The Sun.
London, England, 1833-07-31 00:00:00

or the emoluments of which may be reduced ; and out
of what funds such allowances respectively shall be paid:"
Rice, T. S. Carter, J. B. Rolfe, J. M.
Horne, Sir W. O'Connell, D. Warburton H.
Campbell, Sir J. Grey, Sir G. Lynch, A. 'H.
Peel, Sir R. Estcourt, T. G. B Parker J.
Taylor, M. A. Sandon, Lord Inglis 'Sir R. H.
Pepys, C. Baring, A. Nicholl, J.
Scarlett, Sir James Hume, Joseph Romilly, J.
Wynn, C. W. Wason, R. Tooke, W.
Abercromby, Right Perrin, Sergeant Harvey, D. W.
Hon. J.
Power to send for persons, papers, and records ; Five
to be the auorum.
Liverpool Borough Committee—Report brought up, and
read ; to lie on the table, and to be printed.
Bankrupt Judges Bill—Read First Time ; to be read
Second Time on Wednesday, and to be printed.
Slave Population—Address for " Copies or Extracts of all
Returns of the Population of the different Slave Colo-
nies which have been received since the last were pre-
sented ; also, any Reports or Observations on the subject
of the Slave Population, by the Registrars, Slave Pro•
tectors, or Assistant Protectors, for the same period."
—.(Mr. Fowell Buxton.)
Labour Rate Bill—First Reading put off for three months.
Labour Rate—Bill to regulate labour in agricultural
parishes, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Vernon

Smiuh and Sir Charles Burrell.
Macclesfield Road Bill—Read third time and passed.
Chancery Regulation Bill—Petition of James Bird, for
compensation ; referred to the Select Committee on
Chancery Officers.
Uniformity of Process Bill—" To amend an Act of the
second year of his present Majesty for the Uniformity
of Process in personal actions in bis Majesty's Courts
of Law at Westminster," presented, and read first time,
to be read second time on Wednesday, and to be printed.
Tea Duties—Acts read ; Committee thereupon this day.
Labour Rate Bill—" To explain and amend an Act of
the second and third years of his Majesty's reign, for
the better employment of labourers in agricultural
parishes," presented, and read first time; to be read
second on Wednesday, and to be printed.
St. Pancras Churches—Return ordered, " from the True.
tees acting under the Act of 66th Geo. 111., for building
a new Parisi► Church and a Parochial Chapel in the
parish of St. Pancras, in the County of Middle sex, and
for other purposes relating thereto, and an Act of
I and 2 Geo. IV., for altering and enlarging the powers
of the said Act, of all sums assessed, collected, and
received, and of all moneys borrowed, under and by
virtue of said Acts, and of all sums paid, and of all
moneys now due, for the purposes of the said Acts,
from the commencement of the said first-mentioned Act
to Lady-day last; distinguishing the amounts borrowed
on annuities and bonds, and amount of annuity and
interest paid thereon ; and also, particularizing the
sums paid in each year in respect of salaries, under the
said Acts."—(Mr. N. A. Vigors.)
Imprisonment for Debt Bill--Petition of George Todd,
for compensation ; to lie on the table.
Victualling House Licenses (Holborn Division) Com-
mittee.—Report brought up, and read ; to lie on the
table, and to he printed.
Hamburg Marriages Bill—Read first time; to be read
second time on Friday, and to be printed.
Coals Exported—Return presented relative thereto (or -
dered 24th June); to lie en the table, and to be printed.
Cold Bath Fields Meeting Committee—Leave to sit to-
morrow morning, notwithstanding the sitting of the

