The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-14 00:00:00

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ble, of popular sympathy, and in order to .....- frighten those
timid people who are afraid to give utterance to their
thoughts, unless they find others to support them, it
hes been said, " Oh, he is certainly a man who ought
to be supported when defending constitutional govern-
ment and constitutional monarchy." That he did do
so is not to be denied. He defended, as long as he
could, the-constitution of his country—a constitution
which was like our own limited monarchy, and which
had endured for a thousand years.—(Hear.) But
who prevented him going on as he began ? The per- •
fidious house of Hapsburg, which has, as he tells you,
not by the perfidies of one reign, but by perfidies
carried on for fourteen reigns, crowned by the calling
in of Russian aid to put down liberty in Hungary,
so completely eradicated from the hearts of the Hun-
garians all the attachment to monarchical institutions
they formerly cherished--that now that form of go-
vernment is no longer adapted to their country, and
would not now be tolerated.—(Cheers.) He tells
you,
therefore,
that his desire now is to see a republic
in Hungary.—(Much cheering.) People say to
me, " Oh, you are not going to support a Con-
stitutional Liberal, but a Republican."—(A laugh )
Well, I am not frightened at *at idea!—(Cheers.)
Do not misunderstand me. lam deeply attached to
the constitution of my country. There cannot
be a better constitution for this country than that we
possess, and should be as ready as any man, if need
were--2but thank God there is no such need—to shed
my blood in defence of that constitution !—(Cheers.)
I adnaire—l love it. And one great reason why I
think it so admirable is that it is of that,elastic nature
that it can extend itself to comprehend and meet the
requirements of the time and the just wishes of the
People.--(Cheers.) But while I say this as regards
aa
tellingnr any
republic.—(Cheers)
Government
bo
oivi eac r.
that we
ee
eoorr
812 anyght
nino
my own country, I would not tolerate, howevergreat,
individual itvoi dual
have coming mm ionoga
monarchy,
, andbu
t
say that no man has )the Aringdhtsoto,
sbayy,thtoe stialme„erule I_
cheers.)
Hungary,eere
o I" seeY You must
thia
greathai ezdaa people of
I/it-Wes
not
onlydelighting
greatall andthe friends
rar golnyfaOlrinblietractheys_m. monarchy:'—(Loud
t(Lwoubdo
si is
nncoe w,,
butrty
Iby his pre-
sence,
some-
thing greater than any personal qualities ciated with him the two great principles
of fe i
is
nationalright independence.
hisl dv oi e nwo tt
hparte ttehnedr e
.of neseeityaBBand-
t°i
should
t thatbe
a republic in Hungary ; neither do I pretend
that he is wrong in that view. But what Ido sue sa.
y that there ought to be in his country an independeynis,
of all other countries.—(Cheers.) Reverencing case
I do the people of every nation, and believing
as Ido that there is no other source of legitimate
power than the people, I wish to see Hungary com-
pletely independent, and ruled by such a system of
government as shall meet the wants and wishes of its
people.—(Cheers.) Louis Kossuth represents this
principle; and so long as he does so I care not what
others may do, I shall stand by him.—(Cheers.)
You will forgive me if I turn my thoughts on myself
and say that I am delighted with this demonstration
in favour of a principle for which I have long con-
tended, and which I have endeavoured for the last 20
years to promote.—(Cheers.) What I have now said
with respect to Hungary, I have been saying for the
last 20 years of Poland.—(Cheers.) I say it for every
country in the world, fora stable and enduring peace
can only be secured by allowing all countries their
rights.—(Cheers.) I ,e ill not detain you longer, for
a great orator awaits you. One thing, however, occurs
to me, and though it may make you smile I do not
think it altogether inapplicable even on this, which I
may say is a solemn occasion.—(Hear.) Among the
many absurdities spoken, written, and printed of Kos-
suth there is one which I have not seen noticed at
any public meeting: it appeared in one of those jour-
nals which are paid with foreign gold.—(Groans.)
