The Sun.
London, England, 1851-11-03 00:00:00

the great French nation, in case it realises the
name which it bears, will not forget that it is to her,
to England, and to the United States to check the en-
croaching spirit of absolutism wherever it should dare to
threaten the independence of nations and their right to
dispose of themselves. That is what oppressed hu-
mrnity expects from the French Republic as well as
from England and the United States. As for Poland,
that sad martyr to the most sacrilegious of ambitions,
it is enough to say that Poland and Hungary
are neighbours and have a common enemy. Though it is
utterly false to call our past struggles a Polish conspiracy,
still I can own loudly in the name of my country that
there is no people on the earth which could feel more
interested in the future of Poland than the Magyars.
We feel, also, highly gratified to see ourselves
united in your prayers, and hope with Germany.
We are kindred in sufferings, united in hopes,
united in your sympathies. Germany and Hungary
must feel united in aim and in design. Now, as to
Italy—ltaly, in so many respects dear to my heart.
I will not dwell upon its terrible woes, they are known
and appreciated through the world, and elicited, even
in those quarters where it was least expected, the
strongest indignation of generous men, proving
that questions of humanity can, in England,
be no party question. I will not dwell upon the horrors
of Naples, out of which even your Government publicly
foretold that a revolution must arise. I will not dwell
upon the scaffold which Radetzky reared 3,742 times in
three short years in Lombardy. I will not dwell upon
the just hatred of Venice, nor upon the intolerable hu-
miliation and nameless sufferings of Rome. I will only
say that it is not even possible to imagine a stronger iden-
tity of interests between two nations than that existing
between Hungary and Italy. The freedom and inde-
pendence of these two nations have the same enemies.
They are like two wings of a single army ranged
against one enemy—the victory of one wing is a victory
to the other, the defeat of one a misfortune to theleother.
One cannot become independent and free without the
other also becoming so, else there would be no security
to their freedom and independence. So it is not
even possible to imagine a stronger link of
brotherhood than that which between the two nations
needs must exist. I confidently believe that this imperious
necessity must be equally felt on both sides; and that
both nations must be penetrated by the convicticn of it
as strongly as myself—the more because there is a
happy incident which must further strengthen the her-
peaty, hopes, feelings, and wishes between Hungary
.and
Italy. I will tell it to you. There are new doctrines
agitated in certain countries, which, by what right
it is not mine to investigate, are considered by many to
be incompatible with social order and with the principle
of security of property. Now Hungary has and will
have with these doctrines nothing to do for the most
simple and more decisive reason, because in Hungary
there is no occasion, there is not the slightest oppor-
tunity- for them. We have not the disease, so we
want no medical speculations about the remedy. We
want freedom and independence, and we will be rescued
from the evil, the Austrian dynasty. But we want no
tti oretical speculations about property—we want them
as little as the citizens of the United States, whose in-
stitutions we wish to have established in our country,
with the difference that Hungary is and will not be
divided in states, bat will be one country, composed of
,ree municipalities. And I am confidently assured that
all this is the very case also with Italy. Italy has
also no occasion to share those doctrines, therefore
neither its people nor its popular leaders have whatever
to do with them; and I am therefore glad by my own
feelings to know that this happy coincidence of circum-
stances can only strengthen the harmony, brotherly
love, and union which between these two nations
must exist, in consequence of the identity
of their interests. So in response to your
wishes, hopes, and sympathies, I will only say that
my restoration to personal freedom I value chiefly on
account of seeing my self restored to activity and to my
country's service. I have the full conviction of my
country's freedom and independence being intimately
identified with the freedom and independence of Europe,
and even with some vary important interests of England it-
self. Resolutely I accept in my position all duties as well
as all dangers of this persuasion; and my country, as well
as all other peoples who share this identity, will always
find me faithful to them. I wish only to see them
having some confidence not only in my frankness but
also to my mind, which, though feeble in faculties, will
for ever conserve the merit of unwavering consistency
and of disinterested resignation. I unite with you
unchangeably in the fraternal sentiments which you
express in this, your address, towards Turkey, and I de-
cidedly declare that I never will join any combination,
however promising, which might do that country in-
jury. I will rather promote its interests, fully aware
that Turkey is not in contradiction with the interests of
Europe, as the Czar and the Hapsburgs are, but rather
in several respects necessary to Europe, and chiefly to
England and to Hungary. Turkey is a neighbouring
country to my fatherland. We have enemies enough.