House. -.
Leave of Absence—To Mr. Sheil, six weeks; Mr. Est-
court, ten days.
Adjourned at half-after one o'clock.
CHARLES MANNERS SUTTON,
Speaker.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 30.
Lord KENYON laid upon the table of the House the
report of the Committee on beer houses.
The LORD CHANCELLOR presented a petition from
a number of tenants in the county of Perth, praying for
a revision of the game laws. They wished that the tenant
should have the same right to kill game as the landlord.
The Earl of KINNOULL said that he believed the
tenantry of Perthshire had no more cause to complain
than the tenantry of any other country in the kingdom.
The Holyhead Road Bill was read a second time.
On the order of the day being moved,
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he rose for
the purpose of endeavouring to execute the task of calling
their Lordships' attention to the very extraordinary block-
ade, upon which there had already been some discussion,
and upon which he had endeavoured to obtain some infor-
mation by questions put to the Noble Earl (Grey). The
only paper which bad been laid upon the table of the
House with respect to the blockade, had furnished so little
information that he was still under the necessity of pressing
the Noble Earl to say if there was not some still further
document, which had caused him to resort to the singular
course he had done. If he were asked whether he expected
to derive any advantage from thus occupying the
time of the House, he must say that having received
every kindness frorn the people of that country, and
feeling a deep interest in the affairs of the people of
Portugal, be could not, having a legislative voice in
that assembly, bear to see his Majesty's Government
conducting their affairs, so far as related to that coun-
try, in a manner contrary to justice. -- (Hear, hear,
hear.) The Noble Earl could not deny that
Don Miguel was as much King of Portugal, as Louis Philip
was of France. He should not venture to argue upon his
own information upon this subject, and he bad endea-
voured to collect some authorities which he conceived to
be good, as regarded the course which bad been taken by
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The Nolotle
Marquis then tead the opinion of Sir W. Scott,
who said that in order to effect a blockade, there
must be two things. There must exist an actual
blockade, and some notification must be given of
such blockade to Foreign States. To be an actual blockade,
the sea power must be able to blockade every part of the port.
How did that apply to the blockade of my Lord Palmer-
ston? He had the letter which was stated to be the
foundation of the notification, and would read it. It stated
that in cons, quence of the victory obtained by Charles de
Pooza, which reflected glory on two nations, and two
crowns—just as if, said the Noble Marquis, the writer of
that letter supposed that this nation was interested in the
exploit of such a party of Buccaneers!—(A laugh.)
The letter then went on to state that he (Napier) in-
tended to proceed to blockade Lisbon. But my Lord
Palmerston went further than that, for his notification
extended to all other ports of Portugal.
Earl GREY stated that all ports were mentioned in
the letter.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said it was
stated that there was a probability of such being
the case.—(Hear, hear.) He had thought on the
former evening that there must have been something
further, some other documents that were not produced ;
it looked so like as if it had been made up in this country
that if those men in Don Pedro's service should do any
thing, then advantage should be taken of it here. The
Noble Marquis then read a number of documents to show
that Government had not been impartial in their conduct
as respected the blockades of Lisbon and Oporto. As a
soldier, he was extremely sorry that the Illustrious Duke
at the table (Sussex) should have attended a meeting in
the City, convened for the purpose of conveying some mark
of distinction on a British sailor for having broken the
law of the country. No one could feel more regret
upon that point, than he did in making that statement.
He begged the Illustrious Duke to believe hitn, when be
stated that he offered these sentiments only from a feeling
of duty as a soldier. It had been staled at that meeting
that those who entertained a contrary opinion were a
faction ; be begged to deny that, and again be reiterated,
that what he stated he spoke only in his character of a
ithen
os
ntmdt oloyv,ed
Viscountafl ol r
ca
o cr
no
Palmerston,pmyu onf ac
al et
itot
ne letter
soldier.‘bvyrtt hteen Marquis
nah
retqiN:ios bstlietehl
Lloaifni
jauui;si
row his Majesty's Consuls and agents in Portugal, and
from the captains of his Majesty's ships on that station.
The question having been put,
Earl GREY said, the Noble Marquis seemed to think
there was something extraordinary in the course which
the Government had pursued; but, although fully agree-
ing in the principles laid down by Lord Stowell, that a
blockade to be respected by foreign States must be effec-
tual, he (Earl Grey) must still contend that nothing had
been done that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) was not
bound to do. His Noble Friend had received a commu •
nication from a person residing in this country that the
port of Lisbon and the other ports of Portugal were to be
blockaded, and he acted as he was bound to have done on
that information ; for had he not a right to infer that an
officer of such skill and intelligence as Capt.. Napier would
lose no tinie in carrying forward active opei ations and
establishing a general blockade? Little time for that pur-
pose was required, as his ships had suffered little during
the conflict ; and, therefore, as he was in a condition to
brief space of time, and put
lteoasveea theasa bayi
to,fy
a: Lagosbut irne
reasonable to infer that a blockade
would be established, and that notice of it ought to be given,
in order that the commercial interests of the country might
not suffer through ignorance of what was going forward.
This was the usual course taken on such occasions. When a
contest was carried on by two parties, as in Portugal, they
were to be regarded by all foreign Powers as two iode •
pendent nations; and if examples in proof of what he now
stated were wanted he could adduce many.—(The Noble
Earl referred to the blockade of the ports of the South

