The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-30 00:00:00

(Prom the Morning Post of this duy. )
The intelligence which has just reached this
country from the United States is, in one respect,
little calculated to restore that good understanding
which all sensible Englishmen and Americans nine
wish to see preserved between two nations linked
together by so many ties of common origin, com-
mon sympathy, and common interest. The Foreign
Enlistment question still appears ta remain un-
settled ; and, if we are to accept the statements
published in the American newspapers as correctly
interpreting—which we have reason to fear they
do—the policy that the Cabinet at Washington is
determined at all risks and hazards to pursue,
" the reparation" mentioned in the President's
Message amounts to this—the recall of Mr. Cramp-
ton, and, in the event of non-complianc® on the
part of the British Government, the delivery to
that gentlethan of his passports, and the withdrawal
of the exequaturs of three British Consuls sdp.
posed to be implicated in the same alleged in-
fringement of the neutrality laws of the United
States. What means the American papers May
have of becoming acquainted so accurately with
the secrete of the Cabinet at Washington, it is idle
113 well as useless for us at so great a distance to at-
tempt to guess or divine. In all probability some
of them have lent themselves to that dangerous
system of bluster which Mr. Pierce and Mr. At-
torney-General Cushing have thought proper to
adopt, -with a view to influence the next Presi-
, dental election, and have inferred the probable
policy of the Administration from the only in-
stance which the history of their country affords
of the compelled recall of a Foreign Minister,
and of the withdrawal of the exeguaturs of Fo-
reien Consuls. In the year 1793, Citizen Genet,
the Minister of the French Republic, sigualimed the
commencement of his diplomatic career in the'
United States by fitting out, in the American
ports, privateers to cruise against English commerce
—England being a Power with whom the United
States was at peace, though she was engaged in
warfare with France. Citizen Genet answered the
remonstrances addressed to him by Washington—
who naturally wished to preserve a position of
honourable neutrality—by a most insolent letter,
appealing from the President to the people, and
Washington forthwith sent him his passports, of
which, however, Citizen Genet did not avail him-
self, having a discreet suspicion that his head would
not be safe on his return to his own country. He
was, nevertheless, divested of his diplomatic cha-
racter, and continued for the remainder of his life
to reside under the protection of that very Power
whose laws he had violated. About the same time
a French Consul, M. Duplaine, had caused a vessel
to be rescued from the custody of the officers of
the United States, and in this case his exequatur
was very properly withdrawn by President
Washington. In both these instances the vio-
lation of the neutrality laws of the United, States
was open and undisguised. These precedents,
no doubt, have occurred to the recollection of our
• ransatlantic contemporaries, and they have come
to the conclusion that the timohas arrived when
President Pierce may, with advantage to himself,
parody the proceeding of the great Washington,
by demanding the recall of a Foreign Minister,
and withdrawing the exequaturs of certain Foreign
Consuls. The cases are not in the slightest degree
similar. M. Genet and M. Duplaine were them-
selves, directly and personally, implicated in an
offence which, beyond dispute, violated the law of
the State to which they were accredited ; but in
the case of Hertz (for we cannot call it the case of
Iqr. Crampton), the attempt which was made in
the district court of Pennsylvania was to connect
that gentleman with the acts of certain agents, who
proved their honesty by conveniently turning
States' evidence, and by making statements which,
if of any value, only amounted to this—that they
had not succeeded in extorting the money which they
had originally expected to receive. But the strangest
part of the whole affair is, that the American Go-
vernment, whilst it is willing to adopt and act upon
the evidence of common informers, entirely disre-
gards the memoranda produced at the trial, whisk
state that no act must be done which would " con-
stitute a violation of the law of the United States ;"
er "hear the appearance of recruiting within the
jurisdiction of the United States ;" and that, if the ,
strict observance of these points were neglected,
the parties " must expect no sort of aid or aesist-
ance from the British Government." The com-
mission of the alleged offence was preceded by
these instructions, framed with scrupulous care to li
