The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1856

although well knowing the views of the United States,
still declares that it sees no reason why a conciliatory spirit
may not enable the two Governments to overcome all ob-
stacles to a satisfactory adjustment of the subject.
Assured of the correctness of the construction of the
treaty constantly adhered to by this Government, and re-
solved to insist on the rights of the United States, yet
actuated also by the same desire which is avowed by the
British Government, to remove all causes of serious mis-
understanding between the two nations, associated by so
many ties of interest and kindred, it has appeared to me
proper not to consider an amicable solution of the contro-
versy hopeless.
There is, however, reason to apprehend that, with
Great Britain in the actual occupation of the disputed ter-
ritories, and the treaty therefore practically null, so far
as regards our rights, this international difficulty cannot
long remain undetermined, without involving in serious
danger the friendly relations which it is the interest as well
as the duty of both countries to cherish and preserve. It
will afford me sincere gratification if future efforts shall
result in the success anticipated heretofore with more con•
fidence than the aspect of the case permits me now to en-
tertain.

the purpose of receiving and considering a proposition
which she intends to submit, for the capitalisation of the
Sound Dues, and the distribution of the sum to be paid as
commutation among the Governments, according to the
respective proportions of their maritime commerce to and
from the Baltic. I have declined, in behalf of the United
States, to accept this invitation, for the most cogent rea-
sons. One is, that Denmark does not offer to submit to
the Convention, the question of her right to levy the
Sound Dues. A second is, that, if the Convention were
allowed to take cognisance of that particular question,
still it would not be competent to deal with the great
international principle involved, which affects the right
in other cases of navigation and commercial freedom, as
well as that of access to the Baltic. Above all, by the ex-
press terms of the proposition it is contemplated that the
consideration of the Sound Dues shall be commingled with,
and made subordinate to, a matter wholly extraneous—the
balance of power among the Governments of Europe.
While, however, rejecting this proposition, and insisting
on the right of free transit into and from the Baltic, I
have expressed to Denmark a willingness, on the part of
the United States, to share liberally with other Powers in
compensating her for any advantages which commerce shall
hereafter derive from expenditures made by her for the
improvement and safety of the navigation of the Sound or
Belts.
I lay before you, herewith, sundry documents on the
subject, in which my views are more fully disclosed.
Should no satisfactory arrangement be soon concluded, I
shall again call your attention to the subject, with recom-
mendation of such measures as may appear to be required
in order to assert and secure the rights of the United States
so far as they are affected by the pretensions of Denmark.

in the most satisfactory manner, and with such expedition ! by our fathers, and transmitted to us ; and by no other
as to warrant the belief that they will be ready for service means is it possible for it to exist. If one State ceases to
early in the coming spring. Importaut as this addition to . respect the rights of another, and obtrusively intorno:A(lles
our naval force is, it still remains inadequate to the with its local interests—if a p ,rtion of the States assume
contingent exigencies of the protection of the extensive to impose their institutions on the other, or refuse to fulfil
sea coast and vast commercial interests of the United their obligations to there—we are no longer united friendly
States. In view of this fact, and of the acknowledged States, but distracted, hostile ones, with little capacity
wisdom of the policy of a gradual and systematic increase left of common advantage, but abundant means of recipro-
of the navy, an appropriation is recommended for the con- cal injury and mischief.
struction of six sloops of war. Practically, it is immaterial whether aggressive inter-
In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of ference between the States, or deliberate refusal on the
Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it is unne- part of any one of them to comply with constitutional ob-
cessary for me to say more than to express entire concur- ligations, arise from erroneous couviction or blind preju-
rence in the observations on that subject presented by the dice, whether it be perpetrated by direction or indirection.
secretary in his report. In either case, it is full of threat and of danger to the
POST-OFFICE. durability of the Union.
It will be perceived by the report of the Postmaster- CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATIONS OF SLAVERY.
