The Sun.
London, England, 1833-04-04 00:00:00

the eviJenee, and maintain that it was quite sufficient
to enable gentlemen `to make up their minds upon the
subject, and induce them to resist the appointment of
the proposed commission ; or, if they did not do
this, they would be hound to reject the Bill altoge-
ther. In the observations which he had felt it his
duty to make upon this occasion, he bad been careful
'to—avoid touching upon the Factory Bill itself—and he
wss the more guarded on that point, because he felt satis-
fied that the evidence of the medical men was more than
sufficient in support of his argument; or, if any thing fur-
ther was wanting, it might be supplied by a reference to
the numerous petitions presented on the subject. It should
be considered, too, that the 'persons who had given that
evidence, had no motive, could have no motive, beyond the
influence of their feelings as humane and Christian men,
who felt for the unjust sufferings of their fellow-creatures.
He was sure that the appointment of the proposed Com-
mission would lead to no useful object, and that, on the
, other band, it was calculated to produce considerable evil.
He hoped, in what he said, he had abstained from hurting
the feelings of, or giving pain to, any person either in or
out of doors. He had,- undoubtedly, his own opinions
upon the Factory Bill and its effects, and he would venture
an opinion that under the operation, even of the best of
its clauses, there was a great deal of suffering ; but into
this part of the subject he would not at present enter. He
would, upon the grounds he had already stated, implore
the House, unless they thought the whole of the medical
evidence unworthy of belief, and unless they wished to
impose additional labour upon the poor little children em-
ployed in those establishments, to resist the appoint-
ment of this Commission. He was sure every Hon.
Member who considered the subject for a moment must
be of opinion that ten hours a day was a sufficient period
during which children should labour in a factory, and that
those most' interested in the matter would at length be
obliged to' assent to it, as a relief to their own wounded
censciencess--(Hear, hear.)
Mr. H. ROSS said that when the case was before a
Committee, it was arranged that Mr. Sadler should make
out a case on the one hand, and that the masters were to
be heard itt reply. But owing to the great mass of evi-
deride brought forward, and the delays which unavoidably
took place, they were obliged to prorogue before the time
for hearing the masters had arrived. Many Hon. Mem-
bers on the 'Committee were therefore under a decided im-
pression that under these circumstances no report would
be made, and though some names had been added to the
Committee, Many left town under that impression. He
felt that the statements made out against the masters were
most exaggerated, and under that conviction he would
suppert the motion of the Hon. Member for Lancashire,
because be felt that having heard the operatives they ought
at least to afford the masters an opportunity of clearing
themselves from the imputations cast upon them. No
man was more anxious than he was that the whole ques-
tion should be set at rest, and that the hours of labour in
those establishments should be feirly regulated. He
represented a large manufacturing town, and had taken
pains to visit the factories, and make himself acquainted
with the hours of labour adopted in them, and he
would repeat that he was anxious to have the ques-
tion set at rest, as well with respect to the children
and operatives, as with reference to the interests of the
masters themselves. He said this because it should
be borne in mind that while in some factories the
hours of work were 10:or 12 a day, and in others 15 or
16, the parties could not meet each other on fair and equal
terms, and, therefore, it became necessary that there should
be a fixed and equal regulation for the whole ; but at
the sente time he was not prepared to fix the period of
labour at ten hours a day. He was as much opposed as
any Hon. Member in that House to the employment of
children of very tender age in these establishments, and
he knew that several of the owners of factories were of
the same opinion, and wished to restrict those employed
to the age of 12 or 13 at least. The Hon. Member con-
cluded by stating that he would suppott the motion of the
Hon. Member for Lancashire.
Mr. GISBORNE would read a letter addressed by a
Member of one of the first manufacturing districts in the
country to 'Lord Molineaux, on the subject of the Noble
Lord (Ashley's) motion. The Hon. Member proceeded to
read the letter; the writer of which described himself as
belonging to an establishment in which 1,700 persons were
regularly employed, all of whom were treated with the
greatest kindpess and attention. He complained of the
misstatements which bad gone forth, and expressed a hope
that an opportunity would be afforded to the masters of vin-
dicating themselves from the imputations cast upon them.
He (Mr. Gisborne) would put it to the House whether
they were under existing circumstances in possession of
sufficient information upon which to legislate for the ma-
nufacturing interests.—(Hear, and some signs of impatience