American States and of the Ottoman empire to show the
course which the Government had taken on these occa-
sions.) The Noble Earl opposite (Lord Aberdeen) had
also acknowledged the blockade of Madeira, and, therefore,
notwithstanding complaints were made of the line of con-
duct pursued by his Noble Friend at the head of the Fo-
reign Department, he must say it was sanctioned by all
previous precedents. He was prepared to contend that
his Noble Friend had only discharged his duty in commu-
nicating the letter he had received from the Chevalier de
Lima to Lloyd's, and if he had failed to take that course
he (Earl Grey) should like to know what Noble Lords
opposite would have said of the Government for withhold.
ing such information.
The Duke of WELLINGTON quite agreed in the pro-
priety of recognising the neutrality of the blockade, and
that notice of it should he promulgated, in order that the
ships of foreign States might not be subjected to the lia-
bility of being captured wrongfully and without warning.
There were, however, different ways adopted by different
Powers of giving this warning, but the most authentic
was, that the Government, whose vessels of war were
employed in the blockade of any particular port, should
declare its object to the other Powers who intended to
take no part in the contest. As soon as a Govern-
ment received such a notification they were bound to
communicate it for the protection of their own sub-
jects. But had anything of this sort been done in the
present instance, or had his Majesty's Ministers up to
that hour beard from any quarter on which reliance
was to be placed that the port of Lisbon was in a
state of blockade by the squadron of Oporto ? He
begged their Lordships' pardon, but, on looking at the
communications of the Noble Lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs to Lloyd's, he found that the blockade
there alluded to was not confined to the Tagus alone,
but included every other port along the Portuguese
coast.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But could this be
done by a single seventy-four, and a few other damaged
ships. Surely such a force could not even be considered
capable of making an effectual blockade of the single port
of Lisbon.—(Hear.) He was very ready to admit that
Captain Napier was as competent an officer as any in the
British navy, and if he had not been of that opinion, he
should not have asked the question he had respecting that
officer the other night. Admitting, however, the capa-
city of the individual who commanded the squadron of
Oporto, he still doubted very much whether, with all
that officer's skill and courage, he would ever have the
power of blockading the whole of the Portuguese ports
from the Guadiana to Yana. He had seen a letter recently
which, he must say, was not only most extraordinary,
but the contents of which ought at once to have raised
doubts in the mind of the Noble Secretary for Foreign
Affairs with respect to its authenticity. At the date of
that letter it was impossible that any correct information
could have been received in this country respecting the
determination of the Government of the Regency. The
Birmingham steamer left the bay of Lagos on the 6th of
July. On reaching the Oporto roads she put the account
of the action on board a transport, having no communi-
cation whatever with the shore, and arrived at Falmouth
on the 12th ; so that it was not until the 14th that the
news was read in London. It was, therefore, morally
impossible that the statement with respect to the blockade
could be true. There was one observation at the end of
the letter, to which he wished particularly to call the
attention of their Lordships. It was said by the writer
that the result of the action added glory to the two
crowns, and when this letter came to be published, it
would be seen that the Chevalier de Lima actually con-
gratulated the British Government on the achievement of
this officer. This was a point which he could not pass
without observation.—( Hear, hear.)
The 'Earl of RIPON contended that his Noble Friend
(Lord Palmerston) was bound to notify, as he had done,
to the commercial interests of the country that the ports
of Portugal were in a state of a blockade.—(No, no.)
That was done by the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) opposite in
the ease of Madeira. Had his Noble Friend neglected to
inform the British merchants of the information he had
received, and if the letter of the Chevalier de Lima had
not been acted upon, would not the Noble Lords opposite
have vociferated against the Government for their neglect
of an imperative duty?—(Hear, hear.) But were not
these mere flimsy complaints? It was nor, however,
unusual for Ministers to be attacked in this way ; but he
must deprecate the mixing up personalities in a question
of this kind, as the Noble Marquis (Lord Londonderry)
had done.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said, it had been said that
the Chevalier de Lima was an authoriz d agent of the Go-
vernment of Oporto. Now he meant not to doubt the
respectability of the Chevalier de Liass, but he must deny
that he filled any official character which could be recog-
