The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-08 00:00:00

',4' WO Wbitton

SUN OFFICE, Sii

NEAPOLITAN MANIFESTOES.

NAPLES, Noy. 2.
During the last three days the following mani-
festoes have been circulated widely here. The
longest proceeds from the most moderate party,
who, while they ask for the Constitution as their
right, still appeal to the King. The second pro-
ceeds from a more advanced party, who make no
allusion to the King, and stand upon their rights
alone :--
"The fortunes of the Neapolitan people form the sub-
ject of grave considerations in the counsels of Europe.
[he wretched condition of this people, who for eight
years have been abandoned to the power of a tyrannical
faction and of a low police, has awakened civilised na-
tions, who invoke in its favour the universal principles of
humanity and justice. If this people has abstained
hitherto from raising its voice, and from uniting its
strength to a generous diplomacy, it has not arisen from
any insensibility to its misfortunes or its right:e but it
has preferred waiting to see whether the good offices
initiated by the Governments of the West would result
in obtaining, without any disturbance, conditions more
acceptable for the progress of civilisation. Since this
hope has proved to be vain, the Neapolitan people,
though desirous to express their profound gratitude
to tee Powers, who are guardians of civilisation, are
ignorant of their present resolutions ; international
transactions are confined to a circle not always acces-
sible to the popular cry, and within which special
cases of liberty are absorbed in vaster and more complex
cases of general interest. Our duty, however, is to ad-
dress ourselves to the Head of our Government, and to
unfold to him openly and firmly our wishes and our
grievances. The country is deficient in everything ; the
social body suffers in all its organs and all its sentiments.
It is wanting in material prosperity and in flourishing
industry in consequence of a limited commerce and
the absence' of roads ; it is wanting in intellectual
progress, because thought is chained, and the introduc-
tion of foreign works is impeded by an ignorant and
wretched censorship ; because intelligence and know-
ledge are held in suspicion and hatred by the autho-
rities ; because the humbler classes are without
primary instruction, and are purposely kept in a
state of barbarism and superstition ; the country is
deficient, especially in individual liberty, because the
power of the police in every part of the kingdom has
fallen into the hands of a licentious and despotic sect,
who multiply espionage, encourage the informer and the
calumniator, penetrate every house and every honour-
able retirement, investigate and impugn the slightest
acts of life, suspect and distort the most secret opinions,
make a profit of denouncing and of testimony, make a
protestation of political objects to cover private gains
and private vengeance, enrol and arm with sticks and knives
lazzaroni and thieves, holding out te them the hope of
plunder, put forth their hand against the best citizens, im-
prison and exile for ac s not fsrbidden or not brought to
trial, make use of torture and blows, intrude continually
on the judicial power, and, assuming the toga of the ma-
gistrate, obtain their end by terror and false witnesses,
fabricate accusations, and afterwards, under the form of
a public rcquisitoria (demand for justice) and of a judicial
sentence gratify their vengeance and feed their fury and
malignity ; hence the infamy of those processes, the in-
famy of which, the scandal of which, has so much en-
gaged the attention of the civilised world. Tne coun-
try would be deficient in religion and morality if the
Christian piety of this people did not resist the corrup-
tions of a Government which sanctions every vice and
every infamy committed by the dominant sect. Finally,
it is offended in its dignity and reputation, because it
has become the laughing-stock of cultivated nations, an
example of slavery and basene,s ; and the Neapolitan in
a foreign land was compelled to blush for his country
while he marked the sneer of those who were more for-
tunate than himself, even before the Congress of
Paris, by the most solemn diplomatic act accomplished
in our days, had placed the seal on this our shame.
What are the reineeies for all these ills 3 The mind
wanders and doubts the possibility of finding any ; yet
one possible remedy theie is -rather let us say, neces-
sary and inevitable. We do not ask for new laws—we
propose no reforms ; essentially Conservative, we desire
only tbo full and true enjoyment of the existing laws—
laws, however, neglected and despised—and, more than
those, one which recommends and contains all the
others, that is, the Fundamental Pact of February,
1845. The Icarniug and the experience of mankind
have found no other mode than one for preventing the
resolute abuse of a bad political regimen, and that
is, the intervention of the people represented by
their deputies, in the formation of the laws and in the
guardianship of the various popular interests of the day.
Now such a system is not for us a simple desire or aspi-
ration, it is a perfect institution, sanctioned and sworn
to, and recognised by civilised governments ; it forms a
portion of the public right of Neapolitans, which by its
means is complete and harmonious, but without it is an
absolute negation of every principle of government, the
triumph of despotism and confusion. The suspension of
this Fundamental Pact is the cause of all the ills evhick
now afflict us, and had the Prince himself been able te fore-
see the recent facts, and the tremendous accusation which
has been matured by the publicopinion of the world against
the acts of his Ministers, he would not have consented,
as soon as the tumult of an intemperate faction had
been subdued, that others should disturb the tranquil and
natural action of the franchises which had been conceded.
They were taken from us at the moment that we should
have begun to reap the beneficial f.uits. Amid the strug-
gle of parties and the growth of unforeseen events, the
Parliament did not even advance so far as to vote the
organic statutes, nor did it live long enough to show its
active zeal for the public good, and the civil wisdom
with which it was endowed. If ever there was a time
for restoring such liberties, and for returning to a state
of legalty, it is this, when our rulers ought to be cm-
vinced by clear indications of the impossibility of con-
tinuing an arbitrary system, which has been acted on
up to this day, in opposition to all classes, all opinions,
all interests, through the indescribable discord in which
it is placed with all the political powers and necessities
of the age. The resestablishment of constitutional lega-
lity is the only triumphant solution of the existing ditfl-
culties. Through this the people would be safe, the
peace of Europe as well as the honour of the Crown
maintained; we say the honour of the Crown, for if the
secret sense of an excessive sovereign pride prevents the
King from yielding to coercion, it cannot appear other-
wise than a laudable and magnanimous use of the Sove-
reign prerogative to condescend to the most legitimate
and most honourable appeals of an unarmed people,
united and agreed among themselves in one thought, of
which this
manifestation."isspecificmeeti and this writing are the first
deliberate