General, that the gross expenditure of the department for Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate as the executive
the last fiscal year was $9,968,342, and the gross receipts agent of the whole country, bound to take care that the
$7,342,136—making an excess of expenditure over receipts laws be faithfully executed, and specially enjoined by the
of $2,626,206 ; and that the cost of mail transportation Constitution to give information to Coagress on the state of
during that year was $674,952 greater than the previous the Union, it would be palpable neglect of duty on my part
year. Much of the heavy expenditures to which the to pass over a subject like this, which, beyond all things at
Treasury is thus subjected is to be ascribed to the large the present time, vitally concerns individual and public
quantity of printed matter conveyed by the mails, either security.
franked or liable to no postage by law, or to very low rates It has been matter of painful regret to see States conspi-
of postage compared with that charged on letters, and to cuous for their services in founding this republic, and
the great cost of mail service on railroads and by ocean equally sharing its advantages, disregard their constitu-
steamers. The suggestions of the Postmaster-General on tional obligations to it. Although conscious of their ina-
the subject deserve the consideration of Congress. bility to heal admitted and palpable social evils of their
INTERIOR. own, and which are completely within their jurisdiction,
The report of the Secretary of the Interior will engage they engage in the offensive and hopeless undertaking of re-
your attention, as well for useful suggestions it contains, forming the domestic institutions of other States wholly
as for the interest and importance of the subjects to which beyond their control and authority. In the vain pursuit
they refer, of ends by them entirely unattainable, and which they
The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last may not legally attempt to compass, they peril the very
fiscal year, located with military scrip or land warrants, existence of the Constitution, and all the countless benefits
taken up under grants for roads, and selected as swamp which it has conferred. While the people of the Southern
land by States, is 24,557,409 acres, of which the portion States confine their attention to their own affairs, not pre-
, sold was 15,729,524 acres, yielding in receipts the sum of sliming, officiously to intermeddle with the social install-
sll,4Bs,3Bo. In the same period of time, 8,723,851 acres tions of the Northern States, too many of the inhabitants
have been surveyed; but, in consideration of the quantity of the latter are permanently organised into associations to
already subject to entry, no additional tracts have been inflict injury on the former by wrongful acts, which would
brought into market. ho cause of war as between two foreign Powers, and only
Tho peculiar relation of the general Government to the fail to be such in our system because perpetrated under
district of Columbia renders it proper to commend to your cover of the Union.
care not only its material but also its moral interests, in- It is impossible to present thi s subject as truth and the
eluding education, more especially in those parts of the occasion require without noticing the reiterated but ground-
district outside of the cities of Washington and Georgetown. less allegation that the South has persistently asserted
The commissioners appointed to revise and codify the claims and obtained advantages in the practical adminis-
laws of the district have made such progress in the per- tration of the General Government to the prejudice of the
formance of their task as to insure its completion in the North, and in which the latter has acquiesced. That is,
time prescribed by the act of Congress. the States which either promote or tolerate attacks on the
Information has recently been received that the peace of rights of persons and of property in other States, to dis-
the settlements in the territory of Oregon and Washington guise their own injustice, pretend and imagine, and con-
is disturbed by hostilities on the part of the Indians, with stantly aver, that they whose constitutional rights are thus
indications of extensive combinations of a hostile character systematically assailed are themselves the aggressors. At
among the tribes in that quarter, the more serious in their the present time this imputed aggression, resting as it does
possible effect by reason of the undetermined foreign inte- only in the vague declamatory charges of political agitators,
Jests existing in those territories, to which your attention resolves itself into misapprehension, or misinterpretation,
has already been especially invited. Efficient measures of the ptinsiples and facts of the political organisation of
have been taken, which, it is believed, will restore quiet, the new territories of the United States.
and afford protection to our citizens. What is the voice of history? When the ordinance,
In the territory of Kansas there have boon acts prejildi- which provided for the government of the territory north-
cial to good order, but as yet none has occurred under cir- west of the River Ohio, and fur its eventual subdivision
cumstances to justify the interposition of the Federal into new States, was adopted in the Congress of -the Confe-
Executive. That could only be in case of obstruction to deration, it is not to be supposed that the question of
federal law, or of organised resistance to territorial law, future relative p ewer, as between the States which re-
assuming the character of insurrection, which, if it should tained and those which did not retain a numerous coloured
occur, it would be my duty promptly to overcome and sup- population, escaped notice or failed to be considered. And
press. I cherish the hope, however, that the occurrence of yet the concession of that vast territory to the interests and
any such untoward event will he prevented by the sound opinions of the Northern States, a territory now the seat of
sense of the people of the territory, who, toy its organic law, five among the largest members of the Union, was in great
possessing the right to determine their own domestic insti- measure the act of the State of Virginia and of the South.