on the part of the House.) He had expressed some opi-
nions on this subject on a former occasion, and be would
read to the House the animadversions- which he found
made upon what he had said. The statement was con-
tained in a Leeds Paper, and purported to come from a
Mr. Oastler, the coadjutor of Mr. Sadler upon this ques-
tion. The Hon. Member proceeded to reed from the paper
an extract in which Mr. Oastler attacked his observations
relative to the inquiry respecting labour in factories, in
rather strong terms. But in what he (Mr. Gisborne) had
said he is as borne out by facts. The House would bear
in mind that when Sir John Hobhouse brought in his Bill
regulating the period of factory labour at twelve hours, it
passed that House without dissent. Where then were
these ten hours' labour men, who, though silent at the
time, in three months after raised up the present cry ?
Was it a trifle thus to keep trade in a perpetual state of
fluctuation and uncertainty? Were the masters of the
greatest trade in the country, he might say iu the world,
• to be kept in such a state that they could not be certain,
even for three months, of the regulations by which that
trade was to be governed ?—(Hear.) The last commit-
tee met on the 12th of April, and sat until the 7th of
August, during which time they held forty-three sittings,
but their labours had not been completed. The Noble
Lord (Ashley) had thrown overboard the evidence given
in 1832. .Now, he would take leave to throw overboard
the medical evidence given in 1819 —(Cries of " Oh !")
He would do so, and give as his reason for doing so the
fact, that since that period the whole internal regulation
of factory labour had been changed ! and much of what
was unwholSsome and injurious removed.—(Hear, and
cries of " No.") He maintained that such was the fact.
But to come back to the Committee, he would state that
be bad gone out of town under the impression that the
medical evidence would not be called for, and he was the
more strengthened in his belief of this from a know-
'este that not a sipgle question had been put to those
gentlenlen in the way of cross-ex imination. The questions
put did not bear upon the point, and might be considered
as a series of 'inbred essays delivered by the chairman, and
to which answers were given in single sentence., and
sometimes• in monosyllables by the medical men. The
Hon. Member then referred to the evidence of Dr. Brodie,
Mr. Bell, Sir A. Leslie, and others, and said that without
detaining the House with the question, he would read a
few of the answers by way of specimen. They were as
follows ; " Certainly ;" "No doubt ;" " Yes ;" " Mo.t
certainly ;" "It does ;" " I think so;" &c. This was the
laconic manner in which the most lengthened questions
had been answered. They should bear in mind that they
were not now legislating upon the delicate question whe-
ther a child in a factory was to have too much work or
too little food? Would any one ask himself if it was
doubtful whether a child should work twelve hours a-day,
and be sufficiently fed, or whether he should work only
ten hours with an insufficiency of food And yet no
question of this-nature had been asked, or if it had been
asked, it had 'been carefUlly•omitted. The Hon. Member
then proceeded to 'read and comment upon the evidence of
a ;,11r. Lupner; and afterwards adverted to the evidence
given touching the management of the factories in Dundee,
which he designated as a tissue of falsehoods, and stated
that the things therein averred were utterly impossible.
Jo conclesion he declared that the individuals eng iged in
the cotton-factories Were healthier and longer-lived, and
more siosperous than the operatives in any other ern-
pleymentS
Mr. W. WYNN approved of the Bill. At the same
time he suggested that a Commission of Inquiry, con-
sisting of three persons, might he sent to the principal
manufacturing districts to collect and collate evidence, and
that their report might be given in time to enable the Bill
to pass that session.
Mr. LENNARD observed that the House had already
amply sufficient grounds to induce them to agree to his
Noble Friend's Bill.--There was a perfect conformity be-
tween the 'medical gentlemen examined on the subject.
They all concurred in saying, that twelve hours a-day,
including meals, that is to say ten hours full work, was
as much as could safely be exacted, even from adults.
But besides the effects upon health and strength, there was
another point which had not been adverted to in the pre-
sent debate—viz., the effects of the present system upon
the minds and morals of the persons employed. It was
impossible that any sort of education should be given to
the children. Indeed it was stated in the evidence, that
they were so exhausted after their week's labour, that they
could neither attend at church on Sunday, nor at school,
with any advantage. If such a system were attempted in
tt,e agricultural districts, what would be said of the Magis-
trates who should allow children to be worked twelve
and fourteen'hours a day, to the destruction of their health ?
He was sure it would not be borne. He was opposed to
the motion for a CommiSsion. •
Lord MORPETH said there were two points to be

