The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-11 00:00:00

GERNIAN PAPERS.

ODESSA, MARCH 17.—Three ships of the line have
arrived here from Sebastopol, to take on board troops and
ammuniti• which they are to convey to Cons'antinople
or Siseboli, where they will remain at the disposal of the
Sultan.

VIENNA, MARCH 29.—The Constintinopie mail of
the I Ith has arrived here, and though the letters are not
all delivered, we learn that the city is indeed tranquil,

but that considerable fermentation exists among the lower
orders, which threatens the public safety, unless the Sul-
tan has at his disposal a military force on which he can
implicitly depend. There are about 15,000 Turkish
troops in the capital and environs, but their spit-it is so
bad, that they would be more likely to promote disorders
than to check them. It is, therefore, supposed that the
Russian fleet, which received reinforcements on the 15th
inst., will not leave the Bosphorus; or, at all events,
will retire to a short distance only, in order to be able,
if necessary, to return quickly to secure the Sultan and his
capital from destruction. The reinforcements above spoken
of are said to consist of some frigates, 6,000 troops,
and twenty pieces of cannon. Two divisions of infantry
in the principalities have approached the Danube, to be at
the disposal of the Porte. With all this, it is not easy to
see how the Sultan is to extricate himself from his diffi-
culties, for though nobody can well deny the good inten-
tion of the Emperor of Russia, in hastening to assist the
Porte, without any artful views, yet everybody is sensible
that the Sultan has alienated the hearts of his Mahometan
subjects by his eagerness for innovation.
Costs] A NTINOPLE, MARCH 11. —lbrabina's partisan,
Emir Effendi, who got possession of Smyrna and Mag-
nesia by stratagem, has left Smyrna on the remonstrances
of the European Consuls, and with a precipitation which
seems unaccountible, unless we imagine that he and his
troops, consisting of about 1,000 men, would be ill-treated
and made prisoners by the inhabitants, who must necessa-
rily be convinced, in a few days, that he had no assist-
ance to expect. Ibrahim is said to disavow the occupa-
tion of Smyrna by this partisan, or, at least, to have de-
clared that be had given him no orders to that effect. Many
persons, however, doubt the sincerity of this declaration, if
Ibrahim really has made it. In general, many intrigues
come to light which maintain a continual uneasiness
among the diplomatic hody, and distrust between them
and the Porte The Rossi in fleet is still at anchor in the
Bosphorus, and was reinforced last week. It is also re-
ported that a Russian military force would soon arrive,
which would seem to intimate that the Porte had reason
to doubt of the acceptance of its conditions by 11Iehetnet
Ali. No accounts respecting hie decisions have arrived
from Alexandria ; but it is known, that there, as well as
here, the armaments continue.

MR. O'CONNELL'S ADDRESS TO THE
PEOPLE OF IRELAND.

(Abridged from the Dublin Freeman's Journal of April 9.)
London, April 4, 1833.

Fellow Countrymen—This is the first of a series of
letters which I intend to publish on the present state and
future prospects of our country, including the best sug-
g«stions which I can give for regulating your conduct in
the manner most calculated to mitigate the evils of the
one, and to insure the amelioration of the other.

Let it, however, be always recollected, that the entire
scope and object of my political life now is, to advance
and secure the Repeal of the Legislative Union between
these countries—convinced as I am, in the deepest re-
cesses of my conscience, that it is impossible—utterly im-
possible—to do any permanent or valuable service to Ire-
land, until the restoration of her domtstic Parliament.

I am thoroughly persuaded that the only way to pre-
vent the final separation of the two countries is to attach
Ireland to the connection, by giving her the protection
from insult and injury, of a parliament of her own.
It may be a matter of surprise to some that wish all
the madness of slavery upon me, that I should write with
so much of cool calmness. To these persons I readily
acknowledge that an offence has been committed against
all the great principles of the constitution, and against the
people of Ireland, too deep to be forgotten, and too cruel
to be ever forgiven. The rankling wound caused by
national injustice and Whig despotism (oh, the ever
odious Whigs !) is too excruciating ever to heal. Yet I
am c“ol, and quiet, and deliberate ; no bursts of passion
sway my soul—no fervid epithets of execration burn in
my description of individual venality, profligacy, or folly.
No ; I console myself, and I am consoled, by the certainty
that the great measure of national regeneration is advanced
by the actions of our worst and most malignant enemies in
every part of the British empire. Our friends, and the
friends of liberty in Great Britain are up, in heart,
courage, and generous sympathy; and the very measure
which was intended to crush the agitation of the repeal,
actu illy makes the repeal irresistible.

I retur❑ to the mode of procuring the repeal—of pro-
curing it peaceably, and without violating any law.
It seems to me that there are these two preliminary
measures necessary, before we can arrive at that state of
moral and political organisation (under the now existing
law) which is requisite in order to produce the repeal in
the only manner in which we seek it—that is without
crime and without blood.