tutions, aro entitled, while deporting themselves peace- When Louisiana was acquired by the United States, it
fully, to the free exercise of that right, and must be pro- was an acquisition not less to the North than to the South,
tected in the enjoyment of ii, without interference on the for while it was important to the country at the mouth of
part of the citizens of any of the States. the river Mississippi to become the emporium of the coun
The southern boundary line of this territory has never try above it, so also it was oven more important to the
been surveyed and established. The rapidly-extending whole Union to have that emporium ; and although the
settlements in that region, and the fact that the main route new province, by reason of its imperfect settlement, was
between Independence, in the State of Missouri, and New
mainly regarded as on the Gulf of Mexico, vet, iu fact, it
Mexico, is contiguous in this line, suggest the probability extended to the opposite boundaries of the United States,
that embarrassing questions of jurisdiction may copse- with far greater breadth above than below, and was, in
quently arise. For these and other considerations I corn- territory as in everything else, equally at least an accession
mend the subject to your early attention. to the Northern States. It is mere delusion and prejudice,
CONSTITUTIONAL THEORY OF THE GOVERN- therefore, to speak of Louisiana as acquisition in the spe-
MENT. dal interest of the South.
I have thus passed in review the general state of the The patriotic and just men who participated in that act
Union, including such particular concerns as the Federal were influenced by motives far above all sectional jea-
Government, whether of domestic or foreign relations, as lenges. It was, in truth, the great event which, by corn
it appeared to me desirable and useful to bring to the spe- pleting for us the possession of the valley of the Missia-
cial notice of Congress. Unlike the great states of Eu- sippi, with commercial aczess to the Gulf of Mexico, int-
arted unity and strength to the whole Confeeteration, and
rope and Asia, and many of those of America, these P
United States are wasting their strength neither in foreign attached together by indissoluble ties the East and the
"war nor domestic strife. Whatever of discontent or pub- West, as Well as the North and the South.
lie dissatisfaction exists, is attributable to the imperfections As to Florida, that was but the transfer by Spain to the
*1 human nature, or is incident to all Governments, how- United States of territory on the east side of the river
ever perfect, which human wisdom can devise. Such sub- Mississippi, in exchange for large territory which the
jects of political agitation as occupy the public mind, con- United States transferred to Spain on the West side of
sist, to a great extent, of exaggeration of inevitable evils, that river, as the entire diplomatic history of the transac .
or over zeal in social improvement, or mere imagination tion serves to demonstrate. Moreover, it 'was an acquisi-
of grievance, having but remote connection with any of sition demanded by the commercial interests and the seen-
the constitutional functions or duties of the Federal Go- rity of the whole Union.
vernment. To whatever extent these questions exhibit a Meantime, the people of the United States had grown
tendency menacing to the stability of the Constitution, or up to a proper consciousness of their strength, and in a
the integrity of the Union, and no further, they demand brief contest with France, and in a second serious war
the consideration of the Executive, and require to be pre- with Great Britain, they had shaken off all which remained
sented by it to Congress. of undue reverence for Europe, and emerged from the at-
Before the Thirteen Colonies became a Confederation of mosphere of those transatlantic influences which sus rounded
independent States,they were associated onlYhtreommunity the infant Republic, and ha 1 begun to turn their attention
of trans-Atlantic origin, by geographical position, and by to the full and systematic development of the internal re-
the mutual tie of common dependence on Great Britain. sources of the Union.
When that tie was sundered, they severally assumed the Among the evanescent controversies of that period, the
powers and rights of absolute self-government. The muni- most conspicuous was the question of regulation, by Con-
cipal and social institutions of each, its laws of property, gress, of the social condition of the future states to be
and of personal relation, even its political organisation,
were such only as each one chose to establish, wholly with founded in the territory of Louisiana.
- The ordinance for the government of the territory north-
out interference from any other. In the language of west of the river Ohio had contained a provision, which
the Declaration of Independence, each State had " full prohluited the use of servile labour therein, subject to the
power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, esta- condition of the extradition of fugitives from service due
blish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which in any other part of the United States. Subsequently to
independent etates may of right do." The several colonies the adoption of the constitution this provision ceased to
differed in climate, in soil, in natural productions, in re- remain as a new, for its operation as such was absolutely
ligion, in systems of education, in legislation, and in the superseded by the constitution. But the recollection of
forms of political administration ; and they continued to the fact excited the zeal of social propagandism in some
differ in these respects when they voluntarily allied them- sections of tho confederation; and when a second state—
selves as States to carry on the war of the Revolution. that of Missouri—came to be formed in the territory of
The object of that war was to disenthral the United Louisiana, proposition was made to extend to the latter
Colonies from foreign rule, which had proved tobe oppres- territory the restriction originally applied to the country
sive, and to separate them permanently from the mother situated between the rivers Ohio and Mississippi.