considered in this question ; the first, whether a claim
bad been made out by the manufacturers for further in-
quiry? and the second, supposing the former to be ad-
mitted, whether the general case might not so far override
the particular case as to induce the House to dispense with
any further investigation 1 Now with regard to the first
point he had no doubt that if evidence were received on
the part of the manufacturers, many instances might be
given of mills and factories which were well conducted,
and where the health of the children was attended to.
He did not doubt that as many examples might be pro-
duced of sleek, smooth, and chubby children, as they had
unfortunately seen crooked, squalid, and deformed. He
would go further, and say that, for his ow❑ part, he be-
lieved that the manufacturing towns of the empire were
not that region of gloom, and wretchedness, and decrepi-
tude; which some appeared to imagine. He believed
that cruelty of treatment was the exception, and not
the pervading regulation of those establishments. He
thought the manufacturing bodies had a fair claim to a
rehearing—or, rather, to a hearing, for as yet they had
had none. But now he came to the second head, namely,
whether the general case did not supersede and override
the particular case ? Now, as the object must be to viudi•
cate the characters of the manufacturers from aspersions
which they conceived had been cast upon them by the
evidence, and which they had not had an opportunity of
answering—he really did not think that they wed insist
upon that vindication. They should remember that their
characters would be justly appreciated in their own dis-
tricts, where it was of most importance that they should
stand well with the public ; and it was not very material
what statements might have been made with regard to them
in a Committee above stairs, where it was more tha❑ pro-
bable their names were not remembered. He thought, on
the whole, that a sufficient case had not been established
of actual hardship, and suffering, and sorrow, amongst
children of tender years, to induce the House without any
further expense er delay, to exact a measure for their pro-
tection and relief.

Mr. G. W. WOOD was surprised to hear from the
Noble Lord the argument that the manufacturers ought
to be indifferent to the preservation of their characters
every where else but in their own districts. 'The manu-
facturers only asked the House to complete that investiga-
tion which it last year determined to enter upon. It
seemed to him rather singular that the Noble Lord
(Ashley), in quoting and commenting upon the medical
evidence which applied to the question, should have se-
lected those portions only which favoured his own view of
the case, and threw overboard all that was of an opposite
character. The Noble Lord proposed a measure, which,
as it stood, would reduce by one-sixth the whole of the
productive industry of the country. Was it too much,
then, for those who not only were deeply interested in
the subject themselves, but also wished to promote the
welfare of their countrymen, to ask the House to see how
the facts really stood, and whether the regulations proposed
would accomplish the objects in ♦iew before those regula-
tions received the force of law ?

Mr. ROBINSON was fully of opinion that the House
was in a fit condition to legislate on the motion of the
Noble Lord. They had not only the report of the Com-
mittee of last year, but the report of former Committees,
and they all concurred in stating the extreme hardships to
which children between nine and sixteen years of age
were subjected in tnanufactories. For his part he would
rather agree to the re-appointment of a Committee than to
the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry, which, in
his opinion, would lead only to delay.
Dr. LUSHINGTON said the only qnestion before the
House was whether it was in a condition to legislate on
the question introduced by the Noble Lord ; and looking
at the evidence which had been produced on former occa-
sions, he for one must say that he was fully of opinion
that there could be no doubt on the subject. Evidence
had been produced by medical men—by Dr. Badlie
among the rest— that it was quite impossible that chil-
dren, between the age of nine and 16 years, cool] work
fir the period of 12 or 14 hours in the 24 without immi-
nent injury to their health. For what object, then, could
a commission be appointed ? Tie facts were all ascertained,
and a commission would only produce delay. He should
give his decided vote against the motion of the Hon. Mem-
ber for Lancashire.

