The Sun.
London, England, 1834-08-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We quarrel not with the Standard for endeavouring
to run down Lord Brougham and other influential
members of the present Cabinet ; this is its vocation.
In anticipation of Lord Brougham's concurring with
Mr. Stanley, Sir James Graham, and the Duke of
Richmond, in an endeavour to obtain a Conservative
Ministry for the country, the Standard, it seems,
chose to compliment his Lordship. But the " Chan-
cellor's evil destiny prevailed. He allowed the first
secession," which took from the Cabinet all its honour,
and nearly all its talent, to leave him still a fixture
with the dull and dishonoured remnant"—that is, he
would not desert his party and his principles, and
therefore our contemporary now heartily abuses him,
and rejoices, as a matter of course, in the treachery of
the Times. So far, so good. The praise of the
Standard did his Lordship injury at the time, and its
present sympathy with the Times merely proves that
its former praise was not justified by a due knowledge
of his Lordship's character, or correct infor-
mation with regard to his opinions. We may, how.
ever, observe that the Standard, with more dexterity
than fairness, assumes that because we charged the
Tithes with want of principle—with taking up an
opinion one day, and abandoning it the next—with
having regard only to interest, real or imagined, in the
course it takes—with supporting whatever opinion it
supposes may be acceptable for the time—that there-
fore. Lord Brougham must have lost his popularity,
otherwise the Times would not endeavour to run him
doWn. If we were even to suppose for a moment
that the Times attacked Lord Brougham because it
supposed he had lost his popularity, it does not follow
that the Times is infallible. The public and the Times
have often thought very differently with regard to pub-
lic men. In almost all the Metropolitan elections, for
instance, the favourite candidate of the Times was not
returned. The Times predicted, with the utmost con-
fidence, that the Poor Laws Amendment Bill would ,
be thrown out on a second reading in the House
of Commons ; and the minority against the second
reading was not so large as the corps of reporters on a
newspaper establishment. It predicted, in like man-
ner, that the measure would be thrown out by the
Lords,. whom, in utter disregard of the opinions it had
been enforcing a short time before, it eulogized as the
main stay of the constitution—and the Lords likewise
read the Bill by a large majority. The Times would
have had Ministers abandon their measure because the
principal proprietor of that paper had distinguished
himself as a bad administrator of the poor laws ; and be-
cause Ministers did not choose to submit to its dic-
tation, it determined to do them all the injury it
could. A man may be interested, and yet occa-
sionally allow passion to warp his judgment and lead
him from his true interest. This will be found to be
the case with the Times. Utterly unscrupulous with
regard to means, having determined to break up the
Ministry, it set about that task in good earnest.
Having become peculiarly obnoxious to the Tories in
consequence of suddenly supporting the Whigs, after
reviling them in the most unmeasured terms a day or two
only before their- accession to power, the Times can
only hopefo regain the favour of the Tories by doing
some signal injury to the Whigs. To give an example
of its capability of doing mischief, may at all events
act, in the opinion of the Times, on the prudence of
the Tories, however much its treachery may be secretly
detested by them. We wish the Times joy on the
congratulations it receives from the Tory journals for
its supposed success in injuring the Ministry. This
alliance, however, ought to put the people of England,
*ho do not wish to see the Conservatives reinstated in
power, on their guard with regard to the Times.
The letters we have received expressing the
utmost abhorrence of the conduct of the Times,
are numerous. We have no doubt that the
labours of the Times to blacken the Ministry,
and more especially Lord Brougham, are not sanc-
tioned by the approbation of an enlightened public.
Several of our correspondents dwell on the numerous
tergiversations of the Times, and point out instances
of the most contradictory judgments pronounced by
that journal on the men composing the present Mi-
nistry :—" In the present day," says one of our cor-
respondents, " we have the Marquis of Lansdowne
designated as a lath and plaster politician,' and are
told that the rubbish Administration must be wheeled
away to the last barrowful ;' and yet this lath and
plasterpolitician'—this arm-chair Minister is described
by this very journal, when Mr. Canning was nego-
tiating with , him to take office, as the strength and
grace of the new Cabinet. What statesman,' it added,
the empire is better gifted to direct its internal
policy, and, above all, the Irish policy, than Lord
Lansdowne ?' Again, We regret to hear that a
negotiation which had been commenced by 'Mr.
