The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-20 00:00:00

LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1833.

To-morrow the question of the Bank of Eng-
land Charter again comes before the House of
Commons. The first step towards a settlement
of this question can hardly be said even yet to
be taken : s.se hope that if that step is to lead to
the accomplishment of Lord A LTHORP'S plan
it may never be taken. The attention of the
parties whose private interests are affected by the
proposed measure has been roused to the mischiefs
which we may claim credit for having been the
first to point out. This will be sufficient, we
hope, to stop Lord ALTHORP'S progress till
next year, when it is possible the public at large
may see how injurious his proposition is to
its interest, and induce the House to op-
pose it. How his Lordship came to enter
into such an arrangement with the Bank
is wholly unaccountable, except upon the sup-
position that he thought, if that body itself
were disarmed, the question, instead of being
a source of Ministerial trouble and vexation
would be smoothly and easily disposed of. It
has been observed with some truth that it re-
quires no great ability to settle questions by
means of sacrifices of the public money or the
public interest. To settle the Indian question,
money was given ; to settle the slavery question,
money was given ; and now to settle tl,u Bank

question, money is, in fact, to be given, al-
though indirectly ; for instead of Government
imposing a tax upon the people, and at once
paying it to the Bank, that corporation is
itself to be allowed to impose the tax. But
hitherto. although Lord ALTHORP has made
liberal use of this universal solvent, he
has, besides melting all the difficulties which
opposed themselves to the success of his
plans, been upon the whole careful to take
no retrograde step. It is much to insure the
East India Company a dividend of 10 per cent.
for forty years ; but the public obtained the great
right of trading to China, of investing capital
in India, of in fact making the most
of its possessions in the East. Liberal
principles made a step forward, and proof
was given that the experience of the past has
been profited by. - The same observations may
be applied to the settlement of the West Indian
question. We paid a high price, but we ob-
tained a jewel of almost inestimable value.
How different is the case in the proposed
settlement of the Bank Charter Question.
We nominally receive a sum of money, but,
in point of fact, it only amounts to pay-
ing still too much, although not so much
as before, for services which ought, for the
concessions made, to be discharged for no-
thing. But we contend that even if the Bank
had agreed to manage the public business for
nothing, the privileges it is to receive would
leave the public losers to an enormous amount.
Unlike the result in the other arrangements to
which we have alluded, a retrograde step has
been taken, a departure from right principle
has been made, and what is worse, one which
renders a return to a sound and wholesome
system a matter of twenty fold more difficulty
than it is at present. One main cause of the
different panics we have had, or rather of their
fatal results, has been the instability of the
London banks, to whom the country banks had
recourse in their day of trouble. That instabi-
lity is caused by all the banks, except the Bank
of England, being limited to six partners. In
1826, Lord LIVERPOOL and Mr. ROBINSON
(Lord GODERICH), told the Bank of England
—" With respect to the extension of the term
of the exclusive privileges of the Bank,
of England, it is obvious, from what passed be-
fore, that Parliament will never agree to it.
Such privileges are out of fashion, and what
expectation can the Bank, under present circum-
stances, entertain that theirs will be renewed ?"
Surely what would not have been agreed to by
Parliament in 1826, will not be agreed to by
Parliament in 1833 ! Is it possible that
what was out of fashion then, can now
have become the vogue.? It would seem
that Lord ALTHORP thinks so, for instead
of proposing to abolish the exclusive privileges
of the Bank, he wishes to retain and extend
the most mischievous of them. Instead of
desiring to make the London Banks secure, he
says, " I care not for the mischiefs which have
been occasioned by the London Banks consist-
ing only of six partners—l care not for the in-
justice done to the London tradesmen ; if they
be not wealthy enough to keep an account at
the Bank of England, they must go to places
where their money will ntrt be safe—l will not
make safe banks, for the Bank of England will
not embarrass me, if I continue its exclusive
privileges." This is an enormous evil, but it is far
from being that the effects of which we most dread.
What we most dread is the Bank of England be-
coming the only bank of issue in the kingdom.Tlie
temporary success of this scheme, by ruining all
the private banks (including the Joint Stock
Banks which have been established, with so
much advantage, in different parts of the coun-
try), would almost prevent the possibility of re-
turning to the sound principle of freedom and
competition without a convulsion of the most
disastrous nature. We pass over the absolute
injustice and inconsistency of different parts of
the plan as it affects country banks, for the public
grievances are alone sufficient to make every
man who takes the trouble of thinking upon the
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER'S plan op-
pose it. Another day we shall consider the
grievances to which it subjects country banks.
The joint stock banks in the country have, we
understand, constituted Mr. MUNDELL their
agent to watch the proceedings taken in Parlia-
ment affecting their interests.

