The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Faction is an evil counsellor, nor has the experi-
ence of the last two years been the period of history
the least abounding in illustrations of that important
truth. The class of English politicians with whom
foreign Powers have been most familiar during the
last 60 or 70 years, have been invariably of the Tory
junta. Whatever notions of British character or
policy have entered the minds of foreign Govern-
ments during the last half century, have originatet;
in Tory sources, and have been transmitted through
Tory channels. With Courts, and more especially
despotic ones, no intell;gence upon any subject,
above all a political subject, is thought worth listen-
ing to, if it hear not the stamp of" office." Power
makes men exclusive. It renders them in their own
eyes omniscient. They stir not beyond their owri
official circles for facts or opinions upon the spirit
of nations, or on the posture of public affairs. The
French Government under Polignac, in its childish
arrogance, knew as little of France as it did of the
Antipodes, because it made no inquiries into the
state of public feeling, or the hopes, the objects, or
resolutions of the people, beyond the gates of the
Place Carrousel, or the counting-houses of its own
agents, or the Bourse. Foreign Powers for the
most part took their own ideas of the condition of
Paris and of the provinces, from the notes or con-
fidential whispers of those ignorant and unnational
Ministers; and were most of them, in consequence,
so unprepared for the three days of July, as to treat
with angry incredulity the successive reports which,
during its progress, were sent to them from various
quarters of the rapid and disastrous growth of what
at first seemed a tumult, into an irresistible revolu-
tion, and the final downfall of that Sovereignty
which but 60 hours earlier had appealed supreme in
France. English Toryism has been so long the
holler of office in this kingdom, and the almost
exclusive medium of communication with the States
of Europe on international affairs, that the Tory
party—the ruling coterie anti the source and
vehicle of political information have been
identified in the minds of Foreign Courts : nor
has the actual transfer of official power to those
who, from being always in opposition to the ser-
vants of the British Court, have been not unna-
turally suspected by absolute Monarchs and their
:Ministers of a strong bias towards the principles of
popular Government, and, by consequence, a deep
hatred against those of military despotism, ever yet
been seriously and steadily looked at by them under
its proper colours. No ; they have stared at it as a
strange and fleeting meteor,—they have dreamed
about it as a misshapen but passing chimera,—they
have shrunk from the hideous, "theunreal mockery"
of a British Government which was not Tory,
which they expected would every moment vanish
before their blustering fright. That it should
constitute the stable, enduring, directing power
of Great Britain, and should continue to act
in close union with, and reliance on, public
opinion, as contradistinguished from that of the
English oligarchy, is what these foreign despots
can neither swallow nor comprehend ; accord-
ingly they act towards parties here as if their
ancient allies were still the British Government.
Their Ambassadors have no common feeling with
the reforming Ministers, and but a sort of cold and
compulsive intercourse ; their sympathies are with
the Tory chiefs; from them they derive their infor-
mation upon the state of England; to them do they
convey the wishes, and, to a certain extent, the
designs of their respective masters ; and upon the
hints of English spirit and temper furnished to their
Courts in return, do the Holy Alliance deem it not
unwise to act. Then, what is the information so
transmitted respecting the sentiment that prevails
in England, and the working of our ameliorated
institutions ? It is a heap of libels upon the re-
formed Parliament, and on the people of England.
Yes, the Tories began the fight against reform, by
anticipating all manner of mischief as the result of
it ; and now that the battle has gone against them,
they seek to real'ze their own predictions—or
to throw upon them some varnish of credibility--
by affirming of reform that it is actually as bad
as they had foretold, or worse; that there is, as
the Duke of Wellington asserted at the outset, an
impossibility of carrying on the King's Government
-.lith an enlarged constituency and a reformed Par-
liament ; that there is no sense of national dignity
or honour left in the electors or their representa-
tives ; and that Russia and her retainers may insult
and outrage, and trample on this great nation e.s she
likes ; for that neither Parliament nor people will
suffer the King of England to avenge indignity or
to repel aggression ; that peace on any terms will
be insistee on ; that no duty or principle of selC
defence will be admitted ; but that Mr. Joseph
Hume and the low Radicals will strike the flag of
England throughout the world, and let foreign
tyrants ride rough-shod over us with impunity.
