The Sun.
London, England, 1834-12-22 00:00:00

DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK,
New 5 per Cent I I shall imagine himself capable of stemming and Aruptly
India Stock
Ditio Bonds
South Sea Stock
Old Annuities
New Ditt•
3 per Cent. Annuities, 1151 miscalculation, if he ever imagined that a man holding
Exch. Bills, .£1,P00......89 40 137 pm.
Ditto We. .39 4(1 37 pm, I such liberal, straightforward principles as these, would
Ditto Small 2O 40 pm.
Ditto Cummercial —pm be likely to harness himself to the Tory team. Lord
Ditto Advertised
Bank Stock for Account l)'2"2-2 STANLEY, except perhaps on the single question
India Stock for Account 91;7!4 8
Consols for Opening WA; Ye '5 of Church Reform, is not merely the antagonist, but
the avowed antipodes, of Toryism. He insists that
the " machine must move onwards." The faction in-
sists that it need do no such thing, for that political
safety exists only in a political stand-still. Has Sir
ROBERT PEEL no discrimination of character, or
did he suppose that Lord STANLEY was one of
those trimming, wily statesmen, who, for the pur-
pose of slipping into place, would recant all that
they had ever said, forfeit all the pledges they
had solemnly sworn to ? If he did, he has committed
an egregious error in judgment; for we can imagine no
two public men whose principles are more opposed to
each other, than those of the heir of the House of
Derby, and the Right Hon. Baronet. Let affairs take
what course they will, still the STANLEY of to-day is
pretty sure to be the STANLEY of to-morrow ; but we
would by no means venture to say the same of Sir R.
PEEL. It is easy to tell what he is not. But who
shall tell what he is ?

THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Peruvian Bonds
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Ditto New Bonds S. 11; 7,4;
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Prussian Bonds
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Russian Bonds, IS•*2
• Ditto Account
• Ditto Metallic
Spanish ronds 54% 5 4,,
I)ittn Account 51£ 5
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• 4 per cent........... —f —c.
3 per cent. —f. —c.
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- Dutch, '24 per cent.
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• Ditto, 5 per cent. ggiii
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Per Share
37
4!i

The sublime manifesto of Sir ROBERT PEEL,
which is first " to triumph over space and time," and
afterwards "be co-extensive with it," has created an
indescribable sensation among the Tories. With this
mighty instrument in their hands they intend to achieVe
such a victory over their opponents as shall astonish
all " Europe, America, and the regions of the East"
to boot. It is to be printed "in a cheap form, for
universal circulation," and what it wants in intelligi-
bility is to be made up by multiplied quantity. It is
to fall upon the people like the infinite flakes of
Scotch snow-drift, soft—but overwhelming ; hot bruis-
ing, only burying them.
Far is it from our wish to speak detractingly of the
merits of that composition—the man who could pen
so many lines about nothing, and adduce such lucid
arguments in support of it, can be no ordinary person.
With Sir ROBERT'S own frankness, we admit that it
really is incomparable, so far as it goes ; it only wants
meaning to make it perfect. We characterized Lord
STORMONT'S speech as having been twenty years too
late—the manifesto may be considered as being half
a century too soon. The intellect of the country
not yet ripe enough to understand it. Commentators
upon it there are plenty, who, with great boldness,
will explain its precise signification. This is very kind
of them to supply the deficiency, but still common
sense shakes her head doubtingly : she has tried hard.
yet cannot comprehend it ; there is a great deal of it
certainly, but the difficulty is—what it is all about.
Can the people of England be cajoled by such all
effusion as this ? or will they allow their better I:eider_
standing to be insulted by the gratuitous interr,eetation:3
of designing men ? Let them read, mar:; (they need
not learn), and inwardly digest it for themselves ; let
them well weigh every word in the reading (for every
word has been well weighed in the writing of it), and
ask themselves the question whetl;er, in any one of the
declarations it contains, there can be found that manly,
straightforward, and uncnnivocal avowal which admits
of but one honest interpretation ? Let them strip it
of the ifs and buts, and see what it all amounts to. I;
it the address of a Reformer to a reformed nation, the
plain yes-or-no profession which admits of no mistake,
and no m;_sdoubt ? It is not—and so they will find it
to be, It is at best but a masterpiece of splendid dis-
gui~-ie, which cannot cheat their good sense, unless they
wilfully stifle its admonitions.
We understand that Sir ROBERT'S ingenious
nullity is to be made the text-book from which the
Tories intend to preach their electioneering sermons,
with a view to proselytize the Liberals ; the loyalty of
the nation is to be addressed, and—in terms of Sir
ROBERT'S closing sentence—they are to be asked
whether they will not " so far maintain the preroga-
tive of the KING as to give to the Minister of his
choice—not an implicit confidence—but a fair trial ?"
Is not that Minister a Tory, and have the Tories not
had a fair trial already ? Have not most of the wrongs
and grievances which roused the people to a declara-
tion of their rights sprung up from Tory misrule, and
will they pusillanimously trust to Tory repentance
But suppose they could be really induced to believe
that the new Government would yield to the people's
desires, why should they be insulted by the request to
maintain this recent exercise of the KING'S preroga-
tive, and give the Minister of his choice a fair
trial ? Did the KING himself give the Minister
of his choice—Lord MELBOURNE—a fair trial ?
The people supported the KING in that preroga-
tive—they acquiesced in it by a passive and un-
murmuring assent. They confidently expected from
Lord MELBOURNE'S Administration reforms far more
extensive than the gentle " modifications" f'd forth
by the present, reforms, more consonant with their
wants : they had no reason to doubt that such
would have been effected. But his Lordship and his
colleagues, for some reason yet unknown to the people,
were most unceremoniously kicked from their seats, and
the Monarch's prerogative became again exercised.
Why, what a silly mummery is this ? What warranty
have the people that, conceding this fair trier
the
KING may not see fit some two months hence to
pre.
vent it ?

ROBERT PEEL thus need-
By what right does di,
le;dsly drag ti:Al KING'S name before the public, in
associa,tion with a previous mischoice for the justifica-
tion of another probable mischoice ? That name, to
be " a tower of strength," ought not to be flippantly
bandied about, in support of every factious prank that
may be played. Too much familiarity breeds contempt,
saith the proverb ; yet really late events have made the
KING'S name as common as my lady's lap-dog's ;
this is most unseemly, and Sir ROBERT lacked his
usual discretion in making it the peg whereon to hang
his peroration.

The people have as I much reason to doubt that the
new Minister is in reality the KING'S choice as that
. .
the last was not ; it may need but another motor influ-
ence similar to that which prompted him five weeks
back, to induce a fresh exercise of the Royal prero-
gative five weeks hence. The people know that the
KING can do no wrong, but they may infer that the
KING may be in such a dilemma of rights, that the
selection were a sore puzzle. They ought therefore,
in common loyalty and affection, to relieve his MA-
,lESTY from the difficulty, and this they can easily do
by assuring him that a reforming people, governed by
a reforming Monarch, cannot with any decency submit
to the government of that party which it was one of
the very/blessings expected of the Reform Bill to pre-
clude from power for ever—the Tories.
By every means they can safely exert, the Tories,