The Sun.
London, England, 1834-02-21 00:00:00

of a new class, and array landlord and tenant against the
impost.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed it would have the effect
of setting all Ireland in opposition to it. At present, not-
withstanding the assistance afforded to the collection of
this tax ; although it could call to its aid horse, foot, ar-
tillery, police, and marines, they found it a tax difficult
enough to be enforced ; and how much more so would it
be when rendered obnoxious to this new class of opponents.
It was impossible that a tax of this sort should continue
to be drawn front a population of six or seven millions, for
the support of a system which they believed to he bad, and
the maintenance of a church which in their souls they
detested. It had been tech put by the Hon. and Learned
Member for Dublin, when he asked how should we of this
country act, if the case were reversed, and that we were
pieced in the position of the Irish Catholics. Why, in-
stead of passive we should resort to active resistance.—
(Cheers from the Irish Members.) Hon. Members then
should make the case their own ; but, unfortunately,
when discussing Irish matters, common sense and general
usage were thrown aside. In his opinion some measure
could be proposed, which, while it conciliated Ireland,
would at the same tiff e benefit the state in general. He
bht strongly on this question, and had perhaps strongly
expressed himself; hut feeling the measure proposed not
a- all adequate to the circumstances which called for it, he
felt it his duty to oppose it.
Mr. COI3BETT would only trespass a few words upon
the House. The Hon. Member for Wilts (Mr. Benett)
Lad said that the Protestants ought not to be blamed for
the evils of a system which had originated with Catholics,
arid that tithes were the invention of fraudulent priests;
hut it was very odd, when the Reformation made the
change, that the honest Protestant Church, notwithstand-
iag its abhorrence of Popery, should still keep the tithes ;
they got rid of all the errors of the scarlet lady—absolu-
tion, extreme unction, all, all but the tithes ; and those
they still preserved with most holy reverence.—(Cheers
end laughter.) Such was the fact; and therefore the less
the Hon. Member said of fraud the better. The evil con•
sequences of this boasted Reformation were felt even now.
The lay appropriate tithes were fruits of the Reformation ;
and by the complexity of interests which they involved,
purtled this question more than any other circumstance.
This was one of the consequences of the Protestant rob-
bery of the Reformation. When in the possession of
Catholics there were no lay tithes, no thought of that
monstrous thing which now gave theta all the trouble.
So much so, that they may well say, in the language of
the Scripture, " The fathers have eat sour grapes and the
children's teeth are set on edge." Hon. Members when
speaking on this subject did not appear to understand, or
seemed to think of the state of things in Ireland, but con-
founded the question with thQEnglish one, where the peo-
ple were only called upon to pay the teachers of their own
religion. In Ireland the people were compelled to pay the
teachers of a doctrine which they abhorred. The Hon.
Member blamed the Member for Dublin for not having
proposed a plan of his own. He (Mr. Cobbett) would
beg leave to suggest one. The question was simple. It
was one of pounds, shillings, and pence. It was well
known that the maintenance of tithes in Ireland cost Eng-
land no less a sum than two millions. They rendered ne.
vessary a police force of 300,000 men, besides 23,000 troops.
Indeed, any army movements which took place were almost
as a matter of course intended as preparations for Ire-
land. If this source of everlasting contention were removed,
Ireland would present another aspect.—( Hear.) Irishmen
were as industrious as the English. The produce of the
country was sufficient proof of this. They were content
with a Lars return for their labour, in truth with less than
ought to content thent.—(Hear.) The Parliament should
consider this. They should consider, too, the great pecu-
niary gain which would be effected by rendering Ireland
peaceable ; but, above all, they should consider that by
doing justice to that country, by establishing peace in the
land, and conciliating the good will of its inhabitants, it
would prove to them their right arm when called on to ail
in the defence of their common interests.—(Cheers.) In
the last session twenty millions had been gra,,ted to effect
the emancipation of the negroes. Would it be too much
to expect a similar sacrifice for the purpose of effecting the
tranquillization of Ireland ? He was certain twenty mil-
lions would effect this object.—(Some Irish Member here
intimated that fourteen millions would Ise sufficient.) Even
if it required twenty, why not make the same effort to
tranquillise Ireland as to emancipate the Negroes ? Par-
liament had a similar power in both instances, and lie was
sure no one would object to the means of producing so
happy a result. This tranquillization would never be
effected while the Church in Ireland continued to be sup-
ported as it was. He would not undertake to pronounce
a scheme so large and so full of detail as that of the Hon.
Secretary for Ireland, bad. But it was too complex in its
form, and it still I.ft the sting rankling. It did not do
what lie (Mr. Cobbett) expected, for he had given the
Government credit, and still gave them credit, for good
wishes on this subject. He would beg of them not to
make the Church in Ireland so strong as to obviate the
good which miitht follow from beneficial measures.
Mr. BENETT explained. When first tithes were
established by the Catholic Church, and the people wished
to know what they were to give, the clergy replied, You
may give what you please, but not less than was given by
the Jews.

