The Sun.
London, England, 1833-06-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The country is now forewarned of the projects of the
Tory conspirators. These latter complain of it as a pure
calumny when we charge them with manoeuvring for a
return to office. In their sense they are right ;it is not a
return to office only which could at this moment fulfil the
ambition, or stimulate the violence, of the Tory chit fs—
it is the purposes to which official power might in their
hands, according to their hopes, be converted. The work
of reaction and destruction,—the demolition of all the yet
unfinished labours of the friends of free and upright go-
vernment,—the suffocation in their cradle of those nu-
merous, some of them excellent, measures which have
just seen the light, and which are deemed by the public
enemy (the old and scotched and writhing dragons of the
Oligarchy) so many clinchers of their own everlasting ex-
clusion from that which alone gives value to office in their
eyes—a monopoly of dominion over the spoils of the entire
empire. The East India monopoly endangered,—the West
Indian tyranny denounced in its fundamental principle as no
longer to be endured,—the Bank monopoly touched some-
what disrespectfully, though certainly not enough, by
the existing Government,—the hitherto sacred abuses of
close Corporations exposed and on the point of being sig-
nally punished,—the Church of both countries, that rich
storehouse for the destitute scions of aristocracy, that mass
of perversions of whatever is best and holiest to the
meanest and vilest use, the Church itself about to be
cleansed of its impurities! Why, all these together are
enough to drive Toryis:n mad ; and to nothing short of
madness has the Tory faction been at length exasperated.
They reason rightly as to the end, but their premises be-
speak deplorable infatuation. They do not err in believ-
ing that the accomplishment of all the great measures
above glanced at would be absolutely and for ever incon-
sis.ent with those views which constitute the moving
power of politicians of their clique, or in resolving to
check, if they can, and extinguish such schemes of
public good in their infancy ; but their error, their
phrenzy, lies in the imagining that they posses or can ever
attain to such preternatural power. The Tories might
as well dream of uprooting this island from her ocean
seat, as of crushing the seeds of universal reform which
have sprung up everywhere from a congenial soil, and
cover every spot within her boundaries. The whole band
of conservatives have stood aloof from the people of Eng.
land, and to this hour know them not. They keep down
the nation ! They reimpose the old cast-off shattered
yoke !—where are their means ?—where their resources ?
where their hundreds of thousands of armed men ?—where
their hold over the affections of a people, amongst whom
they are but an isolated and hated coterie ? What can
any sane mind pronounce upon the issue of such an enter-
prise—upon the result of a Tory government in this coun-
try—but political convulsion, civil war, and, above all,
the final and tceal annihilation of those who have
wickedly or blindly caused them ? But the Lords Tem-
poral and Spiritual,—the Conservative Lords,—those
whom the people designate as " all the Rottens,"-_
these worthies are to defeat the reform of the Church,
and to perpetuate its inefficiency and corruption, because
he proposed reform is revolutionary, because the reduction
of the number of Irish Bishops from twenty-two to twelve
" is a revolutionary measure," that is to say, that the re-
adjustment of a notoriously disturbed and ruined balance
between the episcopal pastors and their flocks is equivalent
to a destructive revolution ! But what will they think of
the inevitable consequences to which their overthrow of
this reformation leads ? The representatives of the people
pass the Bill, and Ireland, breathless with suspense,
gaz-s a 5, and blesses them for the great act of justice.
Then comes a collision between the two Houses of Parlia-
ment—the work of the Lords themselves. Is that less
revolutionary than the Bill of church reform ? Then
comes the opposition of a majority of the Peers—to the
King, represented by his official servants—to the House
of Commons, representing the people of England,__
and to the nation itself, taken parish by parish,
and house by house. Is there nothing revo-
lutionary in such a consequence of the Con-
servative policy? Next comes an attempt to restore har-
mony between these conflicing powers. How? Why,
by a creation of Peers, of 50 Peers ! there is no other.
And is there nothing of a revolutionary spirit and ten-
dency in such an exercise of the Royal power ? Why,
every step of these Tory tyrants is a direct step towards
revolution. Let them move onwards : we cannot pre-
vent them,—nothing can prevent them ; they are gallop-
ping full tilt at the precipice, and the abyss yawns for
them below. They can produce a change of Ministers
within the next twenty-four hours, and a change, we
doubt not, they will produce within a little longer period.
