The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Ireland appears likely to continue the apple of discord in
this country. The discussion last night between Mr. Lit-
tleton and Mr. O'Connell—involving a question of conven-
tional honour always painful to decide—is a fresh symptc m
of political irritation. We cannot long continue to govern
Ireland by a system of coercion. The suspension of con-
stitutional rights, or the violation of the first principles of a
constitution, may be always traced to mis-government. It
requires no supernatural powers to detect the ca uses of this
unhappy Social state of the sister kingdom. We do not say
that the Protestant Hierarchy of Ireland is the sole cause
of Irish discontents or the only evil of the nation. The
grievances of the Irish People are various, deep seated, and
of long duration ; and they are often so blended, that it is
difficult to say to what particular cause any effect is attri-
butable. But the Church affords the handle for
agitation, and mainly contributes to social disunion.
The materials of agitation exist independently of Mr.
O'Connell, who applies only the igniting spark to the fuel.
He would be powerless without the popular discontent
which gives him force to agitate ; and so long as the causes
of dissatisfaction are allowed to exist, so long will there be
agitators in Ireland. But it would be unreasonable to ex-
pect from the present Ministry an immediate remedy for
Irish grievances. The cure is a work of time, and in the
conflict of parties and legislative difficulties we see a long
and gloomy delay. Nevertheless much has been done to-
wards alleviation, and agitation has in truth proCu :ed, with
all its attendant evils, much that is unquestionably good.
Catholic emancipation was forced on the Duke of Welling-
ton and the pliant Sir R. Peel. Church cess and tithes were
modified by the same means. But the consequences of the com-
plaint, and the cure, were agrarian or predial evils, which re-
quired extraordinary laws for the protection of life and
property. Such was the origin of the " Irish Coercion
Bill," the " Act for the more effectual suppression of Local
Disturbances and Dangerous Associations in Ireland,"
enacted in April of last year, for a period of 15 months,
expiring in August next. The second reading of a partial
renewal of this measure takes place in the House of Lords
this evening. The new Bill is entitled, "An Act to con-
tinue, under certain modifications, for one year, an Act
made in the third year of his present Majesty, for
the more effectual suppression of Local Disturbances
and Dangerous Associations in Ireland." As we stated
on Wednesday last, it is a simple declaratory Bill,
re-enacting till August, 1835, the old Coercion Sta-
tute, excepting only the courtmartial clauses. Now,
with regard to the wisdom of this critical measure,
it cannot be denied that extraordinary laws were required
to suppress the outrages of the rural population of Ireland ;
and we admit that the agrarian portions of the Coercion
Bill may still be justified by the nature and amount of ex-
isting crime. But we confess, although gratified by the ex-
purgation of the clauses constituting courtsmartial, we see
as yet no proved necessity for renewing what are denomina-
ted the political clauses of the Bill, affecting the great right
of assembling in public meeting for the purpose of petitioning.
We do not mean to assert that, in the agitated state of
Ireland, some control may not be desirable in rela-
tion to public meetings and their proceedings. The
summary and irresponsible power in the Lord Lieu-
tenant to prohibit and suppress any association, as-
sembly or body of persons which he may deem
"to be dangerous to the public peace or safety,
or inconsistent with the due administration of the law," is,
however, a despotic power which can be justified only by
absolute necessity. In any event this sweeping prerogative
of the Viceroy of Ireland should be restricted to proclaimed
counties. It might be expedient also to modify other
clauses of the Bill. In the present state of Ireland, and
under the circumstances of the important public questions
which must come before Parliament next Session, is it wise
to close up all the safety-valves of public opinion ? Is
there- any present reason for the renewal of all these
tremendous and dangerous powers ? We cannot believe
that Ministers are actuated by any illiberal feelings towards
Ireland, but it behoves them deeply to consider whether
the perpetuation of this system of political restraint is
politic or really calculated to effect its desired end. We
are not of the number of those who defend all the acts and
modes of proceeding of the agitators. They may not
intend to excite to illegal acts the miserable people who
outrage the laws of society, and yet their agitation may
have the inflammatory effect which it is afterwards con-
venient for them to disown and condemn. We much
question whether the intended renewal of the Coercion Bill
will not increase the popularity, power, and rent of Mr.