Canning with Lord Lansdowne has been broken off, on
the impossibility of emancipation being made a Cabinet
question; but although declining innnediate participa-
tion in the emoluments of office, he is content to cast the
broad shield of his independent character over the
union that he has cemented, and to defend the system
of policy to be adopted, on the simple ground that it is
most useful to the King and country. Again, It
,Aras not the Whigs who courted office, but Mr. Can-
ning who applied to them to accept it ; they are willing
to give their support to a liberal system of policy, but
according to Sterne's proverb, liberality offers, with
both hands open, what modesty will scarcely touch
with a finger. Mr. Brougham, for example, has
taken a decided part in promoting the negotiation by
which the Whigs were to come in, declining at the
same time" any office for himself.' " So far one
of our correspondents—Lord Lansdowne and Mr.
Brougham were then all in all with the Times.
Soon, however, arbitrary principles seemed to
have the ascendancy—the Times became en-
tangled in the policy of Polignac and the Duke
of Wellington—the Whigs were told to renounce
for ever all idea of returning to office—they
were demagogues, and the proudest of aristocrats when
in power. Power, however, soon reconciled the Times
to the Whigs, and powerfully it must be owned did
that journal second the exertions of the Whigs to
carry the Reform Bill. But another change has come
over it. The appointment of the Poor Law Commis-
sioners formed yesterday the subject of the indictment
against Lord Brougham in the Times. In Lord
Brougham's revised speech, he says—" In the second
place, I think it follows that Ihe persons in whom this
control shall be vested, mast be armed with very ample
discretionary power. Next, it seems clear that these ought
not to be political, persons, if I may so speak—that they
should be mgmbers of neither House of Parliament
—men ing to no party—men unconnected (po-
liticalbi speaking) with the administration of public
affa;rs, and unmixed with the contests of the State.
I$ I should be consulted in the choice of the indivi-
duals, I would only say—" Show me a person (and I
fthink I know that person) whose opinions on party
matters differ most widely from my own, and if he be
a man of firm mind, of extensive experience as to the
working of the Poor Laws, of conciliatory manners, of
sound discretion—if he be a man whom I can trust
for his temper (one of the prime requisites in such a
-work), and that man I prefer before any of those with
whom I most agree in politics ;—nay more, if I saw
two persons sufficiently gifted, but of opposite political
opinions, I would name one of each party, in order the
better 'to gain the confidence of the public—to show
the country that, in the appointments, there is no
favour—that, in the selection, the only consideration
has been qualifications and deserts." " Let us see
(observes the Times) how the appointments corre-
spond with the rule. First, Mr. Franitland Lewis is
appointed to the chair, according to the canon that
the Commissioners should not be political persons, or
selected from among the members of either House of
Parliament I Secondly, Mr. John Lefevre is ;ap-
pointed in as strict conformity with the above rule, and
also with the next, that the Commissioners shall be
men unconnected (politically speaking) with the ad-
ministration of public affairs ! the aforesaid Mr. John
Lefevre having filled the office of Under Secretary of
State for the Colonial Department. The quibbling
answer will be, that these gentlemen are not now
in Parliament, and that the latter is now discon-
nected, politically speaking, from the Administration ;
but the promise of the Chancellor was clearly that
the Commissioners should be persons unaffected
with political bias, though, with his late .iriability to
(knave consistency in any dozen words he utters, Fr:-

proceeded to say that he would choose a man politi-
cally opposed to him, if in other respects a paragon."
