The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-15 00:00:00

If we have wronged_ Prussia we must ask her
forgiveness. We confess that we had not inquired
very closely into the details of her connection
with Russia for the last forty years, or we might
have spoken with more commiseration than
anger. The leading facts of her commercial rela-
tions since the Treaty of Vienna, with her over-
bearing and faithless neighbour, have, however,
been just brought to light, and they present such
a picture of political helplessness as cannot well
be surpassed. No petty state of Germany has
been more at the mercy of one of the two greater
States—none treated with more utter indifference
and contempt than Prussia by Russia. The
former has been the meek, uncomplaining JA.con
in the hands of an insolent and fraudulent
LABAN, solemn commercial treaties having been,

not less than four times, changed or broken
without a word of notice. The Prussian
JAOOB has not, however, had the good
luck and the cunning to steal off with a good
compensation from the tricking of the Russian
LABAN. Prussia still remains cheated out of
ahnost everything for which she has served
Russia by day and by night. Treaties are dry
things, and we will not go into details, but it is
worth the reader's while to see how tv;terly faith-
less Russia could be to Prussia, and how igno
miniously humble Prussia emild be to Russia, and
Atat through forty years.
First in order • was the Treaty of Vienna.
Russia at that time agreed to a Sapplementary
Treaty with Prussia and Austria too, arranging
for liberal fiscal regulations between the teho/e of
what had ever been Poland and the two neigh-
b airing powers. This was in 1815. How long
does the reader suppose Russia kept that Treaty ?
Not a single year. In 1816 she issued a rigor-

ously prohibited tariff for the entire empire. The
old Polish provinces formed part of that empire ;
they were, therefore, withdrawn from the Treaty,
and Russia, in fact, refused to ratify the Treaty

which her Plenipotentiaries had agreed to.
Poor Prussia set to again to negotiate with true
German zeal, and by 1820 obtained the assent of
Russia to a passable Commercial Treaty and Tariff
for the two countries—it will hardly be bolieved
that this Treaty which came into force on the first

)f January, 1820, was in less than two years and
,L quarter entirely abrogated by 'a Russian ukase,
and a new prohibitive tariff enacted for the whole
of Russia and Poland.

A third time the ignored and insulted kingdom
ventures to expostulate. A nine years'areaty of
very hard terms for Prussia was concluded in

1825. The gilding of the pill was a stipulation
..fiat at the end of the nine years of commercial
irvitude the liberal commercial principles to
~vhich Russia's Plenipotentiaries had agredd in

1815, but which Russia so unceremoniously set
6.side, should actually come into force. It is the
fain Lid that 1834 came, but with it nothing
f)r Prussia. She hal ground in the mill in vain.
Tito Vienna arrangenr,nt3 were never permitted to

~.)one into force ; and for the third time, the CZAR,
'aught the KING that tr4aties4-hetween Czars and
Kings were meant to bind the latter only, not tho

+former.
The SISYPHUS of Berlin, however— such was
his sentence—resumed his task. The stone this
iine seemed to be making more hopeful progress.
pertain definite concessions were vouchsafed by
Russia to Prussia by two ukases in 1842. They
were not yet fully in force, but appeared likely to
he carried out, when in 1851 Poland was fiscally
united with Russia, and the prohibitive system of
be Empire rigidly carried out. Since then no-
i,hing has been done. This fourth paternal act of
NICHOLAS seems to have put even Prussia out of
heart. It became evident that engagements with
her weighed not a feather in the scale. She was
hardly treated withso much consideration as would
have been
given to an acknowledged province of
the Russian Empire.
These facts, be it be remembered, are not fur-
!iished us by an enemy of. Russia, but by a Com-
Chambers ; in this Core-
Aittee of the Prussian
nittee the Philo-Russians, though the stronger
;Arty, could not refuse to state the simple his-
toric facts as they stood ; and the result is such a
narrative of shameless breaches of faith by Russia,
and of such timid submission on the part of Prus-
iia, as is not easily to he paralleled in the history
of countries pretending to anything like indepen-
dence. In no single case did it appear a matter
of the smallest concern to Russia that she had
come under written obligations to Prussia. Her
ukases were issued just as if Prussia were no more
to her than the Sandwich Islands ; or rather as if
eho had a right to 144,1,0 cucactai-Qat,-; and to cala4

cations respecting matters finally arranged that
may be vouchsafed by the Government. The
position of France in the Roman States materi-
ally enhances the difficulty. To give weight to
her remonstrances, she should "come into court
with clean hands." She should " take her own
foot out of the boot" before she can consistently
require Austria to abandon her occupations,
which are intended to render her " the absolute
mistress of almost the whole of Italy, and to over-
throw the equilibrium established by the Treaty
of Vienna." Piedmont at present offers " thy
only counterpoise to her invading influence."
VICTOR EMMANUEL is the champion of Italian
freedom. He has nobly stood forward at the
hour of trial, and for him there is no possibility
of retracing his footsteps. But he is also th(
champion of order—the " impassable barrier tf,
the revolutionary spirit." Should the hope that
rests on his noble and disinterested efforts be
withdrawn, it is impossible to calculate the results
that might follow the democratic torrent, that
might overturn all the existing landmarks.
At present Sardinia is waiting for France awl
for England. It is their imperative duty to take
the initiative, and to sustain the efforts of the
pioneer of.ltalian liberty. As yet there has been no
movement against any points except those in which
the chief aggressor is concerned. While the fatal
consequences of the occupation of the Legation
are so clearly depicted, nothing is said respecting
the no less inequitable occupation of Rome
itself. While the condition of States gar-
risoned by Austrian troops is expatiated on,
nothing has been ventilated against the abuses
prevailing in Naples. The benefits arising
from the Code Napoleon, and the policy of the
great Emperor in Italy are lauded, there are also
baits thrown out to Russia by the rejoicings at
"the re-establishment of the old intimate friend
ship between the House of-Savoy and the House
of Romanoff." These are significant points that
cannot be disregarded. It is manifest that the
Cabinet of Turin first seeks the assistance to which
it is so eminently entitled from the Western
Powers, but, if they fail, she has " another string
to her bow," to which she may resort in time of
need. As we have already stated, we have few
expectations of any real benefits to arise from the
spontaneous movements of the Governments of
France or England. Dynastic and Germanic in-
fluences are too potent for the time being. The
object is rather to crush than to extend freedom.
Nothing but a well-organised and powerful pres-
sure from without can establish the policy calcu-
lated to advance the honour of both countries,
and the welfare and prosperity of Europe.