The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-30 00:00:00

[PRIOR 4^• STAMPED SD•

to shuffle out of them must be promptly and pe-
remptorily checked. Unless the " preliminaries"
are immediately and unequivocally signed, sealed,
and ratified, the war ought to go on. But we do
not think it probable that Russia will drive matters
to such an issue. She has already lost too much,
and has too certain a prospect of losing more if the
war continue. All the hints of her organs in the
continental press about her claims to lenient treat-
ment, all the praise of her magnanimity and boasts
of her resources, are merely flourishes of trumpets
to cover her retreat'. 'What" courtesy" is due to
Russia ? The stern courtesy which the duellist
shows to his antagonist when he takes his ground.
The courtesy inspired by the reluctance of every
noble heart to vent itself in railing. As for the
lavish abuse of England, even in quarters where
common decency would have dictated a different
tone, they are no more than we expected, and can
despise. Have wo not been accustomed for the
greater part of half a oentury to hear our struggles-
during the great European war undervalued, and
our victory at Waterloo denied ? The universal
disposition to carp and cavil at England on all
occasions is an involuntary tribute to her great-
ness—the muttered envy of less favoured nations.
England can afford to hold the even tenor of her
way undisturbed by them.

England is alike prepared for war or peace,
whichever regard to her own honour and the in-
terests of Europe shall dictate. If it is to be war,
the duty of Englishmen is clear : to support the
Government in its vigorous prosecution, and to
watch jealously that the national means arc ap-
plied with judgment, and a wise, because judicious,
economy.- If it is to be peace, other duties, no
leis important and honourable, will devolve upon
us, and to these we would now invite attention.

It is a lamentable fact that the efforts of the
Liberal party—the party of progress—among us
have of late been paralysed by personal and sec-
tional animosities. The restoration of peace will
remove some of the most prolific sources of this
mischievous discord. Questions relating to the
expediency of a peace or war policy will be placed
in abeyance. Personal soreness, arising from cri-
ticism of the manner in which the war has been
conducted, will cease. We retain our own, opinion
as to the essential merits of the controversies that
have been waged ; but we are free to admit that—
as on all occasions when men's passions have been
excited by serious disputes—there has been more
of personal asperity on all sides than can be justi-
fied. We care not to inquire who have been the
first offenders, or who have been most to blame.
All have probably been in the wrong in this mat-
ter. But in the name of the people we protest
against the perpetuatioleof this embitterment and
isolation. The sincere and earnest friends of
Progress do not differ as to the general principles
of a Liberal policy. The urgency of steady,
practical, progressive amelioration of our insti-
tutions is recoenised by all who deserve the
name of Liberals. It is unseemly that the
forces of the party should be frittered away by
the separate independent action of sections,
when by mutual arrangement the objects of all
might be attained. The national mind was never
in so apt a frame for the promotion of great im-
provements as at the present moment. The frank
and fearless manner iii which the detects of oar in-
stitutions are canvassed, regardless of the impres-
sion the avowals of our shortcomings may make
upon other nations, is an infallible proof of the
people's determination to have them amended.
We do not care to confess our faults to each other,
in the hearing of censorious strangers, because we
are bent upon discovering their nature and extent
with a view to a thorough reform. It is the duty
of the Liberal leaders, regardless of past personal
differences, to unite and turn to the best account
this happy mood of the national mind. It is only
necessary for them to adopt a clearly defined and
practical policy to ensure to them such an amount
of popular support as no party in this or any other
country ever enjoyed. They have it in their
power to introduce such arnelisrations into all ad-
ministrative departments as will combine economy
with efficiency ; to efface such remnants of obsolete
legislation as survive only to provoke sectarian
asperities ; to abolish such laws as still trammel
the free exercise of talent and enterprise in indus-
trial pursuits and rankle in the minds of the less
favoured of fortune ; to remove such obstacles as
impede the advancement iu the pubic service of
those in whom ability and honourable ambition
are not associated with influential connexions, and
perpetuate class animosities. A nobler field was
never opened for the display of the true genius of
the statesman. All that is required is, that the
leaders of the various sections of the Liberal party
shall frankly lay aside their personal animosities,
and throw themselves upon a people who are not
exacting, though determined to have justice done
them by their rulers. We_appisa,l to the generous
ambition—to every better feeling of our public
men. Shall our appeal be in vain?