lam no impractical theorist to make of a neighbour a
new enemy, instead of respecting his interests, but
would have him, if not an ally, at least a friend
for his own interest's sake. As to the glorious
Republic of the United States, which has thrown
its protecting flag around me, let me hope that
the common sympathy which these two kindred nations,
England and the United States, bear to the cause of my
country and to myself, will be the first link of a closer
union of the politics of the two countries in respect to
Eorope,which union,convenient as it is to both your great,
glorious, and free countries, would make a happy turning
point in the destinies of humanity. I should not have lived
in vain should I have lived to be the opportunity of such a
consummation. And here I would not, were it not my
duty to reflect upon certain circumstances which I con-
sider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail my-
self of this first opportunity which offers itself to meet
openly. The circumstance is that I considered, and
consider it still, to be my duty not to mix with any
great party question of England, or of any other
country. I wish the non-admission of foreign interven-
tion in my own country, so I must have clean hands
myself in respect to other countries. That is
my position, to which I will conscientiously adhere.
I consider, therefore, that my duty, as well as the
respect to your laws, honesty as well as prudence,
oblige me not to play here the passionate part of an
agitator, not to coquet with the reputation of being a
revolutionist. In tact, I came hither not to get
this reputation, but rather I declare my conviction to be
that England wants no revolution at all, because, firstly,
it wishes but a progressive development, and, secondly,
because England has sufficient political freedom to be
insured that whatever England may still need it will
not only carry out, but will carry it out
peaceably. Now, this being my duty and my reso-
lution, I act consietentiy—my ground was, is, and
will be in England, this such and such are the true
facts of the past struggles of Hungary. These
facts, I confidently hope, are certain to secure the gene-
rous sentimente of England to my country's cause. I
stated that, in my opinion, the form of government can
be different in different countries, according to their
circumstances, their wishes, and their wants; England
loves her Queen, and has full motive to do so; England
feels great, glorious, and free, and has full motive to
feel so; but England, being a monarchy, that can be no
sufficient reason to her to hate and discredit republican
forms of government in other countries, differing
in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. Oa
the contrary, the United States of America, being
likewise a great, glorious, and free country, under
republican government, the circumstance of being
republicans cannot give them sufficient motive to
hate and discredit monarchical government in Eng-
land. This must be entirely left to the right
of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns.
Therefore, all I claim for my country, also, is, that Eng-
land, seeing out of our past that our cause is just,
should acknowledge the sovereign right of every
nation to dispose of itself, and, by acknowledging
this, England should not interfere, but also
not allow any power whatever to interfere with the
domestic matters of my country, or of whatever other
nation. The rest should be left to the respective nations
themselves, the more because it is worthy of that inde-
pendence and freedom for which we struggled. I
therefore thought that this was not the place for
me to speak about the future organization
and form of government of my country,
because that is a home question of ours, with which
nobody ought to interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But
my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I
hoped. I met rather in certain quarters the remarks
that I am slippery, and evade the question. Now, on the
sense of sincerity, lam particularly susceptible. I have
the sentiment of being a plain honest man, and I would
not be charged with having entered by stealth into the
sptyoanesttrpaas;thrifutoegriaguiloef ina wem
Englandp without displaying my true co-
lours. Therefore I must state clearly that in our
thbeemgao-
ne
peaceful, ul legislative eno revolution.
niann
Weer
narchico-aristocratical constitution of Hungary into
a monarchicho-democratical constitution; we con-
served our municipal institutions as our most valuable
treasure, but
_gave them as well as to the Legislative
power for basis the common liberty of the people; instead
of the class privileges of old we established the personal
responsibility of Ministers; instead of the Board of
Council,of old, which being a nominal body, was of course
a mockery to that responsibility of the Executive, which
was our chartered rights on paper, but not in reality.
