The Sun.
London, England, 1834-01-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A report was industriously propagated in all
parts of the town yesterday morning, and found,
it seems from the statement of our city corre-
spondent, a ready belief in a quarter which
ought to have known better—we mean the mys-
terious divan called the Bank parlour—that the
Ministry was broken up, and that, at all events,
Lord Grey had resigned his office. This report
was swallowed by the Conservatives, as such re-
ports usually are, with an eager credulity, pro-
portioned to its absurdity. The Tories, like
some of the old fathers, believe in all incredible
things—" credunt quia impossibile est." We
will not pretend that there have not been subjects
of discussion on which different Ministers hold
(Efferent opinions ; we will not pretend that
there may not yet be some topics for
Cabinet discussion which, at least in the
first instance, may not be decided by
what is called unanimous acclamation ; but we
may say, that it is impossible for any set of men
to be more ready to discuss with temper and
mutual confidence and cordiality the matters laid
before them, and that there is not one among
them who wishes to separate himself from the
rest on the ground of entertaining views incom-
patible with the general policy' of the Adminis-
tration. This union of purpose and feeling will
give them great strength with Parliament. Let
11S hope—indeed we do hope—that they will
derive from this same source of power the
courage to obtain for the people all those ad-
vantages which are of right expected from a
Reformed Parliament, headed by a Reforming
Ministry and a Reforming Sovereign. The
eyes of the nation are upon the Cabinet : Eng-
land expects them to do their duty. Let their
motto be, " Do right, and fear not. '— Times.
We have slightly and rarely, for some time
past, touched upon that disgusting question of
the repeal of the Union, which the mountebank
of the day has called in aid of his poll-tax upon
the poor of Ireland, nor should we now be at
the trouble to advert to it, but that some well
meaning persons have thought it worth their
while to write pamphlets on the subject, and have
intimated a wish that we should recommend it
to public notice. The repeal of the Union is a
humbug on the face of it. No man would have
dreamed of suggesting such a folly who was not
in t.is heart a cheat, and who did not know, by
an experience disgraceful to the understanding,
even of a rabble like that of Ireland,what a band of
insatiable dupes he had to deal with. No man
would be a gainer by the repeal of the Union but
O'Connell, and some few of the hungry reprobates
who have fastened their expectation of " slops
and rations" on his haunches; nor would they
or their leader have reason to thank their house-
hold demons for the benefit beyond the first
year of " independence." Would the repeal
cure the cry for more potatoes, or for lower
rents, within six months,—nay, within a twelve-
month of its enactment ? If not, see what must
inevitably follow. Idleness and destitution being
the grand evils of the country, and the repeal
being promised as a specific for both, it is pretty
clear that these growths of centuries could not
be cut down by a single stroke of the legislative
hatchet. Then the bitterness of disappointment
would be added to the cravings of want, and we
all can judge what that would lead to among
a multitude of impetuous and revengeful
barbarians, unopposed by that repressive
power of the Imperial Government of which they
have hitherto stood in habitual awe. O'Connell
in virtual possession of that sovereignty, the
prospect of which lends repeal its only charm,
would at once- become a lover of " order," a
"legitimate," an advocate of the " monarchical
principle," a hater of mobs, a " Conservative."
But so would not the legions of followers whom
his frauds and falsehoods have bribed to enlist
under the visionary standard of separation from
Great Britain. They would rebel for pay,
for work, for potatoes, pigs, and all the
adjunct furniture of Irish prosperity under a
" College-Green" Parliament. And who would
put them down ? O'Connell may depend upon
it the priests would not be with him : they
know their proper business a great deal too
w ell. A disturbed and beggared condition
of things would never do for a clergy who
live on what people can afford to them.
As for the peasant multitude—why they
would be the insurgents. Then, whither would
the shivering revolutionist betake himself for a
•' Conservative" power ? To the Irish Protes-
tants, to whom alone belong the means and
characteristics of such a force. They have been
used for centuries to conceive themselves the
for ptectors of law and property in Ireland. They
liave dispensed the law and enjoyed the pro-
perty ; their influence has declined, because
England has recently been able to do without
them, by her command at once of legislative
and executive, of financial and physical power.
But the very moment in which the separation of
the countries should be decreed, the force of
Great Britain withdrawn, and her authority no
longer dreaded or recognized, the wretched,
half-starved, and impatient multitude would
rush into a desperate war against property of
all denominations ; the worst scenes of 1798
would become universal throughout the island,
and their purposes would be of tenfold
atrocity. Now, against this servile and
'rantic assault upon society, we aver there
could he, from the composition of the people,
r.o defence but the men of property, in nume-
rical comparison with the common enemy as 1
to 200, and without the shadow of influence
over the labouring classes, all fanatically impelled
to the destruction of those above them, and
without the remotest chance of support or suc-
rour but from the old Conservatives of Ireland,
who had misruled the country, but had also
ofantained it the body of the Protestant
population. O'Connell has, in his blind and
floating ambition, had the second childishness
to Address the Protestants of Ireland in favour
of his repeal adventure. The self-complacent
blockhead ! They laugh at him ; while some
pi them listen to him greedily, and pray that he
pna.y succeed in getting his act of separation,
Oloroughly convinced as they are that it would
to followeu up by another civil war,—an appli-
cation to Protestant England from her struggling
brethren of the reformed church,—and in self-
defence a complete reconquest and military govern-
ment of Ireland. But we need not travel so far for
reasons against this absurd and ruinous plot.
What did the native Irish Parliament ever propose
for the benefit of the Irish poor ? What is its
whole hirour but a record of rapacity and
oppressionl?—:Namthat one measure bearing
upoii'the interests" of lim poor, and conducive to
thaiTwelEare, has O'Connell ever even talked of
dtiteitlilig -? .. The,only real, solid boon to Irish
ii4thitiegs hi its worst stages, would be a
'' \*edcpde of poor laws; and of that this
di i) ,f. all the peaceful relations of mankind
4,
is th eretened tmd- sworn adversary. But his