' tN boe
n people;
—Europe has now pronounced its judg-
PnroerssaoursU. toSphiae has
eo el
that you aspire to nothing new or difficult ; that you are
thatmey eu7 arew"Neapolitans,—Europe
ei
tuna ne yi
st, ohu e andr
a turbulent your
P
worthy of repossessing that representative form of Go-
vernment which Europe herself recognised, was in active
existence for two years, and which by violence was sup-
pressed without even the appearance of reason. It is now
time to show that if you have known how to suffer eight
years of pain and outrage, you know how, and are re-
solved to recover your legal state, with those solid gua-
rantees which can alone inspire confidence and excite a
zeal for the public good. With this acquisition, you will
have assisted the Italian cause much better than the itnpa-
tient may deem, and by means the holiness or justice of
which no one will doubt. Let this then be the common
object, and yours especially, soldiers,' who, worthy of
better destinies, have suffered up to the present moment
inglorious sufferings, and moral outrages.
" Neapolitans !—Union and concord, and when yon
shall see the constitutional banner raised aloft, symbol
of your aspirations and your rights, rally all of you
around it full of self denial, united by a mutual rivalry
of affection with your fellow-citizens iu Sicily, confident
in the justice of the common cause and in its triumph."

between Accordinggtoow
as triaaelnc
au
ns tdo 'trio
wt hnesrme e
nw eorfe
Cs
ae vmebr
raildmg ee
oen
the sth of November. Five collegians were fined IJ3,
the magistrates next morning for assaulting the police.
Riotous proceedings took place at Wakefield on the
occasion of celebrating the sth of November. Several
of the police were severely injured by the mob in at:
tempting to extinguish a bonfire. •
Yesterday Mr. Baker held an inquest at the London
Hospital on the body of the driver of a Hansom nab,
named Mill, who was killed in consequence of being
thrown from his seat by a collision with a waggon be-
longing to Mr. Braxendale, the extensive carrier. A ver-
dict of " Accidental death" was returned. Law pro-
ceedings are to be commenced against the owner of the
waggon.
r imbeddede nearly rotted
in the
gravel that it was with some difficulty it was extracted.
from DiscovEßv OF AN ANCIENT COFFIN.—On Saturday
last, while some men, who were employed at a meadow
called Wake Field, were digging, gravel, they came upon
a lead coffin at a depth of 5 feet from the surface. It
we
rested
age.teduponToillde beams,ocaolcinwas so firmly
which
The one side had given way, ani allowed the lead on
that side to press down upon the remains which had
been interred within. These were almost entirely decayed,
though the moisture had, in a great measure, preserved
' the shape of the legs and chest especially, retaining their
form, having lost ail the appearance of flesh, and looking
merely like a human figure moulded with moistened
earth. Portions of the skull still remain, as also part of
the jaw, though sofdarfidxeecday
jet:
tahsetdoiffberreeankt aptortthioenlseast
been
at coffin E
firstn
was
a quarter made of
ofcas an
pressure. The teeth were the most perfect of the remains
being still whole,
an
lf
tehaed, jaw,
and butsee quitemed t black.ohave
lhe c
inch thick, but had experienced considerable
decay, and
was now within 3.l6ths of an inch. There was no sign
of any inscription having •
existed upon the lid, though,
even if there had, the decay which bad taken place bad
removed all traces of it. During the day this relic:
of ages gone by was disinterred, and bundreq
went to see it, as also on the succeeding day. The
field referred to has only lately been used as the Wake
Field ; there is, however, no historic evidence, we be-
lieve, to show that it had ever been used as a burial-
ground. Some little time azo an ancient jug was exca-
vated near the same spot. The coffin, which was burst
on one side, was Fix feet in length, one foot broad at the
head and feet, and about 11 inches deep. The remains
inside kept a height of about four inches, and en re-
moving a little of the decayed-matter of the limbs por-
tions of bones were still discernible here and there. The
lid had not been soldered on, but was made to lap over
all the way round.—Worcestershire Chronicle.