Sock, we have good authority for stating, have
been the slanderous representations of this country,
volunteered to hostile Governments by Englishmen
whose patriotism survives not their possession of
power. Russia has believed them, and has ac-
cordingly bullied to the top of her bent. She
has been assured by the Tories that the Reformed
Government and Parliament of England will on no
provocation risk a war, whatever the conduct of the
Autocrat and his minions may be. Hence, and
hence only, the insolence of Russia. We believe
that there is a paltry faction of Destructives, who
care for nothing but the ballot, universal suffrage,
the overthrow of all our constitutional establish-
ments and national habits, and the introduction of a
wild and helmless democracy. If the Autocrat take
his notions of the English character from such re-
spectable models, he will be as near the truth as
when he resorts to Tory guidance. But we hope,
and have some reason for suspecting,that Nicholas has
been at least partly undeceived : Bonaparte's penetra-
tion was always at fault when he attempted to spe-
culate upon Epglisb modes of action : he knew as
much of Great Britain as he dill of the Georgium
Sidus. Nicholas has profited about equally by his
studies; but he is at last beginning to suspect, that
though M. Matuzewic may know something of the
.lulu. e of England, both at Almack's and Melton,
be is eot very accurately informed as to the opinions
of leee great body of the people.—Tiows.

,By the repeal of the combination laws in this
coun!.rlrl. every class of workmen have a right to
meet and td deliberate on the terms on which they
shall continue their work or desist from their em-
ployment, provided they offer no violence to those
who refuse to join their association, and neither oc-
casion nor threaten obstruction to the operations of
their masters. This implies, of course, only a very li-
mited power—and a power which has hitherto either
been found ineffectual, or has been ill employed.
It may sometimes, indeed, prevent a sudden fall of
wages ; but so long as the labour-market is over-
stocked, and a keen competition for employment
it
exists in the country, cannot effect a rise. It is
not consistent either with logical reasoning, or with
common experience, that profits should long con-
tinue inordinately high in any one branch of business,
or in any one particular district, so as to allow the
masters the faculty of increasing wages from their
own private income, without encroaching on their
capital, or augmenting the price of their manufac-
tured goods. In the former case, their capital must
be gradually exhausted, or would be suddenly with-
drawn to some other employment ; and thus the
means of supporting labour would be taken away
altogether from the refractory workmen, who would
be entirely destitute, instead of receiving reasonable
remuneration. In the latter case (that is to say, in
the case of a rise of price), two consequences must
necessarily follow—namely, that the consump-
tion would be diminished, and that the employ-
ment of labour would be decreased in a similar
proportion. There is no way of escape from this
dilemma. The price of a manufactured article can-
not be enhanced without diminishing its consumption,
and consequently subtracting as much from the work-
man in diminished employment, as he would gain
in the shape of increased remuneration for his
shorter labou But this consequence of an in.

creased price is still more alarming, if it could be
effected by combinations, when we consider the
peculiar situation of this country in relation to the
amount of the products of its manufacturing labour
consumed abroad. As two-thirds of our cotton
manufactures and a great proportion of some other
staples of our industry are prepared for the foreign
market, an increase of price, like that which must
he created by any considerable rise of wages, would
be sufficient to drive us altogether from the field of
foreign competition, and to shut up a large propor-
tion of our factories. The extent of the calamity
end ruin which this result would entail upon us
cannot be contemplated without alarm and horror.
