The Sun.
London, England, 1833-10-25 00:00:00

HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.

The Tickham Hounds meet on Mondayat Doddingtou;
Thursday, at Lyinsted-street—at half-past ten.
Mr. C. Bruck's Hounds meet on Tuesday at Tiddisley
Wood ; Friday, at Copcut Elm—at half-past ten.
The Upton Harriers meet on Tuesday at West Field,
Welland, and at Hook Bank, Upton—at eleven.
The Cambridgeshire Hounds meet on Monday at White
Hall; Friday, at Haley Wood—at half-past ten.
The Royston Harriers meet on Tuesday at the Red
Lion, Reed Hill; Thursday, at Melbourn Bury—at half-
past ten.
The Cheshire Hounds meet on Monday at Norton Priory;
Wednesday, at Meres Hall ; Friday, at Withington Hall ;
Saturday, at Abbey Arms Forest—at ten.
The Shropshire Hounds meet on Monday, at Sundome
Castle ; Wednesday, at Nescliff ; Friday, at Wytheford
Wood ; Saturday, at Leaton Shelf—at half-past ten.
Colonel Wyndham's Hounds will hunt the Findon side
(East of Arundel River), once a fortnight, beginning on
the 9th of November.

The East Sussex Hounds meet en Monday, at Ring-
wood, Bourne Hill; Thursday, at Folkington Wood ;
turday, at Friston Mill--st a quarter before eleven.
_ _ _ _

Mr. Meynell's Hounds meet on Monday, at Sudbury
Coppice; Thursday, at Drakelow ; Saturday, at Blyth-
bury, at half-past ten.

The Herefordshire Hounds meet on Tuesday, at the
Sth-mile stone on the Froom's Hill road; Friday, at
Dinedor Mill.

The Lambton Hounds will bunt on Monday week,
from Sedgefield.

The Cbarborough Hounds meet on Monday, at Blox•
worth Down ; Wednesday, at the Cock and Bottle,
Morden.

Mr. Mure's Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Rougham
Hall—at seven and ten.

Mr. Villebois's Hounds-meet on Monday, at Barton ;
Wednesday, at Kennel (a deer); Friday, at Whittington
hlill—at eleven.

Lord Petre's Puckeridge Hounds meet on Monday, at
Copons ; Wednesday, at East End ; Saturday, at Gilston
Park—at half-past ten.
The Essex Union Hounds meet on Tuesday at Stock;
Thursday at Danbury; Saturday at Ifeadleigh Gate—at
half past ten.

The Inglewood Hounds meet on Monday at Beacon ;
and Thursday, at Barruckaide—at ten.

Lord Yarborough's Hounds meet on Monday, at Laceby
Cottager's Plat ; Wednesday, at Burnham ; Friday, at
Kingerley Wood ; Saturday, at Hendale Lodge—at eleven.
Sir R. Sutton's Hounds meet on Monday, at Gautby
House ; Wednesday, at Burton Kennels ; Thursday, at
Staple'ord Moor; Saturday, at Harpswell—at eleven,
except on Wednesday, at twelve.
The Somerset Vale Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Kings-
don Turnpike ; Friday, at Burton Pincent.
The Cadhury Harriers meet on Tuesday, at Red Post;
Friday, at North Barron.

Mr. A. Smith's Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Ted worth
House; Thursday, at Wilster Wood; Friday, at Man—
niogford Bruce—at eleven.

111 r. Horlock's Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Lucknana
Lodge ; Friday, at Compton—at half-past ten.
The Burton Vale Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Burton
Common; Friday, at Stalbridge Park.

The first King's counsel under the degree of
urgeaut was Sir Francis Bacon, who was made so honoris
causa, without either patent or fee; and the first of the
modern order, who are now the sworn servants of the
Crown, with a fixed salary, seems to have been Sir
Francis North, afterwards Keeper of the Great Seal to
Charles IL—Encyclopcediu Britannica.

