The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-27 00:00:00

ett 'mina _4,-,ezinit

6:47
LONDON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1851.

The cause of pitre and honest republicanism in
France cannot but gain from the conflict now going
on between the PRESIDENT and the Bourbonist par-
ties in the Assembly ; these parties each accepted the
Republic for the purpose of betraying it in support
of their own personal ambition, and they are now in
the condition of the two hunters who disputed about
the division of the bear's skin before they had caught
the bear. It is curious to observe the manner in
which each of these parties endeavours to cajole the
Republicans; what declarations of fidelity to the Re-
public and the Constitution were not made by M.
Razz and his colleagues, in order to secure the sup-
iiprt of the Republicans to the proposition of the
Questors' to give the President of the Assembly or
the Questors the power of demanding any amount
of force they might require, and of nominating the

THE

SUN,

general who was to command such force. In vain
did M. BAs make his protestations; in vain did
M. TRIERS cajole and M. BERRYER threaten.
The clear sighted Republicans saw, through the flimsy
veil of constitutionalism, the grim form of General
CEIANGARNIER enthroned in the Tuileries as Dictator,
and ordering the massacre and deportation of the Re-
publicans in order to clear for himself a stage on
which he might act the part of Muisx,, and they re-
fused their support to the insidious proposition, and
by such refusal saved, as it now appears, the city of
Paris from the horrors of an armed night conflict be-
tween the partisans of the Monarchists and those of
the Bonapartists. Great was the rejoicing among
the partisans of the Elysee who had been for the
nonce saved from arrest and impeachment by the
votes of the Republicans ; the Presidential camarilla
hoped that they had reconstituted their majority and
took as a victory to themselves that which was in
fact a victory only to the Republicans. They were,
however,. soon undeceived, the organic law on the re-
sponsibility of the PRESIDENT of the Republic and of
his Ministers, after having been many months before
the Council of State, after having been from time to
time demanded by the Republicans, after having been
for the last two years acted on by the PRESIDENT
(for he as early as Nov., 1849, when he nominated
the D'HAUTPOUL Ministry, declared that he was by
law personally responsible, and therefore had a right
to choose his Ministers independent of the Assembly),
has at length been presented to the Legislature. The
fact that this law should have been presented just at
a moment when the hostility between the Bourbonists
and the PRESIDENT had become an actual open con-
flict, is a singular coincidence, and nothing more; it
cannot be considered as the partisans of M. Louis
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE would fain have it con-
sidered, a loi de cireonstance, seeing that it
has been under the consideration of the Council
of State for nineteen months. This organic law,
settling the responsibility of the PRESIDENT and his
Ministers in accordance with the
,provisions of the
Constitution, could not but command the support of
the Republicans, and accordingly in the bureamejthey
all voted in favour of the law, and they found Legiti-
matists and Orleanists voting with them. It was not
for them to inquire the reason which induced the
Bourbonists to vote like honest Republicans on the oc-
casion, any more than it had been their business to in-
quire why the PRESIDENT had proposed the restoration
of universal suffrage. They had by their vote on the
Questors' Bill prostrated the Monarchical parties, and
by their vote on the law of responsibility they will
prostrate the Imperialist party, and thus, amidst the
ruins of the reaction, the Republic will stand firm. It
is clear that both parties feel and know this, and thus
whilst each accuses the other with endeavouring to
form a shameful coalition with the Republicans, each
in turn endeavours to ingratiate itself with that party.
The Bourbonists have offered to depose CHANGARNIER
and set up CANAIGNAC, in order to propitiate the Re-
publicans, but the Republicans and General CA-
VAIGNAC, as their chief, are men of too high principle
to accept of any transaction ; that the Bourbonists, if
they choose to repudiate Royalism and honestly ac-
cept the Republic, will be received into the Repub-
lican ranks after having given sufficient proofs of
their sincerity, there cannot be a doubt, but
they will not be so received so long as they entertain
any arriere-pensie. In order to be so received they
must have tairly given Royalism up. Louis NA-
POLEON BONAPARTE also is bidding high for repub-
lican support, by which alone, notwithstanding his
big words (and by the use of big words he betrays
his own sense of insecurity, for conscious power is
always calm), he feels and knows that his annihilation
as a political man can be prevented. In his speech
to the exhibitors on Tuesday, in the midst of much
nonsense about the invasion of his rights (as if any one
thought of interfering with him or his rights before
hte second Sunday in May, 1852, or as if he could
have any rights after that day, provided the Constitu-
tion, ;from which alone he derives any right,
shall not be revised)—M. Louis NAPOLEON
BONAPARTE, for the first time in his life, de-
nounced " Monarchical hallucinations,' and for
almost the first time since his election as PRE-
SIDENT,, pronounced the words "French Republic,"
and for certainly the first time since he has adminis-
tered the affairs of that Republic, spoken of it in
terms of eulogy. "How grand," he exclaimed, " would
be the French Republic if it were only permitted
to pay attention to its real interests, and to reform
its institutions." This homage to the Republic coming
from the PRESIDENT at such a time cannot but be con-
sidered as a bid for republican support, and that support
he may have upon one condition, and one condition
only—that he shall honestly do the work of the Re-
public, and instead of using his power to betray, use
his power to uphold and consolidate republican insti-
tutions. The observations of the National on the
PRESIDENT'S speech speak the sentiments of every
honest Republican. It says—