In another part of The Sun will be found an
article on the " Affairs of the East" from the
practised pen of 0. P. Q. The article is well
reasoned, though the facts from which the de-
ductions are made, are known to all our readers.
0. P. Q. has the rare merit of being, what Dr.
JOHNSON called, " a good hater," and we like
him the better for this heart-felt zeal. He takes
an accurate measure of Russian intrigue and
Russian despotism. His miniature portraits of
NICHOLAS, too, are always well drawn. We
hope he will one day be tempted to, treat us
with a full length of the Northern NERO. O.P.Q.
agrees with us in opinion that the Ottoman
empire seems destined to perish. On this point,
we fear, scarce a shadow of doubt can be enter-
tained, unless indeed—which is not very likely
under existing circumstances—Europe should
see fit to plunge into a general war of opinion.
In that case the Porte would again rear its head
among nations, anti Russia would he the prin-
cipal victim—Russia, which is so ill-cemented a
kingdom, which incorporates so many countries
panting for an opportunity of throwing off her iron
yoke,such as Finland, Poland, parts ofthe Crimea,
and the discontented regions of the Caucasus. The
first gun fired ii) Europe would be the signal for the
dismemberment of the Russian empire. The
disjointed, unwieldy mass would tumble into a
thousand pieces—be split, like the scattered limbs
of ABSYRTUS, into a thousand fractions. But
this, we repeat, is not likely to he the case just
at present. True, Europe is one vast gasome-
ter, filled with the most inflammable matter,
which the accidental fall of a single spark might
ignite in an instant ; but it is the very conscious-
ness of this that induces the European Cabinets
to keep perpetually on the watch—to seize every
opportunity of preventing such an untoward
explosion. To this extreme caution—commend-
able within certain limits—first Poland, and now
Turkey, has been sacrificed. For it is idle to
suppose that R ussiawill let go her hold, when
her prey is already within her reach—when she
has nothing to do but to stretch forth her talons
and clutch her victim. A few months since a
spirited demonstration on the part of France and
England would have restrained her ambition
within due bounds; but now—stop her who can !
The war, it seems, between the Porte and IBRA-
HIM is at an end ; yet still we find NICHOLAS
pouring fresh troops by thousands into Constanti-
nople. The SULTAN no longer needs assistance,
yet the Russian faction is still predominant in his
councils. This fact, coupled with the very sig-
nificant one that insurrections in Bosnia and
Servia are being actively fomented by Russian

intrigue, is proof, all but irresistible, that NI-
CHOLAS is bent on the conquest of Turkey.
And where all this time are the fleets of
France and England ? Lounging about the
Archipelago—tacking on and off the Dardanelles,
" willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike."
Truly a very pleasant occupation for a serene
summer day ! We take for granted that Russia
will justify her retention of Constantinople—for
she is never at a loss for a sophistical argument--
by the precedent of France's retention of Algiers,
and that every Ultra throughout Europe will
hold the plea unanswerable.

We are enabled to state positively that several
of the Tory Peers have announced their readi-
ness to abstain from opposing the Irish Church
Reform Bill, provided Ministers will consent to
allow the question of the appropriation of the
amount which it is intended to deduct from the
revenues of the Irish Church, to stand over till
another session. As there has been no regular
inquiry into the best mode of appropriating this
sum, it is probable that Ministers will concede
the point ; consequently, if there should be a
division on the Irish Church Reform Bill in the
House of Lords, the majority will, ac-
cording to present appearances, be with the
Government. At present, however, it is not
expected that there will be a division. We have
already stated that the idea of creating new
Peers for the purpose of carrying the measure
alluded to, would have been reluctantly acted
upon, as at least sixty would have been necessary.
We have since been informed, from an authentic
source, that not less than 80 new Peers would
make Ministers secure, if the Tory Lords were
unanimous in opposing the Bill. It is not,
under these circumstances, likely that any new
creation of Peers will take place for a political
object, although a few Commoners may be called
to the Upper House. Some other means of
harmonizing the Legislative branches must there-
fore sooner or later be thought of.