country ; the political result was the foundation of a fede- Most questionable as was this proposition in all its con-
ral republic of the free white men of the colonies, conga- stitutional relations, nevertheless it received the sanction
tutcd, as they were, in distinct and reciprocally inde. of Congress, with some slight modification of line, to save
pendent State Governments. As for the subject races, the existing rights of the intended new state. It was re-
whether Indian or African, the wise and brave statesmen luctently acquiesced in by southern states as a sacrifice to
of th=at day, being engaged in no extravagant scheme of the cause of peace androf the Union, not only of the rights
social change, left them as they were, and thus preserved stipulated by the treaty of Louisiana, but of the principle
themselves and their posterity from the anarchy and ever- of equality among the states guaranteed by the constitn-
recurring civil wars which have prevailed in other revolution. It was received by the northern states with angry
tionised European Colonies of America. and resentful condemnation and complaint, because it did
When the confederated States found it convenient to not concede all which they had exactingly demanded.
modify the conditions of their association, by giving to the Having passed through the forms of legislation, it took its
General Government direct access, in some respects, to the place in the statute hook, standing open to repeal, like any
people of the States, instead of confining it to action on the other act of doubtful constitutionalty, subject to be pro-
States as such, they proceeded to frame the existing Con- nounced null and void by the courts of law, and possessing
stitution, adhering steadily to one guiding thought, which no possible efficacy to control the rights of the States, which
was to delegate only such power as was necessary anti pro- might thereafter be organised out of any part of the ori-
per to the execution of specific purposes, or, in other ginal territory of Louisiana.
words, to retain as much as possible, consistently with In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation
those purposes, of the independent powers of the indivi- upon pre-existing rights, to which portion of the Union are
dual States. For object of common defence and security, they justly chargeable ?
they intrusted to the General Government certain care- This controversy passed away with the occasion, nothing
fully-defined functions, leaving all others as the undele- surviving it save the dormant letter of the statute.
gated rights of the separate independent sovereignties. But long afterward, when, by the proposed accession of
Such is the constitutional theory of our Government, the the Republic of Texas, the United States were to take their
practical observance of which has carried us, and us alone, next step in territorial greatness, a similar contingency oc-
among modern republics, through nearly three generations curred, and became the occasion for systematised attempts
of time without the cost of ono drop of blood shed in civil to intervene in the domestic affairs of one section of the
war. With freedom and concert of action, it has enabled Union, in defiance of their rights as States, and of the
us to contend successfully on the battle-field against stipulations of the Constitution. These attempts assumed
foreign foes, has elevated the feeble colonies into powerful a practical direction in the shape of persevering etelea-
States, and has raised our industrial productions, and our yours by some of the representatives, in both Houses of
commerce which transports them, to the level of the richest Congress, to deprive the S .uthern States of the supposed
and the greatest nations of Europe. And the admirable benefit of the provisiens of the act authorising the orgatii-
adaptation of our political institutions to their objects, satien of the State of Missouri.
combining local self-government with aggregate strength, But the geed sense of the people, and the vital force of
has established the practicability of a Government i ike the Constitution, triumphed over sectional prejudice and
ours to cover a continent with confederate States. the political errors of the day, and the State of Texas re-
The Congress of the United States is, in effect, that con- turned to the Union as she was, with social institutions
gress of sovereignties, which good men in the old world which her people had chosen for themselves, and with
have sought for, but could never attain, and which ire. express agreement, by the re-annexing act, that she
parts to America an exemption from the mutable leagues should be susceptible of subdivision into a plurality of
for common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions States.
and vague aspirations after the balance of power, which Whatever advantage the interests of the Southern
convulse from time to time the Governments of Europe. States, as such, gained by this, were far inferior in results,
Our co-operative action rests in the conditions of perma_ as they unfolded in the progress of time, to those which
nent confederation prescribed by the constitution. Our, sprang from previous concessions made by the &mat.
