The Sun.
London, England, 1834-11-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOLI-ANALs.

DISSOLUTION OF THE MT.-rITSTRY.—Since writ-
ing the articles which follow, we have received a piece
of intelligence which eprives our speculations of any
interest they miPtc otherwise possess. We have to
communicate 'the astounding intelligence, that Lord
Melbourne's Administration has ceased to exist. His
Lordsl:p repaired to the King on Thursday, and returned
last 'flight to announce to his colleagues- the event.
His Majesty, we learn, expressed no dissatisfaction
with Lord Melbourne's Administration ; but he let it
be understood that he considered it at an end with the
death of the late Earl Spencer, and the consequent re-
moval of the present Earl to the House of Lords.
The prosperity of the country and the dissensions
among the Whigs and Reformers, have, it would
appear, inspired the Court party with the hope of
being now able to make a stand against all further re-
form. They see thatif Lord Melbourne's Ministry
were to remain in office, the sinecure Church of Ire-
land would be pared down, and that the glaring abuses
in the Church of England would also be remedied. A
short interval would, they think, deprive them of the
aid they derive from these strong-holds of corruption,
and so they have fairly screwed up their courage to the
sticking-place. The interval between this and the
meeting of Parliament will enable them to sound the
members ! and should they find them refractory, they
will try, no doubt, what can be done by intimidation of
the constituencies in the counties. Never was a more
grievous mistake committed. From this moment all
the dissensions among Reformers arc at an end. The
question is not now whether more or less ought to be
demanded,—whether the Lords should have a longer or
shorter trial—whether we have hitherto proceeded too
slowly with reforms, or satisfied the fair claims of the
people—but whether we shall bend our necks under
the yoke of the Conservatives. The question will no
longer be, whether the Dissenters should be satisfied
with less than the full amount of their demands
at this time—but whether the proud High Church-
man shall once more domineer over us, and laugh to
scorn the endeavour to introduce
_reform into the
Augean-stable of the Irish sinecure Church. The
first fruits of the new Administration will soon be felt
in Ireland. God grant that Orange insolence, stimu-
lated by success and the certainty of impunity, may
scoot indulge in excesses, by which Ireland may become
the theatre of unspeakable calamity I We are fully aware
that the Conservatives, with the powers of Govern-
ment in their hands, are not what they were with aWhig
Ministry in office. But never were men more mistaken
than they are, if they suppose that it is possible for
them, under the Reform Bill, to succeed in their
schemes. We are as certain as we are that we exist,
that the Conservatives will be baffled in their endea-

yours. The people of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
will not allow themselves to be deprived of the fruits
of the Reform Bill. They look on that Bill as a
means to an end ; and that end is the reform of
all abuses in Church and State. No : the Oligar-
chy, though powerful at Court—though patronised
by an Illustrious Female, who may wish that Eng-
land should resemble a German State—shall not
again manacle the people of this country. We must
all of us unite heart in hand to baffle the attempt to
deprive us of the fruits of our triumph. We over-
threw the Oligarchy when we were without the great
constitutional boon we now possess. The result of
the struggle cannot be doubtful. We are quite aware
that the Conservatives have been more anxious to re-
gister their votes than the reformers, many of whom
have reposed in the confidence of security. The
struggle will teach us to improve the opportunity, when
it is over. The intimidation will teach us the neces-
sity of providing against it. Faults may have been
committed by Whigs and Reformers in this respect.
But let us not dwell on our family quarrels when we
have the enemy before us. The Duke of Wellington
has, we believe, been with the King ; but what course
will be held, we know not. It is probable that an at-
tempt will be made to disunite the Whigs and the
Reformers, by holding out terms to some of them
to join a comprehensive Administration. But no
Administration which hesitates to carry through
the work begun in Ireland has any claim to the
support of any Whig. No Administration which
hesitates to reform the Church of England has any
claim to the support of a Liberal. No Administration
which refuses to do justice to the Dissenters can have
any claim to the support of any Whig Statesman.
But the Conservatives wish to be in power only to
prevent these Reforms, and they • dare not concede
them. And any member of Lord Melbourne's Minis-
try who joins the Conservatives, on vague promises of
liberal measures, is a traitor, and should be accounted
such. Let the friends of liberal measures only hold
together, and they must be successful. Englishmen
must be up and doing. The enemy will not be idle..
We will not say more at this time. When we uetst
address our readers, the plans of our opponents will be
better known.—Morning Chronicle.
A competent supply of water, and that of the purest
character that can be obtained, is so essential to the
health and comfort of the inhabitants of large cities,
that it isimpossible not to be surprised at the great de-
ficiency of it, and the apparent disregard of it, which
exists in so many places on the Continent. In London,
we readily admit, more has been done in-this respect
than in any city in Europe, or place in the known
world ; but yet we do not sec -why the means of ac-
commodation which have 'oeen discovered and put in
,practice, should not be enlarged to a still more effectual.
extent. Even the acc4inmodations which do exist in'
this respect are, as far as soft water is concerned, wholly
in the hands of a few Companies, who, as we lately re-
marked, actually deal out their water as sparingly as if it
were wine, The great convenience which has of late
years taken place, by means of what is called " the high
service," cannot be too much appreciated ; but both this
and the common service are, in most instances, so spa-
ringly supplied that many of the inhabitants of the
metropolis are obliged to husband the contents of their
cisterns as carefully as if they purchased, as is the case
in too many places not far from the metropolis, their
water by the pailful ; nor is the filthy state of the water
which comes into houses less objectionable than the
scantiness of the supply. But the occasions on which
this niggardly supply of water is most felt by the
Totlalie in general are when fires occur—those fearful
nsitations to which large eities are so especially subject.
Here the want of water is a continual subject of com-
plaint ; to such an extent, indeed, does it exist, and so
frequently does it occur, that we should not at all
exaggerate were we to go the length of imputing
one-half the damage and loss which occurs on such
occasions to this one cause. How the various
fire-offices, on whom so much of the loss falls, can
submit so quietly as they do to this, is more than
surprising. But, looking to the health and comfort of
the people as the main consideration, there is another
supply of water to be obtained by much readier and
cheaper means, but which is by far too much neg-
lected ;—we mean the supply of spring water, with
which the substratum on which London is built
abounds, and which ought to be found in pumps and
conduits infinitely more numerous than at present exist..
Why a single private house of any dimensions, where
the basement story is so arranged as to admit of it,
should be without its private pump it is difficult to
imagine, since, after the new method of boring which
has of late years been so successfully brought into:
practice, the expense has become inconsiderable.
At any rate pumps might' and ought to be
found at the corner of nearly every street, and
that they are not, reflects no great credit on the
numerous parish vestries, which, at a very small
expense to their several constituencies, might long ago
by degrees have brought about this desirable object.
Upon the principle that " it is never too late to mend,"
we would earnestly draw their attention to it. In many
parts of the town pumps and fountains might, at no
very serious expense, be made objects of equal orna-
ment and utility. As to the Water Companies,. we
fear it is, in vain to attempt to reason with them cm: the
score of public spirit, convenience, or.utility, Like
other trading communities, and like other monopolists,
they look only to the balance sheet. It is the duty,
however, of the Legislature to take theM in hand, un-
less they have, on the score of policy, prudence enough
to avert the necessity of its interference.—Moenine-
Herald.