M. COMTE and M. PIRoN, the Director
and Sub-Director of the French Postes, will
leave London for Paris on Saturday ; before
which day the ratification of the treaty into
which they have entered with the Duke of
RICHMOND is expected to arrive. As it will
be necessary, now that the communication be-
tween London and Paris is to be daily, to send
the regular mail by a light carriage, the
estafette service will be abolished ; but no doubt
is entertained by the French Government of
being able to forward the mail as rapidly by light
carriages, constructed for the purpose, as on
horseback. A reduction of the present rate of
postage by estafette, will be made by the French
Government, provided a corresponding reduction
takes place in this country. Nothing can be
more reasonable. The present rate of charge
here is enormous. As the new arrangement will
require an alteration in the present mode of con-
veyance, some time must, it appears, elapse be-
fore it can be acted upon.

M. DEDEL has not yet returned to London.
He had fixed his return for this day, but is not
expected before the end of this week or the be-
ginning of the next.

It is reported this morning in the diplomatic
circles that the Emperor of RUSSIA purposes
paying a visit to the SULTAN at Constantinople.

The House of Commons will, according to
present appearances, be prorogued about the
10th of August. Such, at least, is the inten-
tion of Ministers ; and they are determined to
press forward all the measures now before Par-
liament, which it is important to get through
during the present session. As, according to
the present arrangement, there are nearly two
months left, a great deal of public business may
be completed before the prorogation.

Our readers will see, by the report of the pro-
ceedings in the House of Commons last night,
that the General Register Bill was thrown out by
the country gentlemen. Yet these are the par-
ties most forward to echo the vulgar clamour
about the selfishness of lawyers, their desire to
make law expensive, &c. We think that both
they and the country attorneys, by whom
they have been prompted, are mistaken in
supposing they would sustain injury from the
Bill. This opposition is about as enlightened
as that which they gave to the repeal of the
usury laws ; but we venture to say, that few
years will pass before both amendments of the
law are carried either with their concurrence, or
in spite of their opposition.

We understand that no account has been
received at the Portuguese embassy of the
commencement of the embarkation of troops at
Oporto for Lisbon. At the date of the last
official accounts the plan of operations had not
been finally decided upon ; but the expedition
by sea was considered by the leading persons in
the regency as the most reasonable.

The German Papers received this day men-
tion that Russian influence is predominant in
the Councils of the Porte; that Count ORLOFF
is personally a favourite with the Sultan, whom
he rarely ventures to contradict, except in the
most courteous and cautious terms, contrast-
ing strongly, in this respect, with Admiral
ROUSSIN, who gives vent to his dissatisfaction
in no equivocal terms. The same authorities add,
that the Russian troops have succeeded in
making themselves popular with the Turks at
Constantinople, who now regard them as the
natural defenders of the Porte. Truly NI-
CHOLAS plays his part to admiration. As far
as adroitness and ingenuity are concerned, he
richly deserves his success. It was just in this
way that his grandmother hoodwinked the in-
habitants of the Crimea, when her troops first
took possession of the territory.

Brussels Papers contain no intelligence of
moment, with the exception of a proposed Ad-
dress of the Chamber of Representatives in reply
to the KING'S speech, which, by the bye, abounds
merely in vague generalities.

We are not sorry to learn by the French Jour-
nals, that France is likely to retain permanent
possession of Algiers. It may be the means of
hastening the march of civilization in that
quarter of the globe where it is most of all
needed—Africa.

