The Sun.
London, England, 1834-05-06 00:00:00

-/ /72

had told their lordships of the great injustice—nay, he
could add, great crime now under contemplation. But he
yet trusted it would not be pursued ; but that the course
which government adopted would be such as wouldtend to
preserve the integrity, of the British empire in the East.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, with respect to the
papers, for the production of which the noble baroh moved,
he would at once say, that he would have no objection to
produce them, except it should be found in any instance
that the production of one or more of those papers•would
be inconvenient to the public service. The correspondence
on the subject which the noble baron had brought under
the consideration of their lordships was very voluminous,
and as his right hon. friend the President of the Board of
Control had not yet had time to examine it with sufficient
care to enable him to decide as to whether or not there
might not be some of the papers which it might be incon-
venient to the public service to produce, he could not un-
dertake that every paper should be laid before their lord-
ships; but all others should be at once produced. The
noble baron appeared to be pursuing a very extraordinary
course in the line of conduct he had adopted on this occa-
sion. He blamed his (Lord Brougham's) right hon.
friend, the President of the Board of Trade, for not doing-
that which he admited it would have been criminal to do-.
The sketch which the noble, baron had been at such great
pains to draw was far more unlike the original than any
man, animal, or tree, painted on a sign board he (Lord B. )
ever saw was to the originals they, were intended to repre-
sent. , (Laughter.) But even supposing the picture to be
like ; even supposirg his right hon. friend the President
of the Board of Control had deserved all the censure
which the noble baron had cast upon him, still the course
which he had adopted was an extraordinary one. No hu-
man being ought to be treated in this way ; much less a
minister, and still less a minister intrusted with the ma-
nagement of Indian affairs. He believed that his (the
Lord Chancellor's) standard of morals was as high as that
of the noble baron, and he thought the noble baron might
agree with him in this, that though it was wrong to enter-
tain an improper or unjust design, no man ought to be cen-
sured for abandoning it. The noble and learned lord then
went on, at some length, to reply to the remarks of the
noble baron.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said that there never
was an instance before this of the state interfering, under
any circumstances, to enforce the claims of individuals,
excepting one. The exception was at the peace with
France in 1814, and that was in consequence of the
treaty of Amiens, and he defied them to point out another
instance. Whatever might be said by the noble and
learned baron, Mr. Grant had used strong words. He
said that it was incumbent on them to use their utmost
efforts from the circumstances in Which they were placed;
and how was this taken by the court of directors? They
said in their despatch to the governor, " That the claim
was to be made good either by intimidation or force."
(Hear, hear.) This was the meaning which they attached
to the words of the right hon. gentleman. He begged to
refer to the papers on their lordships' table, and they
would bear him out in his remarks. He saw in them
nothing approaching to presumptive evidence of the facts
stated. The opinions of Lords Wellesley, Teignmouth,
and Cornwallis had been quoted. As to Lord Wellesley,
no one could entertain a higher opinion of that nobleman's
judgment and talents than he did (Hear, hear, hear) ;
but still ho would dismiss all such feelings from his mind,
and treat the subject, as he had before stated, upon its own
merits—its own merits alone. Lord Wellesley had only
followed the footsteps of Lord Teignmouth. By the
treaty which had been made, the territories of the Nabob
were to be ceded, provided the company consented to pay
all his debts. The Nabob, in reply to the proposition
made him, wished to have an article inserted in the
treaty, which would have relieved him from all his
debts. Lord Wellesley justly replied, that under the
guardianship of the. English name, he (the Nabob) wished
to cancel all his engagements. Matters, however, pro-
ceeded. The treaty was concluded, without a single men-
tion of their debts, (Hear) and the Governor-General,
in his despatch, which he (the Duke of Wellington) would
then read, had inferred, nay, confidently anticipated, there
would be no further debating of the question. (Hear.)
He was, however, glad it had been brought forward that
night, for one reason, because no just hopes could be held
out, after that discussion, that the claims could be
enforced.