Really our contemporary must be hard run for ob-
jections to Lord Brougham, when it condescends to
quibbling like this. Mr. Frankland Lewis is not per-
sonally a friend of the Chancellor, and he is politically
opposed to him. Mr. Frankland Lewis, by universal
confession, possesses the qualifications required for a
Commissioner by the Chancellor in an eminent degree
—he is a man of firm-mind, of extensive experience as
to the working of the Poor Laws, of conciliatory man-
ners, of sound. discretion ; and the Chancellor had him, ,
no doubt, in his eye when he spoke these words.
When he said they ought to be Members of neither
House of Parliament—men belonging to no party—
men unconnected, politically speaking, with the admi-
nistration of public affairs, and unmixed with the con-
tests of the State, he, of couse, could only mean that
while they held the office of Commissioners they
should neither be in Parliament nor in office. Where
is the man in this country who has received a liberal
education who has not embraced a side in politics. It
could be of no earthly consequence whether a man had
or had not been in Parliament ; the object was to dis-
connect the office with party. The whole objection is
an instance of petty cavilling of the most contemptible
kind. These are not the means by which the Lord
Chancellor can be injured ; and he must be a weak
man indeed, if he do not hold the strictures of our
contemporary in the utmost contempt.7-IV/ornng.
Chronicle.

It is not without feelings of poiomant regret, mingled
with no small degree of shame, trust we find ourselves
so frequently called upon to record instances of military
riot and insubordination. Partaking almost to enthu-
siasm in a high sense of that glory which this arm of
our national defence has acquired, in the same propor-
tion do we feel its character, and that of the country,
stained and degraded, when instances, and those of
late so frequent, occur of soldiers altogether forgetting
their character of citizens, and giving loose to unbri-
dled licentiousness towards those of whose rights and
interests, upon a foreign soil, they have so often proved
themselves the gallant and victorious defenders. From
Chatham appalling accounts of this description have
recently arrived, representing the soldiers of one
particular regiment as resenting a private quarrel
by a violent attack with side-arms upon their op-
ponents, and being afterwards allowed to sally forth
armed with the same deadly weapons, attacking
peaceable and defenceless inhabitants. We can-
not help suspecting that there must be something in-
herently wrong in what it may seem ludicrous to call
" the well ordering " of men who can thus conduct
themselves, and that either the system or supervisors
cannot be very perfect which admits of such doings.
Chatham, too, would seem to be a place peculiarly liable
to these scenes of military outrage ; for it cannot be
forgotten that a very few weeks have only elapsed
since a soldier suffered on the lines of that garrison the
last extreme penalty of the law for murder, and that the
melancholy and revolting spectacle was ordered to take
place there in view of the whole force there assembled,
with the laudable, but, as it would nosy seem, un-
availing view of deterring others by so terrible an ex-
ample from the commission of similar offences. On
this, as on all similar occasions, it would be well if
those in whose province it lies to do so, would look
diligently and scrupulously into the root of the evil.
Whether there may or may not be at Chatham any
local or peculiar causes in any degree extenuating the
frequency of such scenes of insubordination there, we
will not stop to inquire. Unfortunately, misconduct on
the part of the military, though not, perhaps, of quite
so flagrant a nature, is not confined to that place, but
is far too general not to call for strict investigation
and a general remedy. The national jealousy of
a standing army has died away, with the, perhaps,
unavoidable necessity of its existence ; but it be-
comes a serious inroad upon public liberty, in-
deed, when neither military nor civil authority is
sufficient to keep it within the bounds of reasonable
subordination. It is, as we have already suggested,
the duty of those who are intrusted with the discipline
of particular regiments, as well as of those who have
the general regulation of the military force of the
country, to look diligently into the causes which may
be instrumental in producing the disgraceful scenes
which we allude to. To help them in their research,
we would suggest whether, among other causes, the in-
subordination so frequently complained of may not
arise from the manner in which the ranks of our in-
fantry regiments are too frequently recruited and filled
up from the very refuse of society, and that, instead of
becoming objects of honourable emulation, are some-
times the last resource of infancy and crime. We are
far from speaking thus of common soldiers generally.
