The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-15 00:00:00

.1, (,) N. 1..) 0N , TUESDAY EVENING JANUARY
'r, and with such expedition , by our fathers, and transmitted to us ; and by no other
will he ready for service me-ens is it possible for it to exist. If ouc Stele ceases to
`,lnt as this addition to respect the rights of another, and obtrusively in term eidlce
inadequate to the with its local interests—if a potion of the States 3,3e:170
of the extensive to impose their institutions on the other, or refuse to fulfil
of the United their obligations to them—we are no longer united friendly
knowlelged States, but distracted, hostile ones, with little capacity
increase left of common advantage, but abundant means of reeipro-
e con- cal injury and mischief.
Practically, it is immaterial whether aggressive inter-
-(' fereuce between the States, or deliberate refusal on the
part of Islay one of them to comply with constitutional ob-
ligations, arise from erroneous conviction or blind preju-
dice, whether it be perpetrated by direction or indirection.
In either case, it is full of threat and of danger to the
durability of the Union.
CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATIONS OF SLAVERY.
Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate as the executive
agent of the whole country, bound to take care that the
laws be faithfully executed, and specially enjoined by the
Constitution to give information to Congtesssen the state of
the Union, it would be palpable neglect of duty on my part
to pass over a subject like this, which, beyond all things at
the present time, vitally concerns individual and public
security.
It has been matter of painful regret to see States conspi-
cuous for their services in founding this republic, and
equally sharing its advantages, disregard their constitu-
tional obligations to it. Although conscious of their ina-
bility to heal admitted and palpable social evils of their
own, and which are completely within their jurisdictieu,
they engage in the offensive and hopeless undertaking of re-
forming the domestic institutions of other States wholly
beyond their control and authority. In the vain pursuit
of ends by them entirely unattainable, and which they
may not legally attempt to compass, they peril the very
existence of the Constitution,' and all thecountless benefits
which it has conferred. While the people of the Sontbern
States confine their attention to their own affair,, not pre-
suming officiously to intermeddle with the social institu-
tions of the Northern States, too many of the inhabitants
of the latter aro permanently organised into associations to
inflict injury on the former by wrongful acts, which would
be cause of war as between two foreign Powers, and only
fail to be such in our system because perpetrated under
cover of Coe Union.
It is impossible to present this subject as truth and the
occasion require without noticing the reiterated but ground-
less allegation that the South has persistently asserted
claims and obtained advantages in the practical adminis-
tration of the General Government to the prejudice of the
North, and in which the latter has acquiesced. That is,
the States which either promote or tolerate attacks on the
rights of persons and of property in other States, to dis-
guise their own injustice, pretend and imagine, and con-
stantly aver, that they whose constitutional rights are thus
systematically assailed are themselves the aggressors. At
the present time this imputed aggression, resting as it does
only in the vague declamatory charges of political agitators,
resolves itself into misapprehension, or misinterpretation,
of the prineiples and fade of the political organisation of
the new territories of the United States.
What is the voice of history? When the ordinance,
which provided for the government of the territory north-
west of the River Ohio, and for its eventual subdivision
into new States, was adopted in the Congress of the Confe-
deration, it is not to be supposed that the question of
future relative power, as between the States which re-
tained mil those which did not retain a numerous coloured
population, escaped notice or failed to be considered. And
yet the concession of that vast territory to the interests and
1 opinions of the Northern States, a territory now the seat of
five among the largest members of the Union, was in groat
measure the act of the State of Virginia and of the South.
When Louisiana was acquired by the United States, it
was an acquisition not less to the North than to the South,
for while it was important to the country at the mouth of
the river Mississippi to become the emporium of the coun•
try above it, so also it was even more important to the
whole Union to have that emporium ; and although the
new province, by reason of its imperfect settlement, was
mainly regarded as on the Gulf of Mexico, vet, in fact, it
extended to the opposite boundaries of the United State,, with far greater breadth above than below, and was, in
territory as in everything else, equally at least an accession
to the Northern States. It is mere delusin and ejudice, therefo re, to speak of Louisiana as acquisition inprthe spe-
cial interest of the South.
The patriotic and just mon who participated in that act
were influenced by motives far above all sectional jea-
loesies. It was, in truth, the groat event which, by com pleting for us the possession o the valley of the Missis-
sippi, with commercial assess to the Gulf of Mexico, im-
parted unity and strength to the whole Confederation, and
attached together by indissoluble ties the East and the
West, as Well as the North and the South.