However, we but conserved that which was due to us by
constitution, by treaties, by the coronation oath of every
king, to be governed as a self-consistent, independent
country by our own native institutions, according to our
laws. We established the freedom of thought, of the
word and pen, and secured the freedom of conscience.
We introduced with the abolition of exemptions
equality in duties and rights before the law. We
obliged all to contribute to the public necessity, every
man according to his faculties; we emancipated the
peasants, or rather gave them the land they tilled, to be
their free property. We made the soil free, the la-
bourer tree, the industry free, trade free; but
we spared all existing material interests of every
class, and resolved-.full indemnification fur every
material loss. We established trial by jury, pro-
vided for independent administration of justice,
cared for cheap government, and took care that the
national army should not become a tool of ambition
foreignl
rsei.
n,t(
i:aoatuttoriaßuoscenurkisstevi
attacked
this
ourselves,
Allr anth instrumentis v 4.
e did
peacefullyoppression
b y against
careful
legislation, which the King sanctioned and swore to
theseieBs vebryy laws, dynasty,ar
rn this
v
ineret
victoriously,
freedom, this
most
sa and
do perjuriousasatifttue after
ammtimoaaeolenn,nntgdeaand our national existence by' arms. We
the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of Rus-
sia to beat ua down, we resolved to defend our-
selves against this tyrannical,
depperjuriouso se d
them,
aa
pd
se
br r a
gl ss o
n, bt ut to b oec
f
course declared that the
gfnrse—ea.ngelo v iet
dmeocri
ae r
eodu
or u
rSB
eolvveerse
ai
peennle independent banished,
nation, and
declared
cfilixiecdal nnoorderfiepn4elife(arum—doefelaring rather to beeervirlionngatro-
foLow the advice of the European circumstances. These

LONDON, MONDAY

are facts which cannot be altered, because they are facts
By this you see that in the past we made no resolutio n
at all as to the future. Every just man must acknow-
ledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted
every peaceful means of self-preservation; it
is not under the rule of the King, but under
the iron oppression of a tyrant, who conquered
Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously, to his aid the armies
of the Czar. So Hungary is not under government,
but under a foreign intruder, who is not king of Hun-
gary, being neither acknowledged by the nation, nor
sanctioned by law. Hungary is, in a word, in a state of
war against the Hapsburg dynasty. Hungary can in
no other way regain its independence and freedom
but in that way in which it was deprived
of it—by war—as every nation which is free
and independent conquered its deliverance from its
oppressors, like Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal,
France, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States,
and England itself—(Cheers)—that is by a revolution,
as some would call it—by a war of legitimate defence,
as I call it. I will ever respect the laws of England, and
do nothing here contrary to them; but so much I can
state as a matter of fact that my nation will never ac-
cept and acknowledge the perjured house of Haps-
burg to become again lawful Sovereigns of Hun-
gary—never will it enter into any transactions
whatever with that perjurious family, but will avail
itself of every opportunity to shake off its
yoke. Secondly, that though the people of Hungary
were monarchical for a thousand years, yet the continued
perjury of the Hapsburgs during 300 years—the sacri-
legious faithlessness by which it destroyed its own his-
torical existence, with the historical existence of my
nation, as also my country's present intolerable oppres-
sion—have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my
nation every faith, belief, and attachment to monarchy,
that there is no power on earth to knit the bro-
ken tie again ; and therefore Hungary wills and
wishes to be a free and independent republic,
but a republic founded on the rule of law,
securing social order, security to person and to
property, and the moral development as well as the ma-
terial welfare of the people—(Cheers)—in a word, a re-
public like that of the United States, founded on institu•
tions inherited from Engiand itself. This is the conviction
' of my people, which I share in the very heart of my
heart. I confi iently hope the people of England will
appreciate the justice of these remarks, and appreciate
the honest convictions of my heart; neither will it falter
in its sympathy to that cause which it honoured
with its sympathy, wnioh it judged to be righteous
and true, and which it consoled by its wishes and
hopes. All I entreat is, that the people of England may
not give a charter to the Czar to dispose of the world,
but rather make, by its powerful position, respected the
right of every nation to dispose of itself. With this hope
I thank you once more for your sympathy. I beg leave,
fatigued as I am, to retire, confidently trusting your
noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this
demonstration of your sympathy, into any party dis-
cussions whatever, in which I consequently could not
participate, but which still could not tail to increase the
difficulties, end do harm to my country's cause, which
you honour by your sympathy.—(Cheers.)