.th a nI
The to
od
widow's
feelings Mr. Thomas, the carpenter Olthe Eurydice
hulk at Woolwich, a very clever man, volunteered his
services to Captain Ross, in 1829, in his arctic expedifinn•
His wife, who had resided at Chatham for some time pasty
had given up all hopes of her husband's return and con-
sidered him dead. She put herself and family into mourn-
iug, and made other necessary arrangements for the future
support of her family, but on the first accounts reaching
in case he should be on his
England of Captain Ross's safe arrival with his crew with
eoienxgpteodiCtiohna
the exception of three seamen, Mrs. Thomas was so over-
rineceelaptaticohnoPly to relate, before she left
powered with joy that she immediately cause to 'Woolwich.
ts arrived that Mr. Thomas was
to learn further tidings of her husband, but not receiving
wonasthg
tal
irwf:s:saer,y)yot
hhio:venriliiect ihthhewureli
ba:;:c.rbohidi
juva,ati,il , shedied
ea
feelings may be more easily felt than deseri'
Thomas greatly contributed by his professionalue • Peor
abilities its
saving the lives of his brave • •
Lompauions.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The London public, particularly the class of
tradesmen and shopkeepers, have of late been
violently agitated on the subject of the assessed
taxes on houses and windows. We ourselves
have expressed our objections to these imposts,
and our confidence in the conditional engage-
ment of the Chancellor of the txchequer, that
they are soon to be repealed. We make this
avowal, because we think that it gives us a bet-
ter right to declare our opinion of a kind of
" repeaters" to whom we must be 38 decidedly
opposed as if we had imagined the house and
window duties the: most eligible taxes in the
whole budget. We can excuse the associations
or meetings to urge on the Government the ne-
cessity of redeeming its pledge. We can for-
give some intemperance of language in men who
are suffering from fiscal exactions, and we can
smile at the conceit of those vain and ignorant
spouters who, " when two or three are gathered
together" for the redress of grievances, are always
sure to be "in the midst of them," to exasperate
public dissatisihetion, to display their rhetoric
at the expense of their judgment, or to cover
their selfishness with the cloak of patriotism. But
we have no toleration for deliberate breaches of
the law, and cannot grant to any individual, or
any set of individuals, the power of repealing
taxes at their pleasure. Neither the Associa-
tion of Marylebone, nor the Association of
Westminster, nor all the anti-tax associations in
the metropolis put together, with all the patriotic
pawnbrokers at their head, have the right of
erecting themselves into the British Parliament,
and dictating what taxes they shall pay, and from
what taxes they shall be exempted. This may
appear a useless truism, but it is a truism which
seems to be denied by the mischievous and arro-
gant persons who are endeavouring to obtain a
" bad eminence" by putting themselves at the
head of the present movement. If they claim
the privilege of resisting one tax imposed by the
authority of Parliament, they destroy the prin-
ciple of submission to the law, on which every
other impost is levied. If they can repeal the
house duty by merely refusing to pay it, what is
to hinder any other person, or class of persons,
from repealing, by a similar process, all the other
direct taxes of the State ? But it is super-
fluous to argue further against the admission
of a principle which would conduce directly
to the justification of every breach of the law,
and lead us, through disobedience to Govern-
ment on a question of finance, to all the hor-
rors of civil anarchy. In the proceedings of
yesterday, which are recorded in another co-
lumn, we see the fruits of the disorganizing
doctrines lately preached at the anti-tax asso-
ciations, and an additional reason for activity
and firmness on the part of the Government to
enforce the execution of the law. Warrants, it
would appears, had been issued, after long for-
bearance, to levy on the goods of certain indi-
viduals for arrears of assessed taxes. These
warrants were directed against the individuals in
question, not only because they were the greatest
defaulters, but because they had rendered them-
selves conspicuous in meetings formed for en-
couraging resistance to taxation. The sheriffs'
officers proceeded to execute two of these war-
rants. In the first case no opposition was
shown, and the goods were carried off; but in
the scond instance, that of Savage, of Mary-
lebone, who has been figuring in the anti-tax
associations, the goods, after having been car-
ried off without resistance, were seized by the
populace, the waggon in which they were placed
was conducted back in triumph to the house
of the defaulter, and the property was replaced
on his premises. The officer, having reported
this illegal proceeding at the Home-office,
was directed to return, to obtain the assist.