But will they govern without a House of Commons—or in
spite of it? Will there be a Parliament of Peers at
York, and a Commons House of Parliament in London ?
What times were they? and in what did they terminate?
Whither would these maniacs drive their unhappy country?
Times.

We find that our predictions yesterday respecting the
plot of the House of Peers to attempt the overthrow of
the present Government, may he realized sooner even than
we anticipated. Cabals and intrigues are going on in all
quarters. Certain branches of an Illustrious Family,
both legitimate and illegitimate, are, as on the occasion of
their resistance to the Reform Bill, more than usually
active in their canvass to obtain votes and proxies for the
threatened collision. The Court even is said to be in
einem. This has always been the report when matters
have approached a crisis—spread, as we have reason
believe, by the Tory denies infesting the purlieus of St.
James's and Windsor, with as much truth, or rather with
as much probability of success, as distinguished their
efforts on the former memorable and eveatful 100

lion, when their temporary triumph over she weaker
feelings of the Sovereign only proved how hopeless
was the chance of resistance to the will of the
people. Can this game, however, be played again,
or rather, bow often can it be played, at the despe-
rate risk of revolutionary movements ? Let those
beware of the consequences, who provoke the crisis.
The Bishops are probably beyond hope, and beyond cure.
But we recommend to the Dukes of Cumberland and
Gloucester, and some of the ladies of that family, a peru-
sal of those passages in our history which recount the
events of the early parts of the reign of the first, and the
latter nays of that of the second Charles. A Bill will
probably soon pass the House of Commons, repealing the
Act of Charles IL, under the provisions of which the
Fathers of the Church are now enabled to pervert the
privilege given to them of sittat in the House of Lords
for far different objects, to the purposes of political faction and
intrigue. May no Bill of exclusion of greater personages
from greater privileges follow? May no address of the
House of Commons remove a Duke of Cumberland, as it
did a Duke of York, from the Court of the King, and
deprive him of the means of plotting against a reforming
administration and the public interests? We caution, we
entreat these mighty and sapient personages to beware
how they trifle with the public feelings ! And if there
are personages even greater than they—male or female
—who suppose that the English people will again submit,
without enforcing retribution from the authors of such
calamities, to a repetition of the scenes and the dangers
which distinguished the insane attempt of the Duke of
Wellington and Mr. Baring to assume the Government on
the temporary defeat of the Reform Bill, we pray them
to " look before.they leap," and to ascertain, from better
informed persons than the blue bottles, bred in the cor-
ruption of all courts, at what risk that experiment can be
again tried ? We tell the public that a crisis is again at
hand, and that they must be prepared to buckle on their
armour for the fight. If our warning voice have no effect,
then, as was said in the olden time, " The Lord's will
be done." We shall watch with a vigilance only coalled
by our anxiety the pr Tres% of coming events, and sin-
cerely pray that our anticipations, from the evident
symptoms of the intention of the Tory and Episcopal
Aristocracy, to come to issue with the House of Com-
mons and the people, may be exaggerated, and our tap.
prehensions ultimately removed by the conversion of the
Peers and Bishops " unto wisdom," either through a
wholesome apprehension of the calamities which may be
entailed, first upon themselves, eventually upon the coun..
try, or from a calm re-consideration of the principles on
which their conduct ought to be regulated under existing
circumstances. In the mean time it maybe desirable that
Members of the House of Commons should look to the
means by which some of the parties most intimately con-
nected with the Tory faction are enabled to maintain that
position in society, from which a large portion of their
pernicious influence is derived. In p. 1, of Paper 304,
printed for the use of the House in the present session,
some splendid instances of the corruption of past times,
and the extravagant folly of the public, will be found—
We need only refer to the first name in the catalogue
that of the Right Hon. C. Arbuthnot, who receives (prop
puclor 1) 3,8421. per annum—besides a pension to Mrs.
Arbuthnot of 5001. (we believe) on the Civil List—and
for what services ?--Morning Chronicle.