We may therefore say that the plan lately pro-
posed for limiting the time of adult labour to eight
imurs a day in our factories, or, in other words,
the contrivance for raising its remuneration in
the proportion of from eight to twelve is either
dream of benevolent insanity, or a scheme for
destroying out manufacturing prosperity, and
creating a wide-spread scene of want and misery in
nir great manufacturing districts. It is evident
that we have arrived at a new era in the annals of
the working classes. We lately found combinations
for raising wages in Germany, in France, and in
Belgium. We still find Trades' Unions spreading
and strengthening—embracing new professions, and
acting with new concert in England. Even happy,
agricultural, and democratic North America (the
paradise of our Utilitarian philosophers) is not free
from them, as we have lately seen in the journals of
the United States. Nor do we feel any alarm at ,
this general desire for an improved condition, or
this general, though ill-directed, scrutiny by the
laborious classes into the grounds on which their
welfare depends. These combinations keep in the
minds of the people a high idea of comfort as the
reward of industry. They never can destroy the
fortunes of capitalists, or dispense with the em-
ployment of capital, without attacking the means of
heir own existence; and in proportion as they ad-
vance in knowledge and instruction, their unreason-
able caprices and senseless strikes will diminish or
disappear. It should be the object of a wise Go-
vernment for this purpose to spread among them
the means of education. As there is no mystery in
the principles on which the rate of wages depends,
or in the methods of bettering the condition of the
working classes through the exercise of their own
faculties, instruction on these points should be
added to the other branches of elementary learning.
ff this knowledge had been generally diffused, the
Derby turn-out would probably not have taken
place; the artisans of that town would have lent a
deaf ear to the harangues of interested agitators,
and we should never have met with such infl imma-
tory nonsense as we read in the report of a meeting
of Trades' Unions at Theobald's-road, inserted in
an Evening Paper of Wednesday.—Times.
From the speech of .Mr. Williams at the Court of
Common Council, on the 12th of December last,
we were prepared for making striking exposures in
the course of the Corporation inquiry, and strong
opposition on the part of many who have the cre-
dit of being very great patriots. In the speech in
question Mr. Williams stated that" he found by the
accounts cf last year that the office of Lord Mayor,
with its appendages, costs the citizens upwards of
19,0001. independent of 2,6991. for alienation of
officers of the Lord Mayor's household; and there
were besides many other good things, the value of
which he could not get at, such as a toll upon
oranges and other foreign fruit imported into the
port of London." This statement having been re•
ceived with clamour, Mr. Williams added, that he
expected that giving publicity to this waste of the
public money would be unwelcome to those around
him, he had, therefore, come prepared. There are
many men that, as long as liberality is confined
to abstract propositions, are most liberal, who yet
are as unwilling to enforce a rigid expenditure of
public money as the most determined Tories. Of
this the House of Commons, before the passing of
the Reform Bill, afforded not a few examples. It
would be strange if the expenditure of hundreds of
thousands every year in the City of London did riot,
in like manner, produce its effects on many very li-
beral Councilmen in all that regards general princi-
ples. The public must not allow themselves to be
carried away in matters of this kind by names.
Sir Matthew Hale is reported, as an apoloey for
his marriage, to have said, that no man was wise
below his girdle. It may with equal justice be
said, that, in money matter, no man is to be
trusted with being his own auditor. It will be
found, if we mistake no, before this Corporation
Inquiry is over, many members of the Common
Council have very powerful motives for keeping
each other in countenance. Fortunately, there are
men in the city who have not mixed themselves up
with the jobbing, and who will not suffer them-
selves to he put aside in their endeavours to expose
it. Mr. Williams said, on the occasion in question,
that " he did not impute to the Lord Mayor, or to
any of his predecessors, the cause of this extrava-
gance, he imputed it to that Court which had the
undoubted power to control and diminish the ex-
penditure. The Lord Mayor was placed in a posi-
tion similar to that of the Idol God of the Babylo-
nians, who hail the credit of consuming, a great
quantity of meat and wine; but it turned out that
the good things were devoured by the priests. His
Lordship could boast of auxiliaries in this corporation
equal to those priests, arid who devoured the im-
mense sums of money of which he complained, but
which the Court never would allow if they did not
themselves participate in consuming it. He wished to
see the Lord Mayor relieved from a sort of obligation
to keep the Mansion-house open as an eating-house
for the Corporation, which lowered the character
and dignity of his office; and to accomplish this he
would not cease to use his best efforts; but what
he most of all concerned himself about was, reliev-
ing his fellow-citizens from the unnecessary burdens
occasioned by this extravagant waste of money, for
all comes out of taxes levied from the citizens."