Mr. PHILLIPS was opposed to any unnecessary delay,
but a sense of justice impelled him to support the motion
for inquiry.
Mr. ROBERT FERGUSON complained of the course
adopted last session by Mr. Sadler on this subject. That
Honourable Gentleman appeared to he overwhelmed
with humanity, and could see nothing but misery. He
supported the inquiry, speedy inquiry, as the only means
by which the House could come to a just or satisfactory
conclusion.
An Hora. MEMBEr. (whose name we could not learn)
said, as the effect of the motion of the Hon. Member for
Lancashire must be to delay this question for another year,
he should feel it his duty to vote against the motion. The
medical evidence before the House was a sufficient ground
for legislation, and further inquiry appeared to him to be
quite superfluous.
Mr. S. RICE was authorized by the Noble Lord
(Althorp), and also by the Vice-President of the Board
of Trade (Mr. P. Thomson), to express their regret that
they were prevented from attending in their places this
evening by indisposition. his Noble Friend (Lord Al-
thorp) had directed him (Mr. S. Rice) to endeavour to
attain a knowledge of the wishes of the Members from
the manufacturing districts on this motion. It was im-
poss,ble, as he felt, to have listened to the debate which
had now been carried on for several hours, without
coming to the conclusion that the weight of testimony
from the manufacturing districts was in favour of
the Honourable Member for Lancashire's motion.
He certainly should have opposed the renewal of a Par-
liamentary Committee, because he felt that it was not
the best tribunal for collecting evidence, or coming to a
decision on the subject. He should also have opposed it,
because it must necessarily have tended to produce delay.
The proposition of the Hon. Member for Lancashire, how-
ever, was not open to either of these objections, and it
was in accordance with the determination of the last
Parliament. If the House proceeded to legislate without
further inquiry, it would legislate upon partial evidence;
and such a mode of legislation could not be satisfactory.—..
(Hear.) To prevent delay there might be more com-
missions than one. Commissions might be in operation
simultaneously in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Scotland.
The expense of this multiplication of those commissions
was, he submitted, comparatively a matter of small im-
portance when the manufacturing interests of England
were concerned. When the necessary information was
within reach, he thought it was absurd to legislate with-
out it. In acceding to the motion fur inquiry, he could
assure the House that the Government had no wish to
stifle the question. If the investigation was carried on
tardily or disingenuously, the House would retain the
power of putting an end to the commission, and if de-
served, voting a censure upon the Government. If the
effect of the Noble Lord's Bill was to throw a great mass
of the children employed by factories out of employment,
it could not be contended that such an effect would not he
most injurious to the children themselves. Between hard
work and want of food every or.e would prefer the former
as the lesser evil of the two.—(Hear, hear.) He re-
peated, in conclusion, that in supporting the motion for
inquiry, he was not voting for the purpose of defeating a
proper Bill when such a Bill should be introduced ; but
the trade and manufactures of this country were matters
too large and important to be sported with lightly. On
this subject he called upon the reformed Parliament to
exercise the same discretion that had been displayed by an
unreformed Parliament, and to hear the evidence on both
sides before they determined on any legislative measure.
Mr. M. ATTWOOD said there could be now no doubt
that the House had More it a mass of evidence, from
which they could not fail to collect that the infant classes
employed in these m tnufactories were subject to oppression
and to a cruelly lengthened occupation of their labours,
disproportioned to their years, inconsistent with the en-
joyment of health, and even likely to be attended often
with death. The evil was in the system, he firmly be-
lieved ; nor need the Hon. Members who felt that the re-
commendation of a Coinioission seemed to imply that
their conduct was reprehensible, have, after what had
transpired, any fears that their characters were inculpated
by the present proceedings, or the Bill of the Noble Lord.
It was a Bill to protect those who could not protect them-
selves, in consequence of their tender years, and their ne-
cessary subjection to the wishes and commands of others.
The evidence of thitt enlightened man, Dr. Farr, before the
Committee, was decisive in his mind of the impropriety of
the treatment of these poor children. That gentleman
stated that though early in life he bad witnessed the treat-
ment °four slaves in the West Indies, there was no com-
parison between that treatment of our slaves, and the seve-
rity and cruelties exercised towards the infant classes em-
ployed in our factories at home.—(Hear.) With such
evidence before the House, he thought the subject required
the immediate attention of the Legislature. He should
therefore oppose the appointment of a Commission, which
he feared would refh.ct the utmost discredit on the since-
rity of the House in its wish to apply a remedy to this
fearful and crying evil.
Mr. CORNISH opposed the Comini,Eion amidst loud
cries of " Question," and " Withdraw."
Mr. W. DUNCOMBE denounced, in the strongest
terms, this commission, as nut only unnecessary, but diin-
gerous. Ile asserted his firm conviction that, if the motion
received the sanction of the House, the obvious effect of it