As to Florida, that was but the transfer by Spain to the
United States of territory on the east side of the river
Mississippi, in exchange for large territory which the
United States transferred to Spain on the West side of
that river, as the entire diplomatic history of the transac
tion serves to demonstrate. Moreover, it was an acquisi-
sition demanded by the commercial interests and the secu-
rity of the whole Union.
Meantime, the people of the United States had grown
up to a proper consciousness of their strength, and in a
brief contest with France, and in a second serious war
with Great Britain, they had shaken off all which remained
of undue reverence for Eerope, and emerged from the at-
mosphere of those transatlantic influences which sum rounded
the infant Republic', and had begun to turn their attention
to the full and sestematic development of the internal re-
sources of the Union.
Among the evanescent controversies of that period, the
most conspicuous was the question of regulation, by Con-
gress, of the social condition of the future states to be
founded in the territory of Louisiana.
The ordinance for the government of the territory north-
west of the river Ohio had contained a provision, which
prohitdted the use of servile labour therein, subject' to the
condition of the extradition of fugitives from service clue
in any other part of the United States. Subsequently to
the adoption of the constitution this provision ceased to
remain as a law, for its oper dion as such was absolutely
superseded by the constitution. But the recollection of
the fact excited the zeal of social propagandism in some
sections of the confederation ; and when a second state—
that of Missouri—came to be formed iu the territory of
Louisiana, proposition was made to extend to the latter
territory the restriction originally applied to the country
situated between the rivers Ohio and Mississippi.
Most questionable as was this proposition in all its con-
stitutional relations, nevertheless it received the sanction
of Congress, with some slight modification of line, to save
the existing rights of the intended new state. It was re-
luctantly acquiesced in by southern states as a sacrifice to
the cause of peace and!of the Union, not only of the rights
stipulated by the treaty of Louisiana, but of the principle
of equality among the states guaranteed by the constitu-
tion. It was received by the northern states with angry
and resentful coudemnation and complaint, because it did
not concede all which they had exactingly demanded.
Having passed through the forms of legislation, it took its
place in the statute book, standing open to repeal, like any
other act of doubtful constitutionalty, subject to be pro-
nounced null and void by the courts of law, and possessing
no possible efficacy to control the rights of the States, which
might thereafter be organised out of any part of the ori-
ginal territory of Louisiana.
In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation
upon pre-existing rights, to which portion of the Union are
they justly chargeable ?
This controversy passed away with the occasion, nothing
surviving it save the dormant letter of the statute.
But long afterward, when, by the proposed accession of
the Republic of Texas, the United States were to take their
next step in territorial greatness, a similar contingency oc-
curred, and became the occasion for systematised attempts
to intervene in the domestic affairs of one section of the
Union, in defiance of-their rights as States, and of the
, stipulations of the Constitution. These attempts assumed
a practical direction in the shape of persevering endea-
yours by some of the representatives, in both Houses of
, Congress, to deprive the S 'uthern States of the supposed
, benefit of the provisions of the act authorising the orgeni-
nation of the State of Missouri.
But the geed sense of the people, and the vital force of
, the Conetitution, triumphed over sectional prejudice and
the political errors of the day, and the State of Texas re-
, turned to the Union as she was, with social institutions
which her people had chosen for themselves, and with
express agreement, by the re-annexing act, that she
should be susceptible of subdivision into a plurality of
States.
, Whatever advantage the interests of the Southern
' States, as such, gained by this, wore far inferior in results,
as they unfolded in the progress of time, to those which
, sprang from previous concessions made by the South.
To every thoughtful' friend of time Utiion ; to the true
lovers of tbeir c 'entry ; to all who lunged and laboured fu r
the full suceese of this great experiment of republican in
stitutions, it WWI cause of congratulation that such an op-
portunity had occurred to illustrate our advancing power
on this continent, and to furnish to the world additional
assurance of the strength and stability of the Constitution.
Who would wish to see Florida still a European colony?
Who would rejoice to hail Taxes as a lone star, instead of
ono of the galaxy of States ? Who does not appreciate the
incalculable benefits of the acquisition of Loui-i ram ? A I,i
yet narrow views :mud sectional purposes would inevitably
have excluded them all from the Union.
