The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-04 00:00:00

sede, which was so manifest in regard to the
factory question. It was evident, from the ge-
neral tone of the debate, that the prevention,
and not the introduction, of poor laws was the
object of Lord Althorp on the occasion to which
we allude, and of those who supported him.
INlr. O'Connell plainly avowed his hostility to
any system of poor laws for Ireland, at the same
time that he seemed to rest his objection chiefly
on the report of another Commission, which
disclosed a frightful picture, it is true, but a
picture of abuses that might be, and ought to be,
avoided in the new arrangement. Mr. O'Con-
nell showed himself above the influence of na-
tional or sectarian prejudice, in preferring the
opinion of Doctor Chalmers, which was against
poor laws, to the opinion of Doctor Doyle,
which was in their favour. But it was some-
what strange, after all, that he should prefer the
man wbo knew little or nothing of Ireland, to
the man who knew much, as an authority re-
specting a measure which was chiefly to affect
that country. There appears to
,us to be a
fallacy in charging upon the poor laws the de-
gradation of the people of England. If they
he degraded, it is poverty, and not the relief of
poverty, that has degraded them. They would
be more degraded, if they had not such relief.
Are the hordes of beggars who ask for alms
in the streets of Dublin less degraded by the
system under which they live, than those who in
London knock at the workhouse gate, and de-
mand support under the sanction of law? Again,
as to the apprehension of interfering with the
spirit of benevolence, where, is there more
benevolence than in this country ? Certainly
not in Ireland. The tender mercies of the
Irish landlords are, one would have thought,
sufficiently known to prevent any great effort
being made to preserve them in their original
purity. It was an instance of what is called tact
in debate to charge the poor laws, as Mr.
O'Connell did, with giving to one man a right
to another man's property. But it was a nar-
rowing of the question to represent the right of
every human being to live as a mere question of
law or property. The right was derived from
Heaven ; the precepts of benevolence are a con-
firmation of it; and morality and religion unite
to favour the institution, as well as the virtue
under whose auspices that right is guaranteed.
We hope that the indications of a disposition
to favour the adoption of poor laws in Ireland,
which lately displayed itself both in that country
and this, will not be dormant now. With what-
ever prepossessions the commissioners may go
to work, it is not probable that they will en-
tirely disregard any strong demonstration of
public feeling on the subject. We consider it a
part of our duty to take care that the subject
shall not be forgotten.—MOrri ing Herald.
What Ministers are to do in the crisis which
now pends, respecting the abolition of the house
and window taxes, we are really at a loss to
determine. 14y have not, indeed, irretrievably
pledged themselves against their repeal ; but
they have shown, by their conduct, that they do
not mean to repeal them, and that they do not
wish the financial scheme which thry have
brought forward to be altered. On the
other hand, the people seem determined
that these taxes shall either be repealed, or
that they will repeal them themselves ; and
who can blame them ? Are not the imposts
most impolitic, and most burdensome, and most
unequally distributed ? Are there not many
who pay nearly a fourth of the taxes on houses
and windows which are paid by the Duke of
Northumberland, and other overgrown proprie-
tors, who do not possess even the thousandth
part of their wealth ? And is not this reason suf-
ficient for the repeal of these taxes, whether other
taxes are to be imposed in lieu of them or not ?
With every desire that the present Government—
the best intentioned which the country ever
possessed—should stand well in the estimation
of the community, and maintain its position
against all comers, our pulic duty imposes upon
us the necessity of saying, that if' they do not
yield in the matter of the assessed taxes to the

oudly expressed wishes of the public, they will
ose that influence with it, which is the great
source of their strength, and the only means by
which they can carry into effect the various plans
of which they have given notice, for the remedy
of more important abuses. The metropolis is
all but in arms upon the subject, and the coun-
try, we doubt not, will re-echo its cry in a voice
of thunder. In Marylebone, the people have
determined not to pay any more taxes to the
King, until the assessed taxes have been repealed.
In
,Westminster similar resolutions have been
entered into. In Southwark, not only are the
same sentiments embraced, but an attempt is
being made to unseat the brother of
the Lord Chancellor, because he voted
against the repeal of the assessed taxes on houses
and wind6ws—in almost every other parish, or
metropolitan district, similar proceedings are
about to be taken; and even at the moment we
are writing, we have received a requisition, of
which the following is a copy, and which we
understand was signed, in a few hours, by several
hundred of the most respectable and influential
electors of Marylebone :
" To Sir Samuel St. Switbin Burdon Whalley, M.P.
" Sir,—We, the undersigned electors of Marylebone,
having witnessed with indignation and regret the mode in
which the question for the repeal of the house and window
duties was brought under the consideration of the House
of Commons, and the recent division thereupon in conse-
quence of its admixture with other subjects, not imme-
diately connected with it, feel justly apprehensive that a
question of such vital importance to the middle and trading
classes being thus unfairly disposed of, will lead to a fearful
conflict between the Government and the people.
" We are deeply anxious, therefore, that this important
question should be discussed upon its own merits, and for
this purpose we earnestly request that you will take the
earliest opportunity of bringing the question of the repeal
of those obnoxious duties again under the consideration of
the House, in any shape that you may deem most likely to
conduce to their immediate repeal."
The requisition is conceived and worded in
the greatest moderation. The question of the
assessed taxes had not assuredly fair play, as we
have more than once intimated ; and it is but
proper that it should again be brought before
the public, on its own merits, and without being
mixed up
with matters with which it has no ne-
cessary connexion. But what are the Ministers
to do ? To resist is to gainsay all their previous
practice and promises—to yield is to give up
2,500,0001.; but great as the difficulty is, there
appears to us to be a simple, and a very easy
mode, both of giving satisfaction to the public,
—of maintaining the budget in its entirety, so
far as it goes, and of saving the credit of his
Majesty's Ministers. If the 2,500,0001. cannot
be spared by the Government, and if the people
will have it deducted from the income of the
country, why not reduce the obnoxious tax, and
take a vote of credit for the supply of any defi-
ciency which may occur ? Such an arrange-
ment appears to us to be not only practicable,
but to be highly expedient. It would give em-
ployment to that capital which is said to be in-
capable of finding bidders for its use in the city ;
and it would assuredly prove a great relief to
all classes of the community. We wait with