(Front the Morning Herald of this clay.)

Who shall make our money laws ? It may, per-
haps, be thought unnecessary to ask this question
in a country where all subjects of grave import-
ance are submitted to that undefinable phrase-
" the wisdom of Parliament." We are not yet in-
formed whether Lord Palmerston will be able to
find a place in her Majesty's Speech in reference
to this matter ; but we feel, neverthless, that
it is ono that no Minister can throw to the winds,
under the plea of more urgent business, in the
coming session of Parliament. The circumstances
of the past year have clearly pointed out to every
man, who is not blinded by interest or prejudice,
that the charter which has been granted to the
Bank of England under the Act of 1844, must un-
dergo a complete revision, and that a committee of
inquiry by both houses must form the preliminary
to any legislation upon the subject. Butt we may
remark, that to render such an inquiry useful in
its widest sense, the committees entrusted to ex-
am;ne this important qnestion should netbe chosen
from members who are alinady known to entertain
certain dogmas which have rendered the present
money laws so prejudicial to the commercial and
trading interests of the country, nor from an is s-
lated class whose interest it is to maintain the.pre-
sent state of things ; but they should be couirosei
of independent and intelligent members, selectel
from both houses, passing over,
.the Woods, Rus-
sells, and men of that class, who contrived in 1848
to frame a report which sanctioned the maintenance
of the Act of 1848, in the face of evidence which
most forcibly condemned it as the aggravating
cause of the panic and distress in 1847. If the
country in any future inquiry select men of the
same predilections, the same farce will be repeated,
and the Bank charter will be prolonged for a further
period. of ten years.
In the meantime, it may be well to remind our
readers, and those interested in the subject, of the
names to whom the country is indebted for the con-
tinnance of this law...Onstslae.reotion of Mr. finale,
in 1848, " That in the opinion of this committee,
the laws for regulating the issue of bank-notes,
payable on demand, aggravated tho commercial
distress in England in 1847," the following votes
were given on each side
AYES.
Mr. T. Baring.
Lord G. Bentinek.
Mr. Spooner.
Mr. Herries.

Nom.

Mr. Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
Sir James Graham.
Sir Robert Peel.
Lord John Rw
Mr. Cobden.
Mr. Beckett.
Mr. G oulburn
Mr. Cardwell.
Mr. Labouchere.
Mr. J. L. Ricardo.
Mr. Thornely.
Sir W. Clay.
Mr. Home Drummond.
Ayes, 11. Noes, 13.
i suchlBo4usg. htofthe
never
to haverenBa have
By glancing over these names we see that the
majority is made up of those who were the actual
framers of the
IcB4-omi'mainttdeaes
upon
n in favour of Mr. Hunie's motion,
billtohte*
; and of those
who voted against it, Sir R. Peel and Mr.Goulbnrn
whoeleven votedeen removed by death
are no more. But it must be borne in mind that
there.is yet a small knot of Govern' mant supporters
who are rigidly wedded to the Peel and Jones
Loyd theories, and although they are not numerous
they exercise an immense influence over the present
Cabinet. The most extreme of these is probably
Baron Overstone (late Jones Loyd), who has used
every possible influence at his command, net only
to maintain the present law, but to show by argu-
ment that it cannot be improved. In any future in-
quiry, however, he may be called upon to exercise
his judgment, not as a witness, but as a legislator in
the matter. The country is so thoroughly aroused
to the necessity for a consideration of the question
that it cannot be allowed to slumber. That a great
variety of opinions is afloat before the public is evi-
dent, from the numerous communications which
constantly appear in our columns ; but, unless
some powerful organisation be ariang,ecl to gi.ve
foga to 140,4 rUllaiiiieGt) 074.70.2110601-'

Mr. Cayley.
Mr. Aid. Thompson.