nised in this country. He knew nothing of the Dan
Pedro Regency. This country had no treaties with that
Regency, neither could his Majesty's Ministers regard it
as the Government de facto of Portugal. The Chevalier
de Lima had no official character in this country, and,
after all, the whole object was to promote the stock and
the scrip of the Portuguese Regency ; and which had
caused fluctuations, in their tendency causing the ruin of
many people in this country. He well knew that the
sounding words of liberty were very catching, hut he would
say that such sounding words were but a mere prostitution
for the worst of purposes. When a few months ago the
blockade of Oporto was announced, was there any declara-
tion made by the Government until it was extorted ?
(Hear.) The letter of Chevalier de Lima announced the
blockade of Lisbon; but that was only a presumptive do-
cument, and no one at this hour could say what port or
ports along the coast of Portugal were at present in an
actual state of blockade.—(Hear, bear.) The present
was altogether a very unusual case, although its character
was materially altered by the notification of his Majesty's
Government, and that without any just or official infor-
mation connected with this blockade.
The Duke of SUSSEX having listened with attention
to the course of this discussion, was not surprised that
hia name had been introduced into it. He had his
feelings and opinions as other Noble Lords had. He
was answerable for what he said and did, but he would
not be dictated to.—(Hear.) He felt that there was
some honour due to a British sailor who had achieved
one of the most splendid victories in modern times; and
that was the object he had in view in presiding at the
meeting to which some Noble Lords bad been pleased to
direct their remarks, and, with all due respect, he would
say, their unjustifiable attacks.—(Hear.) All he could
again assure their Lordships was, that if another such a
gallant action was fought he should repeat that admira-
tion which he felt to be his duty upon the late occa-
sion.—(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ELDON sail that, without any intention
of giving offence to the Illustrious Duke who had just
addressed their Lordships, he would fearlessly say that,
while Captain Napier had subjected himself to dismissal
for disobeying the laws of the land, those who supported
him were directly counteracting the wishes of their
Sovereign, arid that in so far they were not discharging
their duty to their Sovereign or their country.—(Hear.)
The Duke of SUSSEX in the part which be bad taken
was not counteracting the wishes of his Sovereign. If he
and others had praised the bravery of Captain Napier,
were there not Noble Lords at the other side of the House
of whom it was at all events reported had assisted Dun
Miguel?—(Hear.) Was it not generally known that a
large steamer bad been engaged in this country by the
agents of Don Miguel? Whether they were Lords or
Commoners he would not pretend to say.—(Load cries of
" Name, name.") He would not name ; he alluded
merely to reports of such engagements. The steamer did
not proceed on her voyage, and luckily she did not.
The Earl of ELDON would fearlessly tell the Illus-
trious Duke that if anything he said in any place was in
disobedience to the I icv and the wishes of his Sovereign
he the (Earl of Eldon) would be always prepared to re-
sist it.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM felt it his duty to call
upon the Illustrious Duke (for
whomh
eL
orefelt
htlierlorrstedu unto-
feigned respect) to ask him what Noble
,c
tha en atr,
hear.) He ofl
y
compelled to deprecate the doctrine
Il-
lustrious Duke. tHreeal ur
laid down by the
as being one
ththeepagueknetsooff
Buckingham)
i.A
knlgihguatnel
attack had been made upon him.
The Duke of SUSSEX was of opinion that a very un-
fair Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that from the observa-
tions of the Illustrious Duke it would appear that some
Noble Peers at that aside of the House had induced per•
sons to enlist in the service of Don Miguel. Now all
lie (Lord Ellenborough) wished to know, was, who were
these Noble Peers to whom such allusion had been made ?
The Duke of SUSSEX—I never said any such thing as
the Noble Baron has imputed to me. The Noble Baron
has put his question in a judicial form, and I shall an-
swer him that I merely said " reports" were abroad, and
very generally believed, to the eff,ct which I have stated.
Earl GREY said that looking practically at the sub-
ject of neutrality, no one could deny but that the people of
this country had interfered, by subscriptions and other-
wise, in the cause of Poland and of Greece, in quite as
extensive a degree as they were now interested in the
struggle between Don Miguel and Donna Maria. Assist.
ance had been rendered t qually to both parties by British
subjects, but in both cases without and breach of what
could be strictly called neutrality. He would merely add,
that in cases where no effective blockade could be esta-
blished, it would be a violation of neutrality to admit it.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would much

