The Sun.
London, England, 1833-02-23 00:00:00

ADELPHI THEATRE.

Last night Mr. YATES commenced the recitation of his
reminiscences. Some parts of his performance were peculiarly
happy. He described the " genus" and " species" of the
English coachman, with the varieties of the " body-coach-
man," the " hackney-coachman," and the " mail-coachman,"
in his very best style, and received from a most overflowing
audience the praise to which he was most fully entitled. He
was equally good in his personification of a loquacious
chambermaid, in which character he sang a very ludicrous
song, called " The Warming pan." Of the second part of the
entertainment of the evening we are compelled to speak in
terms of much lower eulogy. Mr. JOHN REEVE attempted to
enact what had been put down for him, but he was unfortu-
nately not able to complete what he had purposed. After a
good deal of embarrassment he came forward, apologized for
his " want of nerve," and solicited the audience to give per-
mission for the curtain to be dropped ; this request was re-
ceived amidst a thunder of applause, and REEVE made his
exit. Mr. YATES with the utmost gravity apologized for his
coadjutor, on the ground that it was the first time Mr. REEVE
had ever attempted a " monologue," and that his nerves were
shaken by finding himself " alone" upon the stage. 1 o what-
ever cause this " nervous affection" is to be attributed, we
hope that the next time he appears there will be no return of the
" old complaint." Of the ballet we can only say that it will
bear judicious and ample curtailment. The tableaux, how-
ever, are very good.

Don Juan and The Sleeping Beauty drew
more than 5001. to Drury-lane last Thursday, and we hear
there is every prospect of an equal receipt to the same en-
tertainments this evening.
We are informed that Count Pozzo DI BORGO
had a long and strictly private conversation with Lord
DURHAM on Wednesday last, at his Lordship's residence
in Cleveland-row. In the afternoon of that day Lord
GREY cared at Ashburnham House, where he had an in-
terview with this distinguished diplomatist. Barons
Zu Y LEN, BULOW, and NEUMANN, and the ['since LIEVEN,
also held a conference on that day, at the Russian Embassy.
Belgian stock has risen nearly 2 per cent., not,
however, from any causes of a political nature, but in
consequence of the new financi,l plan for raising money
by the circulation of bons royaux, which, though issued
at a high rate of interest, are calculated to press less hea-
vily on the Belgian resources than a creation of stock at the
present prices. At the same time, the measure tends to
keep the new loan, which was expected about this time,
out of the market.

LONDON,
SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 23, 1833.

In the House of Lords last night the " Disturb-
ances in Ireland Bill," was read a third time and
passed. On this occasion the Earl of WESTMORE•
LAND observed that he " thought the thanks of all
classes of the community, but more especially of the
poor, deluded people of Ireland, were due to his
Majesty's Ministers, for the firm and decided man-
ner in which they had brought this subject forward."
The poor, deluded people of Ireland ! Mark the
meek, dulcet language which this benevolent Peer
holds towards seven millions of his fellow-subjects.
He claims their thanks—their cordial, unanimous
thanks for Ministers, for the martial law, the sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other
supplemental little coercive comforts with which it is
proposed to accommodate them. He claps a pistol to
the head, he fits a halter to the neck of Ireland, and
then wonders that she does not leap and shout in ex-
tacy. His Lordship is no SwiFT,or we might be apt to
suspect him of indulging in irony on this occasion. He
is no SHERIDAN, Or we might be tempted to conclude
that he was giving utterance to a brilliant witticism.
" Poor deluded people of Ireland !" We cannot,
fur the life of us, but repeat this phrase. It is too
good not to be made the most of. It is the finest
indirect comment on Tory statesmanship we ever
yet met with. Had it proceeded from a Whig—
from a Liberal—from a Radical—we should have
understood, and felt its force ; but that it should
have been spoken by an Ultra—by a princ:pai
Member of that Administration which reduced Ire-
land to the state in which she now i-i, and which
his Lordship so pathetically deplores ;—this, we
must confess, fills us with extreme wonder and ad-
miraticn—with -wonder at the fatuity, and a-lmira-
tion at the impudence, that could have suggested it.
By what ratiocinative process his Lordship recon-
ciles his affection for Ireland, with his advocacy of
the Coercive Bill, it is not for us to inquire. Pro-
bably he acts on the principle, that " the LORD
chasteneth him whom he loveth." If this be indeed
his explanation, the mystery of his conduct is at
once solved. But what a surprising amount of love
he must cherish towards Ireland, if his affection
bears any proportion to his coercive inclinations !
The coercive Bill will, we foresee, occasion great
embarrassment to Ministers. Already it has set all
Ireland on the stir, and drawn forth some bold
" sayings" (as our readers will perceive by reference
to the Dublin aggregate Meeting in another part of
The Sun). which are likely enough to be the fore-
runners of as bold " doings." Mr. WaLsn's motion,
though withdrawn, and certainly not to be com-
mended, is yet important, as•being an ugly sign of
the times. It is the straw thrown up to show which
way the wind blows.
We repeat, then, what we have before said, that
the Bill can never pass in its present state. It
must have its teeth drawn, and its claws pared. In
a word, it must be greatly—very greatly modified;
for itt its present anomalous shape, call it by what
name you please, it is neither more nor less than a
Bill for promoting the Repeal of the Union.