ante of a sufficient police force, and to recover
possession of the property. These orders he
promptly obeyed, but before he returned the
goods had been carried from the premises, and
no property was to be found. As more war-
rants remain to be executed, we trust that a
more imposing force will be collected, and that
no violations of the law will be permitted. The
Sheriff ought, in concert with the Commis-
sioners of Police, to make such preparations

and arrangements as, with the concurrence and
countenance of all good and orderly citizens,
shall be found to be irresistible. If the question
was at all doubtful, humane persons might be

disposed to give the defaulters, who excite these
disturbances, the benefit of the doubt, and to
petition for lenient treatment. If they were
unable to pay their taxes, and appealed to the
mercy of the collectors or commissioners, we
should be the last to advise or sanction dis-

traint. But the necessity of submitting to
the statute which imposes these duties is no more
a subject of doubt than obedience to any
other law of the land, enacted by recent
Parliaments, or enforced since the days of King
Alfred. Nor do the parties distrained upon
claim our pity for their hard fate, and supplicate
exemption from payment as a relief. Some of
them are wealthy, and none of them pretend to
poverty ; they are defaulters in the tax books
that they may become tax repealers in the eyes
of their flatterers ;—they refuse to pay, not from
poverty, but from contumacy ;—they plead no
inability to fulfil the law, but boldly set it at
defiance ;—they repulse the collector from their
door, that they may invite a contest with the
sheriffs' officers and the police ; and they take
advantage of the popularity of fiscal martyrdom,
in order to provoke their fellow citizens to
rebellion by improving upon their example. We
need not say again that such conduct is not to
be tolerated for a day,—that the Government
must enforce the laws so long as they are allowed
to exist, and that no party or individual should
be permitted to triumph in a contest with the
legal authorities on a point where no legal doubt
can exist.—Timis.
An endeavour was yesterday made to put the
law in force in Marylebone against some of the
individuals in arrear of their assessed taxes, who

havelatelyput themselves most prominentlyforward
in the associations to resist the payment of them.
Whatever may be thought of the justice of con.
tinning these obnoxious taxes, it is quite clear
that, so long as they are not repealed, the Go-
vernment must collect them ; and the question
whether they shall be resisted or not, is really I
whether there shall or shall not be any
Govern-
ment. If men's inclinations are to be the rule
of what shall or shall not be paid, and not the
law, there is at once an end of law, and a be-
ginning of anarchy. The goods of one individual
had been taken in execution, and conveyed to
the place of reception ; but the Sheriff's officer,
who afterwards took the goods of Mr. Savage
in execution, did not succeed in carrying them
off. In a country like England, in which obe-
dience to the law is habitual, the qualifications
of diligence, honesty, and sobriety, are all that
are usually looked for, in those who are employed
to put the law in force. We are not very much
surprised, therefore, that the sound of a number of