Lord PLUNKET was aware of his incompetence ae
any noble lord who heard him, and would not have taken
a part in the discussion but for its having before been
brought before the house. In 1822 he had the honour of
a seat in the other house : the present case was then
brought forward, and he felt it his duty to look into the
claims made by the Calcutta bankers. Every circumstance
that had since come to his knowledge confirmed him in the
opinion he had then formed—that the bankers in question
had justice on their side, and that the burden lay with
the British Government to pay the Nabob of Oude's
debts. The present, motion was for the production of
papers, and then it was not right to infer what were the
contents of those papers. He should wish to be understood
as intending to say nothing on the subject, only as it bore
upon the case of his right hon. friend the President of the
Board of Control. The noble duke had said that his charge
against that right hon. gentleman was, not that he had
proceeded to exact those claims, but that he had been
desirous to do so by violence. There was nothing in
the despatch to warrant such an assumption. The mo-
tion had then only for its object the fixing an odium on the
President of the Board of Control, in consequence of ex-
pressions which, taken from the context, might bear amean-
mg different from the original intention. The noble and
learned lord next proceeded to enter into a history of the
case. The European creditors had been paid the full
amount of their demands, but the Indian creditors were
denied ,their just equivalent. The Calcutta bankers, re-
lying on their station as British subjects, justly scorned a
compromise, and rested upon their original rights. The
Nabob had had a curious manner of settling his accounts.
He declared that only so much had been advanced, and
preceeded to pay only to such amount. He (Lord Plun-
ket) did not wish to be understood to speak disrespect-
fully of the directors, but he could not help observing that
in the case then before their lordships they had not acted
with due respect and regard to the solemn duties im-
posed upon them. Under all the circumstances of the
case, he thought a fair and strong claim had been made
out against the British government in India, and that the
subject ought to be renewed. Sir Samuel Romilly, Sir
James Macintosh, Lord Lyndhurst--indeed some of the
best and the wisest men, had declared the claims to be just,
and that they ought to be admitted, and to their opinion
he must beg respectfully to add his own.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH replied.

The motion for the production of the papers, " so far as
may be consistent with the interests of the public service,"
was then agreed to, and the house adjourned till half-past
three (this day).

HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 5.

The SPEAKER took the chair at a little after five o'clock

A petition was presented by Mr. YOUNG' from Cavan,
for a better observance of the Sabbath ; and one from the
county Dublin, by Mr. BucKticomA3t, against any legis-
lation for the better observing of the Lord's Day. The
latter hon. member also presented a petition against the
extension of summary power to magistrates in the admi-
nistration of justice.
Mr. E. TENNANT presented, a petition in favour of the
Belbridge Road Bill.
On the motion of Mr. RIPPON, the Alyddleton
(county Durham) Enclosure Bill was read a third time.
Petitions were presented by Lord GRENVILLE SOMER-
SET, relative to the Great Western Railway ; by Air.
HuME, from Dissenters, on the subject of their civil disa-
bilities ; and one to the same effect by Colonel CAVEN-
DISH, from Brookside, Derby.

