The Sun.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

113 N
44, 9 OCTOBER 27, 185;.

reform our system for the benefit of the entire people.
(Loud cheers.) Bat the more we developed our views
of reform, the more actively the Government set
their administrators to work throughout the country,
and that was our condition up to the diet of Oct. or
Nov. 1847,'a year or so before the French revolution.
I wish to show that in Hungary we wore not revolu-
tionists—l am not blaming revolutions—but the
Hungarians were engaged . in no secret conspiracy,
but at public meetings, and in an open and constitu-
tional way, struggled manfully for their rights.—
(Hear, hoar.) I myself had the honour to he elected
a member of this Parliament of 1847, for the metro-
politan county of Peeth, when the Government of the
day did everything possible to prevent my election.
The good sense of the nobles, however, carried me in
triumph.—(Cheers.) The first question I proposed,
according to the instructions I had received
from my constituents, was that our mu-
nicipal institutions should be restored to
their original purity, that the system of administrators
should be abolished; and that until these measures
should be carried no taxes should he voted. The
Houses of Lords and Commons were at issue en
this question, discussing it for upwarde of
two months, and remained in disagreement. I
should' mention that it was necessary that
both Houses should agree upon a measure before
it was laid before the King, but there was no limit to
the communication between the two Houses. The
measure had not a majority in the Lords, because it
contained so many functionaries appointed by Govern-
ment and persons aspiring to be functionaries, but
still I have the gratification of knowing that it was
supported by many of the most independent of tb,e
lords of Hungary, amongst whom was my lamented
and unfortunate friend Louis Bathyany. Still cor-
ruption went on, and I felt at last tea-at our only course
was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of
evil. On the head of the King of Hungary rests two
crowns, the one constitutional and the other absolute,
and these two could never agree together. Which
ultimately prevails in the struggle history tells in
many a dark page. I proposed therefore that, as the
house of Hapsburg declined to restore the rights of
!Hungary out of deference to the people of Vienna, it
was our duty, as the elder brother in the national
family, that the people of Vienna shculd also get
franchises. I believe thee' no just man will say I
was wrong in that proposition, which was universally
accepted. I was not planning revolution ; that is an
accusation which I know will fiud no echo in the breast
of any just or generous man.—(Cheers.) My speech on
the subject was read in all the coffee-houses of Vienna,
news of the French revolution arrived, and the Vien-
nese rose. That was the Austrian revolution, and I
must frankly own that I immediately decided not to
be carried away by the excitement of the time, but to
take the reins of government into my own hands, and
to avail myself of the opportunity that God had given,
not Hungary made.—(Cheers.) The first thing I
proposed was the emancipation of the peasantry, and
of course, under the circumstances, it was carried
unanimously by both Houses.—(Hear, hear.) Still
I was anxious not to hurt the interests of any person,
but rather to spare those who, although not quite
national in their origin, had yet in course of time be-
come interlaced with the fortunes of a great many
people. I proposed, and my proposal was adopted,
that peasants should be free from all duties, free with-
out paying—liberty is not a thing to be paid for.—
(Cheers.) But I proposed at the same time that the
seigneurs should get indemnification, not from the
peasant but from the land. Our country has large re-
sources, which by good management would be more
than enough to give full and entire compensation to the
nobles. I engaged my honour and my oath to give this
indemnification, and it was carried in Parliament. As I
stated before, the poor people had every duty but no
rights, and I proposed that rights should at once be
conceded, and that every man possessing the franchise
should, according to his means, contribute to the
public necessities. This was carried unanimously.
The third plan was, that the people should be ad-
mitted immediately to all rights of franchise, not only
as to the election of members of Parliament, but also
for magistrates and other public functionaries. But
now, when all the people were admitted to the fran-
chise, half a million of persons could not be convoked
on our plan, and therefore I proposed that every
community should select a person to represent them.
These were my principles.—(Cheers.) I made no
encroachment on men's rights, either in their family,
or in communities. I wished that the Government
should be sufficiently powerful for the public neces-
sity, and to enforce obedience to the law, but not to
interfere with the social or municipal rights of men.
We proposed further that as councils of government
could not be made responsible, the executive should
he managed by members responsible to Parliament.
These were the proposals which were carried out, with
several others, with the details of which I shall not de-
tain you. We established a responsible Ministry, eman-
cipated the peasantry, ordained that the nobles should
participate with the peasantry in all public duties,