But another struggle on the same point ensued, when
our victorious armies returned from Mexico, and it de-
volved on Congre, e to provide for the territories acquired
by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great relations
of the subject had now become distinct and clear to the
perception of the public mind, which appreciated the evi le
of section .l controversy upon the question of he admis•
sion of new States. In that crisis intense 'solicitude per-
v ailed the nation. Bet the patriotic impulses of the popu-
lar heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the Father ,)f
his Country, rose superior to all the difficulties of the ie-
corporation of a new empire into the -Union: In the
counsels of Congress there was manifested extreme antago-
nism of opinion and action between some representatives,
who sought, by the abusive and unconstitutional em-
ployment of the legislative powers of the Government, to
, interfere in the (rendition of the inchoate States, and to
i impose their own social theories upon the latter ; and
other representatives, who repelled the interposition of
the General Government in this respect, and maintained
the self-constituting rights of the States. In truth, the
thing attempted was, iu form alone, action of the General
Government, while in reality it was the endeavour, by
abuse of legislative power, to force the ideas of internal
policy entertained in particular St; tes upon allied indepen-
dent States. Once more the Constitution and the Union
triumphed signally. The new, territories were organised
without restrictions on the disputed point, and were
thus left to judge in that particular for themselves;
and the sense of constitutional faith proved vigorous
enough in Congress not Only to accomplish this pri-
mary object, but also the incidental and hardly less
important one of so amending the provisions of
the
to
place
lee
that public for tle o
i
iuyu
extradition
t of fugitivesn(
the
safeguard uri
servicefrofm,t
as of
the General Government, and thus relieve it from obsta-
cles raised up by the legislation of some of the States.
Vain declaration regarding the provisions of law for the
extradition of fugitives from service, with occasional epi-
sodes of frantic effort to obstruct their execution by riot
and murder, continued for a brief time to agitate certain
localities. But the true principle of leaving each State and
Territory to regulate its own laws of labour according to
its own sense of right and expediency, had acquired fast
hold of the public judgment to shell a degree that, by com-
mon consent, it was observed in the organisation of the
Territory of Washington. .
When, more recently, it became requisite to organise
the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural
and legitimate, if not the inevitable, consequence of previ-
ous events and legislation, that the same great and Found
principle which had already been applied to Utah and
New Mexico, should bo applied to them ; that they should
stand exempt from the restrictions Proposed in the act re-
lative to the State of Missouri.
These restrictions were, in the estimation of many
thoughtful men, null from the beginning, unauthorised by
the Constitution, contrary to the treaty stipulations for
the cession of Louisiana, and inconsistent with the equality
of the States.
They had been stripped of all moral authority, by persis-
tent efforts to procure their indirect repeal through con.

in the most satisfactory- manner, and with such expedition
as to warrant the belief that they will he ready for service
early in the coming spring. Itnoortant as this addition to
oar naval force is, it still remains inadequate to the
contingent exigencies of the protection of the extensive
sea coast and vast commercial interests of the IJoited
States. In view of this fact, and of the acknowledged
wisdom of the p dicy of a gradual and systematic increase
of the navy,. an appropriation is recommended for the con-
struction of six sloops of war.
In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of
Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it is none-
cessarY for me to say more than to express entire concur-
rence in the observations on that subject presented by the
secretary in his report.

tradietory enactments. They had been practically abro-
gated by the legislation atteudinl the organisation of
Utah, New Lllex.;co, and W,shingtou. If any vit,dity re-
mained in them, it would have been taken away in effect
by the new territorial acts, in the form originally pro-
posed to the Beuate at the first session of the last Con-
gress. It was manly and ingenuous, as well as pa-
triotic and just, to do this directly and plainly, and
thus relieve the statute-book of an act which might be
of possible future injury, but of no possible future
benefit ; and the measure of its repeal was the final
consummation and complete recognition of the princi-
ple that no portion of the United Staten shall undertake,
through assumption of the powers of the General Go-
vernment, to dictate the social institutions of any other
portion.
The scope and effect of the language of repeal were not
left in doubt. It was declared, in terms, to be " the true
intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into
any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States."
The measure could not be withstood upon its merits
alone. It was attacked with violence on the false or de-
lusive pretext that it constituted a breach of faith. Never
was objection more utterly destitute of substantial justifi-
cation. When before was it imagined by sensible men that
a regulative or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or
forty years ago, is irrepeulable —that an Act of Congress
is above the Constitution ? lf, indeed, there were in the
facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would attach to
those only who have never coaxed—from tke time of the
enactment of the restrictive provision to the present day—
to denounce and to condemn it; who have constently re-
fused to complete it by needful supplementary legislation;
whe have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force ;
who have themselves again and again attempted its repeal
by the enactment of incompatible provisions ; and who, by
the inevitable reactionary effect of their own violence on
the subject, awakened the country to perception of the
true constitutional principle of leaving the matter involved
to the discretion of the people of the respective existing or
incipient States.