would be to discountenance the Bill of Ma Noble Friend,
the Member for Dorsetihire. From his long connexion
with the county of York, where the system of the facto-
ries was matter of notoriety, be felt, he acknowledged,
zealously and strongly upon the subject of the treatment
experienced in these factories by these unfortunateTchil-
dren. In the absence of other authority, or official
opinion on this treatment from members of the present
Government, he alluded to the opinion of Mr. Huskisson,
then a Minister, delivered in a speech in 1826, in which
he said it was high time the Legislature should restrain
the cupidity of parents, or the cruelty of overseers of the
poor, and pass a law that no persons should be employed
at all in these factories until they bad attained the age of
nine years, at the least. He conjured the House once
more to reject the motion for a Commission, because, if it
were entertained, there was but little probability of the
Bill of the Noble Lord being successful this session, if it
did not prove the means of totally overthrowing a Bill
which was loudly called for by the dictates of justice and
humanity.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that could he believe that the
interests of those who were engaged in manufactures
would be promoted by the passing of this measure, and
going at once into the Bill, he should be ready to adopt
that course of proceeding. He was ready to admit
that some change was necessary, and the question was
how that change could best be effected. Some Hon.
Gentlemen seemed to think that if a commission were ap-
pointed the present cruel system would be continued. He
could not agree that that was likely to be effected by a
commission. It was not likely that any undue system of
labour would be kept up during the time that an inquiry
was going on, and that the eyes of Parliament and of tv•e
country were upon the proceedings. If a Bill of a similar
kind were referred to a Select Committee, the discussion
might then be conducted with greater calmness than it
could be when a Bill of this kind was referred to a Com-
mittee of the whole House.

Mr. A. MORETON, as represen'ative of the Western
Division of the county of Gloucester, could not give a
silent vote upon this occasion, nor did he think that Mem-
bers would consent that the Bill which the Noble Lord was
to bring in should be thrust down their throats. If the
question now before the House was carried, the Bill of the
Hon. Member for Yorkshire could not be brought forward
this session. He was sorry to see that the manufacturers
were to be trampled upon without giving them time
.to
show that they did not deserve it.
An Hos. INIENIBER, thought that a case had been made
out for the interference of Government.

Mr. ➢IAXWELL said, that if the Hon. Movers of the
Commission agreed to limit their report so as not to pre-
vent the passing of the Bill, he would support the pro-
posed inquiry ; hut upon no other condition would he
consent to its appointment.
. .

Mr. FIELDEN had been from childhood engaged i❑
the cotton trade. He had been introduced into a factory
when he was little more than ten years old. He did not
work more than ten hours a day. In the winter months
they never commenced operations before daylight, and in
the summer months they commenced at seven in the
morning, and never extended their labour beyond sewn
o'clock in the evening, with an intermission of two hours
at least for meals. If he thought that the proposed inquiry
would tend to elicit the truth, he should be the list to
vote against it ; but his impression was that, if a com-
mission were appointed, and sent down where the
manufactures were carried on, so far from eliciting the
truth, it would be calculated for any other purpose, ma-
nufacturers would be able to show their cotton mills
in such a state as if they had not been taken un-
awares. From the time that a reduction in the
hours of labour had been proposed, he had always peti.
tioned the House in favour of such reduction. The
object of the other party was to obtain delay, so that
they might strangle the Bill. What necessity was there
for an inquiry to see whether children could work more
than 10 hours out of the 24, without prejudice to their
health ? When he worked in a factory, he had more in-
dulgences than other children, his lather being the pro-
prietor of the mill ; and he could hear his testimony to
the exhaustion which children manifested before the time
for ceasing labour arrived.--(Cries of " Question.") The
petitions upon this subject ought not to be disregarded ;
and it ill became those who were legislating for children
to treat the subject with levity. Thinking that the medical
evidence was borne out by his own experience, and the ex-
perience of others, he could not consent to give his vote in
favour of this measure.

An HON. MEMBER said that he thought a case had been
made out for legislation. He thought that in all manu-
factories there ought to be two sets of children, to work
five hours each.