Mr. O'CONNELL said all the Hon. Members who
had spoken expressed great attachment to Ireland. They
were all friends of his, but unfortunately Ireland was like
the poor animal in the fable, who had many friends—(A
laugh)—and not a whit the better off for all their love.
If the Hon. Member (Mr. Benett) had been as constant
in his attendance at that House as he professed himself to
be in his love for Ireland, he would not have asked for
his (Mr. O'Connell's) plans, with the repetition of which
he feared he had too frequently fatigued them. He would
not now repeat them, but content himself by stating that
he would take off the thirds which pressed upon labour,
and aiso that which overlaid capital, and then form it into
a quit rent for public purposes, whatever remained after
satisfying such of the clergy as had life estates in it.—
(Hear, hear.) This would be a comprehensive measure
which Ireland could understand. Then there would be
no massacres of proctors in their sleep, as he feared would
otherwise be the case. Predial agitation would be at an
end. As to the proposition of giving land to the Church,
it would, as was proved by witnesses before the Committee,
be found a worse measure.
Mr. BELLEW contended, that whilst the proposed
measure would have the effect of increasing the burden on
the landlords, it would be found a mere temporising po-
licy, having in it no comprehensive principle of relief.
Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON was of opinion that
the tithe, as it now stood, besides being a tax on land,
was in its nature vexatious. He also thought that it was
essential to the peace of the country, that the Catholic
clergy too, should be provided for.—(Hear, hear.) The
speech of the Member for Oldham had certainly entitled
him to the thanks of the Pope. The landlords had no
more title than he (Mr. Fergusson) to the tithes.—(Hear,
hear.) The lay appropriators had in almost all instances
acquired their right by purchase, and any attempt to de-
prive them of it would be little short of robbery, and the
same as if committed on any other property.—(Hear,
bear.) If the tithes amounted to more than was neces-
sary,—if they increased to excess, then let the surplus go
to the poor, or to its other original purposes. The Hon.
Member then proceeded to contend that the burden of
tithes fell upon the landlords, and that the levying of tithes
in kin•i operated as a tax on improvement. By the law
of Scotland tithes were the property of the state, subject
to the maintenance of the clergy.—(Hear, hew.) For
his part he would not touch any portion of the tithes either
of England or Ireland, until he was first satisfied that the
clergy were amply provided for. But the clergy must
have regard to the circumstances of the times, and be pre-
pared, like all other classes, to make voluntarily such sa•
crifices as those circumstances imperatively demanded.—
(Hear, hear.) If this measure were to be opposed, he
hoped the opposition would not spring from the clergy :
for opposition from them would, he feared, be attended
by most lamentable consequences.—(Hear. )
Mr. LAMBERT approved of the greater part of the
plan, though from some portion of it he dissented. The
principle of collection in the shape of a land tax appeared
to be judicious, and indeed the only fair and effectual mode
of preserving tithe property.—(Hear.) If tithes were
to remain in any shape, they must be collected in this
manner. To several of the details he objected, and he
thought that 16 years' purchase was far beyond what
ought to be given. With regard to the question of ulti-
mate appropriation, whatever that might be, he could
conceive no better plan to make that appropriation effec-
tual than that of receiving the tithe in the shape of a tax
into his Majesty's Exchequer, and afterwards distributing
it with the other revenues of the nation. With regard to
the attacks which bad been made on the Irish Govern-
ment, lie should be unworthy of holding the situation
which he filled if be hesitated to express his firm convic-
tion that there never was any Government in Ireland so
anxious to do good by every means in their power as the
present.—(Hear.) That Government had not done
more, every reasonable man would admit not to be their
fault. The reason was to be found in thci difficulties
which they bad to encounter on both tides of the question.
Alirit of these difficulties sprung from deep rooted party
prejudice.—(Hear.) There was, unfortunately, a para-
mount party in Ireland, which would do their utmost to
prevent the Government from -doing any good there, for
the very purpose of keeping up an ill-founded odium
against thew....( Hear.) He therefore urged the Govern-

