The Sun.
London, England, 1833-05-21 00:00:00

continued the historian, for human nature to bear, and,
accordingly, one of the tribes whom the Roman General
wanted to dispossess of their land bohllse declared to him
that if he would not give them the sail to live on be
should give it to them to die on.—(Cheers.) By this
manifestation, the historian added, of their determination,
the Germans softened the anger of the Romans. They
whom he addressed,—the people of this country,—had no
occasion to die for the redress of their wrongs ; it was for
the whole of this mighty nation to command justice ; and
if they did so by legal and peaceable means, justice must
and would he done them.—(Cheers.) Then, indeed,
would England become, in the real sense of the worm,
" the envy of surrounding nations and the admiratio❑ of
the world." The Hen. Gentleman proceeded then to
allude to Ireland, for the evils of which, he said, the
proper remedy consisted in giving her people plenty
of employment, food, and clothing. What was the re-
medy which his Majesty's Ministers gave them ? Cruel
and atrocious laws. The Irish suffered under the same
money laws that they did in England. That great and
wise man, Mr. Locke, speaking of the reduction of the
amount of money in the country, without a correspond-
ing reduction of the taxes, likened it to five children
since.—(Cheers.) He saw, he felt, and lie was sure that
the immense multitude which he now addressed felt also,
that such men were not the friends of the people.—
(Cheers.) It was they, the people of Birmingham and of
the midland districts, that had seated those Ministers in
those posts which they so unworthily filled,—it was the
meeting of the thousands and the tens of thousands that
had taken place on that very spot that time 12 months
that had sent those men back to that government from
which they had been displaced.—(Hear.) It was la-
mentable to find now, that in what they then patriotically
and nobly effected, they were not only doing no good,
hut, he was sorry to say, much harm. —(Cries of " It's true.")
They all knew the story of the Warwickshire witch and
the dun cow—(A laugh)—and how as the witch milked
the cow into a sieve, the cow was driven mad by seeing
its milk go for nothing. They should not imitate the
example of the dun cow and run mad.—(Cheers.) They
should endeavour to undo that which they had done; they
should endeavour quietly and legally, but firmly, to pro.
cure the dismissal of the present Ministers from office, who
did nothing that they ought to do, and a great many
things that they ought not.—(Cheers.) The labour of
the men of Birmingham, in placing such Ministers i❑
power, had been worse than lost, for they had disap-
pointed all their hopes. It was for the purpose of assist•
ing them in undoing that work that he now came once
more amongst them. He had come amongst them from a
House of Commons from which so much had been expect.
ed, and by which nothing had been done to satisfy those
expectations. They had no idea of the prodigious load of
business which was frequently before the House for
despatch. He recollected one day that the House had
before it no less than 150 orders and notices upon
vai ious subjects, and the average was not less than 50
per day. Nine-tenths of that business, such as bills for
railroads, cane's, private business, &c., should be dis-
posed of by inferior tribunals, for the consequence of the
present state of things was, that the House of Commons
had so much to do that Members had no time to think,
and that they, therefore, acted wrongly. The men of
Birmingham, the friends that he now addressed, had in-
deed met with a previous disappointment. His Majesty's
Ministers not only attacked the liberties of the people of
Ireland, but they refused to inquire into the distress of
the people of both countries, and they even denied its
existence.—(Cries of " Shame.") They denied the exist-
ence of that distress in the face of evidence the strongest
that could possibly be adduced. The moat unanswerable
proofs of distress, great and overwhelming distress, in seve-
ral distinct and different parts of the country, amongst the
manufacturing, the agricultural, and labouring classes of
the country, had been laid before them by different Me n-
bers in the House of Commons ; in addition to that the
whole population of London and Westminster had waited
upon them, through deputations, and had told them that
trade was carried on in that great metropolis without
profit, and that tradesmen were living upon their capitals.
What was the result ? The Ministers turned a deaf ear
to all those representations, to all those proofs of distres-,
-end they even went so far as to declare that there was no
distress in the country !—(Cries of "Shame.") There
was no doubt that there was no distress amongst the sordid
rich, and the degradation of the poor man was often the
aggrandizement of the rich. If the labourers became dis-
tressed, the rich, who employed them, would buy their
labour at a less price, and in that way the sordid rich be-
nefitted by the distress of the labouring classes. What had
the rich, what had the Members of the Legislature, done
towards relieving that distress ? They told them some
few years ago that they would put nothing but gold pieces
in the poor men's pocket. He wished that every poor
man's pocket was full of gold pieces ; but it was one
thing to say so, and another thing to do it. They had
put a large lump of gold in their own, and none in the
poor man's pocket.—(Cheers, and cries of "That's the
truth.") These cunning men proposed to give bits of
gold to the labouring classes, the industrious classes,
and the poor ; but they got it all themselves, and
they kept it all to themselves. They had lawyers
and soldiers to guarantee them in the payment of their
rents arid dividends to the full extent ; but there were no
lawyers or soldiers to guarantee to the poor man full em-
ployment.—(Cheers.) The consequence was, that their
wages—the wages of those lie now addressed—the wages
of the industrious classes—fell ; but the rents, the divi-
dends, and every other species of property belonging to the
rich, experienced no such proportionate fall. It was no
wonder, then, that there was no distress amongst them.
He would ask his friends that were assembled there that
day, were they benefitted by the present state of things ?
(Loud and general cries of " No, no," which, as the
question was spread from man to man towards the erre-
mities of the vast assemblage, became almost universal.)
They remembered the time of the war—at least many of
them did so; did they believe they were as well off now
as they were then ?—(Cries of " No, no.") They re-
membered the year 1525, did they think they were as
well off now as they were in that year ?—(,‘ No,
no.") Well, then, those cunning men declared and
decided that the industrious classes should have
nothing but gold, and plenty of it, though there
was but little gold in the country, and though
the whole of it was swallowed up in the rents and
taxes. It was the horrid borouglimongers that had laid
those taxes on the tradesmen and the labourers. —(Groans.)
The amount of the taxes collected yearly was 50,000,0001.,
which was double the whole amount of the legal mom y
left in the country. There were only 25,000,000/. of
gold and silver in England, and that was the only legal
money in England. The notes of the Bank of England
were no more legril money than were the notes of any of
his friends there assembled. The taxes thus doubled in
amount in the year the whole of the legal money that the
people had. But the Government was wise enough ; it
did not take all the taxes from the people at one and the
same time. If it did so, it would be quickly brought to
book.—(Great cheering.) As fast as they got the taxes
they spent them, and while the industrious classes—
the people of this country—were paying one portion of
the taxes in the year, another portion, which they had
already paid, came back to them in the shape of prices
for their commodities, and for their labour. But the