THE "MONITEDA." AND THE

"I CONSTITUTIONNEL".

(From the Times.)
The position of a Government which, besides an
ordinary control over all the supposed organs of
üblic opinion, has also certain channels of its own
for statements of a more or less official character,
if not absolutely unfortunate, has at least great
inconveniences. Since we last ventured to com-
ment on the threats of the Moniteur, and the in-
sults of the less official though not less controlled
portion of the French press there have appeared
two new articles that too plainly reveal the peculiar
difficulties of Imperial and Ministerial editors. The
forager of these is in the Constitutionnel and the
latter in the Moniteur, and they stand rather in
the relation of the sharp and brief rebuke with
which a master corrects the noisy impertinence of
his servants. We expected that rebuke, and there-
fore we refrained from noticing the absurdities of
the Constitutionnel until that menial had received
its well-merited castigation at the hands of its Lord.
We have now to consider them together. It was
only a few days ago that the Moniteur appealed to
the English people against the English press.
Since that, on the sth inst., the Constitutionnel—
an Ultra-Ministerial print, well known to receive
frequent inspirations from the Foreign-office—ap-
pealed to the English people against the English
Government. In an article, which we are informed
was much modified from the original draught, the
English Ministry were accused of wishing to tear in
pieces the Treaty of Paris, with " the view of satis-
fying an ambition momentarily disguised. This
journal was accused' " of thinking fit to distinguish
the Sovereign from his Government—the policy of
the Emperor from that of his Ministers ;" and we
are told that " such very poor subtleties need no
refutation." Many of our contemporaries believed,
or pretended to believe,that the original paragraph
in the Moniteur was inserted without the know-
ledge of his Majesty the Emperor. We never
shared the impression. But, while we regarded the
brief declaration in the Moniteuras little else than
an Imperial manifesto, we felt also that the longer,
more angry, and rambling commentary of the
Constitutionnel, seriously compromised the whole
of the Government, from Ministers to the chief, if
it should be allowed to pass without censure.
That censure, such was our confidence in the
good intentions of our Imperial ally, we were
ready to invoke by a direct appeal. We were pre-
paring to ask whether the Emperor wished to put
an end to the alliance and unity of action which
had so long existed between France and England ?
It was his undoubted right to take such a step if
he deemed it for his own advantage and the good
of the people whom he governed. Did he wish to
give back to Russia what he had so gloriously con-
quered from her, and to exchange our friendship
for hers ? It was in his sovereign will and plea-
sure. We might have urged somewhat against the
policy, somewhat against the honour, of such a
step ; but, if this resolution had been taken and ir-
revocable, as we had been united in all honour, we
should have asked, at any rate, to part with cour-
tesy and dignity. This great alliance, of which his-
tory will have so much to tell, was not to be frit-
tered away by the licensed intemperance of a press
which is nothing more than the mouthpiece of the
Government. If there was between the Cabinet of
the Tuileries and that of St. James's an irreconcil-
able difference, fatal to the continuance of our pre-
sent intimate relations, it was fit we should part,
as beseems great Powers, without petulance and
wrangling, and with a due sense of the vast respon-
sibility which: attaches to so momentous a step. If
an irreconcileable difference of views forbade us to
be intimate friends, let us, at any rate, do nothing
which might have a tendency to widen the breach
to enmity. W should have made this appeal in
all confidence that it would not be misunderstood,
hoping that means might yet be found to avert the
calamity with which we were threatened, and pro-
testing with all our power against the method which
seemed to be adopted for the purpose of bringing
it about.
Happily, the appeal is now unnecessary. As we
have already said, it has been anticipated by a
second declaration in the Moniteur, which not
only repudiates the Constitutionnel, but, what is of
far greater importance, indicates a very different
temper from that which the Monitenr itself had
betrayed in the previous manifesto. Besides con-
tradicting the Constitutionnel it contradicts itself,
and thus vindicates the line taken by us and our
more respectable contemporaries. Besides disown-
ing altogether and in the strongest terms the in-
temperate language of the Constitution net, it speaks
of. the English alliance no longer as in momentary
peril, but securely resting on the good sense and
good faith of the two countries. Of the difficulty
itself which has created these discussions, and which
the Moniteur states to be of a very minor import-