meta to make this measure as full and effective in its de-
tails as possible, and to amend those parts which appeared
to lie defective. Unless they did this, a cry would be im-
mediately raised against them, nil the Irish people would
he told to despair of anything like jest;,te at their hands.
He called on the Government to go the ful• extent of
which their power admitted. If they di l not, they would
he most culpable. Let them fear neither party ; let them
give to Ireland an honest, just, and merciful measure; and
he was sure that they would be supported not only by
that House, but also by the good sense and concurrent
voice of the people.—(Hear.)
Mr. SHEIL said the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Se-
cretary for Ireland, had lately laboured under the burden
of gieat encomium from that (Mr. Shell's) side of the
H ,use. The measure which the Right Hon. Gentleman
1. el now introduced, would, however, relieve him from
any such oppression for the future; for it was one by no
weans calculated to produce satisfaction. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had declined to enter into the question of ap-
p!ication ; but it would be very gratifying to know what
were the opinions of the Right Hon. Gentleman on that
mast important point.—( Hear. ) The opinions of his prede-
c,ssor were known. He was the unqualified champion
of the Church. He had never disguised his opinion. lie
storted in political life as its champion, and he maintained
his chivalry to the last. The Right Hon. Gentleman
\lr. Littleton) had a great deal of experience, for he had
belonged to almost every party; and yet, on referring
hick to his political life, it was difficult to discover what
his opinions really were. The Right Hon. Gentleman bad
referred to the language of the King's speech :—" I re-
cotnmend to you the early consideration of such a final ad-
jesttnent of the tithes in that part of the United Kingdom,
as may extinguish all just cmuses of complaint, without
injury to the rights and property of any class of my sub-
' j .cts, or any institutions in Church or State." Now,
if there were any meaning in that portion of the speech
on which the present measure was said to be founded, it
was this—that no part of the property of the Church was
to be abstracted from it. What, then, did the Right
Hon. Gentleman mean by saying, that the question of ap-
plication or appropriation of tithes was not brought
forward ? If there were to he any alteration in the
appropriation, why were they not told of it ? What
excuse could there be for not stating that which was the
gist and essence of the question ?--(Hear, bear.) But
on what ground did the Right Hon. Gentleman believe
that this plan would be more successful than those which
had preceded it ? Would it materially diminish the number
of tithe payers? 'Why they heard from the Right Hon.
Gentleman that in sixty-two parishes alone they had now
sixteen thousand rate-payers, who, by the operation of
this measure, would probably be reduced to 9,000. Thus
in 62 parishes only they would have no less than 9,000
occupiers paying, or rather liable to pay, this laud-tax.
Thus the diminution of difficulty in collection, so far as it
depended on diminution of numbers, would be very little,
and as the class of persons who would be liable to pay the
land-tax was the same as that which now paid tithes,
they would still be subject to time evils of which they
now complained under the Tithe Composition Act. If
the occupiers would not now pay tithes, how could
they expect the same persons to pay a land-tax?
He appealed not to speculation, but to facts, and
on the same ground that previous legislation had
proved unavailing, on the same ground did he tell
them that the present proposition would prove equally
futile. It was not fair to call on those who acted with
him to produce a plan i❑ opposition to this. Such ex-
tempore legislation could not be expected, and it was for
the Government to defend their own plan on its own me••
rite. If the Government had attended to the advice his
party bad given them in 1532, they would have avoided
many of the evils which they had entailed upon them-
selves. The question of appropriation was everything.
They complained of agitation—let them take away its
ground-work, but the present Bill would not touch the
cause of the agitation complained of.—(Hear.) He was
net one who called for the subversion of the National
Church, but he required that it should be put upon a
footing more adapted to the wants and feelings of the people
of Ireland. He would conclude with this remark—that
before the Catholic question was settled, the people of
Ireland refused to submit to tithes. Before then the pea-
santry revolted against their payment ; and now that the
Catholic question was settled, now that Roman Catholics
were placed o❑ the same constitutional level with the Pro-
testants—now that 33 Catholics had seats in that House,
and were backed by the support of a large majority of the
people of Ireland—now he told them that it was not in
their power to maintain the National Church as it stood,
and that they who vainly endeavoured to maintain it, would
themselves be crushed beneath its ruins —(Hear.)