reign is drawing rapidly to its close ; he whines
where he used to bellow, and supplicates the
Protestants whom he used to treat with menaces
and scorn. In two pamphlets which have come
before us, a fact is dwelt upon, which was pre-
viously indeed well known, that in every branch
of trade and industry, from the condition of
which any statistical tests can be deduced of the
real operation of the Union, Ireland has for
years been exhibiting the most unquestionable
proofs of advancement. From one, which is
entitled "Repeal or no Repeal," we take the fol-
lowing passages :
" In 1230 a select committee of the House of Com-
mons was appointed to take into consideration the state of
the poor in Ireland. The committee state in their report—
' The wages of labour do not appear to have fallen wry
considerably. By returns made from the county trea-
surers throughout Ireland, the rate of day-labour ap-
pears to average 10J., as charged in the account of present-
ment work. During the last five years, it does not ap-
pear that the wages of labour, paid by the Board of
Works, the Government Engineers, or the Directors-
General of inland navigation, have fallen. A very exten-
sive contractor, Mr. Mullins, considers that there is
rather a tendency to increase the rate of wages than other-
wise ;' and in comparing the present wages with what
was received during the war, the same witness adds,
'that the labourers can now purchase as much provisions
for 6s. as they could formerly for 12s.' Clothing,' he
further states, is less than one-half cheaper ; linen is to
be bad for one-half the price ; cottons,calicoes, and checks,
three kinds of fabrics which the poorer class of females
wear, are now to he bad for one-fourth.' Mr. Mahony
observes, that the state of the peasantry has improved
very much of late years ; that the country has greatly
altered for the better ; that the peasantry are better
clothed, and in every way seem more comfortable,
and that their houses are improving.' In the county
of Mayo, Mr. Livingstone, a merchant of Ballena,
observes, that the habits of the peasantry, their clothing,
and their houses, are all improving.' Mr. Wiggins, an
English land agent, describing the south-west of Ireland,
says—' A very great improvement has taken place, in all
respects, during the last twenty-two years. With regard
to food, there is not much change ; but in the habits of
cleanliness, and order, an •I regularity, in their clothing,
and sense of propriety, in all respects, I conceive, in their
moral character and conduct altogether, the improvement
has been very striking.' In a subsequent part of his exa-
mination, he adds—' I think the improvement of Ireland
has been more rapid than any improvement I ever saw in
Enland, in any large tract of country.'
" This is a most important statement : for the last two
years we have been repeatedly told that the effect of the
Union has been to enrich England, at the expense of
Ireland. How is this to be reconci'ed with Mr. Wiggin's
statement, ' That the improvement of Ireland has been
more rapid than any improvement he ever saw in England,
iu any large tract of country ?'
" Again, we are told how much Dublin and its neigh-
bourhood have suffered from the Union. But this state-
ment, also, is quite at variance with evidence. ' Formerly,'
observes Mr. J. D. Mullins, the labourers of the county of
Dublin wore a coarse kind of cloth called friese, now they
uniformly wear cloth which is dearer, and is an evidence
of an improved notion of comfort.'
" An instance, if indeed any is requisite, bow much the
welfare of the labourers is connected with the general
prosperity of the country, is to be found in the evidence
given to the committee by Mr. Bianconi. Speaking of
the improvement of roads, and increased facilities of trans-
port, he mentions, that the day-cars, which were intro-
duced into Ireland so late as 1815, have so widely
extended, as to travel over 1,600 miles daily, and that this
establishment gives support to more than 100 families.
"If we look to the fishermen, Mr. Barry, Inspector-
general of fisheries, states that the clothing, furniture,
and comforts of the fishermen, have improved decidedly
within his observation, and that the progress of improve-
ment in Ireland during the last ten years has been
exceedingly rapid.'
"' The inhabitants of Liverpool are stated, by a resident
in that town, to be quire aware of the altered appearance
even of the Irish
.reapers, who no longer come in the
tattered clothes they formerly appeared in ; they are
ashamed of their rags, and are apparently a different class
of persons.' In the county of Armagh,' Mr. Green
observes, the consumption of wheaten bread has
considerably augmented, and at Lurgan, so far from
there being a considerable mass of people out of employ-
ment, witness did not know any man able to work that
cannot get work there.
"/tier perusing these statements, what becomes of all
the declamations about the miseries inflicted by the Union ?
Is there proof of that misery to be found in the fact, that
the labourers can now purchase the same provisions for 64.
that they could formerly for 12s. ; yet that wages have
not declined ? Is it to be found in their being able to buy
better clothes? Is it to be found in the increased con-
sumption of wheaten bread, or in the increased demand
for employment?"
• • • • •