It is not pretended that this principle, or any other, pre-
cludes the possibility of evils in practice, disturbed as politi-
cal action is liable to be by human passions. No form of
government is exempt from inconveniences ; but in this
case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legiti •
mate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred in the
organisation of a territory. They are not to be charged to
the great principle of popular sovereignty; on the con-
trary, they disappear before the intelligent° and patriotism
of the people exerting through the ballot-box their peace-
ful and silent but irresistible power.
If the friends of the Constitution are to have another
struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable
issue than that of a State whose Constitution clearly em-
braces " a republican form of government," being excluded
from the Union'because its domestic institutions may not
in all respects comport with the ideas of what is wise and
expedient entertained in some other State. Fresh from
groundless imputations of breach of faith against others,
men will commence the agitation of this new question with
indubitable violation of an express compact between the
independent Sovereign Powers of the United States and
Republic of Texas, as well as of the older and equally so-
lemn compacts which assure the equality of all the States.
But deplorable as would be such a violation of compact
in ii self and in all its direct consequences, that is the very
least of the evils involved. When sectional agitators shall
have succeeded in forcing on this issue, can their preten-
sions fail to be met by counter-pretensions ? Will not dif-
ferent States be compelled respectively to meet extremes
with extremes ? And if either extreme carry its point what
is that so far forth but dissolution of the Union ? If a new
State, formed front the territory of the United States, be
absolutely excluded from admission therein, that fact of
itself constitutes the disruption of union between it and
the other States. But the process of dissolution could not
stop there. Would not a sectional decision producing such
result by a majority of votes, either Northern or Southern,
of necessity drive out the oppressed and aggrieved mino-
rity, and place in presence of each other two irreconcilably
hostile confe lerations ?
It is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects, the
offsprings of that sectional agitation now prevailing in
some of the States, which are as i practicable as they are
unconstitutional, and which, if l ersevered in, must and will
end calamitously. It is -either disunion and civil war, or it
is mere angry, idle, aimless disturitance of public peace and
tranquilli y. Disenion for what ? If the passionate rage
of fere. icism and risrtiean spirit did not farce the fact upon
our attention it would be difficult to believe that any con-
siderable portion of the people of this enlightened country
court have so surrendered themselves to a fanatical devotion
to the supposed interests of the relatively few Africans in
the United States, as totally to abandon and disregard the
interests of the 25,000,001 of Americans—to trample under
foot the injunctions of moral and constitutional obligation
—and to engage in plans of vindictive hostility against
those who are associated with them in the employment of
the common heritage of our national institutions.
Nor is it hostility against their fellow-citizens of one
section of the Union alone. The interests, the honour, the
duty, the peace, and the prosperity of the people of all
sections are equally involved and imperilled in this ques-
tion. And are patriotic men in any part of the Union
prepared, on such an issue, thus madly to invite all the
consequences of the forfeiture of their constituticnal en-
gagements? It is impossible. The store, of frenzy and
faction must inevitably dash itself in vain against the nu-
shaken rock of the Constitntion. I shall never doubt it.
I know that the Union is stronger a thousand times than
all the wild and commercial schemes of social change,
which are guaranteed, one after another, in the unstable
minds of visionary sophists and interested agitators. I
rely confidently on the patriotism of the people, on the
dignity and self-respect of the States, on the wisdom of
Congress, and, above all, on the continued gracious favour
of Almighty God to maintain, against all enemies, whether
at home or abroad, the 'sanctity of the Constitution and
the integrity of the Union.

FRANKLIN PIERCE.

Washington, Dec. 31, 1855.
After the reading the message Mr. CLAYTON made some
remarksrelative to the treaty of April 19tb, 1850, in order to
show the people of the United States the strength of the
position assumed by this Government relative to Cen-
tral American affairs, and the injustice of the position
taken by Great Britain with regard to the construction of
that treaty. He agreed generally with all that tho Presi-
dent had stated, and contrasted the pacific character of
this country with the aggressive policy always pursued by
Great Britain.
Mr. SEWARD inquired whether the ground taken by the
President has allowed the British Government to take ac-.
tion regarding the construction of that treaty, namely—
That it was merely prospective in its operation, and had
no reforeuce to the actual occupation by that country of
the territory in question, was the understanding of the
Government of the 4Jnited States when the treaty was
male, Mr. Clayton then being Secretary of State.