balance of power is in the separate reserved rights of tat, To every thoughtful friend of the Union ;to the true
States, and their equal. representation in the Senate. That lovers of their c sentry; to all who longed and laboured ft r
independent sovereignty in every one of the States, with the full success of this great experiment of republican in
its reserved rights of local self-government assigned to stitutions, it was cause of congratulation that such an op-
each by their co-equal power in the Senate, was the fun _ portunity had occurred to illustrate our advancing power
damental condition of the Constitution. Without it the on this continent, and to furnish to the world additional
Union would never have existed. However desirous the assurance of the strength and stability of the Constitution.
larger States might be to reorganise the Government so Who would wish to see Florida still a European colony?
as to give to their population its proportionate weight in Who would rejoice to hail Texas as a lone star, instead of
the common councils, they knew it was impossible, ono of the galaxy of States ? Who does not appreciate the
unless they conceded to the smaller ones authority to incalculable benefits of the acquisition of Louisiana ? And
exercise at least a negative influence on all the measures yetnarrow views and sectional purposes would inevitably
of the Government, whether legislative or executive, have excluded them all from the Union.
through their equal representation in the Senate. en_ But another struggle on the same point ensued, when
deed the larger States themselves could not have our victorious armies returned from Mexico, and it de--
failed to perceive that the same power was equally volved on Congrefs to provide for the territories acquired
necessary to them, for the security of their own domes- by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great relations
tic interests against the aggregate force of the general of the subject had now become distinct and clear to the
Government. In a word, the original States went into Perception of the public mind, which appreciated the evils
this permanent league on the agreed premises of exerting of sectional controversy upon the question of the admis•
their common strength for the defence of the whole, and Bien of new States. In that crisis intense solicitude per-
of all its parts, but of utterly excluding all capability of veded the nation. Bat the patriotic impulses of the popu-
lar heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the Father of reciprocal aggression. Each solemnly bound itself to all
the others, neither io undertake nor permit any encroach- his Country, rose superior to all the difficulties of the i.,1-.
went upon, or intermeddling with, another's reserved corporation of a new empire into the Union. In the
rights. counsels of Congress there was manifested extreme antago-
Where it was deemed expedient, particular rights of the nism of opinion and action between some representative 5,
States were expressly guaranteed by the Constitution; but who sought, by the abusive and unconstitutional me-
in all things beside these rights were guarded by the litni- Oloyment of the legislative powers of the Government, to
tation of the powers granted, and by express reservation interfere in the condition of the inchoate States, and to
of all powers not granted in the compact of union. Thus, impose their own social theories upon the latter; and
the great power of taxation was limited to purposes of other representatives, who repelled the interposition of
common defence and general warfare, excluding objects the General Government in this respect, and maintained
appertaining to the local legislation of the several States ; the self-constituting rights of the States. In truth, the
and these purposes of general welfare and common defence thing attempted was, in form alone, action of the General
were afterwards defined by specific enumeration, as being Government, while in reality it was the endeavour, by
matters only of co-relation between the States themselves, abuse of legislative power, to force the ideas of internal
or between them and foreign Governments, which, because policy entertained in particular States upon allied indepen-
of their common and general nature, could not be left to dent States. Once more the Constitution and the Union
the separate control of each State. triumphed signally. The new territories wore organised
Of the cireumstances of local condition, interests, and without restrictions on the disputed point, and were
rights, in which a portion of the States, constituting one thus left to judge in that particular for theigelves ;
great section of the Union,
differed from the rest, and from and the sense of constitutional faith proved vigorous
another section, and most important was the peculiarity 1 enough in Congress not only to accomplish this pri-
of a larger relative coloured population in the Southern wary object, but also the incidental and hardly less
than in the Northern States. important one of so amending the provisions of
A population of this class, held in subjection, existed the statute for the extradition of fugitives from service
in nearly all the States, but was more numerous and of as to place that public . duty under the safegu ,rd of
more serious concernment in the south than in the north, the General Government, and thus relieve it from obsta-
on account of natural differences of climate and produe- cies raised up by tho legislation of some of the States.