The " Coercive Bill " was last night introduced
into the House of Commons, where it was received
with a spirit that at once betokens the stormy charac-
ter of its future career. Mr. H. GRATTAN, without
venturing on debate, promptly entered his protest
against the Bill; and Mr. HuatE touched a chord
that jarred through' the Ministerial Benches. He
hoped the House would not pass the Coercive
8,1 l until the remedial measures promised by
the Government were passed, or that at least an
assurance were given that they would pass in another
place. The experience of last year was not lost
upon Mr. HUME. " The Government then pro-
mised that remedial measures should be passed
along with the coercive one—and yet when the
4 Tithe' Bill was passed, the House never saw the
ot hers."

Lord ALTHORP stated, that the Church Reform
Bill would be brought in by the end of next week,
and the Bill for amending the Grand Jury System,
by the middle of the week.
Mr, O'CONNELL was by no means satisfied with

this assurance. Although be did not doubt the
good intentions or Ministers, yet he could not be
certain of their carrying their remedial measures in the
House of Lords ; and, acting upon this impression, he
was determined to oppose the " despotic Bill" at the
outset. He said he felt the"madness of slavery" coming
on him, and gave notice that he would move for a call
of the House on Wednesday next, to which day
the first reading is deferred.
Mr. STANLEY vindicated the conduct of Ministers
in a very straightforward and manly speech,
deprecating the want of confidence now ex-
hibited by Mr. O'CONNELL and others it►
the intentions of Ministers with regard to
those very measure., the announcement of which
had extorted their approbation. So strongly was
the Right Honourable Secretary impressed with
the necessity of the coercive measure, that whether
in or out of office, he would have felt bound in
honour to have supported it. He went even
further. " Speaking in the name of the Cabinet,
he said that the Government was pledged to carry
through the remedial as well as the coercive mea-
sures. If they could not carry the remedial as well
as the painful and coercive measures, they were no
longer a Government—they could not continue to sit
on those benches.—( Cheers.) He said, that if they
were unable to carry their measures through, they
were not only unable to exercise, but unworthy of
exercising, the functions of a Government ; and he
should hold himself di -graced by continuing to hold the
situation which he filled under such an Administra-
tion.—(Cheers.) Government therefore was pledged
to this—that both the remedial and the coercive
measures should pass. They were bound by their
character—they were bound by their situations—
they were bound by their honour as gentlemen—
to carry them through; and if they failed in doing so,
they could not continue to hold their situations—
they could not call upon the House to place confi-
dence in t hem.—( Cheers.) That was the line of policy
which Government meant to pursue; but he could
not stop to inquire whether this measure or that
measure should be passed first or last,—it was suffi-
cient to state that if they could not carry every thing
they proposed, they were no longer the Government
of the country. The two sets of measures were
independent of each other, but the rejection of
either would equally establish this fact, that the Ad- '
ministration did not possess the confidence of the
two Houses of Parliament, and therefore could not
continue to conduct the affairs of the country.—
( Cheers.)" This, we repeat, is manly and straight-
forward, but we fear that Ministers delude them-
selves with the hope that the House of Lords
will pass the Church Reform Bill after the co-
ercive measure shall have passed in the Commons. if
they believe so, they will be mistaken. But the
coercive measure must be greatly modified before it
can pass the Commons. It savours not a little of
bad faith, though we are sure Ministers mean ho-
nestly, to hurry the coercive, and be so tardy with the
remedial measures. This is the more remarkable when
it is considered that the coercive measure is to take
immediate effect, while the comforts of the remedial
boon are few and dependent on uncertain and far-
distant contingencies. This is the great defect of the
present system of legislation towards Ireland, and the
sooner Ministers meet the etnergency,the better will it
be for their own honour—the peace of their country
—and their continuance at the helm of affairs, which
if they fail rightly to guide—•who else shall dare to
fill their post ? With all our respect for Ministers
we sincerely trust that Mr. STANLEY will not again
peril their continuance in office upon the carrying of
a measure which is so susceptibleof modification ; for
though the great majority of the country is with
the present Administration, yet should the House of
Lords reject the Church Reform Bill, after the
passing of the coercive measure, Ministers could
not so securely calculate upon being restored to
office, in the event of resignation, as they were
on the late memorable occasion of Parliamentary
Reform.