nd that all should ha-ve the franchise both for Mem.:

hers of Parliament and for the county meetings.
These laws were brought by a deputation, headed by
the Archduke Palatine, up to Vienna. _ ie asked in

the name of the future of Hungary and of the peace
of Austria, that these terms should be granted. We
were ordered to bring our claims before the Emperor
of Austria, and also to ask him to give to our fettered
brethren of Austria their rights. At that time there
was doubt and hesitation in every country except
this, which, having made one glorious revolution,
finds the principles then established sufficient to carry
out every necessary change. Here, then, everything
was quiet, while on the continent all was movement.
The Government hesitated to concede these just
claims. I went myself to the Imperial Palace, and
told the Emperor that if he persisted I could not
guarantee what would be the consequence, with these
movements in Europe, and when the people of Hun-
gary saw their just claim resisted. They told me the
claims would be conceded if Vienna could only be
kept quiet, and that it should not appear as if the
house of Hapsburg had been compelled to be just.
It was one of those curious examples of the
vicissitudes of human life, in which myself, an
humble son of modest Hungary, was in a
position to hold the destinies of the house of Haps-
burg and all its crowns in these hands. (Kossuth
here made a powerful impression by the energy of
his manner, stretching out both his hands as he
finished the sentence.) I said, "Be just to my father-
land and I will give peace and tranquillity. to Vienna."
They promised to be just, and before twenty-four
hours I gave peace and tranquillity to Vienna—(Loud
cheers)—and before the Eternal God, who will make
responsible my soul—before history, the independent
judge of events—l have a right to say, that the
house of Hapsburg owes its existence as a dynasty
to me.—(Tremendous cheering.) At last the sanction
of the Government was given to these laws ; but while
we were receiving the promises of the Emperor in
one room, the Archduchess Sophia, the mother of the
present King and sister of the last, was in another
plotting with Metternich how to get rid of these pro-
mises.—(Hear, hear.) In a few weeks the King
came to Presburg, when I was first minister, an office
which I was forced to accept ; for I can appeal to
the public knowledge of my nature, of my enemies
and of my friends, that I always considered power as
a burden. Before we went to Vienna for sane.

tion to the law appointing responsible ministers,
I addressed the people of Presburg, I took
my poor friend Louis Bathyany—(Kossuth was
here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the
people, "Don't cheer me, he must be the first Presi-
dent of Hungary." He declined unless I would enter
office with him, and thus I was forced to enter.—
(Hear, hear.) In a few days after the Serbs revolted,
stirred up as it appeared by the Camarillo of Vienna.
They took for pretext that by ancient diplomas, that
part of Hungary which they occupied to the amount
of two or three hundred thousand people had been
given to them. Nobody denied this, but they insisted
that it should be politically separated from Hungary and
form a separate banat. Now, although this banat in
which they lived contained 1,300,000 people, the
Serbs number only 300,000, who speak the Walls-
chian tongue,
_ the remainder of the people speaking
German. Ih 3 Government of which I was a member

seeing that there must be some plot in all this, con-
sidered that we were bound to suppress this revolt.
Besides I should state that one of the chief political
manoeuvres of Metternich was to oppress one nation
by means of another. One army was drawn out of
the land, part in Bohemia, and part in Italy, while we
had in Hungary Germans, Croats, Poles, and \V al-
lacks. At the head of this revolt was the Ban of
Croatia, and they finished by declaring their inde-
pendence. We, the llungarian Ministers, entreated
the King to give his consent to convoke the Parlia.
ment, in order that means might be obtained to sup.
press the revolt. I, the Minister of Hungary nom;
nated by the King, stood beside the Archduke
Palatine when he gave the order.—(Hear hear.)
The King fled to Icspruck, and a deputation
there, inviting him to come to Buda, and rciyonwtehnet loyalty of the people. We promised to defend him
against all the world—and the Hungarians have
proved that they can defend what they have romised to defend.—(Chcers.) I also stood beside the Arch-
duke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the
King, condemning the machinations of the Croats
and Serbs, and stating that he had given orders to
his Ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt.