Out of taxes levied from the citizens, if we under-
stand by citizens not the small fraction of the me-
tropolis who return the Common Councilmen, but
two millions of people who are subject to the taxa-
tion of the Corporation of London. For it is to be
borne in mind that they not only tax the 1,700,000
inhabitants of the metropolis, but a great part of
Kent and Essex, and besides the counties of Sus-
sex and Middlesex, the counties of Hertford and
several others receiving goods from the port of
London, through the various canals, &c., are tri-
butary to them. The check on the expenditure of
400,0001. a-year, is a body returned by some 8,000
or 9,000 freemen, and for the distribution of the
franchise a majority of the Common Council are re-
turned by a very small number of freemen. Thus,
for instance, Wards with between 80 arid 90 free-
men, return their dozen of Common Councilmen.
But this statement of Mr. Williams was stoutly de-
nied at the time. But he coolly waited till the cla-
mour e as over, and observed, that ")te held in his
hands the account-book, and to that he would stick.
Ile could prove from that book—and he would read
the items if they wished—that this Corporation le-
vied upon the citizens in indirect taxes to the
amount of 06,0001., and in direct taxes, exceeding
100,0001. last year. And the Corporation had
besides a revenue from land, houses, and other
sources, of more than 55,0001 Could they deny
this, and at the same time look at that book
They received 10,5001. last year from a tax
upon corn, and 37,0001. from a tax upon coals,
two of the most indispensable necessaries of life."
This was the way to meet his opponents. But they
had not a word to say. It is much easier to talk in
general terms of exaggeration and complain of the
abuses of the press. No doubt they are sanctioned
by Acts of Parliament in levying some of these
duties. But the Legislature only gave them the
duties because their other funds were insufficient.
Before burdening the community so heavily, it might
be well to inquire whether the heavy expenditure
(of which the Mansion-house is but one department)
could be diminished. INIr. Williams stated that the
Lord Mayor cost three times more than the
President of the United States; he cost more

than our three Secretaiies of State, although
'he Home Secretary was at the head of all
the Magistracy of England. " Much," said Mr. W.,
H` has been said about the corruption of the corpo-
ration of Liverpool, whose revenue nearly equalled
that of the city. The expenditure upon its Mayor,
which appears by the recent investigation before the
King's Commissioners, did not exceed 4,0001. per
II annum. They are great economists, compared with
this corporation ; and exhibit to our own pure, im-
maculate concern, an example worthy of imitation."
The Mansion-house is, as we have already observed,
-l!), one of many branches of extravagant expendi-
ture. On that. occasion Mr. W. observed, if he
were allowed to go to other subjects of expenditure,
he could prove equal if not more flagrant extrava-
gance and expenditure of the public money. He has
now the opportunity of going into these branches,
and we trust he will keep his word, and show that
there has been in these branches a flagrant ex-
travagance in the expenditure cf the public
money. The public are interested—deeply in-
terested, in this inquiry. All sorts of &-
I vices will be had recourse to, to withdraw
the public attention from this subject. It is an old
trick to create a diversion when an attack presses.
What is wanted is not testimonies of Common
Councilmen to the virtues of each other ; but
figures. The patronage and direct profits shared
by those who have the management and control of
a revenue equal to that of many a great kingdom,
may well account for the bitterness which has al-
ready been shown. We are prepared for more of
it. As was well observed by the Chief Commis-
sioner, few things are better worth fighting for than a
good dinner ; and the Common Councilmen will fight
for their dinners. The soreness displayed has been
productive of this good, that it will serve the more
to draw attention to the proceedings. We under-
take to watch them, having long been anxious for
such an opportunity; for though we were not suffi-
ciently acquainted with the details, we knew enough
to satisfy us that the Corporation of London re-
quires a thorough purgation.—Morning Chronicle.

COURT OF CHANCERY, JAN. 16.