Mr. MATTHIAS ATTWOOD'S attempt, on the part
of the Merchant Tailors' Company, to which he
belongs, and the other Corporate bodies which have
been for years growing rich by managing the af-
fairs of the poor—to bamboozle (the low dirty
clumsiness of the affair compels us to use the word)
his Majesty's Ministers into throwing a cloak over
their gettings arid spendings, their doings and
dinings, last night signally failed. It will be seen
that the Honourable Member for Whitehaven en-
deavoured to prove that the fact of an officer of the
Merchant Tailors' Company attending with a silver
yard, at the Smithfield Cloth Fair, and go-
ing through certain, forms with it, so kept
up its trading character, and, with other circum-
stances, so dissevered it from the main Corporation
of London, of which it is a branch, that the Com-
mittee now sitting had no right to inquire into it•
affairs. Lord ALTHORP, however, held that the
fact of freemen being made only-by the different
C,,rporations of London, and exacting money for
thus acquiring the right to vote for Members of
Parliament, was sufficient to bring them within the
scope of the Committee's inquiry, although he
thought no investigation should take place into their
property. Of course this limitation cannot extend
to the disposition of the motley raised by the sale
of the freedom of a company, and we are satisfied
that sufficient will appear, on an investigation into
that disposition, to warrant the adoption of some
measure which shall prevent an abuse of property,
assuredly left, to a certain extent, for public purposes.
Having failed' in his object of excluding inquiry,
Mr. ATTWOOD professed that the Company were
anxious to have a full inquiry. How happy the
worthy Conservative must feel at the failure of his
motion!

It will be seen that the CHANCELLOR of the Ex-
CHEQUER was last night rubbed a little upon the sub-
ject of his declarations, as Lord ALTHORP, agains•
the Six Acts which himself and friends so fiercely
attacked Lord CASTLEREAGII for bringing in. Surely,
as Mr. HUME said, they cannot do less than now
repeal them. Lord ALTHOILP appeared to feel the
force of the appeal, but refused to give any pledge
upon the subject. Let Ministers repeal these Acts,
and so reduce the duties on newspapers as to make
it no longer profitable for smugglers to publish them
without a stamp, and they will not only put a stop
to prosecutions which, although not instituted by
them, they sanction by maintaining the present law,
but will increase the revenue, and tend to restore
some of that popularity arid confidence which they
have undoubtedly, we grieve to say it, lost.

The latest accounts from our Charge d'Affaires
at the Hague state that the King of HOLLAND iq
much disappointed at the refusal of Russia and
Prussia to press his claims on as they have hitherto
done, and that hopes are entertained of his lowering
his tone. It is not true, however, as insinuated by a
Ministerial Paper, that the Plenipotentiaries of
Russia and Prussia in this country have manifested
a desire to cooperate in any measures which may be
adopted by the British and French Cabinets, with