The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-14 00:00:00

on and on, and ever on, so long, till we
shall see arising out of these continual pro-
nunciations of the public opinion of the English
people those consequences which you, my Lord, have
illustrated in the very fine and expressive tale of the
" Boys' Quarrel." I have only one thing to mention
about the past. Had the struggles of Hungary the
sympathy of the people of England in the days of
those struggles?—(Shouts of " Yes," and " They
had.") I believe they had.—(Cheers.) But what
benefit had Hungary from that sympathy ? Nothing.
—(Cries of " Hear.") Why ? Because the big boy
did not speak and say, " Thou shalt not interfere."—
(Cheers.) Had Nick—(Laughter)—been told that
in time—had the sympathy of England in time thus
bestirred itself, I confidently state, and history will
approve my words, that it would not have cost Eng-
land a single shilling or a single drop of blood; and
Hungary would now be independent and free.—
(Cheers.) We want help; sympathy alone can pro-
duce no effect. That I want is, not to see England
take up arms and to go and fight for Hungary—we
will fight for ourselves if it be our destiny.—(Cheers.)
To fight I consider not as a glory, but as a misfortunes
—(Hear, hear)—but still there are duties in the life
of a man, and duties in the life of nations under
which the misfortune is far, far less than oppression.
—(Cheers.) There are cases in which it becomes obe-
dience to the law of God, in which it becomes
obedience to the law of nations, in which it becomes
a duty to fight.—(Hear, hear.) Before leaving
England this will be my last public opportunity of
addressing the people of England, of whom you re-
present soj large a portion; and, therefore, I wish to
speak plainly. I entreat your attention, not to my-
self, but to my principles. There is not a single one
which is not connected with the victory or the down-
fall of the principle of liberty in the world. When
the public opinion of England proceeds to put in action
those levers of the omnipotency of public spirit which
were moved to secure progress and reform, when you
are dealing with any internal question, I humbly en-
treat you to remember that all such matters are con-
nected with the freedom of the world. If there be
going on agitation for reform, whatever reform it may
be, remember that reform will never and nowhere have
a free course if the power of absolutism continues en-
croaching.—(Hear, hear.) If meetings assemble to
pass resolutions on reform questions—and it is not for
me to say what those questions may be—l only ask
for my country the right which I concede to English-
men of managing their internal affairs. I speak gene-
rally. Remember what I say. Because we are con-
vinced that it is only a fair course of reform and pro-
gress which can secure the world against concussions
dangerous to social order and to the great and holy
principles of security to person and property, and be-
cause we feel that reform and progress nowhere can
have a fair course while the principle of absolutism is
permitted to encroach upon mankind's destinies ;
therefore we humbly petition the Parliament and
the Government of this country that the rights of
every nation may be respected by England, and re-
spected by every power in the world. Take, for
instance, trade questions. Many of you gentlemen
meet, perhaps, it may be in your council, it may be
in your chamber of commerce—l don't know by what
names may be called those places where men meet to
discuss and to consider interests highly important
not only to the country, but also to humanity—l
speak now chiefly of matters of trade. I humbly
consider that on such occasions you cannot forget that
the question of free trade is in intimate connexion
with the question of the freedom of the world. I ask
that when, for example, on such occasions men take
into their hands the statistical calculations of English
commerce in Europe, and when they see that English
commerce is from year to year in Europe lessening
and lessening, and when they see that English in-
dustry loses in the markets of Europe every year,
every day, again and again I humbly ask that those
who meet would consider, not my words, but consult
their own understandings, and put to themselves the
question, " What is the reason, what is the motive of
these unhappy circumstances ?" and I am confident
they will come to the conclusion thst absolutism can-
not admit of free trade with a free people, because it
would then very soon cease to be absolutism.—(Hear.)
Having perceived that the commerce of England
is decreasing every year on the continent of Europe,
because absolutism is gaining ground there every
year, I ask that men who meet on the basis of their
commercial interest would remember not myself,
_ _

but the coincidence which there is between their

own interest and the Hungarian interest, and when
they have passed I don't know what resolution in
respect to their own interest, let them add some
such words as these—" We bankers, merchants, and
manufacturers, are alarmed at the circumstance that
the markets for the industry and trade of England
are decreasing every year in Europe ; and having
looked into the cause of this, and having discovered
it to be that the European ccntinent is not free, we
have come to the conclusion that cheap bread alone
is not free trade, and that free trade is prevented by,
absolutism ' - and . we will therefore petition Parlia-
ment and tha Government to act so that ho foreign