PERIAL PARLIAMENT

THIS DAY. THURSDAY, JUNE 20.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The Gallery was opened at a quarter past 12 o'clock,
when we found about forty Members in the House, and
among them the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Mr. RYLE presented a petition from Macclesfield
against any alteration in the Apothecaries Act of 1815.
Major BEAUCLERK presented a petition from the
Brewers and Clergy of Surrey against the Beer Act. Re-
ferred to the. Committee.
HOUSE AND WINDOW TAXES.

Col. EVANS presented a petition from the inhabitants
of the parish of St. Ann, Westminster, praying for the
repeal of the house and window taxes. He would just
state, now that he saw a Member of his Ma-
jesty's Government present, that he had on a former
occasion, when some of the Ministers were not
present, presented a similar petition from the inhabi-
tants of St. Clement Danes, and he felt confident
that if the House did not speedily pass a measure for the
repeal of these taxes, which fell heavily on a great mass of
the industrious population of large parishes, the want
of confidence—the breach would really become as
great between the people and their then representa-
tives as it was supposed to be at present between
that and another House of Parliament. The petitioners
prayed that they might be removed without delay,
and he felt confident that in the petition they stated not
merely their own sentiments, but the sentiments of the
whole of the population of the metropolis. The peti-
tioners stated they felt it to be their duty to press for the
repeal of those taxes, and he (Colonel Evans) had the
highest authority for saying they were obnoxious, and
ought to be repealed, for the Noble Lord opposite bad
advocated the repeal of those taxes when out of office.

Lord ALTHoRP—No, no; I voted against them, but
I didnotadvocate the repeal of them.

Colonel EVANS—WeII, I find that the Noble Lord
had voted several times against them.

Lord ALTHORP—Not several times.
Colonel EVANS—At all events, I find his name down
in three or four lists against them.