But little of this admirable speech was heard by the
vast proportion of the multitude; but those who were in
the compass of Kossuth's voice cheered many passages
in the address, and the cue being taken from this, the
whole populace joined in. '1 tie address was once
interrupted with a slight episode which excited alter-
nate groans and laughter. The Times, which had been
exhibited in the procession, was burnt, and its ashes
thrown into the duck pond. In accordance with the re-
solution of the committee no one addressed the meeting
but Kossuth, and the proceedings in Copenhagen-fields,
therefore, closed as they began, with lusty chtering.
The procession was re-formed after Kossuth had re-
tired, and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-
barn, where the occasion was to be celebrated by a
public dinner. It was dusk before the ground was
cleared.

SINGULAR CHARGE OF ROBBERY
BY A SERVANT.
At the Borough Court, on Wednesday, a man
named Stone was charged with stealing a quantity of
goods from the warehouse of Mr. James Atkinson,
30, Faulkner-street. Mr. Cobbett appeared for Mr.
Atkinson, and Mr. E. Bennett for the prisonsr.
The prosecutor in this case is a manufucturer,
having his manufactory at Colne, and a warehouse
in Faulkner-street, Manchester. The prisoner has
been in his employ as a porter and warehouse-
man; and lived in a house immediately behind
Mr. Atkinson's warehouse. The case for the pro-
secution was, that on the afternoon of last Mon-
day week, while Mr. Atkinson was at Colne, the pri-
soner removed from the warehouse to his own house
a number of pieces of de laine goods, some grey
shawl cloths, some sheeting and some twine ; and
that when Mr. Atkinson subsequently applied to him
for them he refused to return them. After witnesses
had been called who spoke to these facts, the pri-
soner was remanded until the following day, in order
that the case for the defence might then be gone into.
On Thurday morning Stone was again brought
up, when Mr. Bennett called Henry Foulds, a
young man who has been in the employ
of the prosecutor about three months. He
said that he had no authority to order the delivery of
goodl, but sometimes sold them. The goods were
removed from the warehouse to the prisoner's house
last Monday week. He assisted in their removal.
When Mr. Atkinson left Manchester, on the pre-
vious Saturday, he ordered Stone to take the
goods to Pearce Brothers, on Monday morning.
When he went to the warehouse, on Monday, he
asked Stone if he had not better take the goods
where Mr. Atkinson had ordered him. Prisoner ad-
vised that the goods should not be sent there; saying
that, if they were, not a penny would be got for them,
and recommended that they should be taken to his
(Stone's) house. The reason he gave for this was,
that there was " law out" against Mr. Atkinson, and
if the goods were left in the warehouse, they would
be taken away. After they had removed the goods
witness repented of having done so; and went to
Colne, where he saw Mr. Atkinson, and informed him
of what bad taken place. Mr. Atkinson told him that
he ought not to have allowed the goals to go to
Stone's house. Witness then returned to Manchester ;
but, owing to an accident upon the railway, did not
arrive in Manchester until the warehouse was
closed. On the following morning Fould-'old Stone
what Mr. Atkinson had said ; when Stone answered
the h e
housegoods
ofwhich
the
prisonerwitness
sisted
n did
that he would not take back the goods to the ware-
housetinclude
i for
removingany
any e h
wT
to
ol
pieces, twine, or sheetings.