Mr. H. GRATTAN said that the words "final ad-
justment," used in the King's speech, were not exactly the
words to use in speaking of Irish tithes. There had been
already several adjustments, which were termed find, but
which eventually turned out to be anything hut final ; and
no man could say that this measure was likely to be a
final adjustment of this question. The resolution pro-
posed by the Right Hon. Gentlemen spoke of redemption
in money or land ; but in his speech he spoke of land
only. The present proposition seemed to have been con-
tained in the report of 1832. They then abstained from
giving any opinion as to the application. The Irish Mem-
bers opposed that proposition then, and yet the Right
Hon. Gentleman came now to ask them to agree to
it. Did not the Right Hon. Gentleman know that in
1822 there was a meeting of the Nobility and Gentry,
Members, &c., connected with Ireland, at which this very
proposition of purchasing land was mooted, and it was
unanimously decided to be a very bad arrangement ? That
meeting rejected the plan of purchasing land, but adopted
that of composition for tithe ; and yet the Right Hon.
Gentleman now expected them to agree to it. It was
impossible for them to agree to this plan, on two grounds
—the difference between the two propositions, and also
the amount of value. By purchasing land for the clergy,
they would make them bad landlords and worse clergymen.
Let them look for one moment on the large amount that
was proposed to but given. According to the calculations,
for tithes of 2401. per annum, the former was to receive
350 acres, valued at 1/. ss. an acre. Ile would appeal
to any gentleman whether this was not a preposterous
amount. For his own part, as a landlord, he must decline
the honourable employment of tithe•proctor, for in that
situation would the landlords of Iceland be placed by this
Bill. It would be as impossible for the landlords to col-
lect the tithes as for the present tithe proctors. He knew
a gentleman who was told by a tithespayer, shortly after
the passing of the last Bill, "What ! do you think we,
who could beat the police, shall nut be able to beat the
landlords. We both can and will," This was not to be
despised, and the man who introduced such a measure
must certainly be a very bold Minister. He cert-dnly did
think the Government was placed in a very awkward
situation between two parties, whom it was exceedingly
difficult to manage, and the best advice he could give them,
in order to get rid of the difficulty, was to attend to neither.
There was much truth in the observation of his Hon.
Friend, the Member for Wexford, that Ministers appeared
to he afraid of trying to what extent the reformed House
of Commons would support them. He called upon them
to cast this fear aside, and, in legislating for Ireland, to
legislate not for a party, but for the people. After again
adverting to the resolutions passed at the meeting in
London in 1822, of the Irish Nobility and Members of
Parliament, and suggesting that the principle of those
resolutions should be adopted, the Hon, Member .moved
an amendment to the following elkict

" Resolved—That it is c:bseatial to the peace and tranquillity
of Ireland, that the system of tithes in that country should
substantially and unequivocally cease and determine.
" Resolved—That it is essential to the peace and tranquillity
of Ireland, that the rights of those who possessed a vested inte-
rest in those tithes should in every instance be recognised, and
that it was the duty of Parliament to make just compensation
to such persons out of the land tax.
" Resolved—That a contribution soulKi he levied from the
property of Ireland for the vt;.rpo.ws of religion and charity, but
that it should be rv.tised by a different mode of collection from
that of tiihes, and that the application of it should be submitted
to the consideration and decision of Parliament."

Lord J. RUSSELL, while he admitted that there were
points with respect to the appropriation of the tithes in
Ireland on which he might differ from some of his friends,
had not the slightest difficulty in declaring, that he and
every Member of his Majesty's Government must oppose
the proposed amendment. He trusted that that opposi-
tion would be sustained by the majority of the House,
unless they were prepared to give up all rights of property,
and allow the triumph of tho unjustifiable, illegal, and
tumultuous system whiuli bad been pursued in Ireland, and
which was calculated to lead to an end that would be as
universally calamitous as the means used to effect it were
violent and unholy.—(Hear, bear.)
Sir R. INGLIS would not trouble the House with his
sentiments in detail on the present occa,aion, as it was
obvious that there would be various other occasions on
which the question might be more advantageously dis-
cussed. lie merely rose to state, that, in giving his con-
srpt *ci the present proposition of his Right Hon. Friend,
lie was by no means to be considered as bound to approve
of all the arrangements to which his Right Hon. Friend
had adverted. This reservation on his own part was the
more necessary, as, on his Right lion. Vrieud's own
showing, it was his intention to reduce the income of
every incumbent in Leland from 50 to 34 per cent:—
Mr. BARRON, as we understood the Hon. Member,
strongly opposed the destruction of tithes, which were