power may hinder the nations from becoming free,
and from opening their markets to free trade with
England."—(Cheers.) And then there is the Peace
Association, inspired, no doubt, with the most noble
and philanthropic motives. But now let us look at
the moral meanings of the terms " murder" and ";rob-
bery." It is no smaller imputation before God and be-
fore mankind that murder goes on by thousands than

that it is committed by one person.—(Hear, hear.) I
believe those great robbers and murderers to whom
I allude are not less criminal than those who rob and
murder in the streets. There are some quarters of
the world where men bow with respect before such
robbers and murderers—(Laughter)—persons who
would hang a poor man for having stolen a loaf of
bread. Well, now, the Peace Association, animated
by the most noble and philanthropic principles, meets,
I will suppose, and looks around. How does it find
human life secured ? One of the sacred principles of
that association is the inviolability of human life.
It takes into its hands the statistics of the world, and
finds that in Russia the average of human life is only
25 years, whereas in England it is 46 years ; while
in the United States, though a great part of the
country being new, is as yet unhealthy, the average
is 35 years. When this comes before their eyes they
will see that in Russia, in consequence of the condi-
tion of the people, which is not happy because not
free, and, not being free, cannot develop even
its material resources for its own benefit,
they will see that there two-and-a-half mil-
lions of persons die annually, whereas, if the ave-
rage of human life were as great in Russia as in
England, the deaths would not amount to above a
million and a half. And therefore, when the Peace As-
sociation sees that yearly in Russia, in consequence
of the absolutist principle, one million of human
lives are sacrificed to the Moloch of despotism, I be-
.

lieve that that association.also, from a logical consi-
deration of the inviolability of human life, will pass
a resolution and say, " Becaase we love peace, and
because we consider human life inviolable, therefore
we humbly petition the Parliament and the Govern-
ment that the nations may not be hindered by any
foreign interference from becoming free, and when
they have become free we shall have the high philan-
thropic gratification of knowing that the average of
human life even in those countries is not what it is
now in the present terrible peace—a peace more ter-
rible than the most cruel war."—(Cheers.) How the
Peace Society could agree to such a principle Ido
not know, for I have yet to learn that any despot
would give up his absolutist power except when he is
forced to it. And therefore, for the sake of peace
itself, and the inviolability of life, we must force
them to abandon their despotism.—(Cheers.) The
infernal fiend will never become an angel.—(Hear.)
And therefore Hungary, when the hour comes, must
take advice from her own strength and her own right
arm.—(Cheers.) But Russia must not be allowed to
interfere.—(Hear.) As with regard to peace and
the security of life, so again with regard to munici-
pal rights, reform, cheap food, freedom of industry,
freedom of education, and religious liberty, these can
only be secured when despotism is overthrown.
Some of the addresses which have been read have
reminded me of the martyrs who fell in the cause of
Hungary. I thank you for yuor warm and gene-
rous sentiments towards them. I have known those
their
martyrs, they were my friends, and I, who knew
a tie
betweensentime thosents,t ellyou, gentlemena,ngthealst idfwtehlelreanbd
this earth, and if they be
regionswhereknow what is passing here
inspirit
rejoice below—these m martyrs in
secure the freedom of
out of their in the cause
eoof hasH u ns gp
ra
ur yn
gwillaccident—no,
no: not an od
accident but a bles-
e(icehge—erwoh_ichahwill d
the world—
(Cheers)—and
consequence,there has
up a brotherhood amongst nations they will be con-
soled, because that time will be the future of nI
na-
tive land.—(Loud cheering.) With greatgratitudeY
I see that you and the United States do not look upon
each other, as you did some time ago, with senti-
ments of revenge, but with a feeling of brotherhood.
—(Cheers.) And what is brotherhood? Is it not
that which is laid down in the eternal Word of God,
which teaches "that you should love your neigh-
bour as yourself ?"—(Cheers.) Out of this single tact
I prophecy that the nigh principle of individual
morale will in future be the morals of nations.—(Loud
cheers.) I took notes of other points in the ad-
dresses which you have read, but the paper was so thin
that I cannot read the ideas I put down. But as I
have addressed you so much already, I hope you
will excuse me, the more particularly as I have
been just addressing the people of Manchester, and
Birmingham at great length, and have not had time
to collect my ideas.—(Hear, bear.) I can only say
that I have devoted m life to the cause of Hungary
and y
to the freedom of the world, and I am sure it
will be a higher pleasure to
time vou to know that I in-
tend to employ all ray in promoting those -ob-
jects than if I were f
bad pronunciation. )go on speaking to you with a
nunciAtion be bad But though my words and pro-
) my soul •
true—(Cheere)-,-and,