Ia
posed it to Perliament,
the same edict .he called upon his faithful Par-
wu
oe:dasnzwilaehnadl ebiaesn
iarne:A of Hungary to levy an army, and to pro-
vide means to eareron the war. it, was who pro-
s won,opi) eadn d itnh that thespeech,. Government
but I hal hardly said a few
h
supplies granted at onoe. While these matters were
going on ne we art ived from Italy Volt the battle of
Vienna were now in • • -
a position to consider the means
of crushing Hungary. A proclamation was issued
asking Jellachich, who had been proclaimed a traitor
a ndt the
by the King, to go against Hungary,
callingt him a
friend. Surely there is not an tlones man in the
world who will not condemn that.--(lleac
hear.)
Jellachich came on with 30,000 mcn , but we beat
him, taking two armies and one general, our only
force being the undisciplined people armed with
scythes. He then asked for a truce, and two days
were given him, and in the meantime he broke
hi
word and escaped. We followed him • I 8
was then
President of the Council, the Ministryl ' • laving resigned
in consequence of the dissolution of Parliament before
the arrangement of the budget, which was against the
Constitution , which provided that the Parliament should
not separate without arranging the budget. In addi-
tion to this violation of constitutional rights the
King makes his alter ego, giving to him the powe'r
to gevern Hungary, of Jeliachich, the mans whom
he had proclaimed as a traitor. We said we would
not tike the traitor as governor, and that the Parlia-
ment could not be dissolved, because it had voted no
budget. We declared that the order for dissolution
had not been signed by the responsible officer, and
that therefore the Parliament must sit. I had then
the honour to he President of the Provisional Go-
vernment, and I ordered Jellachich, who bad escaped
towards Vienna, to be followed. When he came to
the frontiers of Austria, I sent cotnrnissineters to the
Government, demanding from the general of the
Austrian army that they should respect the laws of
neutrality towards us, and not give any shelter to the
revolted, but they not only protected him, but per-
mitted him to join in the operations of the siege of
Vienna. These two armies came to Hungary under
Windiechgratz' calling us rebels and slaves. We
struggled, and fought battles—history tells how.—
(Loud cheers.) But still one thing I must add, that
although we were victors, defeating the imperial
armies in .several battles—although the Emperor of
Austria had issued a proclamation on the 4th March,
1849, in which, relying on the false report of a general of
a victory that never occurred, he declared by a single
scratch of his pen that the nationality of Hungary was
blotted out, that its Constitution was to be torn up, and
that henceforth Hungary was to be incorporated with
the Austrian empire, to be ruled by his good will and
pleasure—notwithstanding all this, I say, still we did
not proclaim a rupture with the house of Hapsburg
until I received certain intelligence that Russian in-
tervention had been decided upon and accepted.—
(Hear, hear.) And, lem sorry to add, that we also
got information that against this intervention we had
no help in the world—from nobody—no, not one. --
(Here, overcome by irrepressible emotion, the voice
of M. Kossuth faltered, he burst into tears, and for
some moments was incapable of proceeding, while a
burst of sympathy broke from the assembly. As soon as
he had recovered he proceeded, still agitated.) Then I
considered the matter in my conscience, and came to the
conclusion that either my nation must submit to over-
throw, and to an end of its life, without even trying
to save ourselves, or, if we were not cowards and base
enough to commit such suicide, some reward was ne-
cessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the
people. And I proposed that if we were to contend
against two great empires—if there was nobody to
help us, nobody to prevent Paskewitscb, as he had
promised, treading on the neck of Hungary—if
we were to struggle for our liberties, as we had
once struggled for the Christian liberties of
Europe, then I proposed, as a reward, the in-
dependence of Hungary, and my proposal was
accepted.—(Loud cheers.) That is a statement of
what occurred, and you all know what was the
result. How we fared let me not say; it is too deep
matter for sorrow. This much only will I say, that
although forsaken by the whole world, I am to this
day confident that we would have been a match for
the combined forces of the two despotic powers ; but
it is my fault and my weakness that as governor of
Hungary, having the lead in this great movement, I
had not art enough to fight with equal arms the dupli-
city of Russia; you know how he introduced treason
into our counsels. Had I only been prepared for this
treason, all would certainly not have failed.—(Hear,
bear.) But the result of what has occurred is, that
the. house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, exists no more.
It merely vegetates at the whim of the mighty Czar—
(A laugh)—to whom it has become the obedient
servant.—(Hear, hear.) But if the people of Eng-
land only decided that Russia should not set her foot
on the neck of Hungary, if they would only resolve
to say "stop" to Russia, and nothing more, we might
still be happy. Hungary would have knowledge,
patriotism, loyalty, and courage enough to dispose of
its own domestic matters, as it is the sovereign right
of every nation to de.—(Hear.) And now, gentle-
men, I trust you will excuse me if I have not answered
your expectations, if I have tired you.—(No.)
My intention was to show you that the cause of my
poor country is worthy your generous sympathy, be-
cause we have struggled for a national existence,
which when once lost, there is no resurrection any
more for a people. This is the cause for which I
ask your generous sympathy, and which I am enabled
to lay before you here through the generous hospita-
lity of the Mayor of Southampton. He has acted the
part of a kind and generous friend to one so undeser-
ving as myself. He was a father to the unfortunate,
and the protector of suffering humanity. Happy the
realm where such a man can rise from the people by
his own perseverance, his own integrity, his own
energy. It is the glory of England that such a man
rising in such a manner can enjoy the honour and
confidence of his countrymen. Let me then, while
expressing my humble and everlasting thanks for the
kind sentiments entertained towards me, propose to
you, with the deepest affection, the . health of the
Mayor of Southampton.—(Cheers.)
The MAYoR returned thanks, and gave the healthy
of Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and the Liberal
Members of Parliament.