taxes were not all; there was then the rents, the legal
rents, furnished from the industry of the farmer and the
cottage of the poor man; they amounted to 50,000,0001.
more, to be collected in gold. Thus, although the Govern-
ment gave them only 25,000,0001. of legal money, they
were compelled to pay 100,000,000/. of legal payments.
Could they then wonder that their pockets were empty ?
—(Cries of " No, no.") He (Mr. Attwood) had asked
those men—he had asked his Maj-sty's Ministers to cut
down the burdens of the people in proportion to the fall
that had taken place in their wages and profits, or, if they
would not du that, he asked them whether they would not
lift up the wages and profits of the industrious classes so
as to enable them to bear their present burdens ?
(Cheers. ) He called on them to do so, but they refused
either alternative, though the adoption of one or other

was due in common justice to the people.—(Shame.)
The consequence was, that taxes and rents bad been ag-
grandized by the fall that had taken place in the wages of
the labouring population. That—that must be altered.--
(Creat cheering.) The people could not be compelled to
do impossibilities ; and as money had been enhanced in
value, while the wages and profits of the people fell, and
their burdens continued at the same amount, rendering it
impossible for them to discharge them, the people would,
sooner or later, adopt measures to insure themselves justice.
—(Much cheering.) The point he was now at reminded
him of the story in the old Roma❑ historian Tacitus.

The Romans, that historian informed them, having
made war on the Germans, conquered them, and
imposed a tribute on them. There being a vast number
of wild bulls in the country, the Romans, for the purpose
.4 clearing the country of them, imposed a tribute of so
many bulls' hides on the Germans. When the Germans
had killed all the wild bulls, they wanted the Romans to
take ox-hides for the tribute, but the Romans refused to
take the hides. They took instead, said the historian, the
beasts themselves, and the land ; and when they had got
them, they wished to take the bodies of the people them-
,elves, and sell them into slavery. This was too much,
that would promote the general Prosperity of the people,
—that if, in fact, it should be found that the extension of
the people's liberties and their prosperity went hand in
band, everything would be right, and that the child did