tion; and it was foreseen that, for the same reasons, while Vain declaration regardiog the provisions of law for the
this population would diminish, and sooner or later cease , extradition of fugitives from service, with occasional epi-
to exist in some States, it might increase in others. The 11 sodes of frantic effort to obstruct their execution by riot
Peculiar character arid magnitude of this question of local and murder, continued fora brief tie to agitate certain
rights, not, in material relations only, but still more in so ' localities. But the true principle of leaving each State and
cial ones, caused it to enter into the sPec'a', stipulations of Territory to regulate its own laws of labour according to
the constitution. . its own sense of right and expediency, had acquired fast
Hence, while the General Government, as well by the hold of the public judgment to such a degree that, by corn-
enumerated powers granted to it, as by these not enume- mon consent, it was observed in the organisation of the
rated, and therefore refused to it, was forbidden to touch
Territory
this matter in the sense of attack or offence ; it was placed more recently, When, it became requisite to organise
ilen, o
under the general safeguard of the Union, in the sense of the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural
and legitimate, if not the inevitable, consequence of previ-
alldefence against either invasion or domestic violence, like
other local interests of the several States. Each State ous events and legislation, that the same great and sound
1Manam........a
*
expressly stipulated, as well for itself as for each and all of Principle which had already been applied to Utah and ...._— es__
--
---
—---
•
its citizens, and every citizen of each State became solemnly New Mexico, should be applied to them ; that they should THE LICEIFIELD BANK FAILURE.—it appears that the
a". acrd ..r. Patent
bound by li's allegiance to the Constitution, that any per- stand exempt from the restrictions proposed in the act re- ~. A, ~
-r ws indebted to t h eiirm , f Pa .to tl•
son, held to service or labour in one State, escaping into lative to the State of !Nissen-i.
an Co eene,, Lichfield, 50.0001. or 60 000/ ; a, years
These restrictions were, in the estimation of many another, should not in consuence of any law or revile-
t ion thereof be discharged from such service or labour, but : thoughtful men, null from the beginning, unauthorised byeot liquidate-!, nTr. Go ene
the Constitution, contrary to the treaty stipulations fur a 'Us at. length co,ripr.lte,f t, stop p.yment. H hi. , e0.,-
should be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ; 'tent byd the claim tea,
the cession of Louisiana, and inconsistent with the equality stilted frierets :theta stoppleg sorn four er fi,e yr r,
servisee or labour might be due by the laws of his State.
Thus, and thus only, by - the. feciprocal guaranty of all ,of the States.. ' I nee, and was a'sivieed to go eh, Coal min-s which ht
the rights of every State against interference on the part They had been stripped of all moral authority, by perrain. ' ha, are t, be carred o'. far •h , benefit ~tc.etliters. ,
another, was the form of government established Ito efforts to procure their indirect repeal through con- 1 A dividend of 12e. 6d. in the pound is expected. J

tradietory enactments, They ha.l been procti,slly abrn
gat,Nl by the legislation ittte.,,iim4 the rg.ioisatio,
Utah, NO Ar 3ieX..;4:0, an .1 %V .s!tingt.on. If any ,i,altry re-
mained in them, it ,could have riv,-n taken way
by the new territorial acts, in the form origin;dlY Pz °-
posed to the Senate at the first session of the last Con-
gress. It was manly and ingenuous, as well as pa-
triotic and just, to do this directly and plainly, and
thus relieve the statute-book of an act which might be
of possible future injury, but of no possible future
benefit ; and the measure of its repeal was the hid
consummation and complete recognition of the princi-
ple that no portion of the Unite I States shall undertake,
through assumption of the powers of the General Go-
vernment, to dictate the social institutions of any other
portion.
The scope and effect of the language of repeal were not
left in doubt. It was declared, in terms, to be " the true
intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into
any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the pebple thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States."

The measure could not be withstood upon its merits
alone. It was attacked with violence on the false or de-
lusive pretext that it constituted a breach of faith. Never
was objection more utterly destitute of substantial justifi-
cation. When before was it imagined by sensible men that
a regulative or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or
forty years ago, is irrepealable that an Act of Congress
is above the Constitution? If, indeed, there were in the
facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would attach to
those only who have never ceased—from tke time of the
enactment of the restrictive provision to the present day—
to denounce and to condemn it ; who have constantly re-
fused to complete it by needful supplementary legislation;
whe have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force ;
who have themselves again and again attempted its repeal
by the enactment of incompatible provisions ; and who, by
the inevitable reactionary effect of their own violence on
the subject, -awakened the country to perception of the
true constitutional principle of leaving the matter involved
to the discretion of the people of the respective existing or
incipient States.