" We will not blame the President for having pro-
nounced words better than his policy. But he will per-
mit us in return to brand his policy with his own words,
and to tell him that certain parts of his speech cannot
have the value of sincerity except on the condition of re-
sulting—which, unfortunately, is scarcely possible—in
a complete change of conduct. Thus the President
of the Republic did not fear to make openly the avowal,
How great would this nation be, if it were allowed to
breathe at ease, and live by its own life.' Yes, the
avowal is just, but it is overwhelming; yes, it is true,
the grandeur of this nation is bent to the level of a
policy which shines neither by the elevation of motives
nor by the, nobleness of its object. But who is it who
governs? who has between his hands the fate of France?
Who is it who could have prevented the expedition to
Rome, and yet made it? Who is it who presented the
law for the suppression of universal suffrage, and yet
might have prevented any encroachment on universal
suit-age? Who is it who gave up lay instruction to the
clergy, and yet might have protected lay instruction? Is
it thus that grandeur is accomplished?"

" How can the country breathe," the National
goes on to ask, " when its breast is oppressed with
all the weight of an unknown future—when civil war
and insurrection against the Assembly are with as
much cynism as impunity preached by the Bona-
partist journals ?" It concludes with :these words:—
" Let M. Louis BONAPAR?E answer. He may, it is
true, reply to us in the most victorious manner. He has
only to say—The nation does not breathe. Then let
it do so. No more uncertainty—no more mysteries—
no more menaces for the future ! The Constitution
shall be respected. I will keep my oath. I will not
accept, under any pretext, an unconstitutional candi-
dateship in 1852."

It affords us no inconsiderable satisfaction to per-
ceive that the enterprising individual who recently
made an effort to break the neck of the cab-extortion
nuisance, but who was compelled to beat a temporary
retreat by the concentrated blackguardism of his
tyrannical opponents, has again taken the field. On
more than one occasion we have directed the atten-
tion of our readers to the vile system long in opera-
tion on the part of the proprietors and drivers of the
cabs of London. A morning Contemporary yester-
day took up the cudgels in gallant style on the same
side, and we welcome its powerful aid in a cause
of real importance to the wayfarers of the metro-
polis. . There cannot be the slightest doubt
in the mind of any person who will take the trouble
to devote a moment's reflection to the subject, that,
considering the great reduction which has taken place
within the last few years in the articles of provender,
materials, workmanship, &c., 6d. at the present
day proves fully as remunerative a charge as Bd.
formerly used to do. It is also sufficiently obvious
that even that saidBi.is, under the present aspects
of affairs a mere
myth,
the intrepid ingthivi'du forl h
we should be happy to
"wholeo wouldhog:
T venturehe t
o
offer a Jehu a fraction of the
plun-
der, consequently, has reached to a frightful magni-
tude, and has been enhanced by..arev.earyd lhiobperedaltahmatouthnet
Ix
of insolence and annoyance.
railway companies wou:dcohnasivdeereinreg tthhieslasregte
number
of of reform, which
of cabs engaged in supplying the requirements of the
passengers to and from their respective termini, Would
soon have brought about a considerable amelioration.
It has been reserved, however, for an individual cab
proprietor to start the heneat game, and now that he
appears fully determined on the prosecution of his
scheme, there is some reasonable hope to be enter-
tained that the opposition may be forced to yield, and
a crying disgrace to the capital effectually swept
away.

Not naurely, however, is the rate of 63. a mile
considered a safe speculation by some, but a further
reduction is in contemplation on the part of an asso-
ciation which has within a very few days put forth
its views for public consideration. On first learning