rather that the Noble Earl would at once get rid :of the
motion than treat it in the manner which he had done upon

this occasion.
The Duke of CLEVELAND would express his admi-
ration upon the foreign policy pursued by his Majesty's
Ministers in all the cases alluded to, inasmuch as it bad
preserved the peace of Europe.
After a few words from the LORD CHANCELLOR and
Lord Wvicronn, the Marquis Of LONDONDERRY with-
drew his motion until to-morrow.
IRISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES BILL.

Earl GREY moved the third reading of this Bill.
The Marquis of HEADFORT was desirous of express.
ing his conscientious approbation of the Bill before their
Lordships. He conceived it to be a Bill founded on wise,
just,Conservative principles. Upon wise and just principles,
because it was in accordance with that sound and liberal
policy adopted with regard to Ireland, too long delayed,
but not too long to effect a great and permanent good. It
was a Bill founded upon that wise and liberal line of po-

licy which, happily, had replaced that exclusive govern-
ment under which Ireland laboured for so many years,
when that country was ruled by a party but too much
listened to by the Administrations of the time, being a
party which gave place, power, and emolument to
itself, but denied those advantages to another class
of his Majesty's subjects as unworthy, or dangerous
to be trusted with the rights of citizenship. The
Noble Lord considered this Bill as a Conservative
measure, because instead of weakening or diminishing
Protestant influence, it would sustain that due influence
which Protestants ought to possess as chief proprietors of
the soil. It would strengthen and uphold the Protestant
Church, and preserve it in purity and dignity, by re-
moving those jealousies which at present existed in Ireland
against it, occasioned by the unnecessary magnitude of the
establishment of that church. He did not hear any ar-
guments from Noble Lords at the opposite side of the
House, in the course of these debates, convincing to his
mind why the Protestant Church Establishment should
continue upon the great and extensive scale in which it
existed at present, and had existed for so long a time. This
Bill had been termed a " Bill of Spoliation," which, if
carrie f into a law, would lead to other and far greater
spoliation and innovation. If it was a measure of spo-
liation, it was a deserved one : if it should lead
to further innovation, he would not object, provided such
innovation was required for the well-being and safety of
the State. It had been asserted that the Catholics de-
sired the downfal of the Protestant Church Establishment.
The Noble Lord believed they did not contemplate any
such event, however, they had just reason to complain of
the magnitude of that establishment, and the consequent
burdens it brought upon the people, nine-tenths of whom
were Catholics. The Catholics of Ireland are not, as they
were fifty years ago, a humilated and a proscribed race;
they are now possessed of property, of influence in the
State, of much information ; education is making rapid
strides in their schools, and it cannot be denied that great
and extensive talent is common to them. They have an
undoubted right to complain of the grievance of being
obliged to contribute so largely in support of a church at
variance with their own, in undue profuseness and
splendour. The Noble Lord considered that many of the
evils of Ireland had been remedied by the pursuance of
a wise and equitable line of policy, but much still re-
mained to be done, and he conceived this Bill eminently
calculated to remove some of the greatest to be deplored
evils which afflicted Ireland. The Noble Lord considered
it would be unnecessary for him to enter into the details of
the Bill at that late stage, it having been so amply dis-
cussed by so large a proportion of the talent of the House,
and so amply set forth by the Noble Earl at the head of
his Majesty's Government. He would only add that as
he conceived this Bill, if carried into a law, would
confirm and maintain the Protestant Church, to which he
felt siucerely attached, considering it to be the best and
purest in the world, that it would further the work of
conciliation in Ireland, by weakening all sources of dis-
cord and imaginary grievances, which could alone have
power and weight to do mischief, by the existence of real
and substantial grievances, he would give his decided
support to the third reading.
The Earl of ELDON spoke from the experience of a
long life when he said that the prosperity of this country
was inseparably interwoven with the maintenance of an
established religion. The destruction of the Church could
not be effected without the consent of Parliament, and he
for one would never give his consent. He hoped the ar-
gument that this was a measure calculated to strengthen
the Church by its liberality would not prevail in that
House. He held religious belief to be a thing between
God and a man's own conscience ; but, on the other hand
it must be allowed that a man having acquired the liberty
of his own conscience was not therefore permitted to dis-
turb the national peace and the national cousctence.Now his
