The Sun.
London, England, 1833-03-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

Once more the discuss on on the Irish Disturbance,
Suppression Bill is aeljourned. An effort was made to
close the deb it last night, but after two divisions
of 466 to 68, and 468 to 63, it was found neces
Nary to adjourn the debate till Monday. Such is
the ominous commencement of a system of ps nes.
which the peculiar difficulties of Ministers have
imposed on them. They stand between the people
and the aristocracy and hierarchy ; they wish to be
on good terms with both, but, untOrtunately, they
who hail the measures of rigour hate the measures of con-
cession, and they who might be p icified by a large and
liberal measure of concession are afraid that the rigorous
measures will not be followed by concession. To us it has
always appeared that Ireland will for years be a rook on
which every Administration is in danger of shipwrecking.
When, for instance, Mr. Stanley disclaimed, no the
part of the Government, any intention to introduce a
measure of poor laws for Ireland, did the Right Hon.
Gentleman assian ti real reasons for that determination ?
No, nit. We would not insult the Right Hon. Gentleman
ny pretending for a moment to believe that he and the
most of his colleaems are not perfectly satisfied that
without a provision for the poor there can never he peace
and order in Ireland. But to such a measure tl e
Squirearchy are opdosed ; and no Ministry van hope
0 carry in the House of Lords a measure against which
the Squirearchy have set themselves. This is, of course,
the real reason for the delay', and the reasons assigned are
mere pretexts. We allow for the difficulties of Ministers,
hut we wish the people to understand what the truth is.
Throughout this discussion there has been an abundant
display of Cleve, nets, an abundant mastery of all the corn-
inon-places of debate, and bandying about of the words
liberty, law, propsrry, order ; words of a convenient
latitude of meaning for debates. There ran be no doubt
there is little order in Ireland, in the sense artached to or-
der in England—that the law of the midnight ruffian is
more powerful than the law of the Stature-book. There
is little use in disputing whether Ireland is more or less
disturbed now than it usually is; it is always but too
much disturbed; and we take the existence of continued dis•
turbarice, in one quarter or other, to augur a much more
deeply-seated cause than the efforts of agitation. It is
astonishing how a man like Lord John Russell can allow
himself to talk in this manner :—" When Parliament met
after the vacation, it saw the necessity of bringing in a Bill
a ranting Catholic Emancipation, and soon after of grant-
ing full powers to the L ird Lieutenant to put down the
Catholic Association. It was expected that the Asso-
ciation would have ceased as soon as emancipation was
acceded. But no; the power the person b. fore-mentioned
held in consequence of the denial of Catholic claims, was
not withdrawn from him by the Irish people. Through
gratitude, or through some other motive, they still adhered
to him, and were prepared to adopt whatever measures he
advised. That power and influence he still holds, and
wished seemingly to retain it, from what motives it was
not easy to divine." Lord John reminds us of the
Woodman in Moliere, who insisted that no person
should be hungry when his belly was full. Was it not
understood by all reflecting persons when emanci-
pation was acceded to the Irish, that this was merely the
removal of an obstacle which stood in the way of all at-
tempts to redress the wrongs of the Irish people ? The
diseases and disorders caused by ages of oppression and
misgovernment remained, and yet remain ; and it is these
that give to the agitator the power he still possesses. There
remained a people without a home—for law opposes,
in the shape of poor-rates, no barrier to the exactions or
the caprice of the owners of the soil. There remained a
sinecure Protestant Church for a Catholic people, bur-
dened besides with the payment of the ministers of
their own religion. There remained the evil of tithes,
the evil of Church cess, the evil of Grand July jobbing;
in short, Ireland remained, from one extremity to the
other, one great abuse. Emancipation instead of putting
down agitation, was calculated to increase it. Emancipation
loosened the hands of the Catholics, and leaving the abuses,
gave them increased power to attack them. If lam bound
hands and feet, and a weight is placed on me, I must per
far, • remain quiet; but if my hands are loosened I naturally
endeavour to use them to remove the pressure. It was
well observed by Mr. H-nry Lytton Bulwer, in answer
to what •ell from Mr. Macau! ty, on Thursday night—
" His Hon. Relative (Mr. E. L. Bulwer) voted against the
address, on the grounds that it was impossible to pass a vote
of approval on measures of coercion, without knowing what
measures of conciliation were to attend upon it. And now,
said the Hon. and Learned Member, is it not inconsistent, that,
having given you measures of conciliation as well as measures
of coercion, you still vote against us ? His Hon. Relative
might have been anxious to know two things—whether the
measures of conciliation would have preceded the mea-
sures of coercion ; and whether, if they did so, they would
have been of that large and ample kind that would have !Tn..
dered those of a different description unnecessary ? In that
case there would have been no coaxing in the neck and spur.
ring with the heel :—the coaxing might have rendered the
spurring unnecessary."