puhlic property, and rsh'el, 11.;t to he destroyed, but
properly applied. It might h.• as well proposed to de-
prive him of his estate or property. Those who com-
plained of the way in which tithes were misapplied in
Ireland never had such it wish. Their opinion was that
too great a portion of the tithes was alienated from the
pros, and therefore a misappropriation. What they
wanted way a revision of the system. They did not want
a public robbery. Far from them was any such inten-
tion. They only claimed for the poor the share to which
they were entitled. They only claimed the execution of
tl. parposrs for which tithes were given in trust to the
C holic Church in Ireland, in 1172, by Henry 11., who
first introduced them in Ireland with the aid of the Bri-
tish army. The present opposition to tithes in Ireland
t.vitald continue to exist until their misappropriation had
sea corrected. Than the people of Ireland would pay
ti:oar cheerfully. Till then Parliament might change the
ii:.tne of the thin; as they chose, but the hostility to it
would remain, and all attempts to conciliate it would be
labour in vain. Whenever the Bill should come before
th•e House, he should express his sentiments upon it more
fully. At present he would merely state that he objected
ro it principally because it did not relieve the peasantry of
Ireland. Another objection which he entertained towards
it was, that it placed a tax which ought to rest on the
shoulders of one set of men on the shoulders of another
set of men, and gave to the landlords benefits to which
they were not entitleri.

Mr. CHRISTMAS was opposed to the appropriation
of any property that he considered national to any parti-
ealar purpose. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dub-
lin talked of knocking off two-thirds of the tithes. It he
could succeed in doing so, that would not end the diffi-
culty; for one-third would still rem lin, and would the
i'lle farmers pay that ? In Ireland they must always have
a panac,'a fur every evil. The Hon. and Learned Member
for Dubli❑ had persuaded the people of Ireland that the
abolition of tithes would be this panacea. But suppose it
should riot prove so. Suppose the tide of prospetity
should not flow so rapidly into the country ftnin the abo-
lition of tithes as the Hon. and Learned Member pre-
dicted. What then ? The people of Ireland might, per-
haps, begin to think that the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man was not so infallible as they supposed. They would
h tve nothing to fall back upon. As an honest man, he
c',uld not appropriate any property which he considered
national to an individual interest. Whatever became of
the tithes, however, they must be removed from the
shoulders of the occupying tenant, leaving open any ques-
tion respecting their application.

Mr. LALOR observed, that a wise legislature in
enacting a law would endeavour to take care that it should
be one likely to meet the concurrence of those on whom
it was intended to operate. With respect to tithes, the:‘,
would never be paid again in Ireland except by compul.
lion; and the present proposition would be as little re-
spected as any former Acts on the subject.—[The noise
from conversation in the House was so great during this
and several of the preceding speeches, that we were unable
to hear the Hon. Member, except occasionally, and then
very imperfectly.] He implored the House to pause
before they threw the landlords of Ireland into the situa-
tion of becoming compulsory collectors of tithes from the
rople.

Mr. T. FITZGERALD was understood to say that he
vas not at all satisfied with the measure proposed by his
Majesty's Government.

Mr. WALKER, who spoke from under the gallery,
was understood to contend that the proposition of the Right,
lion. Secretary for Ireland contained all the objections
which attached to the compulsory system. His Majesty,
in his most gracious speech from the throne, had told them
that in the settlement of this question they should study
the interest of all his subjects; whereas Ministers had,
.ably and entirely studied the interest of the Church.--
(Hear, and question.)

The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the original resolution
For Mr. Grattan's amendment
Majority in favour of Ministers
During our absence from the gallery the House again
divided on an amendment moved by Mr. O'DWYER, re,
introduce after the word "many," in the original resolution,
the following words:—" Due regard being had to the
protection of existing interests, a competent provision
shall be made for the support of the Protestant clergymen
proportioned to the amount of the Protestant population
of Ireland, and that the surplus ari,ing therefrom shall he
applied to such purposes as Pa-liament shall deem fit."

For the original resolution l9O
For Mr. O'Dwyer's amendment 66
Majority for Ministers

Resolution passed.

On our return to the gallery, we found Mr, O'CON-
NELL on his legs, asking leave of the Hot's* to bring in
" Bill to amend the law relative to distress for rent in
Ireland." The Hon. and Learned Gtntletnin was for a
time totally inaudible from the noise occasioned by the
rush of strangers into the gallery. W. could only catch a
word in regard to what he termed his second ainendinent.
By the law of distress in Ireland, when a seizure was made,
the cattle were not sold till the fifteenth day--seven days
being allowed for valuation, and seven days for the tenant
to obtai❑ relief if possible. The impounders often took
security for tl,e cattle ; but this was as an act of grace and
favour, and the consequence was, that the cattle were not
deteriorated in value, as they otherwise would be if kept in
oofluement. His object was (as we understood) to make
that which was an act of grace anti favour, one of legs/.
compulsion.

