The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-04 00:00:00

wishes. Though thus, however, soothed down to.the
gentleness of doves, they are wise as serpents—they
know the enemy with whom they have to contend, and
they are wisely making their preparations for giving
him the last and deadly blow. Through city and
town—parish and district, the same cry is heard—all
are in the field—weapon in hand, to assert their rights,
and to make head against the attempted Tory domina-
tion. There is no exception—there is no difference
of opinion—there is no chsunion—there is no secession
from the common cause. The common danger has
united all classes ; and, as we observed yesterday,
there is but one voice respecting the intended Tory
Cabinet from one end of the kingdom to the other—
and that voice says, " Down with the Tories." As a
proof of this assertion, we might point the attention
of our readers to the numerous meetings which have
been held within the last fortnight in almost every
part of the metropolis—to those which are to be held
his day and to-morrow, and to those which are in con-
templation ; but we prefer, instar omnium, to call the
attention of our readers to the proceedings of the good
people of Hull, not only as regards their representa-
tives, but as respects the present crisis. A brief ac-
count will be found elsewhere of the speech of Mr.
Hill to his constituents, and we most specially regret
that the state of our columns will not permit us to give
it at length ;—for a speech more adapted to the
crisis—more in unison with the public feeling—more
manly, argumentative, and truth-telling, has rarely
graced the columns of a newspaper. But excellent as
was the speech of Mr. Hill, still more excellent if
possible in every respect is the conduct of the electors
of Hull. Not satisfied with a mere declaration of
their opinions upon the present crisis—not content with
declaring their disgust at the attempt to revive Tory
domination, with whatever views or for whatever
purposes, they have met, and they have resolved as
follows :
" 1. That the present crisis, when we are threatened with
the return to power of that faction which has ever strenuously
opposed all liberal measures, call upon us to use our utmost
exertions, to rescue ourselves and our country from the hateful
Tory domination attempted to be imposed upon us.
" 2. That as it is the right of the people of England to
express their disapprobation of men and measures, when they
think either inimical to the interests of the nation ; it is also
their duty, by electing men to be their representatives in whom
they have confidence, to endeavour—legally and constitution-
ally--to obtain that hange in the councils of the King they
consider so essential to the welfare of the country.
" 3. That the recorded sentiments and avowed opinions of
Matthew Davenport Hill and William Hutt, Esqrs., give
them, in the opinion of this society, the strongest claim to the
suffrages of the reformers of Hull. And we do, therefore,
pledge ourselves to use our best exertions to procure their re-
election, in case the madness of the faction of Toryism should
render such an event inevitable.
" 4. That we, as real reformers, cheerfully hold out the
right hand of fellowship to all others of our brethren in ac-
complishing that great work which will demand the most stre-
nuous exertions of all. That we adopt as our rallying cry the
one proposed by the Earl of Durham—' Reform, Liberty, and
the Constitution,' and that we will ' throw aside all petty dif-
ferences to be prepared for the coming struggle.'"
For the address to which they agreed we have no
room ; but the following remarks are worthy a place
in our columns, as well as worthy of the imitation of
all Reformers throughout the kingdom.
" In this emergency," say they, "what is our course and
that of the people of England ? Plainly to trust none, of
whose honesty as public men we have not indubitable proofs—
to return to Parliament none but those pledged to the over-
throw df this faction—those only who will advance Reform,
and promise us, at least, household suffrage, short Parliaments,
and, above all, the protection of the ballot. Such men, Re-
formers of Hull, we believe we have in our present representa-
tives, Messrs. Hill and Hutt ; and therefore, notwithstanding
that your enemies and ours--the Tories—are again in the field
with their influence—we pledge ourselves, and call upon you
to do the same, to do all in our power to return them to Par-
liament in the event of a dissolution. Let our cry be in the
words of the Earl of Durham, Reform, Liberty, and the
Constitution'—' Let us throw to the winds all dissension, and
see only how we can make our cause the strongest, and our
resistance the most effective.'
" Let the Reformers of Hull unite I We have our example
in the men of Birmingham, who have gladly merged minor
details for the sake of general principles. Each party must
make some sacrifice—not of principle, but of detail and per-
sonal feeling ; and then, by our united forces, the enemy is
certain of defeat. Let us proclaim war I legal and constitu-
tional war I but a war of extermination against Toryism."
Nor is this all. The following document, still more
worthy of imitation, is going the round of the borough,
and is in course of being numerously signed. Its manly
spirit requiries no commendation from us.
" PROTECTION OF ELECTORAL RIGHTS.
" We, the undersigned inhabitants of the borough of
Kingston-upon-Hull, holding in abhorrence every attempt to
influence voters in the exercise of their electoral rights--whe-
ther by intimidation or corruption, or by taking undue advan-
tage of our social relations—hereby declare, that in the capa-
city of employers or landlords, or customers of electors of the
borough of Kingston-upon-Hull, we shall neither, directly nor
indirectly, seek to obtain votes, or to influence those who pos-
sess the suffrage, from the full and free exercise thereof; but
shall, witoout reservation or exception, accord to others the
measure of constitutional liberty which we claim for ourselves 1"
Who, after this, will say that the Liberals are to be
cajoled into a trust in Tory Reformers ? Who will have
the hardihood to avouch that their meetings are "farces"
—that they are not in earnest--or that they will not,
when circumstances demand it, act up to their profes-
sions? Above all, who in the face of a people so deter-
mined, not only against Tories, but Toryism itself,
whether it assume the mask of Reform, or conceal its
hideous features under the vizard of Ultraism, will
hazard a conflict with them ?—Morning Advertiser.
Amongst all the subjects of complaint amongst the
Whigs the one which stands out most prominent is
their lamentation over the defection, as they call it, of
a considerable number of their men. They—Whigs
too—howl and complain that on all sides their staunch
adherents are, one by one—nay, two by two—drop-
ping off and joining the Conservative party, and ex-
pressing their determination to stand by the King's
Government. Where is the harm, where the disgrace,
where the inconsistency of this ? We honestly confess
we cannot see it. It is clear that when they sup-
ported the Whig Ministry they supported the
King's Government and therefore supported the
Monarchy. The King himself, confiding in the
professions of that Ministry, also supported it, and
gave it proofs of Royal grace and favour from first to