ragged lads roaring at the top of their throats,
with a small admixture of men, and, as usual, a
tolerably large admixture of women, should have
so far frightened the officer, that, instead of re-
sisting this paltry mob, and summoning the force
which he knew to be stationed close at hand for
his assistance, if necessary, he at once quailed,
and abandoned the van to the mob, which this
triumph soon swelled to a considerable multi-
tude. The van was conducted back to the pre-
mises of Mr. Savage, who prudently refused to
receive his goods again. The van was subse-
quently demolished by the mob. Mr. Sheriff
Harmer, who had not been aware of the intended
proceedings, the under-sheriff having alone had
the superintendence of the business, made his
appearance on the spot on learning that a dis-
turbance had taken place. The multitude was
prevailed on to disperse, and the whole ended
without any loss of life or personal injury. The
result of this first experiment to give effect to
the law will not of course have any influence in
deterring the Government from doing their duty.
At present we understand the arrears of
assessed taxes are remarkably low throughout the
country in general ; and even in the metro-
polis, where so large a proportion of them are
payable, the arrear is not greater by seven thou-
sand pounds now than it ever was at this period
of the year. The number of individuals who
are holding out must therefore be very in-
considerable. But were Government to
allow themselves to he intimidated, and
there were a fair prospect that something might
be gained by delay, the number of defaulters
would no doubt rapidly increase. There is,
therefore, a heavy responsibility on the Govern-
ment at this time. If, through any relxation of
vigour, they were to allow a few individuals to
beard them, and thereby to afford a demonstra-
tion that the law was a dead letter, we should
hold them guilty of a most serious dereliction
of duty. But we have no doubt they are suffi-
ciently impressed with the necessity of dis-
charging their duty with firmness and resolu-
tion. At present that duty is easy, for hitherto
no respectable tradesman has been seduced by
the invitations of any cf the associations to
allow their goods to be taken in execution.
The first campaign in Marylebone has not, to
be sure, been so successful as it might have
been ; but, thank God, the law of England is
not to be in abeyance, because an officer has
over-delicate nerves. Matters will be better
managed another time. Most persons possessed
of property will hesitate before they counte-
nance an attempt to set at defiance the only
security for property.—Morning Chronicle.
The pertinacity with which the Whig Journals
continue to halloo on Lord Durham in prose-
cuting the Press manifests beyond every thing
else the contempt of principle which is induced
by a blind subserviency to party. If Lord Dur-
ham happened to be a Tory Nobleman, taking
legal proceedings against a Whig Paper for a
libel, the case would be completely changed.
Instead of being described as an injured indivi-
dual seeking redress in a Court of Justice for
an injury which was not otherwise to be re-
paired, he would be represented as a petulant
and vindictive individual, incapable of permitting
the glance of public opinion to fall upon his
actions, and less anxious to repel an unjust im-
putation than to gratify the passion of revenge.
We, who defend the liberty of the Press upon
principle, care not whether they are Whigs or
Tories who endeavour to take advantage of the
existing law of libel. We say that no man,
whatever may be his political creed, is qualified
for public life who has not the purity of con-
science and the moral courage which cm enable
him to look with indifference upon calumny and
to despise detraction. Let it be recollected

that, in the case of Lord Durham, we are
speaking of one who has assumed the
character of a statesman, and affects the libe-

rality of a patriot. If such a man have not the
hardihood of virtue that can expect to outlive
the assaults of vulgar defamation, he is altogether
unfit for public life. " I would not wish to live
in that state," said the celebrated Timoleon,

" where any man was not at liberty to say of
me any thing that he pleased." This was the
sentiment of a mind truly heroic, anti supported
by its own sense of conscious dignity. The
public man who has not a character which can
live down detraction should never have emerged
from the obscurity of domestic life. He wants
the elements of true greatness ; whatever may
be the extent of his wealth or the splendour of
his titles his mind is cast in a petty and vulgar
mould. His character trembles before the rough

blast of opinion like the frame of an invalid be-
fore the north wind. It is not to be supposed
that any man of noble and exalted ambition

would turn aside from his career of elevated

fame to ask a Court of penal law for a certificate
of character, which, on the principle of truth
being a libel, may be obtained by any person
whose misdeeds have put him in a situation to
require to be so protected.—Morning Herald.

From accounts of an authentic character,
received direct from Constantinople, we are

enable to state that the answer of the Porte,

addressed on the 20th of last September to the
Ambassadors of England and France, and in
reply to a note of their Excellencies dated the