KOSSUTH interrupted the proceedings for a mo-
ment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristo-
cracy of race, but simply one of birth. The Magyars,
who numbered about eight millions, had noblemen
manufacturers and peasants among them the same as
the other races.

Lord D. STUART rose to return thanks for the Libe-
ral Members of the House of Commons. He es-
teemed it a very great privilege to be present on that
occasion to hear from their illustrious guest such a
speech as it had seldom been his lot to listen to.—
(Hear, hear.) It was to him a source of unspeakable
delight to see a man illustrious in the world's history
seated safely among them at that hospitable board—a
board worthy to entertain him—(Cheers)—to know
that he could move as a free man on this free soil, and
to contrast our present feelings with what were felt a
frw months ago when his life was demanded by his
vindictive enemy, and only defended by a magnani-
mous but not very powerful sovereign.—(llear, hear.)
He knew that he was lingering in a dungeon, far
away from the civilised world, and, therefore, he
(Lord Dudley Stuart) delighted to see him here safe
from the malignancy of his enemies.—(Cheers.) Now
that he was out of the power of his enemies, they
gratified their malignancy by hanging him in effigy,
and at last had suborned people in this country to
represent him as a bad man in private life, and a dan-
gerous one in public. He could not help giving vent
to his feelings at the happy change, and he hoped that,
in future, both the House of Commons and the people
would be better informed on these matters.—(Cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, I
was rusticating in a neighbouringstue,rracsnotodhufenfatalymra,bmooreeoue'
more
ese r
I
have been seeking some t
obe f
na
usually laborious,
obauof
usuallysessio more
unprofitable,
pleas-
ing nature, such as Entertaining friends who came up
to town to see the Exhibition, when I heard of Kos-
suth's arrival. I mention these facts, because itthjeusrtei:
g on the spot to witness
cfieepstnlione fgoirvennettobeoilnir distinguished visitor.—(Cheers.)
lint, gentlemen, the
moment I received, in my some-
what outlandish retirement, the news of his arrival
in England, I started at once to
pay him my humble
doubt his
respects. Not that I had any
aboutre-
ception at Southampton--.not that I feared any want
of zeal and enthuziasm among the people ; but be-
cause I saw an attempt made by a portion of the
press of this country upon a man who, after escaping
the plots and snares of Austria, the scaffold, and the
dangers of a barbarous climate, was about to visit
our hospitable shores. I saw that an attempt was
being made in England—hospitable England—to
destroy, not the life, but what he valued more dearly
—the reputation of this man ; and from the moment
I saw that dastardly attempt I determined to be
here, to show these calumniators that, if these
slanders reach his character, it shall be only through
ourselves.—(Loud cheers.) We owe this not only
to our illustrious guest and the country which he re-
presents—not only to that great realm, America,
whose guest I may still say he is, and whom I see hero
represented by its worthy Consul, but we owe it to
ourselves—to every man who has a regard for the
character of this nation, that we should come forward
and vindicate ourselves from the charge of having a