first objection to thisßill was,tbat it removed the payment of
the vestry cess, and placed it upon a different class of per.
sons. He objected to this as taking from the country the
liability to give that support to the Church which, he
contended, every man was bound to give.—(Hear.)
The Protestants of Ireland never would have given their
consent to the Union if they could have anticipated such
an attack upon the Established Protestant Church. This
Bill, he contended, was a direct fraud upon the Pro-
testants of Ireland ; he could give it no other name.
—(Hear, hear.) His next objection to the Bill was
that it laid a tax upon the clergy. Nothing could be
imagined more unfair or more destructive to the Church
than such a course. An established church, as he had
already explained, was a prop to the State, and if that prop
were taken away the State itself would sink. He could
not help looking hack to the Bill of 1829, the Catholic
Relief Bill, introduced by the Noble Duke near him (the
Duke of Wellingtonn, as the cause of the present measure.
He had opposed that Bill with the utmost sincerity. With
the same sincerity he opposed the present. Looking at the
present state of Ireland, and especially to the number of
Roman Catholic Bishops in that country, he must say
that be would rather increase than diminish the number
of Protestant Bishops.—(llear, bear.)
The Earl of LONGFORD admitted that the Bill when
it came into the House had many good points in it, and
that it had since ben considerably amended and improved.
Yet still he saw enough in the principle of the Bill to
justify him in opposing it.
The Duke of WELLINGTON ahould not follow his
Noble and Learned Friend (the Earl of Eldon) in the
discussion which he had introduced upon the subject of
the Roman Catholic question. His Noble and Learned
Friend had been pleased to say that the measure then
t.efore the House was to be attributed to the measure of
1829 which had been introduced by him (the Duke of
Wellington). He thought it useless upon this subject to
go into a consideration of the effect of the Catholic Relief
Bill. Many events had passed between 1829 and 1833
to account for the measure then before the House, with-
out referring to the Bill of 1529 as the cause of it. The
Bill then before their Lordship+ had been materially im-
proved upon some of its most material points by amend-
ments made in it both in the Committee and upon the
bringing up of the report. Still it contained much ob-
jectionable matter, and lie was opposed to the principle of
it.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place he objected to the
repeal of the assessment for church purposes. He doubted
whether any change should have been made in this impost
excepting in the mode of levying it.--(Hear, hear.) He
knew there were difficulties in the way of its collection,
owing to the conspiracy existing in Ireland, and which
had been going on for some time, against all kinds of
church property.--(Hear, hear.) If the cess were put an
end to as regarded the people, it ought to be placed upon
the land.—(Hear.) He next objected to the provision
respecting Bishops' leases, which be thought had a ten-
dency to deteriorate the property of the church. He
thought that some dioceses in Ireland might be put an end
to; but he thought this was proposed to be done by the
Bill to a greaterEsn pNdee rxß strongtnoei ntßthooi
tranquillityanG tnioot
itnwowailsot rfheehl
opposedai
totnhhi withhold
hnhtnee needful
ewee
ads
ossfsiuuet
llyn,
measure
lot
or
sfatadvis-
able.oysohtmhaee
immediate measure containing some of the provisions of this
Bgiivl.LleowsreodeßuuluEtdittLny:o
ati
third reading. If asked whether this Bill was likely to
that was a question which it was not for him to answer.
be-
cause it was a Bill of injustice, and would conciliate no
one. They were told that the sentiments and principles
of the Government were a protection for the interests of
the Church. This, he confessed, he could regard as no
security when he saw the course which the Government
had pursued towards the West Indies.—(Hear.) The Bill
was a Bill of humiliation to the Protestants and a Bill of
triumph to the Roman Catholics; and when did the latter
employ a triumph but for the advancement of their power
and influence? He implored their Lordships to make
their stand for the church and the institutions of the coon
try on the ground where they now stood.
The Duke of GLOUCESTER felt it his duty to oppose
the third reading.—(Hear, hear.)
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM wished to know on
what grounds the measure had been brought forward?
They were told that it was to support the Church of
Ireland, but the Church of Ireland shrunk from the
measure. They were told that it was required by the
interests of the Protestants of Ireland, and the Protestants
of Ireland 'eschewed the measure. Then they were told
that it was for the benefit of the Church of the United
Empire, and the Church of the United Empire rejected
the measure.—( Hear, hear.) What single petition bad
come before their Lordships in favour of the passing of this
Bill from either of those parties, he bad yet to be told.