"In order that we may judge more fairly of the condi-
tion of the people, let us see what has been the amount
of the imports of various artic'es of general we since, as
contrasted with those before, the Union. The quantity of
loaf sugar imported on an average of three years, ending in
1800, was 8,393 cwt. ; on an average of three years,
ending 1811, 24,905 cwt. ; the quantity of raw sugar
imported, on the average of the former years, was 217,122
cwt. ; on the average of the latter, 330,299 cwt.
" Then in the article of tea, in the average of three
years, ending in 1800, the quantity imported was 2,773,070
lb. ; on an average of those ending in 1811, 3,340,334 lb.
" Of tobacco, the quantity imported on the average
of 3 years, ending in 1800, was 7,386,2821 b. ; in that
of 3 years, ending in 1811, 8,364,1471 b. 01 coals,
during the former period 364,613 tons were imported ;
during the latter, 516,573 tons. Of blankets, during
the former period, 14,455 ; during the latter, 73,82 G.
Thus it appears, that within 11 years only, from the time
of the union being passed, so important an increase had
taken place in the import of these articles; and, let me
add, not only in the import, but in the actual consump-
tion ; as I have purposely taken this statement from
Wakefield, where the quantity re_exported, if any, is
deducted.

"If we take the returns of the year 1827, we shall
find that the imports of tea bad increased to 3,887,9551 b.,
exhibiting an increase over those of 1800 of 961,7891 b;
those of sugar had increased to 319,014 cwt., being an
increase since 1800 of 87,945 cwt. ; those of coals had in-
creased to 921,043 tons, being an increase since 1800 of
605,698 tons."— Times.

It would seem as if the Chancellorship of
Oxford, which has always hitherto been esteemed
a capital prize in the lottery of honours, was,
on the present occasion, doomed to go a beg-
ging, Lords Mansfield, Carlisle, and the Duke
of Beaufort having, as is rumoured, declined
the proffered distinction. A strong feeling, we
believe, exists in favour of the Earl of Eldon,
who lost his election when Lord Grenville suc-
ceeded by a majority of only nine votes, occa-
sioned by the Duke of Beaufort being a candi-
date, and going to the poll, on the same interest,
aided by a little too much economy, as is
alleged, on the part of the Noble Earl. The
only candidates in the field at present are the
Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, but
who, we cannot conceive, will be ultimately
placed in the false position of sustaining a
contest against each other. The objection
to the Duke is, that he is not a Univer-
sity man—to Sir Robert Peel, that he is
a Commoner, it being deemed essential by
many Oxonians that their Chancellor should be
a Peer. As a first-rate scholar, and a man of
considerable public character, there can be no
doubt but that Sir Robert Peel would do
honour to the University ; but then there comes
again the false position, in which the Right
Honourable Baronet has the misfortune so often
to find himself placed—that the University is
called upon to elect the same man for its Chan-
cellor, which, a few years ago, it repudiated as
its representative. I o the Duke of Welling_
ton, we confess that we see
.no valid objection.
It would be well, perhaps, if the University of
Oxford presented among its own members a
sufficient number of eminent persons to consti-
tute something like a choice. Unfortunately
this does not appear to be the case ; and we do
not, therefore, see what better course the electors
could take, than that of placing at the head the
first man of the age. The office is not one