01,.!,(1)).teviesh-ei h)faovefoltlohlis ~
haid:o•arnigtai
ngael,
inclina-
tion, ciain a-
t:en, in consuming as little of the time of the house es
;night be essential to the well-understanding of the question ;
anA, notwithstanding it had been their fortune, recently
(whether good or ill fortune), to hear that illustration of
oratory, by which it had been laid down that a good
speech coold not be comprised within less than six hours,
he should encounter the charge of being deficient
its that respect, by confining himself to one-twelfth of,that
time. Upon a motion which was likely to give rise to
Nmsiderable diversity of opinion, it was pleasing to
commence his observations by an acknowledgment of
courtesy, because, although the motion of which he had given
notice was not the most palatable, yet no attempt had been
made on the part of the Government to interrupt it,' but
every facility had been given to its consideration, and that
too at a time when the state of the public business, and the
mode of dealing Stith it, would have supplied many methods
for deferring or opposing the motion. It was a curious
and a gratifying coincidence that that motion came under
consideration upon the same evening when, upon the orders
of the day, stood far consideration the question of the poor
laws of l,r.i-,land; because he could not help thinking that
with the principle and objects of that bill was mixed up
very mtich of the design of his (Mr. Harvey's) motions
It would be very palatable to the poor of England to find
that if they were to be the subject of regulations, and'
that if no man was to receive an allowanze unless b
gave ail eqtivalent for it, the same principle would be
extended to the higher classes of our society (Hear,
hear), and that we should have no paupers upon our
o
pensi pension list,substantial
merit, who had Wert
earnedb
actually rendered. (Loud cheers.) It might be fitting for
servicesthe i r w
h ichallowancesthey hadhsome
the due understanding of this subject, that he should read
to the holse the motion he meant to trouble it with ; and
that was the more desirable; because he liafl hears
that he *as to encounter an amendment to his Mo--
tion. If that were so, he could not help obs6rvinh
that it would have been the shortest and most econon!%al.
way of going to work, and of arriving at a conclusion,
him and for the house to have been favonred with the
-nature of that amendment. It would. be singular if' he
was to be expected to encounter a debate which he had not
heard, or a resolution which he had not seen. At this mo-
ment he was to recrardit. as a matter of doubt whether he was
addressing a deliberative assembly; because, if he could put
confidence in what he had seen in the papers, and in what
he had heard from other quarters,' this matter had already
been settled in the parliament in Downing-street (ileac,
hear, and laughter) ; it had there been settled that
whatever might be the course of the
lead to
rems7ks made in that
house—in whatever way the motion might. „l'e supported,
all were to avail nothing, because the fate of thisi.-I°tim was
determined upon, notwithstanding that fate might-.
a catastrophe which it was impossible to contempL'lu
without sensations of the deepest alarm. (Hear, hear. )
These fen ings were excited by an individual itho had
shown his motion to no human being, who was ignorant oif
who would be his seconder—if he should be fettunite
enough to find one (Hear, hear,. hear),—and stun had
no concert with any individual in or out of the }ionic:
This, to say the least of it, was a novel mode of subveh:
ing an administration. In former times, when the Govern':
ment was as jailed, it was by some unceasing motion,
binding to no public purpose, and the party had the
tact to place the motion in the hands of Seine
distinguished individual who might be supposed Id haVd a
sort of reversionary interest in its success—in former liMeS
they saddled their White Surrey for the field. (A lane. )t
If he (Mr. H.) succeeded, it was not by the power of trick
alone—it was by the force of the resolution in which the
whole country symrathised;. and if the ministers
lost their seats by this, it was because they did not de-
serve to hold them. He meant then to propose an address
to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to
direct an inquiry into the consideration of such pensions as
were in the list ordered by the House of Commons in August,
1833, with a view that such persons only should remain in
the receipt of the public money as had just claims on the
Royal beneficence. They were indebted to the present
ministers for the exposition of those services which
entitled a person to appear upon the pension list. It was
desirable to look at that list with a view to inform the
house of the number of individuals upon it. He would take
the statement as it appeared on the return. He was aware of the
death of some, and of the resignation of a few ;
without allowing for them, it appeared that there were
1,303 pensioners on receipt of the public money. Of this
number there were 281 gentlemen, and 1,022 ladies. Of
the number of gentlemen, 84 were titled, and of ladies,
124, making a total of 108 titled pensioners. (Hear, hear. )
In the commencement of the present reign, the amount of
money received in pensions was 159,1701. ; but when
the present Government superseded the last, and
when the pension list was brought under the consi-
deration of the house it was proposed that a specific
sum of 144,0001. per annum be appropriated to pensions.
He mentioned these details in order to bring the house to
the view he took of this matter, and lie referred to recent
periods in order to remind the house of the sentiments of
his Majesty's government when they. occupied that side
of tlie,.ho'.ise fro was speoks..lkie‘aces--4f
'Wellington Government, it would be remembered, was