But a few scabby sheep can infect a large flock ; and a
few drunken dissolute characters are often sufficient to
corrupt and bring discredit upon large communities.
There can be little doubt, too, but that fatal all-conta-
minating thing, " drink," is at the root of the evil in
question. Daily experience makes this but too appa-
rent ; while the same experience shows how little is
done in the way of authority to check the maddening
and degrading practice. With these few remarks we
leave the subject for the present ; promising, however,
to keep an eye upon it, and particularly upon the con-
duct of those for whose interference, and that promptly
and decidedly, the country has a right to look.—
Morning Herald.

The accounts from the Northern Provinces of Spain
continue favourable to the cause of Charles the Fifth.
The French Government has inserted two more offi-
cial bulletins in the organs of Monday, the amount of
which is that the troops of Don Carlos are still pur-
sued. The Journal des Debats is, however, com-
pelled to abandon its exulting tone, and is now reduced
to the reluctant avowal that the pacification of Spain
has made none .of That progress which was so san-
guinely expected, and so confidently predicted by that
Print and their employers on Rodil's arrival. Events
having throughout disappointed their hopes and belied
the triumphant statements of their stockjobbing tele-
graph,
every means are resorted to in order to prevent
the real state of affairs from becoming known. The
Constitutionnel having in its incorrect account of the
King of Spain's journey through France mentioned
M. Cruz, ex-Portuguese Consul at Bayonne, as having
co-operated in that ably executed expedition, there
was little doubt that he would soon be torn from
his home. As had been anticipated, that Gentleman
has been favoured with what the official Globe has so
generously and " liberally" termed a civility, not, how-
ever, quite so gracious a one as that by which Mr.
Mitchell, the correspondent of the Herald, has been
treated to a cell in one of Rodil's dungeons. M. Cruz,
the father of a large family, and who had since the
fall of Don Miguel been reduced to most unfortunate
circumstances, has been ordered not only to quit France,
but to repair to either England or Germany. This
truly " liberal.' treatment has been inflicted-on him for
no other reason than that having occasionally been
supplied with tidings from Spain that did not tally with
the reports of the Bayonne authorities, and communi-
cated them to some friends at Paris, they have
transpired and sometimes been the means of frus-
trating the effect of the Ministerial bulletins.
It also appears that although the most earnest
and energetic remonstrances have been made by
Mr. Villiers in Madrid for the release of Mr. Mitchell,
up to the 20th, he had not been liberated. The
Globe is quite content that an order was sent, imme-
diately on the application of our Ambassador, from
the Spanish capital for the freedom of Mr. Mitchell ;
but it is saying little for British influence if it only pre-
vails in Madrid, and is nugatory in Pampeluna. It
is admitted that Mr. Villiers has acted `With great ala-
crity and firmness, and we hope to hear shortly.that his
interference has been successful ; but according to pre-
sent appearances our Spanish Correspondent was quite
right when he affirmed that "the English influence is
very little attended to either by the Spanish or French
authorities." The advices from Madrid indicate that
the Ministry must shortly undergo changes like the
late English, French, and Belgian Administrations.
The Cortes is refractory, and the Procuradores are
determined to go on with the " movement." Don
Carlos may remain inactive in the northern provinces,
while the different factions are working for him in the
capital.—Morning Post.
%Ve showed yesterday, if we mistake not, sufficiently
to the satisfaction of our readers, and in contradiction
to the opinions so anxiously and so Fersevcripey

ST. KILDA.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 28, 1834.