Mr. Hudson.
Mr. HUI3IO.
Mr. Disraeli.
Mr. Glyn.
Mr. James Wilson.

.. .
- 4-
-(- ,e-. / er-v------•(--i •
.-----) •
• will/be made use of to smother the. inquiry, or si 77.W..SIAPER
to arrange it as to render it ineffectual for any =,4-'4 /:_-7: -
,'<i\s
gislative purposes. The public bodies which ap . ", ,",-..' --- - -*.l6\'•V''
best adapted to accomplish the desired effect iii".l.-k-,..z% . '''',K",
''' k '''''t.. - ' ;':,l
the chambers of cDmmerce throughout. the Uniteit,l:- 4"- .-T
..
.... Kingdom ; but at present there seems a wantst!q; 4;. orr_-1...,,,-4 /,''''',"
unity in the organisation of these institutions Whieir44 Pat.-v""/`
-,.-
prevents them from giving that weight to their de".4.• ...
' liberations upon questions which materially affeeir7A 11 S
the commercial interests of the country. We may ,
here refer to an error which has been extensively:
promulgated—namely, that they who complain -
should be prepared with a remedy against the re-
currence of evils from which they suffer. W© do
not see the necessity of this. It is Government
that ought to provide a remedy against all national
evils ; and, in order to do so in the most effectual
manner, it has placed at its command full power •
to obtain all -the necessary evidence as a lounda-
tiou for its legislative enactments ; and we do not
think that the Parliament of 1856 can devote its
intelligence and its energies to a subject of greater
importance than that ufa wise and judicious con.
sideratiou of our money lic*s.•

SOIREE TO THE MEMBERS FOR MAX.
CHESTER.