Well, you seem to think that there are Journals
paid by foreign gold.—(Cries of " the Times"). Well,
it may be so.—(A. Voice—" It is so.") I do not
refer to any newspaper printed in Britain, but to a
foreign newspaper, paid for and published for a fo-
reign Government. There is a well-known organ of
despotism, called the Augsburg Gazette. The cor-
respondent of that paper in this country, immedi-
ately before the arrival of Kossuth here, in order to
inform foreign courts of what was likely to happen
when this terrible champion, at whose name they all
trembled, landed on our shores, spoke of Louis
Kossuth as a rebel who had been shamefully set free
by the Turkish Government, and by the agency of
the British and American Governments. This cor-
respondent then spoke of Kossuth's arrival in Eng-
land, and wrote that the plan which Kossuth intended
to pursue was to visit town after town, in order to
get up a little popular feeling in his favour.—(Laughe
ter.) He further wrote that Kossuth would be ac-
companied in his tour by a man not much known in
England, for he represented a very small place called
Marylebone.—(Renewed laughter.) " Lord Dud-
ley Stuart will accompany him wherever he
goes ;" so wrote this correspondent ; " and the
effect will be perfectly ludicrous, because Louis Kos-
suth does not understand one word of English, and
Lord Dudley Stuart will be obliged to translate
whatever he says."—(Laughter.) I knew the story
would make you laugh ; but I am sure you will ex-
cuse me for alluding to it. And now I have to turn
from you to him upon whom all eyes in Europe are
fixed, and who is looked for with longing eyes by our
brethren on the other side of the Atlantic, with whom,
I am proud to say, that union which ought always to
have existed between them and us is being cemented
more and more in true brotherly love, not only by
their admiration of this man, but by their devotion to
the noble principles which he advocates.—(Much
cheering, followed by three hearty cheers for the
people of the United States.) I have now, Sir (turn-
ing towards and addressing Kossuth) to explain to
you who they are who attend here this day to present
their addresses to you. The civilized world has seen
and applauded the reception which wai recently given
to you by the city of London—the first city in the
world ; and I venture to say that every man in the
country applauds the corporation of that city, and
thinks that it never performed a nobler act.—(Great
cheering.) But give me leave to say, although I know it
is almost unnecessary to give you information about
this country, for your speeches show how well you
are already informed respecting our institutions and
affairs, and how few there are of ourselves who
know half as much concerning them as you do, that
the city of London, great, famous, and deservedly
renowned in history as it is, forms but a very small
portion of the great metropolis of the British empire.
—(Hear.) In this metropolis there are six other
Parliamentary boroughs beside the city of London,
and the inhabitants of those boroughs, the men, aye,
and the women too—(Cheers)—have felt that they
were but imperfectly represented by the address of
the Corporation of London, and that they could not
be satisfied without coming forward themselves in
their own persons to offer to you, and to your prin-
ciples, the expression of their homage.—(Cheers.)
The following figures have been placed in my hands
for the purpose of showing you the respective popula-
tions of the City and the various boroughs com-
posing the metropolis, and I believe they approximate
very nearly to the actual state of things. The city
of London has 108 parishes, and contains 150.000
inhabitants ; whilst the other boroughs are—West-
minster, with nine parishes, and 250,000 inhabitants ;
Southwark, with six parishes, and 170,000 inhabitants;
Marylebone, with three parishes, and 330,000 inha-
bitants—though I am sure it has now 400,000--
Lambeth with 230,000 inhabitants, and Finsbury
with 310,000 inhabitants—making together a popula-
tion amounting to not less than 1,440,000 souls. In
this calculation, however, I have not included the
immensely populous borough of the Tower Hamlets.
They are not with us here today, and I am sorry for
it.—(Cries of " Shame.") But I know the men of
the Tower Hamlets, and the feelings by which they
are actuated, and I am satisfied that in spirit they
are cordially with us; indeed, I have just bad it noti-
fied to me that addresses from the various parishes in
that borough have already ;been presented to Kos-
suth,—(Hear and cheers.) It is the other metropoli-
tan boroughs, therefore, who now come forward
through their delegates to address our illustrious
friend. Some of the Members representing these
boroughs are also here, and the absence of the re-
mainder is, I am sure, to be attributed only to
,Un-
avoidable circumstances. (A Voice—" Viler!, a
Tommy D uticombe? ") (Laughter.) (Another Voice
—" And where's George Thompson ?")
The ceremony of presenting the addresses was
then proceeded with, the deputahtions being severally
introduced to Kossuth, who shook them cordially
on vel-
lum, and that from Westminster
:
by the hand. All the addresses
I was set in an elegant
were written
gilt frame and glazed. t was as follows
" ' TO LOUIS KOSSUTH.
and
the Hungarian people, 1
i les
." sir,—Urged by profound sympathy for yourself and by a deep interest in the
essential to the maintenance of liberty,
Sir,
ancient customs
which you, and Hungary have nobly sttuggled to
support of the fundamental principles of freedom,and the
p
(citizens of Westminster, in public meeting
t'
desire to manifest our cordial congratula-
tuispOnhesomifdbo'ied
for the
%t.h preservation of your life, and for your de-
liverance from the foes of freedom and of all free men.
we Neil with thankfulness to God your presence on
British ground. Those institutions which you and your
countrymen have striven to defend amidst danger and
death we happily enjoy; we trust that the spirit
which has preserved the ancient laws of na-
tional and local self-government amongst the
British people will be stimulated and advanced by your
example and genius. We desire that the power of the
people on both aides of the Atlantic should be armed
for the maintenance and extension of human liberty
and free representative government, wherever the na-
tions are so enlightened by a sense of dignity, duty, and
self-dependence such as Hungary has recently displayed.
We feel that the privileges valiantly won and
descended
resolutely
maintained by our forefathers, and which h
to us, should not be forgotten in the
enjoyment
peritv and peace; but that„our minds
and our hearts
should keep a vigilant watch over them, so that en-
croachments of pros-
lied, and our children taught
e of the bitthright tnpui,
should be repelled
to feel the inestimable Tal u