not live who would hear the voice of discontent raised again
in England ; but that if, on the other hand, they did not
give prosperity to the country, the Reform Bill would not
satisfy the people of England, and then they (the Ministers)
would be quickly driven from the posts which they occu-
pied, with shame and with disgrace.—(Cheers.) Those
were the remarks which he addressed to his Majesty's
Ministers in some of his communications with them when
the Reform Bill was in progress: their answer to him was,
that be would find in the House of Commons (for they
told him that if the Reform Bill was carried, he of
course would be returned to Parliament) one of the
first things that would he done would be to inquire
into the distress of the nation, and justice would
be done to it. They added a request that he
would call upon them to consider what should be done
for that purpose. When, however, he saw the atrocious
measures which they brought forward with regard to Ire-
land, he felt that he should be contaminated by calling
upon such men, and he had never called on one of them
sleeping in one bed with a blanket that was too small to
cover them all. The consequence was, that one would
pull one way, and another would pull another way, "and,"
said Mr. Locke, " there will be no peace until the father
of the family enlarges the blanket, so as to cover them
all." So, he adds, would England be in the circum-
stances stated, with her different classes pulling different
ways, and there would be no peace ira the nation until
they either cut down its burdens, or lifted up its means
of enduring them.—(Cheers.) Since 1811, the popula_
ton of England had increased 30 per cent. Now, Ire
(Mr. Attwood) could prove, upon the affidavit of 100
competent witnesses, that the land of England had fallen
off since that time 30 per cent. in its productive powers.
Thus, therefore, there was at once 50 per cent. struck off
from the capabilities of the people to procure the neces•
saries and comforts of life. The Government did no-
thing to meet such a state of things, except to plunder
unhappy Ireland. Ministers would not allow of a re-
peal of the odious corn laws—they would not allow
the people to get cheap corn and cheap beef from Ger-
many, but they would drain such articles out of, instead of
leaving them in, unhappy Ireland. They would not allow
the people of this country to get cheap corn, and cheap
beef, from the French, and the Germans, and the Poles,
and the other nations of Europe that wou'd supply them
with such articles, so as to bring down the price of food
one half in amount, as he was sure would be the case if
the odious corn laws were repeal, d. The corn laws were
the most unjust laws that had ever been framed this side
of hell.—( Great cheering ) Therefore, one of the petitions
that would be proposed for their adoption that day was fir
a repeal of all corn laws.—(Cbeers.) Another of the
petitions was for the repeal of the malt duty, and of the
assessed t isw--(Renewed cheers)—and they had got an
address to be presented to the King praying his Majesty to
dismiss his present Ministers.—(Tremendous cheering.)
Those were the measures on which the Council of the
Union hail decided as wise, just, and practicable, to be
adopted at the present moment. They did not mean to
say that such measures would be sufficient for the country,
but they thought it better to limit their demands at present
according to the necessity of the ca.e. It seemed to them
that if, like a man shooting at partridges, they aimed at too
many things at once, they might miss all. Their plan
was to select their victim, and to bring it down :
when such of their wrongs were redressed, it would
be then for them to consider what more wrongs were
remaining, or what further rights they might require. In
a great meeting, assembled as that was, they could not act
as a deliberative assembly. They could not all make
speeches and address the meeting, for if they did so, the
end of winter would not see the end of their proceedings.
The Council had, therefore, adopted a number of rules for
the regulation of the meeting, and one of them was, that
no one should speak without the consent of the chairman.
The resolutions would be brought before them in due or-
der, and it would he for them to decide upon the questions
they embraced. When they had formed the Political
Union they adopted the old motto, " Liberty, union, and
prosperity," and he (Mr. Attwood) had always told them
that he asked for the one in order to secure the other.—
(Loud cheers.) He had always held out to them this irn-
par taut fact,—that the people of England produced, upon
the average, four times more than they consumed. It was
so undoubted fact that the agricultural, the manufacturing,
and the other productive classes in this country, produced
four times more of the good things of life than a man, his
wife, and 10 children could consume, comparing the
amount of population with the amount of production.
It was worse than folly, it was guilt, that when this
noble people offered such an offering to their country,
their country should deny them bread. He (Mr. Att-
wood) would never be content till he saw such a state of
things established as that every honest man should have the
free use of his right arm ; that he should be independent
of his master ; and that, instead of going to look for work
from his master, his master should come to look for him
for his work. It was for the benefit of the people that he
had advocated the Reform Bill, and be would have been
content with it if it bad worked well; but how had it
worked—what had his I%lajesty's Ministers done? They
had given poverty throughout England, and slavery
throughout Ireland. He now washed his hands of all that
he had done to send his Majesty's Ministers into power,
and he now came forward to join this great meeting in
petitioning their good King to dismiss them from their
situations.—(Loud cheers ) They must consider that the
King was surrounded by mmy bad amen, and that it was
difficult for him to know what it was right to do. They
should, therefore, whenever he did not act in accordance
with their wishes, blame the parties who surrounded
him and misled him. The constitution had wisely put
him above them all. As they hail before they would
again in the hour of need apply to the King, and he was
sure that his Majesty would attend to their prayer,
and that the present Ministers would be as easily dis.
missed as the former were—(Loud cheers)—and such
would be the case, too, with the next set, if they did not
act right.—(Repeated cheers.) They might be sure that
it would not be difficult to find men as wise at least as
the present Ministers to succeed them in office. He would
not say who should succeed them—all he would say was,
get rid of these men, and having also put aside Peel and
Wellington, they might be sure that the ❑ext set of Mi-
nisters, with such a warning before their• eyes, would do
the people just ce. Whenever he saw that happy time
arrive, that condition fulfilled, be would give up the
great work of political agitation. The Hon. Gentleman
concluded by introducing Mr. O'Connell, on whose merits
he passed a high eulogium, to the meeting, as a distin-
guished member of the Union, and one of its best friends
and supporters.