overthrown on a motion of the hon. member for Dundee,
then member for Queen's County, and supported by many
hon. members now on the treasury bench. The noble
Chancellor of the Exchequer then made his proposition
for reducing the Pension List from 144,000/. to
75,000/. removing the deficiency to the civil list; and this
was contended to be a kind of economy that ought to sa-
tisfy the most scrupulous. Now nothing was farther from his
intention than to impair one fraction of that vote of
75,000/. to be granted to his Majesty for the
purposes of the pension list. Two great mistakes were
committed by those who opposed this address. The oppo-
sition was grounded on this, that there had been a treaty
between the representatives of the people and his Majesty
that this 75,0001. should be in the possession Of
his Majesty 'beyond the scrutiny and control of that
house. (Hear. ) This was a great fallacy, unless
it could be proved that this government and parliament
were differently situated from those which had preceded
them. In the year 1828, when the hon. member for
Middlesex made a similar motion on the civil list, it was
contended that, during the life of the monarch, that
list could not be impaired, yet it was always subject
to the control and inspection of that house. The noble
noble lord had asserted the right of parliament to watch
over the interests of the people. No circumstances had
' since occurred to diminish that right of parliament ; the
house were in just the same position in reference to the
pension list as ever. It would be perhaps an invidious
thing to bring the former opinions of any gentlemen as to
mere matters of detail, or in questions of subordinate im-
portance, up in judgment against them ; but he considered
such a course perfectly justifiable where a great principle
was involved, as in the present instance; and he thought
himself fully entitled to call to the recollection of the pre-
sent administration the opinions they had expressed on this
subject when they formed part of the " Opposition." The
question was not to be trifled with, however inconvenient
the bringing it forward might be to the parties alluded to.
On the occasion referred to, when the hon. member for
Middlesex moved for a return of the pension list, similar
to the one now moved for, he was met by the then admi-
nistration with an assumption that any such interference
as that proposed would be an infringement upon the pre-
rogatives of the crown. Whatever objection or odium
might be attached, they said, to any of the pensions or
pensioners, the deed had been done, and as long as the
reigning Monarch continued to live, any interference
with the pension list would amount to a violation of a
sacred compact. No one then or now proposed to diminish
the amount ; all that was contended for then and now was,
that no person should, under whatever pretence, receive a
pension without the sanction of those to whom the public
purse was intrusted. That this principle was one which
ought to be observed, no one, certainly no member of a
reformed parliament, could venture to deny. The noble
lord, at that time not Chancellor of the Exchequer, saidthat
although it was not the wish of those who supported the
hon. member's (Middlesex) motion, to assail the amount
of the pensions, yet that he would contend that the house
was entitled to be put in full possession of the application
of the pensions, and the names of its recipients ; and he
added, that any refusal to communicate such information
would only have the effect of inducing a greater degree of
suspicion into the minds of the members and the people
at large. (Hear, hear.) In 1830, too, when a motion to
the same effect was made by the hon. member for Dundee,
the noble lord had supported it on the same grounds which
he had advanced on the former occasion. The success of
this motion led to the resignation of the then ministry, and
the entrance into power of the present administration. In
what way had these latter made good their former declara
tions? In the first budget opened by the noble Chancellor
of the Exchequer, his lordship proposed that the total
amount of the civil list should be 500,000/., which sum Le
distributed into five lists, of which 75,000/. was to be set
apart for the permanent pension list fund. The civil list
was then referred to a committee, more as a matter of
form than any thing else; for no effective inquiry took
place, as the noble lord, in giving his opinion that the in-
quiry as to the receipts would be impolitic, protested
ee de
stated, n amn t whenbteye
the
stated
the
depy
etrhd iescwohv
tentageoe whole
ee da
Intl
opeuoynn could otouhf 1
ed the nf
former
mea lee
against any scrutiny into that portion of the list. Minis-
ters found that the house insisted upon the inquiry, which
e
Pen-
sion io:4oegi :net: ntoooLohefiesnrt:dh.tsew
be
em priot h,OO
oe Committee,,applicable they
to
made England,
ga
nu sd
they themselves, when out of power, had so strenuously re-
commended
Scotland,every
eu,ebs tyi on
making o
arinhdeul Ireland; a
the noble
nsovbhliechl
rsdu mob, j
elicotewd-e vteer,
means in their power to render it inefficacious. The re-
slrac.tionTehdisinwteasrferaencqinterfere, yet
reduced
he
eo
had
f paramount
r am
reduction u
ntiomfpo69r,taoon(cve..,
as the various pensions should fall, into the Consolidated
Fund. It was, however, not so much the amount that
was complained of ; what was wanted was, that the house
should have the power of revising the list. No one would
hesitate at rewarding the deserving, but he protested
against indiscriminate extravagance. The present Mini-
sters, when out of office, had declared their opinion, that
no such lists should be agreed to by the house till the opi-
nion of their constituents had been heard on the subject.
The Reports of the Parliament abounded with declarations
made by different members that no settlenunt of the list