Ministers, we fu•lv believe, are sincerely desirous of
doing good to Ireland ; and we have already said we are
sensible that the difficulties with which they have to con-
tend are very great indeed. But do not let us deceive
ourselves with the idea that good intentions alone ran
tranquillize Ireland. Do not let us suppose that law and
order can be enforced where the body of the people are
utterly wi hout protection. What law can protect one
class without protecting all ? Ministers may not feel
themselves strong enough to grapple with the Squirearchy
of Ireland ; but till they establish poor rates in Ireland,
there can be no p-are, no order. The people may he kept
dawn by coercive measures : but if something be not done
to protect the people, the coercion must be permanent, or
the people will, on its removal, be more turbulent than
ever. We attach less importance than some of ow
contemporaries do, to the machinery of the Bill.
If we could see any prospect of justice being
done to the people of Ireland—if we could see
any hope that there would be a law for the peasant as
well ac the landlord--if, in short, we saw Ministers pre-
pared with a foundation on which the edifice of social
order could be securely reared, we should not cavil about
the severity of the measures claimed by them. But after
the declaration of Me. Stanley, that they were impotent
in as far as regards the laying the foundation of order and
law, we look with distrust on the measures of severity,
bent-sng in cur conscience that they are intended as a
substirute for justice. The severity ought to follow the
measures of amelioration, or, at all events, to he concur-
rent with them ; and then we might hope it would be
efficacious. At present we look forward with doubt,
anxiety, and apprehension ; for a system that commences
with severity, and shrinks from justice, appears to us of
evil omen. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact, that at
this day there is nut a nation throughout Europe in which
justic,. to the people has been so much disregarded, as in
the nation of eight millions, for which we are now pre-
paring measures of coercion.—lllorning Chronicle.

An ordinary defender of the Irish Coercion Bill would
have been satisfied with affirming that the amount of
harshness and despotism contained in it was no more
than, if so much as, the condition of Ireland called for;
but we are bound to say, that the advocacy of whatever is
acknowledged by Ministers themselves to he most unconsti-
tutional in the project has been placed on far more original
and ingenious grounds. The most arbitrary clauses of this
measure are, it seems, to be carried through thick and thin by
the Cabinet, not in spite of, but because of, their enormous
departure from every principle known to the law of Eng.
land, and to every habit of thought and feeling cherished
fur centuries by the nation. The argument of different
members of the Ministry is, the more tyrannical we make
our law the more cordially ought it to be welcomed by
the people, inasmuch as the likelihood of its being drawn
into a precedent will be lessened in the same proportion !
Undoubtedly, after repeated perusals of the Bill, we
hare found a certain number of its provisions the violence
of which can hardly be accounted for but on the
supposition that all the skill of the Whig Cabinet bad
been at work to render those particular clauses so univer-
sally offensive that no future Government would dare recur
to them for practical examples of state policy. But there
is in extreme ingenuity some risk of overshooting one's
mark. Is it less probable that a bad precedent would he
followed than that it should be originally instituted ? And
do not these very Ministers, who rest upon a paradox.--
novel only because it is so preposterous and monstrous that
until this hour no man has ever dared to use it,—do they
not avow that in a case of what they term " equal ne-
cessity," a Bill similar in all its parts ought without hesi-
tation to be applied as the proper remedy ? But the fal-
lacy, in another point of view, is one of which the bear-
ings do not appear to have been well considered by its
authors. The Ministers, by such an argument, confess,
though unconsciously, that they have made the Bill
otmwimis,,iieogturi
might have
correspondingiet, dchwthaeaspacvstesiot
soito)aiihc than
nreiwstwawi
the
tisleastdetrtinlaeydptd,etu,
of necessityirei
an_o the crisis—that
df e
nan d .
When
charged with preferring an unconstitutional (and
not less incompetent than unconstitutional) tribunal
for the of all sorts of offences, to one more
the
ohi
feelings
dhpi
that
mrsgipnoesaoncsoti
spfoi
00l
taenfhs
aefctrreoreilcfeyn
o:Eeucen;orogtintl
hi
hmwsoahnaut
honestly,
oyl
owy,
tct
aahi
vnne far
and
sagaciously
therefore
n o
ne so well
composed,as
adapted o n o f m e
to t
hi
extremes itary
emergency,and
or so desirable to be employed on like occasions hereafter.
Such a jultificatiou would at least have been intelligible.