The annual soiree to the members for Manchester was
given on Monday evening, at the Corn Exchange. From
seven to eight hundred persons were present. Mr. G.
Wilson presided, and was supported, on the right hand,
by the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson, MY., and General
Thompson ; and on the left by Mr. John Bright, M.P.,
and Mr. Jas. Heywood, M.P. These gentlemen were
received with loud cheers on entering the Exchange'.
Amongst other gentlemen present were S'r Elkensh
Armitage, Mr. Alderman Watkins, and Mr. Edmund
Ashworth.
After some opening remarks from the Chairman,
The Right Hon. T. M. Gesso): addressed the meeting
at some length in vindication of the support he had
given to the peace party in the House of Commons. The
war, he said, had interrupted measures of social ine-
provement, but he thought we began to see daylight,
even in respect to the war. (Applause.) A large patch
of blue sky had made its appearance in what was belora
a dark and cloudy atmosphere ; and, from aU he ceuld
hear, there seemed to be a very good chance of IF:aos - .
being concluded at an early day. (Appesusee)' '-ffe
thought that those who might he regarded as the prit-
eipal supporters of the war ought to be satisfied with
the proposed solution, but he believed that it was not
one whit better, as a security to Europe, than the solu-
tion proposed by Austria last May. (Hear, hear, and
a cry of " Not a bit.") Whether it was limitation,
counterpoise, or neutralisation, that was written upon
paper, he believed that it was pretty much the sante.
He was perfectly satisfied with the proposal now made.
just as he was with that of May last. (Hear, hear.)
But it might occur to the minds .of the meeting, that
in May last Sebastopol was not taken, and though
we bad gone to Vienne professing to be desirous to
make peace, we did not really like the idea of
making peace on any terms, till we had bad some great
military success. They knew there had been from the
beginning a peace party in the British Cabinet. Lord
John Russell had left that Cabinet, but his spirit WWI
left behind him. Only a short time since a great office in
the Cabinet became vacant, and what was the course
proposed to be adopted at that time ! Why, to fill that
office by the appointment of an eminent member of the
peace party. Did not that look as if there was a wish
in high quarters to make that party stronger in the
Cabinet' If they had not in view the desire to have the
means of making peace, would they have invited a gen-
tleman like Mr. S. Herbert to join the Administration I'
Why, he remembered his say-inn, in the House of Cone-
mons, but a eery short time before, "It may be asked
why I, who was for war, ant now for peace. My answer
is, how can I he for war, when I believe the objects for
which I undertook it are attained, or are attainable I'
And more than that, he said, "To pursue a war after
its objects are attained, for mere military success, would
be criminality indeed." These were the words of Mr.
S. Herbert. He (Mr. Gibson) had never heard that he
had changed his opinions ; and yet with that before the
public, the Ministry, entertaining—as he was sure they
must entertain—a most profound contempt for the sort
of confusion of mind that seemed fo have run through
same part of the press of England in reference to the
condition and wishes cf Government—in contempt as it
appeared to him, of that confusion of mind, they offered
their very first great office, in the lieht of di.y. to an
eminent member of the peace party. In doing this he he-
lieved they were actuated by a desire to bring mare mo-
deration into their councils, and to be able to resist tlmt
reckless desire for war, which had its origin in, and which
was supported by, passion and not reason. They were
beginning to see the difficulties of their position; and to
find that the war feeling of the country would carry them
further than they intended to go. They feared they
should go out of their depth, and they therefore thought
they had better strengthen the peace party in the Cabinet.
Accordingly, when tbey could not get Mr. S. Herbert, to
whom did they go next ! Did they co to a flaming war
man ? No, they went to Lord Stanley, a gentlemen be-
longing to the party of Lard Derby, but who had die-
tingnished himself in the Ho Ise of Gammons by able
speeches of a peace character, and who had been re-
markable from the commeneeroceit for the stataaman-lik
moderation with which he had treated this queatioe.
These were small sympt Ills, which he ver.tured ta think
betokened the approach of pence ; and events tee:Led to
justify that opinion. If peace he nrociaimed, let 119 hope
there would also be that union ef the great liberal party
which the worthy chairmen referred to. If that party be
united, ant pledged itself to the great principles, depend
upon it that in this country there would only be a feeble
minority to oppose their policy. Let them place nom the
banner the old motto of Lord Grey_" Peace, retrench-
ment, and reform " (Applrnee.) . . ; ,
JOHN BRIGHT, Esq., M.P.., rose at S o'clock, and was
received with prolonged cheering. He referred in detail
to the terms of peace which have been accepted by Dee-