27tt; of the previous August, in the shape of
a protest against the treaty concluded between
the Ottoman Government and Russia, is in

substance confined to the following points :-
1. That the alliance in question, made for the
maintenance of repose, has nothing of an ag-
gressive character in it, and concerns only the
interests of the Porte. 2. That the Porte, being
and wishing to be independent, is at liberty to
conclude such treaties for its own conservation

with such friendly powers as may be expedient,
and consequently it is not called upon to justify
its conduct. 3. That whilst the Porte thought
that this alliance would be applauded by all the
powers interested in the maintenance of tran-
quillity, it has not been a little surprised and
pained at the communication of the two ambas-
sadors. 4. That in order to enable them to

judge correctly of the real object of the treaty,
and allay their inquietude upon this subject, the
Porte considers it its duty, and hastens to com-
municate to them, in a friendly and confidential
manner, a copy of the entire treaty, as well in
its ostensible part as the separate article referred
to therein, hoping that the contents of this
paper, coupled with the verbal explanations
afforded to the dragomans of England and
France, will efface every erroneous supposition
and misinterpretation on the part of their Excel-
lencies, and that, on the contrary, these gen-
tlemen will be persuaded that there were no
grounds for observations such as those which
they addressed to the Reis Effendi in the note
in question.—Morning Post.

Accounts have been received, by way of
France, of the acknowledgment of Donna Maria

by the Queen of Spain. This might be ex-
pected, after the important changes which have

'taken place at a Court where M. de Itayneval
and Mr. Villiers have gained the ascendancy.
The plea alleged will, doubtless, be the asylum
given to the Infante Don Carlos within the
Portuguese territory. It is melancholy to re-
flect that the dissensions of the Royal Family of
Spain have come to this pass. We were right
in supposing that the Infante had not yet quitted
Portugal. From all we can learn he left Abrantes
soon after he heard officially of his elder bro-
ther's death, and proceeded through Castello
Branco towards the Spanish frontier facing
Coria and Placentia ; but whether with his
family or not we are unable to state. It may he
presumed that he was accompanied by a small
escort. We have not, however, heard of his
attempting to raise any men in Portugal, nor
has it been possible to discover that he had any
immediate connection with the parties who had
risen in his favour within the Spanish terri-
tory. His protracted stay in Portugal, it
is well known, had given great umbrage
to the Spanish Court, and, accordingly,
many applications were made for his re-
moval, which doubtless placed Don Miguel
in a state of the most painful perplexity. The
King's position, in common justice it must be
acknowledged, was most embarrassing. His
Royal relatives visited Portugal with the full
permission of Kina Ferdinand, and we recollect
to have published at the time the letters which
passed between the parties before their departure
from Madrid. Orders were afterwards issued
for the Infante to proceed to Italy, and it will be
recollected that when he refused to embark in a
Spanish vessel of war an English one was offered
to him. Under these circumstances any requi-
sition forcibly to expel the Royal fugitive family
—the Infante being his uncle, the Infanta his
own sister, and the family his nephews and
nieces, and endeared to other members of the
House of Braganza—produced the most trying
dilemma in which Don Miguel could be placed.
It is unfortunate, we repeat, that dissensions
among persons so nearly allied, and who have
severally so much at stake, should have assumed
so rankled a character. But when we have
offered this explanation we do not mean to say
where the blame lies, nor do we wish it to be
understood that the position of the Infante Don
Carlos is at all agreeable. We do not indeed
see how he can penetrate into the Spanish pro-
vinces. On the side of Badajoz the frontiers
are guarded by a strong force under General
Rodil, and on the side of Salamanca by General
Saarsfield, whilst Morillo covers the whole
of Galicia. Every precaution will doubtless
have been taken, it being evident that the
Queen's party are determined to resort to ex-
treme measures, and thus far the army and its
commanders remain faithful to the ruling power.
Of the interior of Spain it is scarcely possible to
judge correctly, the accounts are so scanty and
conflicting; but we very much apprehend that
the prospects of that country are extremely
gloomy, and will be so for some time to come.
It is evident that a large portion of the inhabi-
tants arc dissatisfied, and there are too many
reasons to fear that a war of principles may
ensue. The idea alone is melancholy, after
what the Peninsula has suffered so recently from
invasions and insurrections ; and we cannot
refrain from expressing our opinion that foreign
interference, whether open or covert, will aggra-
vate the crisis. We have always argued that
the Portuguese ought to be left to settle their
own disputes, and we now say the same of the
Spaniards.—Morning Post.