The
r eg a
notb beets
rll
metdhebyrpi,,t.nmrignght 3:cowthlii .uhe,,:seutbethene
questioned. The defence, however, which they hay
wade implies on their part -in adosis so fatal
that it is to us inconceivable how it eoull have ,:scaped
the vigilance and acuteness of men familiar(oft,trites asea on
discussion. They do not dispute the viehros na-
ture of their courtsmartial, as complied with civil
tribunals, for the restraint of lion.inilitiry critn's
so far from di-puting. they acknowledge the evil
eliaracter of such a jud'cature; they do more, they
insist upon it ; they a9ow (and take credit for i,) that, in
their zeal for the freedom of post‘Tity, tin.), lase sacrificed
the rights of the existing vneration,—thet they have ot -
stripped the necessity of the present crisis, and for the saukc
of a sp-culative, and problem tic expedi,ncy, they have
volunteered the introduction of superfluous liarsline,s into
the anti-outrage bill of 1833 as a scarecrow, to deter the
unborn Parliatnent of 1933 fr.ln legisliting up to the
re.il wants of its constituents. One consequence, we may
add, of setting officers to punish the multitude judicially
will be a demand from the Irish Governinent for a third
inure troops, that the increase of bitterness and disturbance
nay lie met by an adequa:e restraining power. No; we
are well convinced, and so, we trust, will he the
in-nt, that the administration of justice in Ireland out
in no case, short of open civil war, to lie withdrawn from
',e functionaries known to the British Constitution.
There was noting remarkable en the debate last night
(which was again adjourned) except the eloquent and
powerful speech of Sir Robert Peel, and that deserves a
di•tinct notice, fur which-we have not time nor room tu.
day.—Tunes.

In the forenoon of yesterday, Mr. Cobbett, in the dis-
eas,imin on the petition of the Unitar an Dissenters' Aga
setub y for Religious Worship in Bowle's alley, praying
for the removal of the religious disabilities affecting the
Jews, made a most illiberal end unwarranted tilted( on
that class of religionists. After alluding to the 'Jessie
bility of a Jew Judge upon the Bench acing to try a rrairf
for blasphemy, he (mery, d, " He is a blasphemer, and
regularly once a week blasphemes Jesus Christ in the
Synagogue, and once a year cm unities him in
* a * As to the fanatics who petition about the
matter, they have not considered it—they know not what
they say, or what they pray for. They can never have
reflected that the House cannot grant the prayer of the
p tition without saying chit nothing is blasphemy. They
cannot have reflected that the Jews call J sus Christ an
imposter. They write it in their books—they preach it
in their sermons—they utter it in their prayers—
and they sing it in their Psalms, which they sing
loud enough to stun any unfortunate Christian who
may happen to be within hearing.—(Bear, hear.)" There
is not, we understind, one word of truth in the statement
that the Jews crucify Christ in t ffigy, and we are asto-
nished that the Hon. Member for Oldham did not also ree
late the story of the annual sacrifice of a Christian child
by the Jews, which is to be found in the sources from
which he, no doubt, derived his statement. We are
assured also that the only Psalms repeated by the Jews in
their daily prayers, are the Psalms of David. Timere is
not the slightest allusion to Jesus Christ in the while of
their prayer-book, which is translated into English, and
may be had everywhere in this metropolis. 'l'h it cate-
chism inculcates kindness and good-will towards all per-
sons,w hether Jews or Christians, as may be seen on reerence
to " Cohen's Elements of Faith." 131tespliemy is not the
ennartaining a different creed from that of the Ctirmstians,
lint the uttering expressions of an injurious and contume-
lious nature against re lision ; and al iephemy may be com-
mitted as well against that part of the Scriptures in which
the Jews believe as well as the Christians, as against the
whole Scriptures. The Jews are under no necessity of
contradicting the Christians; fur the Christians be-
lieve all that they believe, and all that is sup. rin-
dueed by Christianity besides. The Christians go all
the length of the Jews ; but the Jews do net go all
the length of the Christians. If there b • therefore
controversy between them, the Christians must be the
aggressors, because as the Christians believe all that the
Jews believe, the Jews are under no necessity of citing
into collision with them, except they urge time Jews to
proceed a step further, and receive the New Teetainent in
addition to the Old. A Jew in so fir differs from a Uni-
tarian, that the latter, before the late statute, came into
positive collision with the Trinitarian Christian, by ,eny-
ing the divinity of Christ. A Jew, on time other hand,
takes no account of Christ, or any tiling in the New Tes-
tament, but contents himself with the Ol'. He has no
tenet of a controversial cnaracter, and it is only by impli-
cation that he can be said to be opposed to Christianity.
