The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-22 00:00:00

THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE PEACE
P.ROPOSALS.

A letter from Vienna of the 17th, in the Consti-
tutionnel, after giving an account of the acceptance
of the Austrian propositions by Russia, proceeds
as follows :
"The idea that the Russian Cabinet, in acquiescing
so promptly in the conditions of peace laid down by tho
Allies of the 2d Dec., caa be animated by an ctrrire
pensee, cannot be a single instant admitted by any one
that has the slightest acquaintance with diplomatic af-
fairs. It was the Russian Goverumect itself which directly
notified to Count Esterhazy that it accepted purely and
simply the propositions of Austria to serve as prelimi-
naries of peace. From that moment the acceptance of
Russia was irrevocably accomplished. It now only re-
mains for the Allies to give to their representatives the
full powers necessary to proceed to the signature of the
preliminaries of peace conjointly with the representa-
tive of the Czar. The signature of the preliminaries is,
at bottom, only a simple formality, inasmuch as it may
take place without the slightest discussion, and without
engaging in any way a negotiation on such or such a
basis of peace. But the Austrian propositions will.be
transcribed and recorded word for word in a special
protocol, which will be signed by all the plenipoten-
tiaries. Yon perceive, therefore, that the preliminaries
which are about to be signed do not resemble the
memorandum of the 28th of December. Whilst the
latter only served as a basis for negotiations, the preli-
minaries are the result of a negotiation terminated. Nur
must the preliminaries of peace be confounded with the
instrument of peace—that is, the public treaty which is
to consecrate the mutual obligations arising from the
propositions contained in the signed act of the prelimi-
naries. As the general and definitive treaty of peace is
only the development and solemn sanction of the pre-
liminaries, it is not necessary to say that it neither can
nor ought to contain anything which will change the
sense or bearing of them. In a word, the preliminaries,
as they have been accepted by Russia, must justly be con-
sidered as the keystone of the new edifice of peace. The
signature of preliminaries of peace is always followed
by an armstice and the suspension of hostilities. This
truce may be either general er special. In the former
case it applies to all hostilities in all places, and hag in
its effects the importance of a temporary peace. By the
fact of Russia having accepted the Austrian ultimatum
purely and simply, the truce which is about to he
establi,hed between her and the Western Powers can-
not be anything else than a general armistice. During
the armistice, negotiations destined to settle the stipu-
lations, which in accordance with the signed prelimi-
naries must be comprised in the general treaty or in-
strument of peace, will take place. When mere than
two Powers are principal parties in a war, they, by
stipulating the cessation of hostilities, agree at the same
lime to convoke a congress charged to conclude defini-
tive peace. The congress is almost always held in a
place different from that in which the preliminaries of
peace have been signed. Now, as the preliminaries
between Russia and the allies are probably about to be
signed, and the armistice settled by the conferences of
Vienna, the choice of a place which will be best for
the future congress will have to be proceeded to. The
rule heretofore followed has been to select for the con-
gress either a town situated in a neutral State, or the
capital or other town of the Power which, by its efforts
and sacrifices, most contributed to the accomplishment
of the common undertaking. The choice of a neutral
town is certainly preferable when there is an intervention
of mediating Powers, as in the Congresses of Munster,
Nimeguen, Ryswick, and Teschen. But in the present
ease, from which all mediation is virtually excluded, it
seems to me that nothing would be more natural than to
choose the capital of France, according to the same
system which caused to be chosen the capital of Austria
for the Congress of 1815, and to be convoked at subse-

quent periods in the Austrian territory the Congresses
of Troppau, Laybach, and Verona."

THE PROSPECT OF PEACE.

(Front the Examtner.)

What an inexhaustible theme is the vanity of human
wishes. Juvenal tells how hard it is to distinguish what is
to be de-ired, and that compliant gods ruin man by grant-
ing his prayers. With the telegraphic tidings of Russia's
unconditional acceptance of the Austrian proposals the
funds went up 3 per cent. Are the gentlemen of the Stock
Exchange the rare, the gifted exceptions to the fallibi-
lity of judgment which the Roman satirist illustrated ?
Have they alone of mortal men the art of distinguishing
what is, and what is not, for our good ! Does dealing
in money confer this profound penetration ? Are we
' to look upon the rise and fall of that market as indi-
cations as unerring as those of the barometer ? Or
should we rather regard it as the foolometer which Syd-
ney Smith proposed for the regulation of our judgment
by the rule of avoidance or contraries. Who would take
the opinion of these Stock Exchange folks upon any ques-
tion, except perhaps selling out or buying in, and yet
they are supposed to be oracular on the fortunes of
nations !

Should the prospect of peace at the present juncture be
a natter of hope or fear? Would it be a name, or a rea-
lity, a true state, or a mask ? There are things which
cannot be refused, and which can as little be trusted.
The Trojan question of the Greek horse has many
varieties.