The first of these measures is the suppression of White-
feet outrages.
Long and long since would Ireland have shaken off the
yoke of her worst grievances, but that her friends are
disheartened, disgusted, and almost sickened, by reason of
the commission of" Whitefeet" crime.,, whilst every enemy
of Ireland is strengthened and fortified by the natural
and necessary consequences of that criminality.
Our first concern, therefore, is to put down " White-
foot" outrages. Wherever any of us have influence let
it be dir,eted to this object. Let each of us, in his own
sphere, redouble all former exertions to this effect—and,
above all, let us impress on the mind of every body withi❑
our reach the impossibility of ever giving freedom to Ire-
land, whilst " Whitefeet" crimes contaminate, degrade,
and weaken our native land.

The second preliminary is one of more easy attainment
—it is to concliate all classes and persuasions of Irishmen
towards each other. I have the liveliest happiness in being
able to state that the approximation of Irishmen, Pro-
testants, Orangemen, and Catholics towards each other, is
progressing with a rapidity which exceeds my expectations,
and almost equals my ardent wishes fir entire and uni-
versal conciliation. There are, to be sure, some who con-
tinue obdurate and prejudiced; but the number is daily
diminishing, and even in the North, the Orangemen are—
many of them at least—beginning to perceive that, whilst
as Protestants they have nothing to fear—they as Irishmen
have every thing to gain from the establishment of a do•
inestic legislature.

I now come to the most interesting part of my subject—
the mode of continuing, without any violation of the
" Angl sea Gigging Bill," our national exertions to pro•
cure the Repeal.

We must not violate the law. We must keep within
the strict bounds of the statute. But we can, within these
hounds, continue and even extend our peaceable exertions
fur the repeal. I know the spirit of Irish patriotism is still
" unfading and warm," and so long as the spirit reigns
paramount in the breasts of the honest men of Ireland, I
will take care th it it shall not want the mode or the means
of working out the political salvaion of the ever loved and
lovely land of our birth.

The volunteers can aid ; but they sh II not be the
only legal holy to advance the interests and the rights of
Ireland.

However, in order tl understand fully the safety and
security, as well as the utility of my plans fur continuing
wholesome agitation under the Algerine law, it is necessary
that I should puint out briefly some of the mischiefs which
that law does not perpetrate.
Ist. It gives no power to the Magistracy over meetings
of any kind. Understand, the Magistrates have no
authority whatsoever given them under this Act. A
magistrate cannot prohibit or suppress any meeting
under this Act. He is just where he was before this
law was passed.

2d. No meeting can be rendered illegal under this Act
until it has been proclaimed by the Lord Lieutenant; and
that pro,lamation notified to the persons so meeting.
There are, therefore, under this Act, two ingredients
necessary to make a patriotic meeting illegal. The first is a
proclamation by the Lord Lieutenant; the second is a no-
tification of that proclamation to the persons intended to
be affected by it.

Timis is clearly a great improvement in this Act over the
Wellington Algerine Act,"--and I must claim the merit,
because I believe it to be mine—of suggesting this im-
provement.
3d. The power of the Lord-Lieutenant is con-
fined to rendering a meeting illegal—observe " a meeting."
I say it emphatically. For example the Lord-Lieutenant
may issue a proclamation to prohibit any meeting of " the
volunteers." After such proclamation any meeting of
the volunteers would be illegal, and none such will take
place whilst this Gagging Bill is law.
But time association of the volunteers would not, and
cannot thus be rendered illegal. It will be no offence to
continne to be a volunteer; I will continue to be a vo-
lunteer, and so wall every other member of that body who
does not actually resign.
I repeat therefore that the proclamation of the Lord-
Lieutenant will, of course, prevent the volunteers from
meeting; it will render a meeting of the volunteers illegal;
but it will leave the association of the volunteers as legal as
they were before the Act ; and although we do not meet
in any assembly, we can co-operate as individuals;
we can direct and regulate our conduct by correspondence,
especially through the newspapers, for we have not, and
never will have any secrets.
I will in this mode correspond with the volunteers„,4
and assht them to crush outrages and crimes, and to pro-
mote such rational arbitrations among the people as may
keep them away from the petty and general sessions.
But these are no more than the outskirts of agitation.

We must arrange under the new state of affairs our future
plan for as general a combination as is adequate to attain,
1.), legal and constitutional means, a redress of Irish
grievances.

We must teach the people the paths of peace, which
alone can conduct them to prosperity and liberty.
I proceed to open my plan for the liberation of Ireland
from her present thraldom, and for the restoration of her
domestic legislature.

The first element, and the leading principle of that plan
the proper use of the elective franchise.

This is my first position. It is absolutely necessary
that the people of Ireland should render the elective fran-
chise as available as possible.

The first step in the new agitation is, to organise the
elective franchise in every county, city, town, and borough
in Ireland.

This species of agitation has these two great recommen-
dations. First—lt is perfectly safe. Secondly—lt must
be eminently useful.
It may be said that we are only in the beginning of a
Parliament, and, therefore, the advantages to be derived
from the organisatio❑ of the elective franchise are remote.
This is not so. There never was a Parliament so likely
to be short as the present.
In the first place, the age of the King, and the preca-
rious state of his health—matters to be spoken of with
respect and regret--enter as ingredients in our calculation
of the duration of this Parliament.