either of abstract science, or of party politics ;
and if the French Scavans looked upon the
Emperor Napoleon as the fittest man to place at
the head of their Institute, we can see no rea
son why the hero of Waterloo may not dignify
a similar situation.—Morning Herald.
The Tory Journals, pursuing their systematic
course of destruction and sinister rumours of the
last three years, have been busily occupied for
two days in circulating reports of dissensions in
the Cabinet and differences on foreign policy.
Hopeless of regaining office by the force or
" reaction" of public opinion, the Conservatives
propagate every species of personal calumny and
political scandal, which Tory informers in pos-
session of the subordinate situations of the public
offices industriously communicate to them. In
the present instance, as on almost all preceding
occasions, the Tory Journals are either grossly
imposed on, or disseminate wilful falsehoods.
During the progress of the Ministerial
measures of reform, the country was inun-
dated with these " inventions of the enemy,"
and a retrospective review . of the false
reports spread for party purposes would astonish
the public, if it did not destroy the credibility of
future rumours of the same despicable nature.
We will give a chronological digest some day
when the public will appreciate this stale device
of a reckless and shameless clan of slanderers
and political gossips. The Tory Administra-
tions of the last thirty years have sufficiently
embarrassed the foreign and domestic relations
and interests of the nation, and rendered the
policy of the Cabinet a frequent determination
of no ordinary difficulty. It would indeed be a
singular fact if the Members of any Cabinet
under the present complicated difficulties of this
country were not occasionally divided in per-
sonal opinion ; but we can state, on undoubted
authority, that the reports alluded to are utterly
false; and that giving the Tory journals credit
for desiring their truth, in the present instance the
" wish is only father to the thought." We
know the quarter from whence these vulgar ru-
mours have been blown into circulation, but the
parties must be some time longer patient before
the present Cabinet is dissolved by internal dis-
sension ; and should it be broken up by any
future causes it can only give place to a more
mouvement administration ; and are the Con-
servatives prepared for that exchange ? The
Tories have been lately indulging in a liaison
with the ultra reformers, but it will be sonic time
before the Duke of Wellington may be able to
form a Cabinet in which Mr. Sadler will be
placed according to promise. The Conservatives
must be sincere converts to Radicalism before
they can live with a reformed House of Com-
mons. We should as soon expect to see a
Cabinet selected from the episcopal bench as
one which enrolled among its members Mr.
Croker, Lord Ellenborough, Mr. Theodore
Hook, Mr. William Holmes, and other well
known prose and poetical disseminators of poli-
tical eves-droppings and Club scandal.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

We believe we may positively arm ounce thatEari
Grey yesterday resigned office. Upon the events
which may follow this not unexpected procedure
it would for the present be premature to specu-
late. Upon the events by which it has been
occasioned it is not difficult to form a judgment.
There have been differences of opinion among
the members of the Cabinet upon many impor-
tant subjects. It was not possible but that such
difference■ should exist among such men as are
members of Earl Grey's Administration, engaged
in deliberation upon such matters as have recently
been discussed in its Councils. The immediate
cause, however, of the secession of Earl Grty
from political power is understood to be the
difficulty he has experienced in his endeavours
to secure unanimity among his colleagues upon
the conduct to be adopted towards Portugal.
We have no means of knowing, and we do not
pretend to know, by what individual members
of Earl Grey's Administration the intended loan
of troops to Don Pedro has been successfully
opposed ; but, whosoever they may be,
their determination to save their country from
an act which would combine the wildest
folly with the most abominable guilt,
will go far in our estimation to clear their
characters from a part of the shame which the
history of the last three years flings over them.
That it may be convenient for Lord Palmerston
to settle a question by powder and ball which he
has vainly endeavoured to settle by phrases and
protocols no reasonable man will deny. That a
cams feederis exists, which justifies us in inter-
fering or which binds us to interfere in the in-
ternal squabbles of a foreign State, no honest
man will assert. The question is then simply
whether the Statesmen whose loudest cry three
years ago was 4‘ non-interference" will resort to
the interference they condemned merely to keep
in place a most incapable, most unpopular,
most unprincipled politician. We feel bit-
terly how little interest is felt. at the present
day in any thing which concerns the foreign
Policy of our country. In this question, however,
her honour and her interest are alike deeply in-
volved. We cannot but believe that the good
sense and right feeling of the English people
will rally around any men who shall be called by
the Sovereign to his Councils at this crisis, to
save the purse of the nation from a superfluous
burden, and her reputation from an indelible
reproach.--Morning Post.

