The Sun.
London, England, 1851-09-26 00:00:00

SUN,

THE

PARLIAMENTARY AND FINANCIAL
REFORM.
A meeting was held in the Free-trade Hall, Man-
chester, on Wednesday, for the promotion of Parlia-
mentary and financial reform. It was convened by
the leaders of the Parliamen'ary and Financial Re-
form Association, and presided over by Mr. George
Wilson. The attendance was very large. There were
present—Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., Mr. Fox, M.P.,
Mr. George Thompson, M.P., Mr. Williams, M.P.,
and many others. Mr. Hume's name had been an-
nounced as one who would be present, but indisposi-
tion, consequent on the increasing infirmities of age
and the labours of the late session, prevented his at-
tendance. Mr. Milner Gibson and Mr. Bright, the
borough Members, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Brotherton,
sent notes of apology for their absence.
The chair was taken by Mr. WILSON.—He said
Lord John Russell had announced his intention, next
session, to introduce into the House of Commons a
measure for the improvement of the representation of
the people. What that measure would be no one at
present could say, but from indications he had previ-
ously seen a great number of people were prepared
to applaud it, whatever it might be, when it came.
Speaking for himself; the only indication which the
Prime Minister had given as to what that measure
would be, must be found in the speech he made an-
nouncing his intention to do away with the qualifica-
tion of Members of Parliament. He, for one, should
be glad to see that measure, whenever it was produced,
full and complete. Whatever the Bill might be, he
did not think it could pass without a rigid inquiry
into all its merits taking place by the people of Eng-
land. It would not certainly possess all the attrac-
tion that the Reform Bill did at the time it was
passed ; it could not again enfranchise Manchester, or
Birmingham, or Leeds, and some other large con-
stituencies ; it might not be so long in schedule A,
but he hoped it would be equally as long as schedule
B ; but, whether or not, Lord John Russell, in ad-
vancing that measure, would have to deal with two
questions—the question of the suffrage, and the ques-
tion of the re-distribution of the electoral power, and
in these two questions alone there was a greater
amount of interest, individually and personally, than
was ever connected with the Reform Bill of 1832.—
(Applause.) Alluding to our present septennial
Parliaments, he said that the oldest form of Parlia-
ment in this country was annual ; for in the reign of
Edward I. there were eight Parliaments in eight
years. In conclusion, he remarked that our present
House of Commons was nothing better than a junior