He hie,
repeatett
.41 objected ha
because —a o 0
a prelim,
authority \
to. He it
Ireland, they
the same England? The Dissenters do
soon tell then tuat'they would not pay church rate° '..oct
...t) thhaedy been too
to refusemuch
t5:11 :171d
Catholics were to be relieved from it. Nay, the rests
toil
had already begun ; in the very metropolis it was °too
moment in operation. Combinations bad been effect bee
entered into to prevent the payment of rates, and; id
the principle should have been sanctioned by the 1,,T0s
of the Bill, to what an extent it must soon spread.
these grounds be should move that the Bill be read $
time that day six months.
est°
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, the Pr ea,
measure, as far as it related to the removal of church s
which the Noble Duke had called spoliation,
pursuance of reports made by Committees of tbt
Lordships' House, founded upon evidence from the
rh::oddne oprhaseseodatuh et spoliation,
ut
e,to
0111:111
authorities which could be found. He defended the Ir.
sure as necessary to the support of the Church.
Lord WYNFORD expressed his determination
oppose it. f
The Earl of HADDINGTON said the provisions o 10
Bill did not appear to him to involve a violation I.lf f
Act of Union. He admitted that it altered the fifth soi
tide, but he contended that the alteration was not s
td
as to '4ll for or justify the setting up of the Aso
Union as a bar to the passing of this measure. ,
course be had taken in the Committee clearly showed by
opinions of the Bill. He regarded it as unjust, on'io
and unnecessary. Undoubtedly he concurred in 0001
that some of the great principles of the Bill were desissoi
but he contended that they were most injuriously ell;e0
into effect. It was true that the Bill might brie eel
worse; that it might have contained an attack upon°, to
interests ; that it might hare applied the property 0,1
Church to other than ecclesiastical purposes, and 'lO
doing have become a most dangerous precedent for IsA°l1j
terference with all private property.—(Hear.) 10",41
bad contained any such provisions, he was quite o'o
would have been rejected.—(Hear, hear.) The .0
then was not so bad as it might have beep'
it was had enough to induce him to reject it ::01
been presented in ordinary times. They, be _ml
lived in times when reason was to be without rAi
—when they were called upon to reason and to 15
a measure, not because in their judgment they approsn
it, but because it was laid before them.—(Hear.)
great deal had been said against their Lodships
thing which might render it necessary for the hiii°
td
to resign office. Upon that subject too much 1000
said. The matter had been pressed too far ---( /od
Indeed it had been carried to such lengths as to baceorl
doing anything prejudicial to the political existennej
present Ministers an offence. To plan, to eonsr:,o4
King's di ath was high treason ; but now a new drsl
had sprung up, which was that it was a political nrw-i
destroy the political existence of the present Minillsl)
(A laugh.) Their Lordships had also been told 1)S
great danger of a collision with the House of Cods
and that the rejection of this Bill would lead to °, ,;(1
collision. Few men were ready to sacrifice more id
than he was to avoid all such collision, for he was de•to I
of giving to the new Constitution a fair trial; pit
would Dever consent to the abandonment of great
mental principles for the accomplishment of that ld
That House must be independent—that House noueV,
consent to be degraded.—(Cheers.) From what
said, it was impossible for him to utter " contentrei
Bill with which he was not content at all ; and the 1
when the question was put, he should shelter 1141011
although it was a course he would never follosgo,
extraordinary occasions, behind the Noble Lord
woolsack.—( Hear, and a laugh.) • itti
Lord BEXLEY considered the Bill as highly
:o the Established Church, and therefore he oppow-reY
Their Lordships then divided, when there aliPes
Contents, present
65
Proxies

Non-Contents, present
Proxies

Majority for the third reading .......••

The Bill was then read a third time. 61
A clause, on the motion of Earl GREY, wag'
of rider, added to the Bill, which was then passel'
The House adjourned until Thursday.

-_ - -
SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS

FROM LLOYD'S.
DES.I, Juror 30 —Wind E.N.E.—Arrived
and sailed the Burrell, Metcalf, for the Mauritius ; Fr"
for the South Seas; and Rawlins, Marr, for Jamalc*ot
PORTSMOUTH, JULY 30.—Wind E., fresh.—Sailed
Raffles, Pollock, for Bombay.
W:- •

Arrived

PLYMOUTH, JULY 29. Wind variable.—n.
Simpson, from London, for New York. Sailed the 1.1f:r0
port, for New South Wales; and the Signet, JoneOr