In answer to Mr. Bennett, he stated that the firm
o
of Foulds and Co. consisted of himself and his father,
who had but lately commenced business, and had no
place of business.
mi.. James
,Atkinson, re-called by Mr. Cobbett,
one.
stated that on Tuesday morning he found in Stone's
house seven pieces of shawl cloths and a quantity of
twine. These were things which he had lost, and
which were in his warehouse on Saturday before he
went to Colne.
In cross. examination by Mr. Bennett, he stated
that he took a porter to Stone's house, and asked for
the goods, but that Stone refused to let him have
them. He bad heard from Foulds that some sheeting
had been brought back from Stone's house to the
warehouse. When the goods were removed he had
no reason to believe that they were in danger while
in his warehouse, nor had he since had reason to
believe so.
Mr. Bennett then proceeded to call a number of
witnesses for the defence.
Mr. Blenkinsop, formerly bookkeeper with the
prosecutor, proved that Foulds could sell goods and
order their delivery.
Mr. David Pickup, of the' firm of Pickup and
Hulse, packers, stated that on one occasion five cases
of goods were sent to his place by Mr. Atkinson.
He afterwards received an order to deliver the goods,
signed Foulds and Co. He refused to deliver the
goods upon that order, and afterwards received one
from James Atkinson. Those goods he afterwards
gave to Mr. Giles, who had printed them, and who
told him that he wanted 1081. odd for doing so.
Mr. Giles gave witness a written undertaking to clear
him from all charges if an action were brought against
him for doing so.
Timothy Faulkner, porter, stated that on Monday
week he saw Foulds and Stone removing goods from
Mr. Atkinson's warehouse to the house of the latter.
He heard Foulds tell Stone to look sharp, and after-
wards say to Mrs. Stone that she must not " split."
Had Foulds acted to him as he did to Stone, he
(witness) should have thought him to be his master.
Mr. Simpson, calico printer, proved that on Wed-
nesday week the prosecutor offered to sell him some
goods which he said were at Stone's house. Stone
was sent for, and admitted that he had some goods
belonging to Mr. Atkinson, who ordered him to
send them to his (witness's) warehouse, but they
never came.
Mr. Whitaker, calico printer, stated that he had
had considerable dealings with both the prosecutor
and his brother, John Atkinson, of Glasgow. Pro-
secutor had told him that he had shipped goods to the
United States in Foulcia'spame. Foulds acted as a prin-
cipal person. Some goods which ought to have been sent
to Pearce Brothers for an advance were not sent; and,
upon beingasked last Tuesday week why they had not
been sent, the prosecutor said that they had been sold.
He afterwards told witness that they were at Stone's,
and were safe. Witness had gone to Atkinson on the
occasion when this conversation took place, because
Atkinson had shipped goods in witness's name to de..
fraud his creditors. He wanted an advance, and
t-
nees was determined he should not have them. Wit-
ness had printed some goods for Atkinson, and it was
arranged that the goods should be sent to the shipper
as goods shipped by witness. Witness was to re-
ceive the money advanced upon. them,anadndafhteisr
deducting what was due to himself for print-
ing, to pay the rest to the prosecutor. As Atkinson
was a minor, which, however, witness knew at the
time, he agreed to the above-mentioned plan,
creditors therefore had no hold upon him ; he deter-
mined to prevent his obtaining any of the advance,
and to do the best he could for them with some other
goods
of Atkinsia's which he held. Witness ob-
tained as much of the advance upon the goods shipped
in his name as paid km bit bill for printing them.