i

should be made till an appeal had been made to the people.
It would be in the recollection of the noble lord, that after
the Civil List had been disposcl of, he had moved for a
supply of 200,0001. to meet current expenses—one of the
items of which was for those pensions accruing from the
time his late Majesty died to the date of the vote. On
that occasion many hon. members, among whom was the
member for Middlesex, entered their protest against such a
vote, and the only way in which Ministers carried the
measure was by assuring the house that in giving their
consent to that " temporary grant," they were noway
committed to a subsequent sanctioning of the list.
He denied that the pension list had ever been in-
vestigated ; if there had been an inquiry made with
a view to revision it would not have remained as
it did, in unimpaired hideousness ; not one name
had been struck off ; not a farthing of the amount lessened.
Were the house, then, to allow themselves still to be bul-
lied into silence? His object was to come at a full under-
standing of the terms, and condition of each grant ; and he
would seriously put it to the administration, that distilla-
tion of Whigism (A laugh), whether they were really de-
termined to risk what character they had in defending a
Pension list which had called forth an expression of dis-
gust and abhorrence from every man who read it?
t.," Hear, hear.) Would the reform ministry sacrifice the
*character they had earned, and shadow the benefits
they had conferred on the people by standing forth as the
champions of a set of pensioners, about whom the only
difficulty was to say whose claims were the most suspi-
cious or unfounded in justice ? (Hear, hear.) The hon.
member for Oxford had said that the service of any com-
mittee appointed to investigate this subject would be so
disgusted that a man of honour would shrink from under-
taking it. ( Hear, hear.) This was no great compli-
ment to the names on the list, some of them the fairest and
highest names in the country. (Hear, hear.) The diffi-
culties which had been objected to his former motion
Wein obviated in the present one. The advisers of
the crown were responsible for the pensions ; they
'could surely not refuse to have those pensions in-
vattigated, for they could have no personal motives to pre-
vent them ; and it would be a great satisfaction to the people
and the house to see that ministers were not in this matter
talon'too much responsibility on themselves. (Hear, and
a laugh.) Besides this, he was pretty sure that not above
10 per cent. of the amount of the pensions would bear
scrutiny, and thus, if justice were done, the rest of the
money would become a fund at the disposal of Ministers.
Perhaps, however, they would not like to seem eager after
having this at their disposal, for they had been so often
taunted with panting after every possible place and pension
fef themselves and their friends, that possibly they would
bl:ject to subjecting themselves to any additional reflec-
t-it:nt.s. (Hear, hear.) If they would undertake it, how-
Veer, the chances were that out of 144,0001., 120,000/.
Might very justly be made to revert to Government. Any
person who ran his eye over the list must be struck with
the obnoxious description of most of the pensions : it would
be injudicious in him to refer to any one particular name
in the list, as he might thereby run the very great chance
of a division of opinions in the house, for it would be im-
possible to name any individual out of the 1,300 in the list,
in whose favour some hon. member or other would not
start up declaring that " however disgraceful the list in
the case of every other pensioner, yet in the instance of
the individual alluded to in so unhandsome a manner (A
laugh), if any man ever deserved a signal reward at the
hands of his country, that was the man" (A laugh), and
Aso on through the whole list : collectively, all would be
protested against--individually, all would be defended :
the affecting tale of the Miss Gossetts would be adopted
as the model by the defenders of each lady and gen-
tleman pensioner. (Hear, and a laugh.) But it might
be necessary to mention a few of the " leading particulars."
They were about to enter deeply into the poor laws sys-
tem ; they were about to bring in a bill, and were deter-
mined to maintain its soundest details ; yet while they de-
clared that, after a given day, no person who had been a
recipient of parish bounty should continue to receive it un-
less he could make out that he was deserving, how could
they justify to themselves the preservation of the pension
list ? (Cheers.) The pauper might have received the
parish money for a long time, he might almost have run a
race with the venerable in this list (Laughter) ; yet he
was to be told that he no longer had any right to considera-
tion, he was to be informed that he had no vested rights.
It was only your venerable dowagers, your flitting shadows
of fashion—the fair and seductive forms (Hear, and
laughter), who presented themselves on this list, and whose
only recommendation was that they were of retired habits
and unknown—it was only for such as these that they had
any sympathy. ( Vehemeut cries of " No, no," and cheer-
ing.) Why, it was a disgrace to the country, and must
bring down on the parties themselves the deepest condem-
nation, if any individual was found on this list who had a
relation who, with wealth at his command, nevertheless
suffered his relative to remain thus a burden on the coun-
try. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") We had laws by which
we could compel the son, if he should so far forget the ever-
lasting obligations of his nature, to support his father, and
even his grandfather. We coult; bring such an individual
by summons before the quarter sessions, where he (Mr.
D. W. Harvey) knew orders were often made for children
and grandchildren, out of their small earnings, to sup-
port those who had supported them in the hour of their
helplessness. Why should not the same principle be put
in force against the parties on this list ? (Cheers.) He
was the last man who would deny that there might be
some on the list who might have been fair objects of Royal
bounty, having been recommended by their indigence as
well as their worth ; but who would deny that there were
others also, who owed their being there tothe perseverance
of their applications, or to the accident of their relation-
ship or connection ? And in this respect the present mo-
tion had an advantage over the motion he originally made
on the subject, which was for the appointment of a com-
mittee. The course he now proposed would be adopted
by the Crown acting under the advice of the present admi-
nistration, and would come, therefore, with more force
than would the strongest resolution of a committee of the
house. He had been looking at the list, and had been
picking up such information as he could get respecting it,
in order that he might submit it to their consideration. He
could assure the house that this motion had been no sine-
cure to him, either as regarded the examination he had
made of the dull speeches that had been delivered on the
subject, or as respected his reading and answering the al-
most boundless communications with which he had been
favoured. (A laugh.) In one he was told that, "In
going through the list he would find many favoured plu-
ralists. Many were in the public service, and, in addition
to their pensions, were receiving emoluments on that ac-
count. There were others whose pensions ought surely to
have ceased when they became otherwise provided for, as
in the case of their obtaining fortunes by birth or by mar-
riage." Such were the remarks that accompanied one
communication. The hon. member then read the follow-
ing statement and list :
" The following list will enumerate some of the favoured
enjoying pensions, who are pluralists by holding situations
under Government. It will designate many who have
never performed any public services, and consequently ob-
tained their emoluments from court or ministerial patron-
age. It will also point ont those whose pensions should
have ceased when otherwise provided for by marriage or
inheritance. The noblesse, whose poverty has arisen
from their forefathers' extravagance, may claim assistance
from their own order, but can have no right to be quartered
on the revenues of the country.