cated by two of our morning contemporaries, that cen-
tralization, as evidenced in the commission for the
better administration of the Poor Laws, is neither new
as a principle, nor new in practice. But let us still
look farther. Is not the principle of centralization in-
volved in every Government ? The men of the greatest
talent in the country appointed by the King, form the
Government—from them, either as a Ministry, or from
the Houses of Parliament, originates every measure
for the public good ; and, as civilization advances, and
population increases, measures, whether of police or of
civil discipline, require more concentrated attention and
greater uniformity in practice, than can be given, or
is necessary, in earlier stages of society. That the
laws should be uniformly and impartially administered
no one will deny. For this purpose Judges are ap-
pointed, and local jurisdictions have given way to them
gradually ; see, for instance, the recent alterations in
the administration of justice in Wales and Scotland.
A country, with respect to its law, is in the same
situation as a large town with regard to its police. If
there is not a uniform principle of action in the one
case or the other, bad consequences must ensue. To
ensure this, on the one hand, Judges periodically visit
the country, and, on the other, Commissioners are
appointed to protect the weak and increase the
security of property in all parts of this great
metropolis, by providing at all times a force
sufficient to give assistance when it may be re-
quired. Should these Commissioners abuse their
power, they are responsible to Parliament, and the
public is now anxiously waiting for the report of the
Committee appointed to examine into their conduct,
&c. The Commissioners have no power to administer
the laws. They have only to provide a proper number
of persons, acting under one set of regulations, to take
charge of, and secure all who may infringe the laws of
the country. Now this is precisely the degree in which
the principle of centralization is called into action in
the new Poor Law Bill. We have repeatedly shown the
bad effects which have been produced all over the
country by the present poor laws being administered
by nearly 30,000 persons—and these- 30,000 chang-
ing every year. We have proved the injurious effect
which the allowance system has produced, and also by
the persons appointed by the parishioners in vestry to
superintend the management of the poor being re-
duced to automatons by the officious interference and
superior power of the magistrates. We have shown
the great extent of reading, and the knowledge of hu-
man nature which is required to ensure a proper admi-
nistration of laws, upon which the happiness of a large
portion of the community depends ; and we have also
shown how much Acts of Parliament, passed during
the last 200 years, required condensation and improve-
ment. This the Legislature of the country has at
last achieved—and then to ensure the uniform practice
of the new Poor Laws, a Board of Commissioners is
appointed, with power to direct the application of the
new law—and• to assist the parochial officers with ad-
vice, when necessary or required. The object of
the Board is to see the law carried into effect.
Is it not as important that the Poor Laws should
be as uniformly enforced as any other law ? Is
it not important that an annual expenditure of
8,000,0001. should in some way be checked ? Is
it not important that the alteration of the law, which
was almost unanimously called for by the coun-
try, should be as simultaneous as possible ? How
could all this be done but by a Board ? Do
the opponents to that which they are pleased to
call the principle of centralization wish to entrust
the execution of the new law to those who have abused
the old one ? Do they think uniformity in its execu-
tion, or simultaneousness in its application, could be
thus secured ? We do not, and they cannot, think so.
We really do not know what they can mean by the
principle of centralization. If it means any thing it
must have a good and useful meaning, and whilst we
have a House of Commons accessible, as it now is, to
public opinion, no harm can arise from power to ex-'
ecute its laws being given in important cases to Com-
missioners, who are directly responsible for every act,
and whose appointments and salaries are dependent
upon the opinion which the House has of the benefit
arising to the country from their exertions.—Morning
Advertiser.

SECOND VOYAGE OF THE GLENALBYN,

( From a Correspondent of the Glasgow Free Press.)
On Friday, the 15th instant, the steam-vessel Glenalbyn,
having a large and most respectable company on board,
left Oban about one o'clock on her second voyage to St.
Kilda. At Lochmady a pilot was procured to conduct
the ship through the sound of Harris, which is difficult of
navigation. The Glenalbyn went on gallantly ; but it
coming on to blow very fresh, the Captain was advised to
return to Buentru, opposite the village of Oab, in Harais,
where we remained all Saturday, the wind blowing so hard,
that, though we could have gone to sea in safety, yet we
could not have effected a landing at St. Kilda—the main
object in view.
