The Sun.
London, England, 1834-07-21 00:00:00

to drive the lawful successor of Philip V. far from
that kingdom which had just devolved upon him, and,
by sanctioning a notorious fraud, defeat a constitutional
settlement of the Crown made principally through
British agency for the general peace of Europe.
Instead of stopping to investigate the consequences
likely to ensue to the interests of the Peninsula,
if not to Europe, through an attempt 'not only to
trample under foot the established laws and
national prejudices of an ancient kingdom, but
also to sacrifice our best allies to the restless
spirit and political intrigues of France, the reckless
Whigs coupled the retention of their own abused
power with the introduction of revolutionary reforms in
other countries, as if the existence of their own Go-
vernment depended upon the confusion which they
were enabled to raise elsewhere. Consistently with
that disgraceful system of calumny and misrepresenta-
tion, so remarkable in the Ministerial Prints, even
without knowing the situation in which he was placed
in Portugal, Don Carlos was held forth as a coward
because he did not, with his consort and sons, cross
the frontiers of a country guarded by the hired assas-
sins of 'his enemy ; and even so late as Saturday, the
" authoritative " Courier asserted that "he goes forth
to battle under the banners of the Inquisition.."
The first charge, we think, is sufficiently repelled
by the spirited conduct of the Prince, who now
commands the national army in Navarre ; and, if
our contemporary derives his information of Charles
V.'s future views and plans of government from
a proclamation which some time ago appeared in
the public prints, speaking of the re-establish-
ment of the Inquisition, and purporting to come
from Don Carlos, we beg leave to assure him, on
the best authority, that the paper in question was a
fabrication, got up by the agents of the Christina Go-
vernment. Don Carlos de Bourbon, ere this justly
styled Charles V., is known by those best acquainted
with his real sentiments to be the enemy of revolution,
but not of temperate reform. Proud of his nation's
glory, and deeply interested in its happiness, he is
anxious for the regeneration of Spain ; but he is also
well convinced, both by reason and twenty-four years'
experience, that for the attainment of so great an
object the country must be tranquil and the people
satisfied, which can only be done by the revival and
gradual modification of its ancient institutions, the
same under which Spain prospered, was powerful, and
respected. As far as it has been ascertained, this is
the real aim of the Prince who was so lately insulted
by Lord Palmerston's Envoy, even before he set foot
on the British shore. We, therefore, leave a dis-
cerning public to judge whether Charles V., beloved
by the Spanish people, an upright man, and the
chivalrous imitator of his illustrious ancestor,
Philip V., is not a more suitable ally for England than
the protegee of an Orleans, supported by men lost to
the recollection of all national feeling, influenced by
visionary theories, and intent only on the attainment
of rank or the gratification of personal revenge. In
addition to the statements contained in the Paris jour-
nals of Friday, and to the letter from Don Carlos,
which we noticed in our impression of Saturday, to a
distinguished individual in London (who, we think it
necessary to state, is a Spaniard, in order to prevent
any ingenious surmises of our acute Ministerial organs
as to a communication with members of the Tory party
on the part of the lawful Sovereign of Spain), an-
nouncing the arrival of Don Carlos in his dominions,
we are now enabled to set that matter entirely at rest,
if•any doubt should have existed in the minds of any
but the discomfited Whigs, by publishing the procla-
mation issued by the King of Spain on the 12th of
July. It is necessary to observe that this proclama-
tion is purely a military one, addressed to the army
solely. It is expected that a proclamation will shortly
be promulgated explaining to the Spanish people the
political views of his Majesty Charles V.—Morning
Post.

This evening is fixed for the second reading of the
Poor Law Amendment Bill in the House of Lords.
We unhesitatingly declare that
.during the interval
which elapsed since the passing of this Bill through
the House of Commons, we have carefully read every
article which has appeared in the journals of our con-
temporaries, and have as carefully watched the proceed-
ings of the meetings which have been convened to op-
pose this great measure, and we are obliged to con-
fess that it is our opinion that no measure, introduced
by a Ministry, desiring to benefit the country whose
affairs they superintend, has before met with an oppo-
sition so unprincipled, with misrepresentation so inten-
tional, or been assailed with calumnies so unfounded
and uncalled for, as this measure for lessening an evil
universally acknowledged, and which, if allowed to pro-
gress as it has done for the last few years, will, in a
short time, transfer the property in the soil from the
hands of the landowner to those of the pauper. If we
thought the comforts of the industrious or frugal pea-
sant were to be abridged ; if we thought the prospect
of his obtaining employment would be lessened ; if we
thought, in short, that the stimuli to virtue, industry,
frugality, or sobriety would not be increased
by the provisions of this Bill, we would op-
pose it. We would not advocate so great a change,
simply to maintain the present political state of things
—we would not have supported it, did we not think,
aye, did we not feel, a moral certainty, that the aboli-
tion of the system of paying half the wages of the la-
bourer out of the poor-rate ; the abolition of the
scale and roundsmen systems ; the abolition of the
system of compulsory relief to the idle and dissolute ;
the abolition of that iniquitous system which offers pre-
miums to vice, immorality, and idleness--..we say, we
would not have advocated this measure did we not
think that, by the abolition of such systems, a most
important boon would be conferred on the industrious
classes, and consequently, that the whole state of so-

ciety would be impioved, and the happiness of its in-
dividual members materially increased. Of what are

the philanthropists of the present day complaining, but
of the increase of the minor crimes, petty larcenies,
frauds, &c. &c. ; and how great a proportion of these
are caused by the system of granting relief without
any regard to circumstances or character ? The idle-

neSs which the present poor-laws encourage, and
the crime consequent upon idleness, requires no no-
tice from us. We are convinced that the best
and most rational mode of stopping the rapid in-
crease of crime in this country, is to lessen the induce-
ment to commit it, rather than to have a severe code of
laws to punish it when committed ; and also, that the
fear of punishment is not so powerful an inducement
to honesty, as the constant exhibition of the advan-

tages to be derived from industry and frugality, and
the decrease of comfort and consequent wretchedness
attendant upon vice, immorality, and laziness. If the
relief to the poor had been administered as was con-
templated by the original framers of our Poor Laws,
the contrast between industry and laziness would be
apparent to every peasant. The industrious peasant,
by the present laws afraid of losing his settlement, re-
mains in his parish, and contracts habits of idleness,
where he could have comfortably supported himself,
and this from circumstances over which he has no con-

trol. He knows,
_at the same time, that thousands are
in the enjoyment of full wages who came from a coun-
try without Poor Laws, while he remains in distress,
fearing that he may not be able, if once he leaves
his native village, to receive relief in case of a
tempprary want of work. From this difficulty he

will be relieved by the new system of Poor taws.
Wherever he goes in search of employment, should
he not succeed in obtaining such employment, and
be in temporary distress, he will be relieved ; and
by this means, he will be able to ascertain

where labour is required, and where it is redundant.
This part of the Bill alone deserves the attentive con-

sideraiion of every working man. We hear of emi-
gration in every form. A large proportion of the
emigrants carry to other countries some property, and
often much industry. We encourage emigration to
our colonies, and by our laws of settlement prevent
the agricultural peasant from finding employment in
our manufacturing towns, which, on the other hand,
annually import thousands and thousands of Irish
poor. Before we encourage the emigration of our
industrious artizans, we ought to check, by the estab-
lishment of poor laws in Ireland, the importation of
thousands from that country, where, fi mu causes which
we cannot now stop to inquire into, the wages of the
labourer are so low, and the mode of living so poor,
that the low price at which the Irish are inclined to