ance, we shall proceed to speak more at length.
But before we do so we beg to congratulate the
country on the very timely and emphatic declara-
tion made by Lord Palmerston at Manchester on
Thursday. When a British Minister uses words
like these he touches a chord which vibrates with
applause in the heart of every true lover of his
country. We are proud of a Statesman who can
address a British audience with so much public
spirit. The Premier's words receive additional
import from the circumstance that the French Am-
bassador had just carried before to his master the
assurance that our Government was not disposed to
submit to any trifling in the matter, and that it
would be seen by Lord Palmerston's reception at
the populous cities of Manchester and Liverpool
whether England and its Government were united
or not. M. de Persigny is much too honest a man
and too good a friend to his master and to the
alliance not to do full justice to the intentions of
the British Government and the feelings of the
people. It is then, while the French Ambassador
is for a day or two at his own Court that Lord
Palmerston speaks :—" The duration of peace must
depend upon the honour and fidelity with which
its conditions are fulfilled. I trust that that Power
which brought upon itself the hostility, either ac-
tive or moral, of all Europe by a forgetfulness of
international rights and duties,—l trust that that
Power, having concluded a treaty, will observe
that treaty with faithfulness, and then, no doubt,
peace will be of long duration." Memorable
words—well weighed, and gravely uttered,—words
honourable to the Minister who speaks them, and
sure to be supported by the unanimous concur-
rence, and, if necessary, by the equally unanimous
action, of the nation to which they are virtually
addressed.
Our position with regard to Russia is sharply
and well defined. We have entered into a treaty
with her in which, from a sincere desire for
peace and amity, and a strong consciousness of our
strength
and her weakness' we exacted the very
least that in justice to the cause for which we took
up arms could be demanded. These conditions,
so just and so reasonable, Russia has, from the very
moment that the treaty was signed, sought every
opportunity of evading, The period during which
the Russian part of the treaty was to ho performed
and
has elapsed,shel is still wrangling about
matters infinitely too pin to admit of dispute
between parties actuatedaby the slightest amount
of good faith. She claims totsubstitute for the
town of Bolgrad. a hamlet ° f the same name, the
possession of which would give her free access to
the Danube, the very thing which it was one of
the main objects of the treaty owf Parislanb tot prevent.
This question she is willine to to
in
the
meanwhile meeting of the Congress, but claims
meanwhile that we should withdraw ornusr naval
forces forces from the Black Sea, and Austria her
land forces from the Principalities, thus leaving
once more Turkey alone in the presence of the
Power the end and aim of which are her destruc
tion. Nothing can be simpler than our answer
to such propositions. We do not trust Russia.
We should be inexcusably weak if we relied blindly
on the word of a Power " which has," as Lord
Palmerston says, "forgotten international rights
is now seeking to evade oblige-
and duties," and
tions solemnly undertaken at a Congress of the
Powers of Europe. Therefore we will not abandon
Turkey in her hour of need, nor withdraw one
ship from the Euxine while its presence is necessary
to assert a cause for which we fought and con-
quered. Any real difficulty, any honest and houa
fide dispute as to the meaning of the terms of the
treaty of Paris, we can never object to refer to
arbitration; but we will not refer it back to any
tribunal in the world to decide whether Russiais
to perform in the winter, when the Baltic is closed
and the Crimea evacuated, conditions which she
gladly accepted in the spring, with the prospect of
a long land and naval campaign before her. If
Russia means to observe the treaty let us hear no
more of this paltry quibbling bebween Bolgrad the
hamlet and Bolgrad the town. Let
her withdraw
her miserable force from the Isle of Serpents, and
let her not dare to propose that even one of her
ships shall pass from the Mediterranean to the
Black Sea. If she meane, in spite of the treaty, to
retain her communication with the Danube, the
alternative is not an European congress, but an
European war. "The duration of peace," as Lord
Palmerston truly says, "depends on her ;"—let
her decide. Neither she nor her hireling foreign
friends will succeed in separating France and
England. The two nations are still agreed, except
upon a very minor point, and, united, we may
Common foe. defy all the machinatieue of the

At the Victoria-park Cemetery, closely adjoining one
of the most densely populated districts of London, it is
reported that 130 bodies are interred every Sunday.
The cemetery is surtounded by the habitations of wea-
T _rs.