which
Aatesmen are taking lessons on the establish
question. Lord MORPETH came home from tile
states, commending above all things their perfect
religious freedom and equality. Lord STAYO/
earned .the same lesson there, and now the Pr.
trier of England, in fencing off an attack 110/
the Irish Establishment, finds America the foil
his almost solitary argument.

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