last, perhaps unequalled by any other occupant
of the British throne. His Majesty permitted Mr.
Henry Brougham to be Lord High Chancellor of
England ; Mr. Thomas Denman, the sin-no-more
advocate of Queen Caroline, to be His Majesty's
Lord Chief Justice. These, not to speak of the ele-

vation to Cabinet office of such persons as Mr. Ed-.
ward Ellice and Mr. Abercromby, and the promotion
of the Right Honourable Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, and
all the rest of it, prove, we say, the kindness, the con-
fidence, and the attachment of His Majesty,—the po-
litical attachment we mean—to the late Ministry.
What then ? What was the Ministry when the King
gave it his confidence ? It consisted of Lord Grey,
Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, the Duke of
Richmond, Lord Ripon, and some others. What
was it when it lost the confidence 'of the coun-

try; when it was divided and torn to pieces, so
that Lord Melbourne could no longer keep it
together ? Why, it consisted of the " some
others "—Lord John Russell, the grildrig, the au-
thor of " Don Carlos ; " of Mr. Edward Ellice, a
gentleman, as the Times said, " disreputably known
in the City ;" of Mr. Abercromby, steward to his. Grace
the Duke of Devonshire ; and of Sir J. Hobhouse, the
be-pelted of Westminster. Is there anything like rat-

tint; or tergiversation in joining or supporting the Go-
vernment which succeeds to this low and abominable

clique ? Is the wretched assemblage of folly and in-
significance which three weeks since carried on the
farce of sitting in Council in Downing-street, anything
like the Cabinet to which the conscientious Whigs
gave their support ?—No. Who found out the weak-
ness and the wretchedness of the remnant first? Those

who honourably and conscientiously left them. And
who can do better than follow the example of those
men who, with an intimate knowledge of the plots and
plans of their colleagues, hurried away, disgusted,
from the scene of their ignorance and iniquity ?
A man pledges himself to a Ministry in the firm
belief of their good intentions, and with a con-
viction of their ability to work out the designs
which they formed for the good of their country. He
is deceived ; he finds that they are at once corrupt
and incaable ; he retracts, he withdraws. Is this
" flattery'—is this knavery—is this betraying ? No.
Our good and gracious Monarch has himself been
compelled to withdraw his countenance and protection
from those very Ministers, and to call to his Councils
another party of men, to check, if possible, the evils
which their predecessors would inevitably have entailed
•e