Lord ALTHORP—I believe not.
Colonel EVANS said at all events the householders felt
them to be odious and obnoxious, and he believed they
would always have that feeling as long as they remained in
the state in which they now were, and the oppression was
not equal, for they were made to fall heavier on some
than on others. Northumberland-house, for instance,
was rated at 1,500/. a year, and paid precisely 4d. the
square foot, while Lord Burlington's, which occupied
nearly the same space of ground, was rated at 1,3001.,
and paid only 24d. the square foot. Again, Lord Lon-
donderry paid 2s. 6d. per square foot; and Mr. Baring,
who was quite as well able to pay his share of the taxes as
Lord Londonderry, paid only ls. 3d. He (Col. E.) thought
it very bard on Lord Londonderry, although he was a Tory
—that he should have to pay so much mere. Again, the
proprietors of new theatres were made to pay for the same
space of ground which had been previously occupied by
private houses. He could not conceive on what principle
this system of inequality was carried on, and to him it
appeared the most absurd thing on the face of the earth.
He now came to the Bank of England, which was rated at
1,673/. a year ; Di ummond's banking house at 800/.
Indeed the more humble the dwellings he found they were
rated the higher. He found that all the banking houses
were rated at about 300,000 or 400,0001. (Lord Althorp,
half a million.) Perhaps it was as much as half a
million. There was a very moderately sized house at the
corner of Cockspur-street (Hallam, Pearce, and Stone)
which was rated at one half of Northumberland -house,
viz. '750/. a year. He found that the rates fell most un-
equally on innkeepers, who were certainly not in a
flourishing condition, and were moreover put to a
very heavy expense. While Northumberland-house
was rated at only 1,500/. a year, Morley's Hotel,
which was a small house on the opposite side of
the way, only about twenty yards in extent, was rated at
600/. A small shop at the corner of the Lowther Arcade
was rated at 7e. per foot, while Northumberland-house
paid but 44d. Again, next door to Northumberland-
house was a grocer's shop, which was charged at 7s. a
foot. He asked, with these instances of inequality before
them, was it possible for the people to submit to the house
tax. He did not wish the great mansions to be charged
at any excessive rate ; but if they were charged equally,
in proportion with the humbler tenements, Burlington and
Northumberland-houses would be rated at 20,0001. or
30,000/. He wished for no disparity, but if there
were to be any, let it be in favour of the poor, and
not of the rich.—(Hear, hear.) Then, as regarded
the assessments in the country, he found at Brighton a
moderate sized linen-draper's shop, rated at 2601., while
a Noble Duke's mansion was less by 160/., whereas the
difference in value was as 3,0001. or 4,0001. was to the
2,000/. He also found the Albion Hotel, at Brighton,
rated at 1,0001., while a Noble Marquis's mansion near
it was rated at 410/. A grocer's shop at the same place
was charged at 1601., while Lord Chichester's mansion,
only four miles from it, was charged about 60/. He
contended that such an unequal assessment ought not to
be submitted to. The Hon. and Gallant Colonel then
complained of the present mode of surcharging, adopted
by the collectors and assessors, as most injurious and oppres-
sive, and instanced the parish of St. Paul, Covent-garden.
There were but 500 rate p iyers, of whom no less than 374
had been surcharged, and above 100 of those had been
sent to the Court of King's Bench. He hoped, however,
the Noble Lord would take some steps to prevent those
actions from going on. The window tax was also considered
to be a most grievous tax, because persons occupying poor
houses in hack streets paid as much for the number of win-
dows in their houses as any house in the most public place
having the same number of windows. It might be said
that the people of late years had not been so clamorous
for the repeal of those taxes, but it should be recollected
that they had been given to understand, that when a
reform in Parliament was obtained they would be repealed,
and that was the only cause why the questions had not been
so much agitated. But he could tell the House that
it was a subject on which the people's mind had long been
made up. Much had appeared in the newspapers respect-
ing the fear of danger and of revolution if the Ministers
should be defeated in another place on the Irish Church
Bill, but he was one who did net think a revolution the
necessary consequence of a change of Ministers. If the
Government would but forego some of the very heavy de-
mands on the people, he would rather they would remain
in office than go out; but if the Tories thought fit to pledge
themselves to a repeal of some of the taxes which were
most odious to the people—(Laughter)—they would
have no difficulty in carrying on the Government.
The returns of the assessment of 100 houses in the
metropolis, and of 100 in the country, was not so made
as to give the information desired by him (Col. Evans)
at the time be moved for them. The question was not,
as had been assumed, one of contest between the town
and the country ; for, from the information lie bad
received, the interest was nearly as great in the coun-
try as in the town. Ile knew a professional man
in the country, who, by extreme exertion, made 1,0001.
a year ; he was rated for a merely comfortable
house at 1001., per annum, whilst several splendid
mansions in the same neighbourhood were rated at only
2001. a year each ; two or three of them occupied by
gentlemen possessed of incomes of 10,000/. per annum.
The return of country houses bad been made up to
a large extent for houses in large towns, instead of those
in the country. By presenting the petition, he hoped
still more to direct the attention of Government to the
necessity of repealing these taxes, and of pausing before
they came to any final determination to the contrary.
Lcid ALTHORP said he had come down to the House
that morning, in consequence of the Hon. and Gallant
Member having given him notice of his intention to pre
sent the petition. With respect to the difference
in the amount of house duty paid by certain houses
which had been enumerated, he (Lord Althorp) would
remind the House that the principle of rating was founded
upon the amount each house is supposed to be worth at a
yearly rental. The surcharges that had been alluded to
were the natural consequences of an attempt to equalize
the operation of the tax, which could only be done by sur-
charges. With respect to the allusions that bad been
made to his (Lord Althotp's) previously expressed opi-
nions and votes, it should be remembered that he had
not supported the idea of repealing all taxes, but several ;
and these so that there should be no surplus revenue. The
Istem he had adopted was to go on with repealing taxes
as the revenue could bear it, and when there was likely to
be any surplus, to repeal another. By doing this be did not
conceive that his consistency could be much injured. That
a tax was, extremely unpopular was certainly a strong
reason for its repeal—( Hear, hear)—but it was not right
to allow of such repeals as would effect a serious diminu-
tion of the revenue.

Lord SANDON inquired if the case of the publicans
as retarded the reduc•ion of the malt duty, bad been
taken into consideration by the Noble Lord ?

Lord ALTHORP said it was rather a difficult matter
to arrange, but it was intended to afford them some relief.
Mr. COBBETT called the attention of the House to
the disparity between the rating of Nottingham Castle,
the property of the Duke of Newcastle, which was at 800/.
per annum, and the amount obtained by him through the