FALMOUTH, JULY 29.—Wind variable. t V
LIVERPOOL, JULY 29.—Arrived the Walter Scott' A
son, from Mobile. 07
LONDONDERRY, JULY 29.—Arrived the Arether"
from Antigua; and Elizabeth, Younger, from Mirritil
DUBLIN, JULY 28.—Arrived the Thames, Sialit"topli)
badoes ; Emerald, Pringle, from Quebec ; RubY,
St. Andrew's, New Brunswick ; Amity, Stone, ""

and Charlotte, Searle, from Memel ;P
PENTLAND FRITH, JULY Z.—Arrived the Ouriall—
from Quebec.
BRIDLINGTON, JULY D.—The Duke of WellinbOE
from London to Aberdeen, run on the rocks 020111
rough Head this morning in a fog, but was got en
ing tide, and proceeded, apparently without datuage.
WHITEHAYEN, JULY 29.—The Pandora, Courna,;lll
verpool to Newfoundland, which put in here the 'OOl
leaky, has been thoroughly caulked, and proceeded

The Cora, from Havannah, arrived at Laguna
and was ordered off by the Board of Health.

S - DAY'S
THE FUNDS.—(THIS
__....—_
°
CITY, TWELVE O' C
AI/
At length we have an arrival from Lisbon ansl..we
the vessel that has arrived, and the place where Wit olt
despatches, are still secrets, as well as the infornzari°,
o
All we can announce to the present hour, is, ths't
pers have been received at the North and SO t el,
Coffee-house to the 2:3d inst., which confirm Whit i
yesterday in our private letter from Lisbon, th:,
,d
had not advanced so rapidly towards Lisbon es lir
The Lisbon papers contain a decree aPr4
the 14th, General Bourmont Field Marshal 'a
armies, therefore the report of his hasi ill,
the command was incorrect. They also stste
ral Mollellos was in Beja ; and the guerillas dr,
7
tinez, consisting of 200 men, have been defeatediti
to fly partly into Spain, where they were disaoot 1
Spaniards. Some were taken prisoners, end ; /1
Alagre. The reception of these Lisbon PaPe)'
that Lisbon had not surrendered on the 22d 110 i
THE FUNDS. 0
UP9I
°l' la ?
The news from Oporto is as yet a secret. re ,
the information is not of so favourable a natu 00"
pected ;in consequence of which, Portuguese i
ceded to 101. c 9;
A great bustle prevailed this morning in the 0
Stock Exchange, to ascertain the news fr° _al 00
Oporto, but to no effect up to the present houry
hear as yet of any private letters. It is pre' °
Government despatch.
iler iPd
Consols, which left off' yesterday 8914 'pThf rti
8914 % for the Account, owing to the major
in the House of Lords.
It is settling day in the Foreign Market. 'rile 0
jobbers are busy in settling their accounts. e
iff
HALF-rA s'
vs /
We have now ascertained that the desperc,,
iti„,
and Oporto have been brought by the Africaaro I'll
11l
mail and letters will not be in town till te-10011/ ii
Lisbon on the 23d and Oporto on the 26th ..cuts
mation brought by her is now in general et' e r
'Change, that a general attack was made onicii P
25'h inst. by Marshal Bourmont, and in Of 0%) j
pletely defeated. One of Don Pedro's me° :4 r Vengagement entered the Douro, and render /Id
to Don Pedro's army.
~ 00 ci
Admiral Napier's fleet on the 22d was sP`,,,Der dr
previous to which it is said he landed a nii
~04
St Übes. *.e soOvilli?
We do not as yet hear any news from ti' ott 04
Consols continue at 89 y, % for the Mc° 1,00014 ,f
ing. There has been a great fluctuation in ea
tw& 0, 'ti
in the previous part of the morning it had recololidV
which, owing to the favourable news frons .ties ley
proved to 15 prem. In other Foreign Seeu,rl tt ,
THROP at
Consols for the Account, 89 IA %. ,7
51180
,ill Or
Mr. O'CoNNELL.—This exr,,v8,,#04
Howe
c ooNff
,N s E
accuses the reporters of the Times of 11.01ettlif
falsified him. Query—Did he " desi%, r 00
Commons, Ir.oo
hundred scoundrels?" ,ut iv, 0
r iglo i
SERGEANT
gnd 11 ~
the present one, is a rank Tory, -- OP
R. PEEL.—Birmingham Journal. soli
NOT IMPROBABLE.--" The 41°
b li
DON has a great dislike ta skittles an, re?
the bowls have punch in theill,
EheAnNhTe......calluled_ : , ,fof,i
Greenock Intelligencer.