House of Lords.
Sir J. WALMSLEY was next called upon, and he
spoke at great length to the following effect :—I am
happy to find that this is not exclusively a Manchester
meeting. We are favoured by the presence of nume-
rous representatives of many of the great towns in the
county, who, I doubt not, will carry from this hall
the pure flame of reform, and spread it in their vari-
ous localities. The end sought to be achieved by this
meeting—which, we trust, will be a model one, and
the precursor of similar meetings throughout the
country—the object, I say, of this great gathering, is
a high and a patriotic one. It is—to restore the just
political rights of our disfranchised fellow subjects.
I speak advisedly when I say disfranchised, for no one
has correctly read the history of this country who
does not know that the constitutional rights of the
people have, from age to age, been gradually circum-
scribed and curtailed until the most intelligent and
valuable portion of the population are destitute of the
rights once freely exercised by men inferior to them-
selves. We are here to claim the rights of the con•
stitution—the rights of freemen—the abolition of
a degrading political serfdom. We are here to aid in
the removal of the badge of political proscription, and
to restore to those who, equal in the eye of the com-
mon law of the land, demand rights which their
ancestors enjoyed. The monopoly of the elective
franchise in a community like ours, by one-
seventh part of the adult male population, is
on the face of it a monstrous injustice and a
glaring usurpation. That it has been tolerated so
long, leading as it has done to the imposition of such
unequal burdens, is a proof of the patience and for-
bearance of the sufferers. Let that patience and for-
bearance be rewarded by the same Act that shall an-
nihilate the injustice, and make the House of Com-
mons in reality an assembly of the Commons of
England. We are told by the greatest amongst the
expounders of our constitution that the House of
Commons should be the embodiment and expression
of the very mind and will of the people. Yet it is a
notorious fact, proved by the arithmetic of the ques•
tion, that a majority of that House represent but oue-
seventh of this limited electoral body, and but one-
fourteenth of the annual rateable realised property of
the kingdom. Yet this is the so-called House of
Commons. Does this state of things agree with
Blackstone, who says, that upon the true theory and
genuine principles of English liberty, every member
of the community, however poor, should have a vote
in electing those delegates to whose charge is com-
mitted the disposal of his property, his liberty, and
his life. We are not hsre to quarrel with the theory
of our Government, but to demand that it be practi-
cally carried out. Our watchword should be the
Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution.
Our Sovereign has her share, and we would not
diminish it. The second estate in • the realm
have theirs, and we do not assail it. But
the people have been denied theirs, and it is their
right that we are met to demand, and with your
united aid to enforce. I speak to one of yourselves, as
one to whom is denied that which I possess, but pos-
sess by no exclusive constitutional prerogative—by no
superior merit—by no urgent necessity, but by the
mere accident of house, rent, money, or landed estate.
I speak, I say, as one of yourselves—as one not con-
tent selfishly to enjoy a right, which bad men have
made exclusive, but which is the constitutional in-
heritance of the humblest men called to bear the bur-
dens, maintain the peace, obey the laws, and fight the
battles of his country. As one of yourselves, and
resolved, if you will accept me as such, to be a fellow-
labourer with you, I summon you to the great work
of cleansing, reforming, and renewing your own
House of Parliament. You have the power to do
this; you must have the will. You must rouse your
slumbering energies ; you must wisely apply those
energies; you must make the necessary sacrifices, and
exhibit the union which is essential to victory. You
are all aware of the nature and extent of that scheme
of representation which the national association advo-
cates; that it embraces residential suffrage, vote by
ballot, triennial Parliaments, the more equal apportion-
ment of members to population, and the abolition of the
property qualification. This plan of reform has the
sanction of most of the Radical Members of the House
of Commons. It is based upon the old saxon law of
freemen paying scot and lot ; it is in unison with the
habits of the people ; it would increase the number of
electors from one to four millions ; it is safe, practi
cal, and constitutional; and it is the least measure of
reform which the people should sanction. If this
scheme be reasonable and necessary, there are unmis-
takeable indications of its practicability and accom-
plishment. Amongst the grounds for hope and con-
fidence, I may point to the spirit of union which has
recently shown itself amongst reformers ; to the mu-
tual desire amongst men of varying political opinions
to hold their special views, subordinate to the realisa-
tion of a sound practical measure of reform ; and to
the conviction amongst those who now possess the
franchise, that the :omission of the great body of the
producing classes to the rights of the constitution is
essential to the peace, happiness, and prosperity of
the country. Much, however, remains to be accom-
plished; we have to contend with conservative Libe-
ralism on the one hand, and untractable ultraism on
the other. Our prospects, however, daily improve.
There is much to stimulate much to animate our
--

,ops. The First Minister of the Crown has him-
self declared his intention to introduce a new mea-
sure of reform, and we know he cannot afford a little
war. He has left us to infer that his measure will
be based more upon the demands and support of
the people than upon any preconceived plan of his
own. He has signified his willingness to abolish
the property qualification—a concession of no small
importance, as it would remove those invidious dis-
tinctions which arise out of a pecuniary test, and leave
people free to choose those whom they deem the
most eligible to represent them. His silence on the
question of the ballot, coupled with the historical fact
that he proposed it to the Cabinet of 1831, justifies the
belief that he will not oppose the realization of that
portion of the people's scheme of reform. Nor is it
unimportant that the three principal law officns of
the Crown have recorded their opinions in favour of

its justice and necessity. Another Cabinet Minister
has intimated his willingness to extend the elective
franchise to the male inhabitants of a taxed house, and
to tax every house. Such are the revelations which
the Whig Administration have so far made on the
great question of the day, and we know enough of
their supporters to feel assured they would only be
to happy to regain a little of their lost popularity by
avowing themselves in favour of further specific po-
litical progress. But the Whigs, be it remembered,
are not the only party in the state, though by suffer-
ance and accident they have the conduct of public
affairs. The Radical Members of the House of Com-
mons, more and more supported by the confidence of
the people, are daily increasing as an important section
of the Legislature, and if they cannotsupplant,can, when
united, urge forward and compel the tenants of the
Treasury bench to go on, or to go out. But, sepa-
rate and distinct from all that is called Liberal, there
is a powerful party who, it is understood, when the
time shall come to make overtures, will not be outbid
in their offers for popular support. Of this Ministers
may be certain, that the true friends of the people,
in and out of the House of Commons, will think far
less about the name of the party by whom a measure
of real reform may be tendered, than of the value and
importance of the measure itself. Still, I believe
Reformers would prefer to see their cause in the House
of Commons headed by the Noble Lord who has so
Afteu led the vmu, 4/14 ometiwo the balm hope, in
_