It:is not pretended that this principle, or any other, pre-
cludes the possibility of evils in practice, disturbed as politi-
cal action is liable to be by human passions. No form of
government is exempt from inconveniences ; but in this
case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legiti
mate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred in the
organisation of a territory. They aro not to be charged to
the great principle of popular sovereignty; on the con-
trary, they disappear befoie the intelligence and patriotism
of tho people exerting through the ballot-box their peace-
ful and silent but irresistible power.
If the friends of the Constitution are to have another
struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable
issue than that of a State whose Constitution clearly em-
braces " a republican form of government," being excluded
from the 'Union because its domestic institutions may not
in all respects comport with the ideas of what is wise and
expedient entertained in some other State. Fresh from
groundless imputations of breach of faith again t others,
men will commence the agitation of this new question with
indubitable violation of an express compact between the
independent Sovereign Powers of the United States and
Republic of Texas, as well as of the older and equally so.
lemn compacts which assure the equality of all the States.
But deplorable as would b., such a violation of compact
in i, self and in all its direct consequences, that is the very
least of the evils involved. When sectional agi. ators shall
have succeeded in forcing on this issue, can their preten-
sions fail to be met by counter-pretensions ? Will not dif-
ferent States be compelled respectively to meet extremes
with extremes ? And if either extreme carry its point what
is that so far forth bet dissolution of the Union ? I: a new
State, formed from the territory of the United States, be
absolutely excluded from admission therein, that fact of
itself constitutes the disruetion of union between it and
the other States. But the process of dissolution could not
stop there. Would not a.sectional decision producing such
result by a majority of votes, either Northern or Southern,
of necessity drive out the oppressed and aggrieved mino-
rity, and place in presence of each other two irreconcilably
hostile coufe lerations ?

••••
It is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects, the
offsprings of that sectional agitation now prevailing iu
ome of the States, which are as i practicable as they •re
unconstitutional, andwhich, if persevered iu, must and will
end calamitously. It is either disunion and civil war, or it
is mere angry. idle, aimloss distur•eaece of public peace and
tranquilli y. Disunion fit what? If the passionate rage
of fso. ieism and p rtisin spirit did not f rce the fact upon
our attention it would be difficult to believe that any con
siderable portion of the people of this enlightened country
cool I have so surrendered themselves to a fanatic a' devotion
to the supposed interests of the relatively few Africans in
the United States, as totally to abandon and disregard the
interests of the 25,000,000 of Americans—to trample under
foot the injunctions of moral and constitutional obligation
—and to engage in plans of vindictive hostility against
those who are associated with them in the employment of
the common heritage of our national institutions.
Nor is it hostility against their fellow-citizens of one
section of the Union alone. The interests, the honour, the
duty, the peace, and the prosperity of the people of all
sections are equally involved and imperilled in this ques-
tion. And are patriotic men in any part of the Union
prepared, on such an issue, thus madly to invite all the
consequences of the forfeiture of their constitutional en-
gagements? It is impossible. The storm of frenzy and
faction must inevitably dash itself in vain against the un-
shaken rock of the Constitution. I shall never doubt it.
I know that the Union is stronger a thousand times than
all the wild and commercial schemes of social change,
which are guaranteed, one after another, in the unstable
minds of visionary sophists and interested agitators. I
rely confidently on the patriotism of the people, on the
dignity and self-respect of the States, on the wisdom of
Congress, and, above all, on the continued gracious favour
of Almighty God to maintain, against all enemies, whether
at home or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and
the integrity of the Union.

FRANKLIN PIERCE.
Washington, Dec. 31, 1855.
After the reading the me sage Mr. CLAYTON made 801110
remarks relative to the treaty of April 19th, 1850,in order to
show the people of the United States the strength of the
position assumed by this Government relative to Cen-
tral American affairs, and the injustice of the position
taken by Great Britain with regard to the construction of
that treaty. He agreed generally with all that the Presi-
dent had stated, and contrasted the pacific character of
this country with the aggressive policy always pursued by
Great Britain.

Mr. SEWARD inquired whether the ground taken by the
President has allowed the British Government to take ac-
tion regarding the construction of that treaty, namely—
That it was merely prospective in its operation, and had
ne reference to the actual occupation by that country of
the territory in question, was the understanding of the
Government of the United States when the treaty was
made, mr. Clayton then being Secretary of State.