LlvEltPooL.—We have still very inclement
and changeable weather, the rain continuing from day to
day with little appearance of improvement.

LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, JAN. 16.-
To day we have experienced a further decline of about
in our market. Sa!es only 1,500 bales, of which 600 are
new Boweds at Sid. to 9d., but the chief part at Sid.
This description is now offered freely by some holders,
which on the 30th December would have brought 9id.
per lb. Remainder as usual.

•
A TITHE PIG.—A short time ago a vicar,
residing not 100 miles from the parish of Crowan, sent
his curate (who is the son of a worthy baronet, the pate on of
the living) to demand composition for the tenth of a litter of
pigs, which a fruitful sow bad presented a poor parishioner.
It appears that the individual who usually "officiated" on
such occasions had died : and, therefore, the curate was
sent to negotiate the important affair, although he was no
adept in such matters—not a " pratical man." Toe
parishioner was not a believer in the divine right of
priests to a tenth of the produce of the skill, industry, and
capital of the British farmer. However, after a long parley,
the curate agreed to receive 2s. 6d. in full. The vicar, who
had been long famed fur his charity and piety (no doubt
vividly remembering his induction oath, the general plea
for clerical extortion), could not think of receiving so
small a sum for a tithe pig. The curate's agreement was
immediately declared null and void, and a pig was subse-
quently demanded and received, instead of 2s. 6,1. About
three days after, it was taken, with others, to Helston
market. The turnpike toll had been considerably raised,
but the difference did not, of course, deter a faithful
servant from the discharge of his duty. After remaining
in the market nearly the whole day, and using every exer-
tion, no sale of the pig in question could be effected. It
was consequently taken to the vicarage again, and, of
course, well fed the following week. On the succeeding
Saturday, the unfortunate tenth" was a second time
taken to Helston market in a cart—the turnpike being
again paid—and sold for 21. !! York Courant.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

Yesterday Ann Brennan was brought up from the
Compter, to which she had been sent some days
ago by the LORD MAYOR, to abide the result of
the Coroner's Inquest upon the body of a female
child supposed to be hers. Mr. Benjamin Phillips,
who was held to bail by his Lordship on the same
occasion, also appeared ; as did Elizabeth Cox, a
woman who had certain conversation with Ann
Brennan touching the birth of the deceased child.
Of the verdict of the Jury the public were informed
in yesterday's paper.
Mr. Humphreys, as solicitor to Mr. Phillips, sub-
mitted that the verdict transmitted to his Lordship
by Mr. Payne, the coroner for the city of London,
put an end to the case as against his client.
The LORD MAYOR read the paper signed by Mr.
Payne, which was as follows :

‘‘ THE VERDICT FOUND IN THE CASE OF ANN
BRENNAN'S CHILD-That the deceased came by her
death by the injuries described in the evidence, but whe-
ther those injuries were occasioned by accident or design,
sufficient evidence does not appear to the Jury.
..

" W. PAYNE, Coroner."

His LORDsIIIP—There is not an end to the case
as to the concealment, although there is as to the
murder.