LONDON,

that cause in times gone by. The championship of
the cause by such a man would be natural and bscom-
ing, and in keeping with a career begun in the cause
cf freedom, and consummated by the acknowledgment
of the equal political rights of all his fellow-subjects.
Having glanced at the opinions of men and parties,
we come to consider that which is of greater import-
ance—what, under all the circumstances, the people
should do. Am I asked what I would have them do?
I answer, I would have them save the Minister the
trouble of deciding what the new Reform Bill shall be,
by deciding that question for themselves, and by
making the carrying of their measure in the legisla-
ture inevitable. M asked how they should do this, I
answer, Look back twenty years; see how it was the
Whigs were able to beat the boroughmongers in 1831
and 1832, and go and do likewise. Practice the les-
son in 1851 that your Whig advisers taught you in
1831, and do that for yourselves now which Sou did
for oilers then. Are the working men of England
fewer now than then ? They are vastly more nume-
rous, more intelligent, more enlightened. Then they
were deceived. Now they know by experience they
must trust none but themselves, and aid in no reform
which does not include themselves. The advice given
twenty years ago was—to be united, to be firm, to be
resolute. The advice was taken. What was the re-
sult ? The great captain of the age was deposed. Tne
boroughmongers were defeated in the House of Com-
mons, and when the Whigs resigned through the op-
position of the Peers, the people brought Lord Grey
back to power in ten days. If these things have been
done once, they can be done again. You are
multiplied in numbers ; you are wiser from
experience ; you are advanced in knowledge
and intelligence ; you have a better ac-
quaintance with your own grievances, and a
clearer insight into their causes. The middle classes
are aware that it is only through the concession of
your rights that their burdens can be alleviated, and
there are many of them willing to join you. What,
then, is to prevent your achieving your constitutional
objects if you are consolidated, and prepared to sus-
tain your claims in the omnipotence of your numbers
and moral power ? Intelligent working men, let the
next four months be sacred to the cause of your own
political advancement. Men of Lancashire, set an
example to your brethren throughout the kingdom.
From this great hive of industry let your voices be
heard, calling upon the industrial classes everywhere
to be up and doing. If you speak, your own class
will bear, respond, and obey. I have spoken of fa-
vourable indications; they should be interpreted only
as encouragements and incentives. They are indica-
tions of what may be accomplished, but the labour of
accomplishment rests with ourselves. Once more,
let your petitions crowd the table of the House of
Commons. In times past it may have been wise to
abstain from sending your petitions to a House where
they were despised ; but it may be equally wise to
exercise this constitutional right now, and thus to sus-
tain those who will have to fight your battles on
the floor of Parliament. But if done by one, it
must be done by all ; not only must the city petition,
but the town, the village, the hamlet, the workshop.
Let their name be "legion." Let there be no mis-
take whether the people desire reform, and none as
respects their determination to have it. Many other
practical measures must be carried out, in order that,
when the day of conflict comes, the friends of the
people may be found at their posts. Let the repre-
sentatives of the people be well looked after ; let them
know what the people want, what they expect, and
what they have determined to achieve. Your oppo-
nents are looking to the registration, you must do
the same. They are alive to the importance of filling
every vacant seat with men after their own hearts.
You must imitate their example, and be prepared to
fight a tattle in the right cause. I have spoken of
sacrifices ; let them be made freely, promply, and by
all—l am prepared with mine, be each of you pre-
pared with yours. There must be concessions of
opinion where principle is not compromised. Above
all, we must lay aside our ancient animosities—be
henceforth comrades and fellow-labourers. A great
contest is at band, and we shall only be equal to it
by entire union. Money will be required, and
efforts must be made to supply it. The question
must be settled at once, and, for the sake of future
exemption, we must furnish the sinews of war now.
In this matter we might learn a useful lesson from
the example of the friends of freedom in other
counties, whose self-denial and devotion might well
rebuke our indifference. In the remarks which I shall
now bring to a close, I have addressed myself
principally to the producing classes. Let me end
with a word to those who compose the trading and
mercantile portions of the community. The objects
you have hitherto been seeking can only be per-
manently realised by the speedy concession of the
constitutional rights of the disfranchised millions.
Then, and not till then, when justice is done to the
great body of the people, will you attain the objects
you have at heart. In times past they aided you
against the enemies with whom ycu had to contend,