In the second place, the disconnected and heterogeneous
materials of which the ',resent Ministry is composed, ren-
der it next to impossible that they should remain long in
office. I anticipate the dissolution of the present Ministry,
even before the end of the present session.
In the next place, the total abandonment by the present
Ministry of their old principles; the trampling under foot
of all those principles in the Irish despotism Bill ; their
sacrifice of the trial by jury, the palladium of the safety
and liberty of Englishmen ; their sacrifices of the last re-
source of the wretched, the right to complain ; their
sweeping indemnity to the military, aml subjecting them
to no other punishment, save by courtstnartial ; these,
the leading featutes of the Irish despotism Bill, sink
deeply into the minds of the thinking and reasoning part
of the British community, and are silently but rapidly
producing such sentiments of disgust and abhorrence of
the present Ministry is the public mind of this country,
that it is not possible they should continue long in office.
Add to this, that this Ministry has done uothing—is
doiug nothing—promises nothing to the suffering and
overburdened people of England, who were led to expect
confident:y great relief from the Reform Bill, and are
getting just none at all.
Believe me, this Ministry cannot stand. They wil
shrink out of office amidst the shouts of indignation of al
parties. This Ministry must soon be dissolved.
It is impossible to go back to Toryism. We ate one
hundred years, as years reckon in political life, beyond
the possible restoration of Toryism.
Let us, then, be prepared for the event. The dissolu-
tion of this Ministry necessarily leads to the dissolution of
the Parliament.

Let us, then, and from this moment, prepare for that
event.

This is my first step in the new agitation. I must be
the prime agitator myself, without co-operation. It is,
of course, that I should be powerless ; but with the aid of
a few honest and active men in each locality, the people
eau and shall be ready for a new election—to promote
their friends, and to punish their enemies.
My first step is, therefore, to organize the means of
serving and sustaining friends and flinging off enemies.
Let us, then, begi❑ the new agitation with the organi-
zation of the elective franchise.

I cannot conclude this my first letter to the people of
Ireland, enslaved as they are by the first act of a Reformed
Parliament, without making a passing remark on the
inure recent events. It is true that we have got rid of
Stanley, who was, at least, consistent in his opinions—but
then, we have got Hubhouse, who has been a ferocious
patriot, and is now a cornplaisint placetnan. I do not know
that Ireland can have gained much by the change. Hub-
house, however, has one consolation, he cannot possibly be
worse to Leland than Stanley.
I am induced to think the less favourably of Hobhouse
from his speech at the hustings. It is attributed to him
to have been guilty of the unconceivable absurdity of mak-
ing these two assertions :
First—" That the Irish people would, within three
months, discover that this Bill (meaning the despotism
Bill) was for their good."
There is a profound statesman for you—" for our
good ! ! !" to deprive us of the very first principles of the
constitution ! !—For our gooll !! ! Poor man ! what a
wretched exhibition of that species of vulgar assumption
of toe superiority of English over Irish intellect does this
assertion exhibit. Poor man !

For our good ! ! !—aye, just as the slave-driver in the
West Indies uses the lash on the bare back of the expiring
negro—for his good.
The second assertion was—" That within the same
three months he would so redress Irish grievances as to be
the most popular man in that country."
See what an adequate idea he has of his own powers on
the one hand, and of the eff,ets of seven centuries of mis-
government on the other ! What a heaven-born statesman
we have get among us.—within three mouths, surrounded
by Tories, Conservatives, monopolists, and the Attorney-
General ; having, in addition, Lord Anglesea to manage,
and Lord Plunket to satisfy, he is to work miracles of
conciliation and kindness by the light of his sweet and gra-
cious coun'enance.
Well done, little Cam ! as Cobbett calls him.

Now, I have as good a right to become " Pastorini" as
little Cam has ; and I venture to prophecy that Ireland
will not derive any one advantige from the secretaryship
of Sir John Cain Honhouse.

For the present, I conc.ude with the repetition of my
oft-given advice to the people—
No riot, no violence, no crime.
But, above all things, no despair. \% ARE EIGHT
MILLIONS.

1 awn, and ever shall be, fellow countrymen, your de-
voted faithful servant,

DANIEL O'CONNELL.

HOUSE AND WINDOW DUTY.

RETURN to an Order of the

dated 15th Febn
AN ACCOUNT of the AMOU.
DOW DUTY Paid by each Co
can be obtained.

Bedford £6,992 2 1141
Berks 25,664 6 10 '
Bucks 14,92.410 0k
Cambridge
Chester 23,421 1811%
Cornwall
Cumberland 9,059 1 1,
I)erb.• 11,622 5 34
Devon 46,892 5 Ili
Dorset 16,26:517 0
Durham
Essex 42,751 22 10%
Gloucester 61,591 19 54
Hereford
Hertford
Huntingdon 5,218 9 11 t;,
Kent
Lancaster 153,056 3 5.7 i
Leicester .......„ 18,178 12 9%
Lincoln 25,6E3 0101 i