O'Connell. We cannot vindicate all the shifts and mercu-
rial devices of Mr. O'Connell to rid his country of the abo-
minable evils which oppress it ; but we do think that a
little conciliation and concession would satisfy his party, and
secure their ce-operation in the common weal. If matters,
however, proceed in this way, we foresee evils difficult to
cure—a revival of the impolitic question of Repeal of the
Union—and differences almost irreconcileable between the
two nations. While there is yet time for accommodation
we ardently hope it will be tried. The Tories will unques-
tionably, profit by the unsettled state of the Church ques-
tion of appropriation ; and we doubt much whether this
Bill will pass through Parliament so glibly as its prede-
cessor, notwithstanding the moderate and creditable con
duct of the Irish Government in the administration of the
present odious statute. No Coercion Bills will uphold a
Protestant Church Establishment in Catholic Ireland.
Any British Government must have Mr. O'Connell for
friend or foe—a difficult but necessary election.—Morning
Chronicle.

Short as was the sitting of the Commons last night, it
was the scene of an angry, and, we may add, an important
dispute between Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Littleton, the
Chief Secretary for Ireland. We call the dispute important,
because the subject of it was important, inasmuch as it re-
lated to the conduct of Ministers in their dealing with that
part of the United Kingdom, which has been, through all
its long, dark, troubled, -frightful history a reproach upon
the name of Government. As for the personal feeling,
mixed up with the public matter of this dispute, every well-
constituted mind must regret it, were there no other rea-
son for doing so than its tendency to obscure the truth.
Our readers are aware that, for some days back, reports
have been afloat stating differences of opinion to exist
letween the Irish Government and their colleagues on
this side of the water as to the propriety of renewing
the Coercion Act. It now appears that these reports
had reference to conversations between Mr. O'Connell
and the Secretary for Ireland, and each gentleman accuses
the other of breach of faith, the one for having disclosed a
confidential communication, the other for having held out
expectations which have not been realised. Without en-
teri :g into the personal inquiry how far either or both
gentlemen may have committed themselves on this occasion,
it is enough for us and the public to know that there is
evidence . of such indecision, of such weakness and vaci-
lation on the part of the Government as cannot fail to
make a deep and lastingimpression. Nothing can be more
evident, as we conceive, judging from the statements on
both sides; than that the Government contemplated ori-
ginfilly 'a far more extensive qualification of the Act than
the: speech.of Lord Grey has announced. It is to this
vacillating policy, and not to any premeditated intention
on -the-part of the Secretary for Ireland to mislead Mr.
O'Connell, :that we ascribe the contradiction which cer-
tainly does exist between the expectation held out and the
performance actually resolved upon. No person acquainted
with Mr. Littleton's character will suspect him of intending
originally to have deceived Mr. O'Connell and his
part!. Even if we had no foundation for that belief in
the character of Mr. Littleton, it would be difficult to
suppose, giving him credit for an ordinary portion of
under.,ta.nding, that he would voluntarily encounter, not
the risk but the certainty of detection. We conclude,
therefore, that Mr. Littleton (and we believe not only that
gentleman, but the Government itself) was ignorant during
his early communications with Mr. O'Connell of the course
which it seems is now to be pursued. But is this wavering,
hesitating, dilatory, contradictory mode of proceeding in
reference to, a country so critically circumstanced as Ire-
land, consistent with good government ? Let the present
position of the Ministry answer the question. Probably it
was the increased sense of their own weakness in the Upper
House of Parliament that led them to compromise with
a powerful party, by giving up the alterations which they
intended, .and which their own colleagues who had local
means of judging recommended to their adoption. But
however this may be, they ought to have known their own
minds before, in which case we should never heard their
Irish Secretary taunted, as he was last night, and put upon
his defence against such a charge as deception. Our con-
clusion from the whole, at least in the hasty view in which
we are now compelled to take of it, is that Mr. Littleton
has acted a weak, not a treacherous part, and that the Go-
vernment of which he is a member not only participated in
hit weakness, but by its conduct has created the difficulty
front which neither he nor they can be said to have yet ex-
tricated themselves.-11forning Herald.