Mr. BERKELEY (we believe) said that no witness
had been examined from the western districts of Wiltshire,
or Gloucestershire, or from any part. of the west of Eng-
land. There were various peculiarities in the manufac-
tories there, which rendered it necessary that there should
be particular clauses to meet the difficulties which would
otherwise arise.

Mr. W. PATTEN, in reply, said that he would meet
the views of the Hon. Gentleman opposite if he altered
his motion to the following :—" That an Address be pre-
sented to his Majesty, requesting his Majesty to appoint a
commission to proceed wish the utmost despatch to collect
evidence in the manufacturing disti icts as to the employ-
ment of children in factories; an I as to the propriety of
curtailing the hours of labour, so as to enable the House
to legislate upon the subject during the present session."--
(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.)
On this amendment the House divided.
For the amendment
Against it ...•..
Majority in favour of the Commission
On re-entering the gallery we found _ _

Lord ASHLEY on his legs. The Noble Lord ex -
pressed a hope that the Right Hun. Member fur Cam-
bridge (Mr. S. Rice) would take care that the commis-
sioners should be men of such high and correct character
as to be ahove all suspicion ; and, further, that there
should be several skilful medical men amongst them. In
the mean time he felt it right to observe thit he looked
upon his own Bill as lost, at least during the present ses-
sion, because de did not see how a commission could pro-
ceed through England and Scotland, upon such an ex-
tended inquiry, and obtain more correct and extensive
information than that obtained'eby Mr. Sadler's Committee,
which, it was observed, was too general.
Mr. S. RICE begged to assure the Noble Lord, that
the commission should be appointed with the greatest
care ; in short, in such a manner as to place its report
beyond all cavil or dispute.--(Hear, hear.) If it should
so happen that witnesses refused to attend and give evi-
dence before the commissioners, he thought the House
might pass a short Act, compelling such attendance.
Here the conversation dropped.

The Mutiny Bill was read a third time, and passed.
The report of the Committee on the Chinch Tempora•
lilies Bill was brought up and received, and the report
was ordered to be taken into consideration after Easter.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at half-past two o'clock.

It is reported that Sir HENRY PARNELL is
likely to be chosen as Representative for Doralee.

Sir. ELLICE has been appointed Secretary of
War, but the Grenville Act will not allow of his re• elec-
tion for Coventry, or, indeed, his election for any other
place, whilst the petition against his return remains un.
decided.

<, The author of the Wild Sports of the
West,' has at last produced his promised ' Field Book,'
and added another leaf to his sporting laurels. Much was
expected from one who could lead his readers, with such
admirable skill, over all the wild and soul-stirring scenes
presented to the Highland wanderer, and this has been, in
the present instance, amply realized. The 4 Field Book,'
compiled with the elegance of a scholar, and judgment of
a sportsman, offers a rich fund of amusement and informa-
tion to those who take delight in 'sylvan exercise.' The
illustrations are beautifully executed ; the plan ingenious;
the arrangement happy; and in typography and embellish-
ment it may be safely pronounced a perfect gem."
IMPORTANT NEW WORKS.—We are re-
quested to state that the following works are now ready
for delivery, and may be had of all booksellers in town
and country, viz.:-1. Secret Memoirs of the Irish Union,
with Delineations of the principal characters connected
with that measure; by Sir Jonah Barrington. Illustrated
with upwards of forty Portraits of the most distinguished
men of the time in Ireland, 2 vols. 4t0.-2. The fifth and
concluding number of Mrs. Jameson's Beauties of the
Court of King Charles 11., containing five Portraits, and
double the usual quantity of letter-press.-3. The third
monthly set of Colliurn's Modern Novelists, comprising
the Chelsea Pensioners, by the author of the Subaltern.
This collection will consist of the most sterling fictions of
the last twenty years, now issued at about one• third of the
original price.-1. An Authentic History of the Siege:of
Antwerp, with Portraits, Plans, &c. ; to be had only in
the United Service Journal for March, price 3s. 6d.,
and containing matter equal to an Bvo. volume of 350
pages.-5. Mr. Burke's History of the Peers and Baro-
nets of the British Empire, corrected to 1833, from the
most authentic sources ; being the only complete history
of the English, Irish, and Scotch Nobility. In 2 vols.,
with 1,500 Engravings of Arms, &c., for the first time
incorporated with the text.--6. Mr. Burke's History of
the Commoners of the British Empire, a necessary com-
panion to the preceding work.