Mr. O'CONNELL came forward amidst great cheering.
After dwelling on what he termed the glorious spectacle
before him, and after expressing his conviction that every
man there was determined to do his duty, he proceeded to
say that it was not Grey or Althorp that had carried the
Reform Bill, Out the great meeting at Birmingham.
(Cries of " The Irish Members.") It was true the Irish
Members did assist them, but they only did their duty in
doing so. He (Mr. O'Connell) came now to thank them
for the Reform Bill ; it was the Union of Birmingham and
the midland districts that made the Monarch yield, and
carried that measure. He thanked them for the Reform
Bill, though the first measure of the reformed Parliament
was the introduction of tyranny into Ireland. It
was to the aid of the men he then saw assembled
that he looked forward towards procuring the repel]
of that measure. He recemmended them to proceed, and
he was sure his recommendation was not wanted, as they
had done when agitating in Ireland,—namely, to act so as
never to put them,elvee in the power of their enemies by
violating the law. Oh ! how glad the present brutal
Ministry would he if the people violated the law there that
day ; but by proceeding peaceably, legally, and firmly,
they could set their enemies at defiance. Englishmen
were the first in Europe who had for centuries anything
like freedom, and when, in more recent times, a cowardly
and base Monarch endeavoured to trample on the liberties
of the people of England, they met him in the battle field,
and they made his head reel from his shoulders.—(Loud
cheering.) He (Mr. O'Connell) did not like executions
of any kind, and he thought that they went too far in
cutting off the head of that King.—(Laughter.) It was
a foolish head, and it would have been better to have left
it where it was.—(Much laughter.) The son of that
man, when he came to the throne, turned out a bigot
and a tyrant, and the people of England, instead of cutting
off his head, sent him, head and body together, to spend
his years in exile.—(Cheers.) They were now arrived
at a great crisis in the fate of this country. His advice
to them was, to keep within the law, but let them
persevere ; let every man in his own neighbourhood
spread around the petition to the King for the
dismissal of his Ministers, until there should be one
cry throughout the whole of England to the Monarch
Mieisters.—( Cheers.) He
placed where they were
calledt to d ismthi sesmh rso,fitiwt atlhaoenyd
hbaldoodbyeen
by the people be now addressed ; and what had they done?
They had done what would be called in Ireland less than
nothing. But though they had done nothing for the
people, what had not those miscreants dared to do of a
contraryeopie character? In spite of this brutal Ministry, he
would say that Ireland should be free. They had passed
the atrocious Irish Coercive Bill, which gave to the Lord
Lieutenant, amongst other things, the power to put down
political unions. Did they understand that ? (Hear,
hear.) why not put down their political union ?
(Cheers, and cries of " They dare not.") Yes, lie would
say to them, let them do it if they dared.—(Great cheer.