After a few words from Mr. LITTLETON, in apprvval
of the Bill, leave was given.

THE CURRENCY.

Mr. T. ATTWOOD postponed his resolution on. the
subject of one pound notes to a future day.

NORTH AMERICAN POST OFFICES.

Mr. Secretary STANLEY briefly asked leave to bring
in a Bill to enable the Legislatures of his Majesty's Colo-
nies in North America to alter and amend the laws relat-
ing to their internal postage. By an Act of George
the surplus revenue derived from the postage of letters in
those colonies was paid over to this country. The object
of the present Bill was simply to empower the Colonial_
Legislature to regulate their own internal posttges, and to
repeal the present Act ; so that portages should not br
higher than in the United States, and should be mulct':
lower than they now were. The accounts were to be laid
annually before the different Legislatures, and the surplus
applied as they might thing fit.

. .
- Mr. Holes and Mr. 110E1ILTCIC esressed high uti3fix-
lion at the proposed measure, and :eave was given to bring
in the Bill.

Mr. HUME postponed his motion fo.; tNe reduction of
the salaries of the Puisne Judges in the Courts of Exche—
quer, King's Bench, and Coratu,,n Pleas.

Mr. P. THOMSON brought in a Bill to regc,lare the
measurement of tonnage of merchant shipping, and went
on to undo the advantages likely to result c.rom the con..
tomplated changes.

YOUNG was happy to fircsi the subject taken
up by the Right Hon. Gentleman. He cordially concurred.
in his views, and anticipated the full measure of tlitmse
benefits which he had glanced at. Critical accuracy was,
however, not necessary. Simplicity was the grand iEeature•
to which their attention should he directed.
Mr. HUME likewise expressed his gratifleotion at I?.e,
introduction of the Bill ; and trusted, by its operations,
our vessels would cease to be the tubs they were at present.
He hoped the Bill would be referred to a Committee up.
stairs.

Mr. ROBINSON thought the Hon. Member fur Mid-
dlesex did not pi:riectiy understand the nature ef, the 8211.
There 71 Wi nothing in it to compel persons as. 'Jo the moth,
in which they should proceed in their work. The Bid was
merely to regulate the measurement of tonnage of merchant
shipping. While he was on his leg., he was desirous tT,
ask the Right Hon. Gentleman whether the Bill was
intended to take within its provisions vessels at present not
registered, Of whether it would have 1114 same effect in the.-
colonies as at home ?

Mr. P. THOMSON said it would be perfectly de-re,
tionary on the part of :he owners of such vessels to act as
theyi satlo e
t fit. With might abide by the old Inistry,
they respect to the colonies, if the
.:
was
found beneficial at home, it should be ex-
tended to our foreign possessions. In regard to a Committee,
ieptrliioa asegtlll.
the Commission which had sat had sought every source
of information that could remotely aid it in its labours;
arid he hoped sufficient data were had on which to frame
a full, and, he trusted, a satisfactory measure.—Bil%
brought ins

VEES TO CLERKS OF THE PEACE.
On the motion of Mr. Hodges a Select Committee on
to clerks of the peace was appointed, consisting of the
1-,llowing Members :
Hodges, T. L. Somerset, Lord G,
Graham, SirJ. R. G. Palmer, R.
l'eel, Sir R. Denison, .3,
Althorp, Viscount Cartwright, W. R.
Lowther, Viscount Dawson, E.
Fremantle, sir T. Phillipps, M.
Duncombe, W. Slaney, R. A.
Ktaa.clibull, Sir E. Wilmot, Sir E.
Clive, R. H Tancred, li. W.
Pendarves' E. W. Sanford, E. A.
Littleton, E. J. Mosley, Sir 0,

Strickland, G.
Blantire, W.
Pease, Joseph
Price, Sir It.
Gisborne, T.
Baring, A.
•itanley, F., 1.
Evans, W.
Aglionhy, H. A.
'Wilbraham G.
Ebrington,lona
kVrottesley, 6ir J.
11ildtnay, P.

!..stcourt, T.G.B
F::jstnor, Viscount

Lefevie, C, S.
Inglis, `ls HMI.

l'Arter, J. J 3.

The other order;

livuse adjourn,

eS the day were ti:,
1 At A quarter to at

,en disposed of, th.d

Nota.