avoid any possible infringement of the law of the
united States ; and after it became known to the
British Government that a constructive and unin-
tentional cause of complaint had been given, the
whole scheme of recruitment was at once stopped, 1
and ample explanations and apologies were ten-
dered and given. One American paper states :
" Lord Palmerston insists that sufficient explana-
tion and apology have already been given to the
United States, and our Government, with equal
pertinacity, insists on the contrary. On the dis-
agreement on this point all further correspondence
between the two Governments hag closed. The
special Message which the President has in readi-
ness for the Congress will be found to sustain this
statement." Here we may observe, that at the
time when these opinions were expressed, intelli-
gence had not reached America of au early prospect
of the restoration of peace iu Europe. The naval
powcr of England—never- more fully developed
than at present, comprising a force of ships of the
line, frigates, and mortar and gun-boats, in com-
parison with which the entire navy of the United
States is but a weak and inefficient squadron, will,
with the certainty of peace, be set at liberty to act
in vindication of the national honour in whatever
quarter it may be assailed. The change, there-
fore, which has recently conic over the drama of
European politics will, no doubt, have its proper
weight with all reflecting men in the United States,
and they will consider whether, in a point of mere
international punctilio—which has been the sub-
ject of explanation and apology—a war should be
rashly and wickedly provoked, which would sweep
American commerce from the seas, and lay the
whole seaboard of the Union open to the attacks of
the greatest naval Power in the world.

(From, the Dail,,, Mies of this day.)
It might not be amiss if some of the more zealous
encomiasts of Lord Palmerston were to call to mind
the lesson of the dinner given by the Reform Club
to Sir Charles Napier before he sailed for the Baltic.
It will be wise to reserve their songs of triumph
for the Premier's success as a war minister and
peace-maker until the peace is really concluded ;
as it would have been wise to have reserved the
eloquent tributes to Sir Charles's exploits in the
Baltic until they had been achieved. When the
peace is concluded, and found to be such as Eng-
land has a right to expect, we shall not be cold or
slow in our acknowledgments of the merit of the
Minister to whom we ewe it ; but, to use a homely
proverb, we don't like to " count our chickens be-
fore they are hatched." Of all kinds of discounting,
the discounting of honour and glory is the most
dangerous.
It is not because our belief in the near approach
of peace is shaken, or because we doubt that the
terms—though short of what we could wish—will
be such as England may accept without dishonour,
that we make this remark. The object with which
the war was commenced was to assert the inde-
pendence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
Russia has been forced to recoil ; to relinquish her
arrogant claim to be recognised as sovereign medi-
ator between the Sultan and the subjects of the
Greek rite., More than this, Russia has consented
not to rebuild her Black Sea fleet or maintain mili-
tary arsenals on the Euxine, and to cede a portion
of Bessarabia,. We admit that these terms do not
appear to us sufficient to ensure a permanent peace.
We believe that Russia's policy is merely reculer
pour Inieux sauter. But we believe that sufficient
time will be gained before she can be ready to
make another spring, to admit of her destined
victims placing themselves in a position to defy
her utmost efforts. The Russian retreat leaves
Turkey stronger than she has been at any time
since the suppression of the Janissaries and
the destruction of her fleet at Navarino. It
will be Turkey's own fault if the termination
of the respite that has been gained for her does
not find her in a condition to snake such a stand
against Russia as she has never done since her con-
diets with that ambitious and unscrupulous power
began. It is true that another campaigu would
certainly have sent Russia's Baltic fleet to keep
company with her fleet of the Black Sea, and would
have enabled Poland to re-assert her nationality.
Another campaign would have more effectually
tamed Russia's spirit of lawless aggression. But
it is evident that our groat Ally shrieks from the
wider issues which a prolongation of the contest
would necessarily have opened, and there is no call
on England to undertake single-handed the task 01
making "assurance doubly sire."
In !Raking this cou however, cession, we take for
granted that the terms to which the Russian Gabi-
net have already set their hands ere thn very
that will be avxoo. &cry attempt Wiz peili