ing.) They were brutal enough to wish to do it, but
they bad not the courage to make the attempt. The
Hon. Gentleman proceeded to explain several of the de-
tails of the Irish Coercive Bill, which excited general
cries of " Shame." He went on to say that if the people
of England generally had been acquainted with the atro-
cities of that Act, that if the base press of London had not
kept those atrocities concealed from them, he was sure
that the very stones in their streets would have risen
against it, and that they would have prevented its passing.
(A voice " Give us a free press.") They talked, he said,
of the newspapers, and their Chairman, too, had said
much about the Times. He (Mr. O'Connell) thought
that he paid it too great a compliment for taking so
much notice of it. When they had a base paper in Ire-
land they had an effectual mode of dealing with it.
They carried about resolutions that no one should deal
with those who advertised in it, and the advertising, there-
fore, in such paper, was a complete notice to quit. Their
custom was, when they went into the shop of the man who
advertised in papers of that description, to say to him,
" You advertise in this paper, and therefore we shall not
deal with you." That was the way to treat such papers.
It was their own faults, therefore, if in England they had
to complain of the press. lat them encourage an honest
press by dealing only with the men that advertised in it.
Let them do that, and they would soon see how the base
press would alter its note. They would soon see how
the Times would come round to the side of the people
for the mere sake of gain. Ile had often thought that it
would be worth his while to give a history, at some public
meeting like this, of the men who had the conducting of
the Times, and he certainly thought he would do so some
time or other. Thry used the great " we" in their
writings, but if they were to put their names in full,
with the "Misters" or the " Sirs" before them, it would
then be seen what little contemptible people they were.
—(Cheers and laughter.) The Honourable Gentleman
proceeded to inveigh against Ministers, for having in-
flicted tyranny on Ireland, and having refused inquiry
into the distress of this country. They had appointed two
Committees of Inquiry, to be sure, but the monetary
system was to be le,t out of their consideration. It
was the play of Hamlet with the part of Hamlet omitted
by special desire. He (Mr. O'Connell) was one of six
friends of the people upon this Committee of Inquiry, and
the first witness they had before them the other day was a
fat sleek-headed Quaker from the City of London, who
declared the times were never so prosperous as they were
at present in England. This was the way in which these
deluding paltering Ministers attempted to humbug them ;
but he trusted the good sense of the country would soon
drive them from office.—(Cries of " We will, we will '')
He proceeded to condemn in strong terms the corn laws.
He said that the division the other night was 305 for dear
bread, and 106 (instead of 206, as erroneously stated by
Ste papers) for cheap bread. He considered the reformed
Parliament worse than the last. They should look
well at whom they sent there. He then went on to
declare that Ministers promised to abolish tithes in Ireland,
but instead of doing so they gave the horse, foot, and
artillery to the person in Ireland who tilled the same office
as that great humbug Lord Brougham did here—namely,
that of Lord Chancellor.—(Cheers and laughter.) Yes,
Lord Brougham was a great humbug.—(Cheers.) The
Honourable Member then denounced the measure of
Government with regard to negro slavery as a mere
trick, and as a delusion when put forward as a measure
for the abolition of slavery. Such conduct was all of a
piece with these precious Ministers : he wished that they
heard some of them stuttering and stammering and mum-
bling in the House of Commons, they would run away
from them as from a mad dog.—(Laughter.) He thought
too highly of the people of England, not to suppose that
they had many men amongst them capable of taking the
plans of such wiseacres. Let them get rid of their pre-
sent detestable and brutal Ministers,—let them get honest
men in their places, and then the Reform Bill would not
be a dead letter, but would be carried into full effect.
Then they would have cheap government, cheap religion,
and cheap law,—above all, they would have cheap food.
It was a crime against man and man's Creator to tax the
food of the people.—(Great cheering.) If the odious
taxes upon bread were removed, the loaf would fall one
halt in price. He was determined to do his duty. He
had for that purpose passed much of his time of late in the
bad atmosphere and at the bad hours of the House of
Commons. He was struggling with a few honest repre-
sentatives there to do good fur the people. lie endea-
voured, in company with their honest representative, Mt.
Attwood, to do all he could for the promotion of the
public good. After some further observations, the Learned
Gentleman concluded by thanking them for the sympathy
which they had evinced for his country, and he then took
his leave.
Mr. B. HADLEY then proposed three cheers for O'Con-
nell, three cheers for Poland, and three groans for Nicho-
las, which were severally and appropriately responded to.
Mr. B. HADLEY then, in a speech of some length, pro-
posed the first resolution, which was as follows:
" Moved by Mr. Benjamin Hadley, seconded by Mr. D. White.