and with their assistance you conquered. To-day,
they ask you to aid them against their opponents.
Their triumph will be your great and permanent ad-
vantage. Then may you hope for cheap and good
government, the blessings of unshackled industry,
and the removal of those abuses which you seek to
abolish. Aid them, then, in this great and good
work, and let the struggle be twice blessed ; the
blessing of reconcilation, union, and indissoluble
friendship in its progress, and the blessiug of a peace-
ful and patriotic victory at the end.
Mr. J. C. DYER moved the following resolution :
—" That, the First Minister of the Crown having in-
timated his intention to introduce a measure of Par-
liamentary Reform during the next session, the
people should lose no time in giving effective ex-
pression to their wishes; this meeting doth, there-
fore, declare that any measure which does not re-ar-
range the electoral districts, extend the franchise to
every occupier of a tenement, protect the voter by
the ballot, shorten the duration of Parliament, and
abolish the property qualification required by Mem-
bers, will fail to satisfy the just expectations of the
people—will be ineffectual in preventing the cor-
ruption, intimidation, and oppression now prevailing
at elections, and in securing the full and free repre-
sentation of the people in the Commons House of
Parliament."
Mr. HEYWOOD, of Bolton, seconded the motion
which was carried unanimously.
Mr. W. J. Fox, M.P. for Oldham, next addressed
the meeting. He said that great meeting was worthy
of the great cause which they were congregated to
support. The speaker who preceded him complained
of the feebleness of his voice; but it had been well
said that one voice had many echoes. It was always
so when that one voice, however feeble, told some
great truth, or asserted some noble right which be-
longed to human nature, and the possession of which
was claimed or reclaimed for it; and if one voice ao
raised had many echoes, how must it be with the
voice of congregated thousands such as were then as-
sembled ? What was the echo to their assertions of
public right and justice but the exclamation of mil-
lions declaring that they had waited long enough for
the possession of their legitimate inheritance ?
(Cheers.) They had heard, from letters read to the
meeting, and they knew in other ways, that the
labour of the last session had' required some re-
laxation for recruiting the health and strength of
the Members of the House of Commons. It was
a very laborious session.— (Laughter.) The House
of Commons heaved with the throes of the mountain
in labour, and brought forth the little black mouse
of theological enactment.—(Laughter.) But, if
individual Members of the House of Com-
mons who, though they had on their shoulders
the burden of responsibility to their constituents and
their consciences, if they felt the need of change of
air for the renovation of their physical, moral, and
intellectual condition, how must it be with those on
whom devolved the nerve and responsibility of guid-
ing the destinies of the nation and conducting the
policy of the British Empire ? If Mr. Hume, Mr.
Gibson, Mr. Bright, and others needed a change of
air, how much must Lord John Russell need a
change of air, and he wished he were with that meet-
ing to enjoy it.—(Applause.) Ile would find it a
different atmosphere from that of the House of Com-
mons, and it would do him much good.—(Laughter.)
If he could be put under a course of Manchester
meetings his Whig sickness would give way to the
strength and energy of real reformers, and he would
become "strong enough for his place."—(Applause.)
The fact could not be denied that the atmosphere of
that meeting, and of any large meeting of the people
of England, was different from that of the House of
Commons ; a different class of feelings prevailed, other
principles were asserted, other objects were contem-
plated, and other sympathies were glowing in the
bosom. Why, look on many of the leading points
which now interested the public mind of this
country and of Europe. In the House of Com-
mons the sympathy was with large armaments,
sympathieswere wwith
and their enthusiasm was unbounded when a lucky
officer won a victory and got a pension and title ;
hwimhils(tMrt.hFeox works of
opfeacetheandpetohpeleworbke
peace, and they looked to that which others regarded
as chimerical and Utopian—that
great brotherhood of
nations, that should eventuate is the sword being
beaten into the ploughshare, and the .spear turned into
a pruning hook.—(Applause.) In the II ouse of
Commons they found a readiness to vote away mil-
lions of the people's money, almost as a mere formal
matter, whilst Manchester sympathies were with
from whose bones and sinews those millions were ex-
tracted, and whose hard earnings they wished to see,
and bad a duty to see, rigidly economised. There
was too much of sympathy with the despots of the
Continent in the House of Commons, but here the
sympathy was with the patriots of the Continent. He
had heard a Member of Parliament ask, with a sneer
upon his lips, whether the Secretary of State was
aware that there was such a person as Mazzini in this
country, whilst here the question was—when will
not only AlAzzini, but when will iiiognith 1)o hero r,