We have not yet learned tivit the Ministerial
arrangements rendered necessary by the accession of

the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the Peerage have
been positively determined. Perhaps before our paper
goes to press we may have more decisive information.
For the present we must lie content with rumours.
The most prevalent, and on the whole the most cre-
dible, rumour is that which assigns the Chancellorship
of the Exchequer with the lead in the House of Com-
mons to Mr. Spring Rice. In this case Lord Spen-
' cer, it is said, would take the Colonial Secretaryship,
vacated by that Right Hon. Gentleman ; and no fur-
ther change would be necessary-. This would be,
so far as Mr. Spring Rice is concerned, the
best arrangement which Lord Melbourne can
make from the miserable materials with which
he has to work. Mr. Spring Rice would surely
be a better Chancellor of the Exchequer than Mr.
Abercromby ; and he could scarcely be a worse leader
of the House of Commons than Lord John Russell.
But there is a difficulty in the way, which is sup-
posed to have produced some hesitation. There will
be a contest for the seat which Mr. Spring Rice must
resign upon his transfer to the Exchequer. Sir Edward
Sugden will undoubtedly make another appeal to the
good sense and right feeling of the electors of Cam-
bridge. At the last election Mr. Spring Rice was re-
turned after a vigorous struggle, in which official influ-
ence was unscrupulously exerted, by a majority of 25
only. It is not probable that the Government can
have been much strengthened since the period of that
event by what has subsequently occurred—by the
intrigues, and the squabbles, and the falsehoods ; by
the expulsion of Earl Grey, and the conciliation of
Mr. O'Connell ; by the baseness. of Mr. Littleton,
and the buffoonery of Lord Brougham. We do not
wondei, therefore, that Mr. Spring Rice shrinks from
another encounter with the constituency of Cambridge.
But is not all-this a practical commentary upon one of
the many absurdities of the Reform Act ? The King
is notoriously forced to govern his selection of his ser-
vants, not by rukilence to their comparative fitness for
the Offices assigned to them, but by calculation M their
respective means for securing their re-election to Par-
liament.—Morning Post.
There are two official letters' in this day's Times, to
which public attention will be unavoidably attracted.
We do not mean that the contents of those letters are
new, or at all surprising, but that as one of them is
from Lord Wellesley to the Primate of Ireland, and the
other from Lord Duncannon to the Lord Lieutenant,
both on the subject of the Irish Clergy, and both corro-
borative of the predictions which were uttered as well
in Parliament as by the liberal portion of the press,
at the time when the Tory Lords rejected the Irish
Church Bill, the revival of the question in this
form, and its treatment by such high authorities,
cannot fail to be deemed of importance. From
the Marquis Wellesley's letter, it appears that a
representation on the part of the Prelates of Ireland
had been transmitted to his Excellency through the
Primate, describing, as may be judged by the Lord-
Lieutenant's answer, the deplorable condition of the
parochial clergy, and soliciting a relaxation of the law
.
which calls upon them for repayment of the loan of
1,000,0001., thefirst instalment of which was due on
the Ist of November instant. Never was retributive
justice more signally or severely illustrated than in the
present instance, by the return of the poisoned chalice
to the lips of those who had prepared it. We need
hardly repeat what was not many weeks ago explained
in this paper, as it had before been, in the clearest
language we could employ, while the bill in -question
was on the table of the House of Lords—we need
hardly remind the Tory Peers themselves of the earnest
and emphatic manner in which they were conjured to
pass the bill with all its errors of abstract principle, as
the only practical means of rescuing the Irish clergy from
famine, and of quieting the raised passions of the com-
munity on all questions relating to the established Church.
The law which was offered to the Church of Ireland and
its professed protectors would have secured to every
clergyman at the public Treasury 771. 10s. of his
(nominal) income of 1001. But that nominal income
would have beeln taken by Parliament as real, and
estimated according to the valuation of 1829, when