It is very pcssible that Russia is sincerely desirous of
an end of the war, in which she finds herself overmatched.
But if so, we may be sure that she proposes to herself a
revenge for her present mortification. Her pear was
not ripe. Her war policy was a mistake. Her strength
was the exaggerated repute of her strength, which has
been dissipated by trial. She has been beaten in every
encounter but one, her fleets have been shut up to rot,
or destroyed, and her territory has been occupied by the
invading Ahies. It was not by force of arms that she
made hersel what she is, and by relying on force of arms
she would soon unmake herself. Her success has been
t►hri uAls other instruments than the sword. In the arts
of intrigue arid corruptio❑ she is matchless. Germany
even now under her influences shows with what consum-
mate craft she can wind herself into the places of influ-
ence in foreign states. If she throws down her arm,,
it is to resume this winning game. Much prestige she
has lost, but much still remains to her, which a prolon-
gation of the contest would dissipate. It is her bust
policy t•i save what she can, and to resume the net of
her intrigues all over the world. Peace is the cover for
this work. In peace it has made its advances, a❑d in
peace again it will pursue its serpent-like way. The
time may then collie when recourse to arms to consum•
mate wrong may not be so premature as it has been un
this occasion.

The first aim will of course be to break up the alliance
which defeated the scheme of Nicholas. Russia will use
all the arts and devices in which she is so skilled to dis-
unite France and England. Her business will be to sow
jealousies and cultivate distrust. She will bid any price
for French favour. She would offer France a partition of
Prussia, servile as it has been to her, as she offered Eng-
land a share of the Turkish spoil. Her clearly- raced part
is mischief-maker of Europe. She has four scores of re-
venge to settle, and embroilment must be the means to
the malignant end.
It must be the fault of the Western Powers if she
succeed, we may be told, for they have their own safety
in their own hands, and have only to hold together to
defy these machinations. This is true, but not assuring ;
for nations, like individuals, have their moments of evil
temptation and weakness. But be the result what it may
it will be the misfortune of Europe for many a day to
have to keep watch and ward against this insidious foe.
We know her purposes, they are all as distinctly snapped
out as her stolen territories, and we know how inflexibly
she holds to her ends, however she may change her
means, and therefOre peace with her is but war in disguise.
But we may be asked what is our drift. Are we for
war without end ? No, but for war with an end—war with
an end furnishing the securities for peace. If Russia makes
all the concessions required peace cannot be refused; but
let there he no mistake about the treacherous character of
the peace that we have tolay oar account with. For of this
we may be assured, that Russia does not make sudden
and large concessions without along-sighted calculation,
to requite herself, and compass her objects by other
means than •pen war. _

Her comiuCt in yielding what she so lately refused
cannot be recognised with any frank and honest purpose.
Her powers are strained, but not broken. She has not
suffered enough to be cured of her ambition, and con-
tent to be permitted to live within her ill-gotten bounds.
She has been baffled in her designs, but not crippled in
her forces ; and her mortifications are enough to inflame
the spirit of revenge, not sufficient to produce contrition
and reformation. In a word, the snake is only scotched.
Hangs is the type of the Muscovite policy. The flag
of peace marshals the way into an ambuscade.
Deceit we shall find somewhere : it may be in the
negotiations as before ; if not it is reserved for the rela-
tions that will follow. Do not let us be dupes ; let not
our credulity rise with the stocks in the fool's paradise
of the inGney market. If we cannot help the turn of
events, if we must accept one form of hostilities instead
of another more frank and less dangerous, let us at least
understand what we have to do with, and be on our
guard accordingly. The play of Who's the Dupe? will
not be soon played out ; and if there be peace, it will
only end the first act of the drama, and many intricate
passages will precede the denouement giving the triumph
to no blindly-conducted cause. Yet nothing is more
certain, in the event of peace, than that the lesson
preached throughout the country will be conidence in
Russia. We shall be told to forget. Russia will re-
member.

THE ROAD THROUGH ST. JAMES'B-PARIK.—On Satur-
day last several off. the residents in the immediate vici-
nity of St. James s-park, including Lord Monteagle, Mr.
Hawes, Mr. Keating, M.P. Mr. Atherton, M.P., Mr.,
Whateley, Q.C., Mr. Turner, Mr. Tomlinson, Mr. Tus-
tin, Mr. Lavie, and Mr. Radcliffe, had an interview by,
appointment with Str Geo. Grey at the Home-office, re-
lative to the contemplated road across the enclosure of
St. James's-park, Mr. Keating stated in detail, on the
part of the gentlemen present, the strong objections
entertained by the inhabitants in the neighbourhood and
the public generally to any encroachment upon the
enclosure of the park. Sir Gbo. Grey said, that the
necessity for increased accommodation to the public
cause(.l by the present inconvenient approach to the
park through the Stable-yard had engaged the at-
tention of the Government ; that several plans had
been suggested at different times, including that to
which reference had been made, in order to obviate the
inconvenience complained of, but that up to the presen
time no plan had been decided on ; that there would be
full opportunity given for the discussion of those plans,
and ample time for objecting to any of them ; and that
the preparation of the plans did not imply any foregone
conclusion on the part of the Government. The gentle-
men thanked Sir George forlhis courteous reception and
withdrew.