house ;
" 1. That his Majesty's Ministers—
" First, by violating the Constitution and destroying
the liberties of Ireland;
" Secondly, by refusing to allow the right of voting by
ballot, necessary to their protection in their just and legal
franchise;
" Thirdly, by their denial of general distress amongst
the industrious classes, and their refusal of inquiry into
the means of its relief;
" Fourthly, by their refusal to make any perceptible
reduction in the present overwhelming load of taxation,
by their perpetuating the house and window tax notwith-
standing the relief so imperatively demanded by the pre-
sent depressed state of trade, and more especially perse-
vering in inflicting on the country the whole of the unjust
oppressive malt tax, although its partial abolition had
been decided on by a deliberate vote of the House of Com-
mons, both of which partial and odious taxes are merely
necessary to funiish them with the means of maintaining
tyranny in Ireland and misery in England—
have betrayed the confidence of the people, and turned their
sanguine hopes into despair.

Mr. WIIITEHOUSE seconded it; it was then put and
carried unanimously.

Mr. G. EDMONDS, after some prefatory observations,
proposed the second resolution, which follows, together
with the address to his Majesty's Ministers.

" Moved by Mr. George Edmonds, seconded by Mr. T. C. Salt;
"2. That the annexed petition to our most gracious Sove-
reign, humbly praying him to dismiss his present Ministers,
be adopted as the petition of this meeting ; that it be ,igned
M their name, and on their behalf, by a committee of the fol_

lowing gentlemen, viz.: . • .
And that Earl Fitzwilliam be respectfully requested to
present it to his Majesty.
"To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.

" Sire,—We, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, in-
habitants of the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham,
assembled in a great meeting at New Hall-hill, on the 20th
May, 1833, beg to approach your Majesty's throne, to implore
your Majesty to exert your royal prerogative for the good of
Your faithful people.

" For a long period of years, Sire, by a system of unjust
legislation and cruel oppression, the industrious classes amongst
your Majesty's subjects have been placed in a situation of ex.
treme distress; the labourer has been deprived of his hire; his
employer has been deprived of his fair profit ; industry has
been paralyzed. Such a state of things can never long exist,
without creating fearful discontent. It is to the existence of
this state of things, that is mainly to be ascribed the demands
on the part of the people, for the restoration of their lost poli.
tical rights to a real representation in the House of Commons,
and to the want of which they have attributed the misgovern.

ment and oppression of which they have so long been made the

victims,

" It is now, Sire, nearly three years since your Majesty
graciously was pleased to call to the royal councils your Ma..
jesty's present advisers. With your Majesty's gracious sanc-
tion, they undertook the great work of restoring to the people
the right to be really represented in their own House of Par-
liament.

On the introduction of the Bill of Reform before the Le-
gislature, the people set no bounds to their joy and their gra_
titude ; they fondly flattered themselves that, at length, they
were blessed with a Government which was sensible of their
multiplied wrongs and calamities ; they flattered themselves
that your Majesty's Ministers had undertaken the great duty
of Parliamentary Reform in order to obtain the power and the
means of doing justice to the industrious classes, and of re.
storing to the country its long-lost prosperity.
It would be superfluous in us to remind your Majesty of
the unwearied patience and never-failing zeal with which your
Majesty's faithful subjects supported your Majesty's Ministers
in carrying the Reform Bill into law.
Sire—We are at a loss for words to express the deep, the
bitter disappointment with which we have since that time dis-
covered that all the confidence which we placed in your Ma-
jesty's Ministers, has been betrayed, and that all our hopes are
blasted.

" By the passing of the Reform Bill, and by the confidence
of the people, your Majesty's Ministers have been intrusted
with unlimited power for good or for evil. But what, Sire, has
been the good which they have done ? They commenced their
ill-omined career by destroying, at one blow, the liberties of
Ireland, and setting the fearful example of endeavouring to
stifle the voice of supplicating misery by the employment of
unconstitutional military power.
" They have, in direct contradiction of the avowed princi-
ples of their former lives, refused to allow the people the right
of voting by ballot so as to enable them to vote unbiassed by
fear or influence in the choice of their representatives.
" They have actually denied the existence of general
distress amongst the industrious classes, and have pertina-
ciously refused all inquiry into the means of its relief, although
as if in mockery of the people's sufferings, they have since ap-
pointed two committees ' to inquire into the state of agricul-