corn was 25 per cent. higher than it is at present ; so
that in fact the 771. 10s. on that valuation under the,
high prices, would have been fully equivalent to cent.
per cent. at the present prices, and therefor:, besides
not losing anythinf, money, the ease and security
of
.payment would' have been so much clear gain.
Well, the Church and its frieudi had the enactment
of that law in their power. They rejected it, and pre-
ferred the oldthat • is, the yet existing—law, with
all the, risk, nay, with the full certainty that they
never would be able to enforce it. We say the cer-
tainty, because for three years they had not been able
so to enforce it—nor had the Government, with the
aid of the sheriff's officer, the sabre, the bayonet, and
the cannon. Their eyes, then, were open. when they
refused the bill ; at least, if their ears were open their
eyes must have been so, for a thousand loud admoni-
tions were addressed to them, of the inevitable ruin
which must befall the clergy, in case of their perversely
trusting to the shadowing abstraction of legal right,
followed as it would be by none but abstract payment,
. in preference to a valid power and to solid gold.
The day has arrived for fulfilling our most melan-
choly forbodings. The clergy now cry out for relief
from miseries of their own eager seeking, even as we
foretold then they would do. They took the million,
. and after spurning the means which were liberally
placed at their disposal for repaying part of it, and
being actually discharged from the rest without repay-
' ment, they get their Primate, the author of that fatal
advice under which the factious majority of the peerage
voted, to ask from Ministers, whose destruction was
the object of the vote, for an illegal suspension of the
very law which but for that vote would by this time
have been powerless over the clergy 1 The Lord-
Lieutenant answers the Primate in a way which must
heap mountains of shame upon the head of that world-
ly metropolitan. His Excellency, with a calmness not
the less cutting for its respectful and at the same time
compassionate sympathy, goes into a detail of the be-
, nefits which the bill of last session would have con-
, ferred upon the clergy, and of the securities which it
would have provided against the evils and afflictions of
which they now complain. Lord Wellesley states his
apprehension that Government can do nothing for the
clergy. He gives them to understand pretty significantly,
that they and their " Parliamentary protectors" have
made their own bed, and must e'en lie upon'it as best
they can. But his Lordship declares in the most
solemn manner, that " no peace,. nor order, nor pros-
perity, can be expected in Ireland" until the tithe
question shall have been effectually disposed of ; and
he invites all parties, on the meeting of parliament; to
unite in a calm, dispassionate, and steady endeavour to
accomplish its final settlement—an invitation which we
join our anxious prayer that the " parties"'more espe-
cially pointed at may have grace and wisdom to attend
to. The short and decided letter of Lord Duncannon
concurs in the Lord Lieutenant's opinion, that the re-
jection of the bill by the House of Lords last session
deprives government of all power to assist the clergy,
and exempts it from all reproach.—Times.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1834.

articles in her trunks claimed by her mistress were her own
property.
The LORD MAYOR fully committei the prisoner for
trial, but discharged the boy ; not, however, without making
his father responsible for his apparance to give evidence at
the Central Criminal Court.

guage, that he was sure no editor would insert it in a pub-
lic journal. Mr. Broderip then went into a long detail of
the law on the case, and said it did not properly amount to
piracy, as there was no express intention to run away with
the ship. There was not the most discreet conduct on the
part of Captain Smith, but he was placed in a very peculiar
situation. Whatever harshness he had used, the men had
certainly behaved very ill, and as a most violent assault,
accompanied by an unlawful refusal to do their duty, had
been sworn to, it was his duty to send the case for trial at
the first Sessions of the Central Criminal Court.
The defendants were then held to bail, themselves in 401.
and two sureties in 20/. each, to answer the charge at the
Sessions.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 14.