That Mr. Littleton was indiscreet in making the com-
munication he did to Mr. O'Connell cannot be denied ; but
it was surely not only natural, but laudable, in a constitu-
tional Government, sincerely attached to the principles of
liberty, to defer to the last moment their decision on the
question of the renewal of so painful a measure as the Irish
Coercion, or, as it may rather be termed, Protective Bill.
That Bill they must have felt as strongly as the loudest
brawler against it to be the legitimate offspring of necessity
alone, and if disclaimed by its parents, it would become a
monster, without a feature of utility to redeem its defor-
mity. They would therefore certainly wait to the last mo-
ment to ascertain whether any, and if so how much, of so
odious a remedy might be spared. They would naturally
watch the progress or decline of the disease, and, with-
out doubt, indulge hopes that others of the nauseous
drugs, as well as the courtsmartial, the most drastic

and disgusting ingredient of the potion, might
be dispensed with. But certainly Mr. O'Connell's own
conduct would constitute no small part of the symptoms to
which they were in prudence bound to attend. It is not
unlikely that Mr. Littleton and others, weighing the rea-
sonaMe motives which would actuate an honourable, or
even a judicious mind, might have indulged the fond hope
that Mr. O'Connell would, with a sincere view of restoring
to his countrymen the blessings of constitutional freedom and
English law, have renounced all notions of reviving a mock
parliament, and overawing the constituted authorities of the
state, by perpetual agitation for the selfish and gro-
velling purpose of rasing supplies for himself. But
it was equally reasonable to watch the Learned Gentle-
man's conduct and whatever their sanguine expectations
of his forbearanc3 or amendment might be, his letter to
the electors of Wexford was quite sufficient to dispel all
such hopes, and not only to justify, but to call for all
such precautions against his proceedings as the sup-
position of his most virulent and factious conduct would
warrant. It was clear from that letter that his inclination
to mischief can only be bounded by his power, and it would
therefore have been madness to increase that power in the
persuasion that he would use it either honestly or moderately.
Indeed, the conversation of last night, whatever may be its
bearings on the public estimate of Mr. Littleton's discre-
tion, is quite sufficient to show that no reliance is to be
placed in the assurances of the great Repeal Agitator, and
much less on a speculation that he would forbear to hazard
the tranquillity of his country, and the lives of his
followers, to his love of applause or his appetite for
" rent," on the sole and precarious ground of some general
professions. It is clear to the meanest understanding that if
that part of the law which forbids mock parliaments, and
prevents usurped legislation in Ireland, were withdrawn, we
should have associations and seditious incitements to
violence for the repeal of the union, and for every other
species of outrage, immediately ; and we certainly must
deprecate that policy which would visit the wretched kerns
with fire, sword, and destruction, but would leave the Agi-
tator himself at ease, and allow him, with impunity, to
incite them to crimes and to pocket the wages of that ini-
quity which he had the opportunity of stimulating, but not
the courage to execute. The Ministers may, therefore, be
commended for their determination to prevent the possibi-
lity of his continuing thus to act, although it is impossible
not to lament the necessity of infringing on the natural
liberty of our fellow-subjects, whether it be by confining
the poor peasant to his miserable hut at night, or closing
the mouth and impeding the brawling eloquence of the
wily agitator by day. • To punish the one without checking
the other would be alike foolish and unjust.—Morning
Advertiser.