• •
" Lord Aylmer's pension is 356/. per annum. He is
Captain-General of Canada (some thousands a year), and
Colonel of the 18th Foot." Now, he asked whether that
was true? He wished for an answer, " aye" or " no." A
word from his Majesty would stop this pension.
" Lord Aston has good church preferment, besides a
good private fortune."- Was that true? His lordship's
pension was very small ; but then it was the more con-
temptible in him to receive it. (Hear, hear.) Nothing,
however, was too small for the pensioners to grasp at. Some
persons in the list received in driblets five or six pensions
of 50/. Such persons were always at the elbow of the
Minister or the Monarch, and their importunities were not
unfrequently bought off by a cension. Lord Aston con-
descended to receive 97/. out of the labour of the working
classes. ( Hear, hear.)
" Lord Auckland is Master of the Mint, President of
the Board of Trade, and Commissioner of Greenwich
Hospital ; his pension is 3001. per annum, which he fore-
goes whilst holding his present offices." Lord Auckland
did not receive his pension whilst he was in office, and he
wished that principle to be applied to all pension-receivers.
If they derived a good income from other sources they
ought not to receive their pensions. He would not then stop
to ask what was done with the amount of Lord Auckland's
pension whilst it was in abeyance, but he did not recollect
that any reduction was made from the last grant on that
account. (Hear, and a laugh. )
" Sir John de Blaquiere enjoys a pension of 1,0721.,
and again as Baron of 8931. 135." This was a monstrous
case. Sir John received his first pension in 1794, and
baying served an apprenticeship of eight years, he was
raised to the peerage and received 8931. 13s. a year more.
( Hear, hear.)
Lord Bloomfield is colonel of a battalion of artillery,
and has 936/. 16s. per annum." No doubt a whole host
of members would rise in their places to eulogise this noble
lord, and to express their regret that he had not received
some more solemn and substantial mark of his country's
approbation.

-"
Charles Oldfield Bowles, and Elizabeth his wife, have
a pension of 1921. He was a private secretary to Mr.
Goulburn for a short time. (Hear, hear.) He is colonel
of the Oxford Militia, from possessing a large property in
the county." He supposed that right hon. member for the
university of Cambridge would by and by favour the house
with a biographical sketch of this happy couple. (A laugh. )
It would be observed, that he mentioned the names of no
persons who were not likely to have some friends in the
house to speak in their behalf.
" Sir Henry Browne has 2001. per annum, and 2001.
more as Thomas Henry Browne. lie is on half-pay of
the 23d Foot. His rewarded services consisted in having
been the aide-de-camp to the present Lord Londonderry
(Hear, and a laugh) when ambassador at Vienna, and he
was sent to Milan, on the delicate mission of gaining in-
formation relative to the conduct of Queen Caroline."
(Hear, hear.) He never before knew the value of a title
but it was clear that the being made a " Sir" was word;
2001. a year to Mr. Brown. He was desired to refer any