In no sense of the word, therefore, can ii.e Jew* he seid
to he blasphetners. At the same time we by no means
contend for I it'll against blasphemy, conceiving .11 laws
01 the kind, from their very nature, liable to be converted
into instruments of oppression. In several enlightened
States of the continent, blasphemy is considered as a vio-
lation of th- decency which all men in society ought to
observe. The law of Eneland on this subject is in a most
unsatisfactory state.—Alorniny Chronicle.
The splendid triumph of the Conservative party at the
electionlior the City of London, in spite of the disadvantaecs
ti, der which they were pla td by the It•forin Bill, can-
not fail, we think, to make a deep anti very beneficial
impressinn upon the country at largo. It tends to show
that a power yet exist', in time community more th-an ade-
quate if properly invoked, to r ecue us from the petits by
which we are surrt.unded, and to compel an adverse and
anti-national Ministry either to resign at Once or to be
content to govern in the spirit of our ancient and tried
Constitution. It proves that the efforts of the Conserva-
tive press fur the last two years iii exposing the miss
chievoue principles and conduct of the Movement have
not been thrown away, even upon classes supposed to be
almost beyond the reach of Conservative sympathies. It
also satisfies us that materials may be found in profusion
for the formatien of a comprehensive Coliservative party,
and that wisdom, activity, and courage only are want.
ing to enable such a party to act with irresistible effect
against the enemies of the country. We understand
that Mr. Lyall's majority was composed of men of all
classed, and of different shades of political opinion, united
by the conviction that the time was come to dismiss to
their native obscurity the noisy brawlers about ietarms
which they could not understand, and to appoint men of
solid attainments and practical wisdom in their stead.
Great efforts were made by the defeated party to stigma.
tize Mr. Lyall as a Tory, and he certainly touk to) pains
to disown the " soft impeachment ;" but the people did
not seem to understand why that once-honoured appellee
rise should now be deemed disgraceful, and answered this
Radical insolence, by sending the honest Tory into the
Reformed Parliament by an oserwhelining majority. We
cordially congratulate the public upon this auspicious
event, and beg to remind our Conservative friends that
what has been dune in London might he dune, and ought
to be done forties% ith, in every town, village, and ham-
let throughout the empire. Time loyal, the sober-
minded, and the good, may be rallied even yet under the
sacred banner of the Constitution, and tray must be so
rallied, or the waves of anarchy will overflow the land.
Ibis election is valuable on its own account, but it is
chiefly valuable as it shows that if the friends of order
can be brought to bestir themselves they will fight no
losing, no doubtful battle. Bestir themselves, however,
they must, if they wish for success. We cannot now,
as formerly, lean upon a House of C,tumons disposed,
from its constitution, to protect the principles of social
order, for the existing House must be supposed to have a
bias towards the adverse faction. Ow appeal must be
made, therefore, to public opinion, and particularly to
the new constituencies, so long as a hope remains of
saving the country by means of the provisions of the Re-
form Bill. It is notorious that nine-tenths of the aristo-
cracy, in the most extensive sense of the term, are intensely
Conservative in their politics, and we are satisfied that, if
they used the influence which their station give them to in-
struct and conciliate the large classes just below them,
vast numbers might soon be converted from the error of
their anarchical ways. We art: somewhat disposed
to confess that our party may have been in fault iu neg-
lecting the people too much; and we submit that it is no
longer safe to neglect them. Mr. Lyali's Committee did
not neglect the people, but went about from house to
house, explaining in a straightforward manner the prin.
ciples and grounds upon which votes were solicited,
the conscepience was that the people responded to the
appeal, being in their hearts more Conservative than De-
structive. Of the masses who supported democratic
Reform we must not forget that not more than a small
proportion consisted of designing knaves, the rest being
credulous dupes ; it should be our business, therefore, to
detect and expose the knaves, and to undeceive their
victims. This has been done already to a great extent by
the Conservative Press, and with the happiest results; but
it ought to be done to a greater extent, and by every vari-
ety of means. It may be done by the rich in their occasional
intercourse with their tradespeople and dependents,
,not
so much by the assumption of authority as llYofre:Lil
persuasion, explanation, and the invariable
oljts,eect of the
hatory and respectful language.. It is. the
ee
pouri into dis
Revolutionists to separate the rich I
th.eojin
aj(l'ect of the lin.
duct and hostile parties;
it is the
togetherj by the u
thropic statesman to connect
in teebn,
kind an t
friendly offices. We are for diversities of rank, tisira;
and
drleospe
ignrinacil4atito,lns
gradually
• one above the other, not separated by vawnina
chasms; and this we take to be the order of Pro.videnc,:,
tohf. society,ct.,
ta tounite
interchange