site as preliminaries, expressing Lis opinion that they are
in themselves admirable, chiefly because there is reason
to believe they will lead to a pacification. Nevertheless,
Russia, at the conclusion of the war would remain one
of the great powers of Eerope, ard. its transactions in
the different States would be pretty much on a parity
with what they were he-etnfo. e. ire directed attention
to the vast lose of life, e f money, and of material wealth
which the contest has entailed upon the nations engaged
in it, and the addition it has occasioned to the public debt
of this country. Welled lost, "at a moderate computation
50,000 men ; France, 100,000 ; the Turks, 100,000 ; met
Russia, 250,000. England had epent atleast 100,000,0001.,
and France an equal or a larger sum, and Russia has
probably si eit fifty millions upen it. I believe the pre-
sent Emperor of the French has added mere to the
debt of Fran( 9 by this two years' war than his
uncle did throughout the whole of lie carter."
Russia had taken during the war at least twice as many
prisoners as the allies ha'l taken from her. and " net-
withstanding the allies possess certain points of the Rus-
sian territory in the south, Russia is in posses: ion at this
morn-nt of feu times mere square miles belonging to the
allies than the allies me of Russia. They have Kars, the
capital of the province of Armenia, and, but for the in-
tervention of the weather, now sewed have beers iu Er-
zerourn, ace, in point of fail,in almost uueenteeted pos-
session of the south side of the Black Sea." The hon.
member then attacked the preen with much bitternees.
" I will undertake to say," he rematkeil, " that since
the day when Ahab, at the bidding of 400 prophets,
whose tongues Satan had glil-ed with lies, went up to
Ramo h Gilead to battle, there has not been a greater
imposition practised upon any people than that by the
writers for the public press of England upon us." He
then proceeded to contrast the government of the United
States with that of En ;land, with its " 40 or 50 dilapi-
dated peers," and State Church, and fleets frowning
upon and menacing every coast. He thee referred to his
alleged coalition with Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone,
expressing his belief that a writer in tho Tiers, who
made a statement to that effect, know at the time thst
" every syllable he wrote with respect to this matter wee
an absolute and unmitigated falsehood." Mr. Bright
concluded with claiming consistency for his own conduct;
throughout the whole of " tbisernhappy war,"heand
n ?
slight degree of fortitude for the manner in which. ha el
maintained his opinions. " I know very well, and er, u
must know, that there are steeps of Alma in morale an
well as on the field of battle and of blood. (Hear.) 1 6
must borrow our metaphors from the events which pass
politicalconfroiit sOulndbieler,nclbeFiatTial tothemi.
before us.
r rank,
n Ikf, lanadnitoa
to make a loadatar of my political
1 (Applau e.)
careerb ambition.t baits
t;hete dBl idfices hf' eel what I hold to be just and true
bat-
teries that riiliweuislehanotdro
bm passl itcheee
nm:uniyuppintaonitnuitoennsx i
thatnbsyt
feud
tuhB.
above and beyond even the dignity of representing thie
great city in the imperial Parliament, I tenet I shall not
on that account be lees worthy of that dignity to which
your favour and confidence has raised me." The hon.
gentleman resumed his seat amid load and repeated ap.
plause, having spoken for an hour and three-quarters.
Major-General THOMPSON said he was one of those
who believed that there was a necessity to commence
this war, but as it offered no hope for the promotion of
liberty, and as it had been so badly directed, he thought
it was time to stop it.
Mr. J. HEYWOOD, M.P., bad supported the war, toge-
ther with his colleague, Mr. Cheetham, but the terms
now offered were satisfactory, and Russia ought to be
met is a conciliatory spirit.
Mr. Alderman WATKINS then moved—" That our heat
r
thanks be given to our honourable representativ.es"
their honest and patriotic conduct in the House otn,
Com-
mons, in upholding the interests of their ellen
ants and the constitutional rights of the peoPle e
It. .
Alderman Sir E. ARMITAaz seconded the resh e ton,
tole,,en,;
which was put by the chairman,
and passed unanimously
by a show of hands and with applatnn .
oc. repreSCH.
The CHAIRMAN said, before there right h
tative rose to reply, be ebeuld like to move a resolution
himself. He moved—" That our best thanks be given
pre-
sence here to-night."
Gen. Thompson.
to Gen. Thompson andAtonaMbre. Hweoyulwdoojdusfteradthi,eirthaptre.if
any constituency in the countryb wanted a member, net
Par-
liament, he did not think . could dertochoicenow in Parliament, andsilititaletombaekerurbentet
Thoinpson. The
passed unani-
weeerbresocna.i'l'eteene one
mously: putthe their
iosl old
resolution,fnend, G
After' thanks had been voted to the chairman, "Three
chairmant than iin tatkbienng
for and given, followed by
proposed "Three
Icheers for Cobden," but it met with ne audible responec,
and the
,proceecimas tkezi terwasta &to acputa
c“laiErhil..seefocrhßeerrsighfot;
s
lira - - •