The weather having moderated, we again set out. Sun-
day was a very beautiful day, and though there was a heavy
swell, very few were absent from the cabin, where divine
worship was performed by the Rev. Mr. Bannatyne, of Old
Cumnock. one of the passengers. In the afternoon, ap-
proaching St. Kilda, the view of the principal island, and
the smaller rocks, which bear the same name, was grand
beyond description. About half-past eight, p.m., we all
landed safely, and proceeded towards the village, which is
approached by a narrow footpath, through fields of corn and
barley, nearly quite ripe ; the straw was long, and the ears
a tolerable size. The inhabitants met us in a body—al-
lowed us to examine their houses—received gladly presents
of tobacco, napkins, and other articles—and disposed by
sale of not a few of their cheeses. The houses,
ac., are as
stated in the first account. (except that the twenty-four-
hour lock-up story is a joke.)
St. Kilda, one of the Western Islands of Scotland, lying,
in the Atlantic Ocean, about 58 deg. 30 min. north lati-
tude, is about three miles in length from east to west, about
two in breadth from north to south, nine and a half in cir-
cumference, and 140 miles from the nearest point of the
mainland of Scotland. The ground of St. Kilda, as usual
in the Highlands, is much better calculated for pasture than
tillage. Restrained by idleness, or, it may be, discouraged
by their form of government, the people study to rear up
sheep, and to kill wild fowl, much more than to engage
deeply in the more toilsome business of husbandry. All
the ground hitherto cultivated lies round the town. The
soil is thin, full of gravel, and consequently rery sharp ;
though naturally poor, it is, however, rendered extremely
fertile by the singular industry of very judicious husband-
men, who prepare and manure every inch of their ground,
so as to convert it into a kind of garden. The only instru-
ments of agriculture they use, or indeed require, according
to their system, are a spade, a mall, and a rake. After
digging the ground, they rake it very carefully, removing
every stone or noxious root or weed, and pound down every
stiff clod. Certain it is, that a few acres, well prepared in
St. Kilda in this manner, will yield more profit than a much
greater number roughly and hurriedly handled, as is the
case in the other Western Isles. The people of St. Kilda
sow and reap much earlier than any of their neighbours on
that coast of Scotland. The heat of the sun, reflected from
the hills and rocks into a low valley facing the south-east,
in the summer time is intense, and, however rainy the cli-
mate is, the corn must, for these reasons, grow fast and
ripen early.
The harvest is commonly over by the end of August, and
should it fall out otherwise, the crop would be almost de-
stroyed by the equinoctial storms. The islanders on the
western coast have all great reason to dread the fury of
autumnal tempests—these, with the excessive quantities of
rain they have (generally seven or eight months of the
year,) are undoubtedly the most disadvantageous and un-
happy circumstance of their lives.

Tile only sorts of grain known at St. Kilda are barley
and oats ; nor does the place seem calculated for any other.
Fifty bolls of barley are yearly sent to Harris, and all the
western islands produce nothing so good of the kind. Po-
tatoes have been introduced, but hitherto only small quan-
tities have been raised. In this whole land, as the natives
call this island in their own language, there is only one
appearance of a garden—a very inconsiderable piece of
ground, enclosed and planted with some cabbages. On the
east side of the island, near the bay, lies the town o r village,
where the whole body of this people live together like the
inhabitants of:a city. The population amounted in 1764
to 88, in 1799 to 120, and is now about 100. It is cer-
tain that the inhabitants were much more numerous for-
merly ; and now, if under proper regulations, St. Kilda
might easily support 300 souls. Martin, who visited it the
end of the 17th century, found 180 persons there--in 1730,
one of the people having gone to the island of Harris, was
seized with the small-pox and died. His clothes unfortu-
nately were carried away by one of his relations, and the
infection thus communicated made such havoc, that only
four grown-up persons were left alive.
The houses are built in two rows, regular, and facing one
another, with a tolerable causeway in the middle, which
they call the street. These habitations are made and con-
trived in a very unconnlori manner. All are fiat on the