Mr. Humphreys—According to the evidence of
Elizabeth Cox before the Coroner's Jury the case
as to the concealment altogether breaks down. She
says that Ann Brennan told her she was delivered
of a child. There is a case in Carrington and
Payne's Reports exactly in point, where the parties
were indicted for murder, and, the evidence failing,
a trial took place on the same indictment for con-
cealment. The case was that of Mary Highley,
who was charged with murder, but, there being no
evidence to show that the child was born alive, proof
was given that it was found in the father's bed
amongst the feathers. It appeared that the prisoner
told the surgeon that she had had a child, and that
she had sent for a surgeon in her extremity, but that
he was from home. It appeared also that clothes
had been provided for the child, and Mr. Justice
Park decided that there was no concealment. In
the present case the prisoner had communicated the
fact of the birth to Mrs. Cox, and in the box were
found the clothes of the child.
The LORD MAYOR—But the child was not found
in the case you have cited in a box, and under cir-
cumstances similar to those which have come before
me. I know nothing of the evidence given before
the Coroner. The subject of the concealment could
not come before him. He has discharged his duty,
and I will discharge mine.
Mr. Humphreys— If the facts I have stated
were proved before the Coroner, they are, I contend,
quite sufficient for me to argue upon as grounds for
discharging Anne Brennan.
The LORD MAYOR—Then you are engaged for
Anne Brennan, Mr. Humphreys ?
Mr. Humphreys—No, my Lord ; I am only en-
gaged for Mr. Phillips, but his character is involved
in this investigation, and is affected by any charge
of the kind against her.
The LORD MAYOR—In my presence, Elizabeth
Cox stated, and Mr. nobler has taken down every
word she said, that Anne Brennan denied that she
had been delivered of a child. That I consider a
symptom of concealment of the birth. If she did
not conceal the birth, pray what was done with the
child ?

Mr. Humphreys—lt was not for the sick woman
to get out of bed to look for it.
The LORD MAYOR— [here is another point which
has made a strong impression upon me. When first
application was made to me in this matter, Mr.
Phillips's surgeon assured me most positively that
Anne Brennan had been examined by him, and that
she had not been delivered of a child. If, then,
after all this, I find Anne Brennan's child in a box
in the street, what am I, as a Magistrate, to think
or to do ?

Mr. Hobler here read, at the desire of the Lord
Mayor, the evidence given by Elizabeth Cox before
his Lordship. The moat essential part of her de-
position was as follows :—" I asked her if she hail
a child, aad she said ' Yes.' I said, what child ?
She said, ' A girl.' Oh, said I, if you speak so I
must go. Oh,' said she,' did you think I was in
earnest ? I was only in joke;' and she persisted in
denying it."
Hi; LORDSHIP desired that Mrs. Cox should be
put into the witness-box, and asked her whether the
statement just read was correct? Mrs. Cox—lt is,
my Lord.
The LORD MAYOR—Do you wish to add anything
to that evidence, or to correct it in any respect.
Mrs. Cox—Not at all. It is correct.

The LORD MAYOR—What did you say was the
matter with her at first? Mts. Cox—She did not
say. When I asked her she said she was getting
better.

The LORD MAYOR—Did you suspect that she
had been in the family way ? Mrs. Cox—Several
of ►he neighbours suspected it, and I heard of their
suspicions, and, therefore, when I went to see her, at
the request of Mr. Phillips, I brought another
►woman with me, upon which he observed that no
other person was wanting.
Ann Brennan (in an almost shrieking voice)—l
told you on the Saturday that it was a little girl.
Oh, don't condemn me altogether.
Mrs. Cox—You did not. I have spoken the
truth. You denied it.

The LORD MAYOR (to Mr. Humphreys)— What
do you say after this statement ?
Mr. Humphreys—Mr. Phillips cannot be said to
be privy to any concealment. He sent for Mrs. Cox
upon the occasion of the illness of Ann Brennan ;
so that concealment was not his object.

The LORD MAYOR—I consider that I have be-
fore me a prima facie case of concealment of birth.
The case is distinct from that which was investi-
gated before the Coroner, and it will be my duty to
commit Ann Brennan. I do not wish to impute any
thing to Mr. Phillips, by requiring large bail for his
appearance to answer any charge which the parish
officers of Coleman-street may think it necessary to
bring against him, but the circumstances of the case
require that I should bind him over to appear at
the sessions, himself in 2001., and two sureties in
1001. each. As for Mrs. Cox, I shall be satisfied
with her undertaking to attend here on the last day
of the examination.

Mr. Phillips immediately procured bail.
Ann Brennan was unable to stand during the
examination, and groaned arid wept bitterly while
it lasted.
MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

DARING STREET-ROBBERY —George Davenport
was yesterday placed at the bar, charged with steal-
ing a silk purse, containing half a sovereign and
some silver, from the person of a gentleman, who
was passing through Leicester-square at about half-
past three on Tbursday-afternoon.—Remanded for
a week.