Mr. CLAYTON replied that it was an entirely new con-
struction, something of which he had never heard. lie had
never dreamed of such a construction being given to the
language of the treaty. Does any man suppose (Clayton
said) that I, in the possession of my senses, entered into a
treaty with Britain to allow her to remain in possession of
the whole of this isthmus, merely because she had been in
possession of it, and then signed a treaty to prohibit my
own countrymen from taking possession, leaving her to
remain undisturbed ? What motive could an American
senate have bad in voting for it? Is it possible that any
man can believe for a single moment such a view was in
contemplation by the negotiations when it was agreed that
" neither will occupy, coloniee, fortify, or exercise domi-
nion" in Central America? Occupy means, first, to take
possession, and, secondly, to keep possession. Great Bri-
tain agreed to do neither, also agreeing that they would not
exercise dominion there. Ile concluded by offering a reso-
lution that the usual number of copies of the message and
documents be printed, and that 15,000 copies of the same
it addition be printed for the use of the Senate.
Mr. Cass expressed his entire concurrence with what
had fallen from Mr. Clayton, and his gratification at the
course taken by the President, and the view enunciated
in the Message. In the whole history of diplomacy there
was nothing to be found at all comparable with the course
of Britain regarding the construction of the Clayton-Bul-
wer treaty, and. Central American affabs.
Mr. WELLER commended the Message. He believed this
country could never abandon the position she had assumed
relative to Central America. However the people of the
United States might differ`on questions of domestic policy,
whenever war menaced them they would be found acting
in harmony and unanimity. The Message might he
n lanced by pseudo-philanthropists, but it would meet with
a ordial response from every friend of liberty and lover of
the Constitution and Union.
Mr. SEWARD announced he was prepared to stand up and
support the Bulwer-Clayton treaty, and if need be, if the
British Government could not be held to that treaty, he
was ready to go further. He was ready for the assertion
and practical maintenance of the Monroe doctrine.
Mr. Clavton'a rEsolution was then agreed to, and the
Hon .3e adjourned.

THE QUIMN AND •stlSi NIGHTINGALE

A fortnight ago, we had the gratification of announc-
ing the preseetatien of a sp'endel jewel by the Queen to
111i.s Nightingle, as a lasting testimony of her Maj(ist',
hi;4ll appr,cia'ion of that lad noble efforts in the cause
of Charity and Mercy, by coming forward to wirninist.r
to the wants and relieve the sufferings of the w, unded
,oldiers of our Crimean army. We are now enabled
to furnish a description. of this zra,•eful gift. The
design Of the jewel is admirable, and the effect no !els
brilliant than chaste. It is charact,ristic and emble-
matical, being formed of a St. George's cross in ruby red
enamel, on a white field, representing England. This
is encircled by a black band, typifying the office of Cha-
rity, on which is inscribed a golden legend, "Blessed
are the merciful," of course in allusion to the merit of
Miss Florence, the recipient. The royal donor is ex-
pressed by the letters " V. R.," surmounted by a crown
in diamonds, impressed upon the centre of the St.
George's cross, from which also rays of gold emanating
upon the field of white enamel are supposed to represent
the glory of England. Wide spreading branches of palm
in bright green enamel, tipped with gold, form a frame-
work for the shield, their sterns at tha bottom being
banded with a ribbon of blue enamel (the colour of the
ribbon for the Crimean medal), on which, in golden let-
ters, is inscribed "Crimea." At the top of the shield,
between the palm branches, and connecting the whole,
three brilliant stars of diamonds illustrate the idea of the
light of Heaven shed upon the labours of Mercy, Peace,
and Charity, in connection with the glory of a nation.
On the back of this royal jewel is an inscription on a
golden tablet, written by her Majesty, which stamps
upon it a value inappreciable; as recording it to be a
gift-and testimonial in memory of services rendered to
her brave army by Miss Nightingale.
The jewel is about three inches in depth by two and a
half in width. It is to be worn; not as a brooch or orna-
ment, but rather as the badge of an order, the mcst pre-
cious from the manner of its conferring—the most sin-
gular in the merit of its receiver—the most illustrious in
honour that has yet issued; from the fountain of all
honours—the Crown of England.
We believe the credit of the design is due to the illus-
trious Consort of her Majesty, and we understand that it
was manufactured by Messrs. Garrard, the Crown jewel-
lers.

THE LICHFIELD BANK FAILURE,—It appears that the
d,c,aisd Mr. Palmer was indebted to the firm of Palmer
centand Greene, Lichfield, 60.000/4 or 60,000/. ; as years
by and the claim was no.k.liquidaterl, Mr. Greene
Was at length compelled to sttOpayment. He had con-
suited friends about stopping some four or five years
ago, and was advised to (ro on. Coal mints which he
Las are to be carried on for 6 th 3 benefit of the creditors.
A dividend of 12e. 6d. in the pound ia expected.