Mr. CLAYTON re:died that it was an entirely new con-
struction, something of which he bad never heard, He bad
never dreamed of such a coneroction being given to the
language of the treaty. Does any man suppose (Clayton
said) that I. in the possession of my senses, entered into a
treaty with Britain to allow her to remain in possession of
the whole of this isthmus, merely because she had been in
possession of it, and then signed a treaty to prohibit my
own countrymen from taking possession, leaving her to
remain undisturbed ? What mcoal an American
senatelave had in voting for it? Is it possible that any
man can believe for a single moment such a view was in
contemplation by the negotiations when it was agreel that
" neither will occupy, colonise, fortify, or exercise domi-
nion" in Central America? Occupy means, first, to take
possession, and, secondly, to keep possession. Great Bri-
tain agreed to do neither, also agreeing that they would no,
exercise dominion there. He concluded by offering a reso •
lutmn that the usual number of copies of the message and
documents be printed,. and that 15,000 copies of the same
it addition be printed for the use of the Senate.
Mr. CASs expressed his entire coacurrence with what
had falien from Mr. Clayton, and his graifi,atioi, at the
course taken by the President, and the view enunciated
in the Message. In the whole history of diplitnacy there
was nothing to be found at all comparable with the course
of Britain regarding the construction of the Clayton-Bul-
wor treaty, and Central American affairs.
Mr. WELLER commended the Message. Ho believed this
country could never abandon the position she had assumed
relative to Central America. However the people of the
United States might differ on questions of domestic policy,
whenever war menaced them they would be found acting
in harmony and unanimity. The Message right be de•
mnceil by pseudo-philanthropists, but it would meet with
a • ordial response from every friend of liberty and lover of
the Constitution and Union. _ .

Mr. SEWARDanTotinceCil; was prepared to stand up and
support the Bulger-Clayton treaty, and if need be, if the
British Government could not be held to that treaty, he
was ready to go further. He was ready for the assertion
and practical maintenance of the Monroe doctrine.
Mr. Clayton's resolution was then agreed to, and the
House adjourned.

THE QUEEN AND VISS NIGHTINGALE

A fortnight ago, we had the gratification of announc-
ing the presentation of a splendid jewel by the Queen to
Mies Nightingle, as a lasting testimony of her Majesty',
hi,=ll appreciation of that lad's noble efforts in the cause
of Charity and Mercy, by coming forward to administer
to the wants and relieve the sufferings of the wramded
colliers of our Crimean army. We are now enabled
to furnish a description of this graceful gift. The
design of the jewel is admirable, and the effect no less
brilliant than chaste. It is characteristic and ,aable-
matical, being formed of a St. George's cross in ruby red
enamel, on a white field, representing England. This
is encircled by a black band, typifying the office of Cha-
rity, on which is inscribed a golden legend, "Ble,sed
are the merciful," of course in allusion to the merit of
Miss Florence, the recipient. The royal donor is ex-
pressed by the letters "V. R.," surmounted by a crown
in diamonds, impressed upon the centre of the St.
George's cross, from which also rays of gold emanating
upon the field of white enamel are supposed to represent
the dory ef England. Wide spreading branches of palm
in bright green enamel, tipped with gold, form a frame-
' work for the shield, their stems at the bottom being
banded with a ribbon of blue enamel (the colour of the
ribbon for the Crimean medal), on which, in golden let-
ters, is inscribed " Crimea." At the top of the shield,
between the palm branches, and connecting: the whole,
three brilliant stars of diamonds illustrate the idea of the
light of Heaven shed upon the labours of MercT. Peace,
and Charity, in connection with the glory of a nation.
On the back of this royal jewel ig an inscription on a
golden tablet, written by her Maje.ty, which stamps
upon it a value inappreciable, as recoriing it to he a
gift an i testimonial in memory of services rendered to
her brave army by :hiss Nightingale.
The jewel is about three inches in depth by two and a
half in width. It is to be worn, pet as a brooch or erna-
ment, but rather as the badge of an order, the et pre-
cious from the manner of its confertileg—the ny,et sin-
gular in the merit of its receiver—the mo,f; illustrious in
honour that has yet issued from the fountain of all
honours—the Crown of England.
bdif,ve the, credit of the design is due to the illus-
trious Consort of her Majesty, a! d we understand that it
was manufactured by Messrs. Garrard, the Crown jewel-
lers. •