We are happy to find that the decisive vote of the House
of Lords upon the Duke of Wellington's resolution has
produced, and is producing, the best results in all directions.
It has deprived the Whig Ministry of every claim to be re-
garded as constitutional, and instructed E trl Grey as to
the estimation in which his public character is held by an
order of men once of some importance in the country, and
by which he pledged himself to stand or fall. The Noble
Earl's Government is in fact preyed to be a Whig revolu-
tionary excrescence, destitute of the confidence of Parlia-
ment, and subsisting only by the sufferance of a democratic
House of Commons, and the temporary interests of con-
tending factions. So long as the several parties into
which the House of Commons is divided can
mere easily agree in the support of the present
than any other system, that system may possibly
go on, but not a moment longer. Failing the
casual circumstances which uphold it, the unconsti-
tufonal and anti-national confederacy will sink at once,
without causing a single feeling of regret from one end of
the country to the other. The Whigs have so broken
up the ancient party landmarks as to render their con-
tinued sway in some sense a matter of convenience till
things shall find their natural level, and the real interests
of the country make an attempt at least to get themselves
represented in that Parliament Pram which they have been
cunningly and infamously excluded. The country there-
fore tolerates while it dislikes, and obeys while it scorns,
its present rulers, so long as they keep within decent
Conservative bounds ; but their leisure of power has
not more consistency than the spider's web, arid
may be swept away at a moment's notice. Hold
upon the country they have just as much as ever, which
is nearly none at all ; they may be used for awhile
as instruments and tools, but they appear to be
wholly unable to command the respect and attachment of
any important class in the community. At an early
period of the session, these dexterous intriguers, though
miserably incompetent statesmen, had sense enough to
perceive that the country hated and feared revolutionary
politics, and that they must get indirect support from the
Conservatives, or perish. Accordingly they set them-
selves, after their fashion, to be Conservative. They
coerced Ireland (having first created the necessity for
coercion) by a Bill far more stringent than Toryism in its
most ultra mood would have thought of proposing; a
Bill which out-Cromwells Cromwell, and startles the
political orthodoxy of Sir Harcourt Lees himself and
the 'Prentice Boys of Derry. They also calmly told
the clamorous demonracy that not a single tax
should be repealed, and that if the public ventured to
grumble at an innocent window duty, they should presently
feel the scorpion lash of a property tax. After this they
made arrangements for the renewal of the East India
Charter, upon principles for which they quoted, truly or
fa'sely, the authority of the Duke of Wellington. They
then affirmed the stability of the currency to please one
8, t of Conservatives, and made Bank notes a legal tender
the next day to conciliate the other. They propose a new
Charter for the Bank upon terms highly satisfactory to
the lovers of corporations in the abstract, but not a little
curious as coming from such redoubtable advocates of the
precious metals, and such eloquent denouncers of the
miseries of paper currency as the Whigs. Lastly, they
make their humble submission to the libelled West India
interest, and coolly present it with the trifling bonus of
20 millions, after having previously threatened it with a
ruinous loan of 15 millions, at four per cent. interest.
Now we take all these things as so many acts of public
homage, though somewhat clumsily managed, to the ascen-
dancy of conservative principles, and the consequence is that
trade partially revives, the funds advance, and the country
still tolerates a Whig Administration. These Protean politi-
cians are willing to surpass the most exclusive in the in-
tensity of their Toryism, if their official existence may but
be spared from one quarter-day to the next. True, they
will do as much, before a week pass, for ra licalistn, if the
radicals only show as much fight as the conservatives; but
still their present position is so admirably peculiar, and so
ludicrously false, that the country cannot but pause to in..
dulge its wonder, and see to what conclusion they will at
length bring their harlequin antics. The vote of the
Peers seems likely to spoil this pretty Whig speculation of
governing the country by playing alternately into the
hand of Conservative and Destructive. The House of
Lords is now the only remaining representative of conser-
vative, that is of British, interests, and has a right to say
that those interests are not safe with men who have
no settled principles to steer by, and upon whose
course of policy no one can calculate with certainty
for a week together. Occasional Conservative measure,
followed by destructive ones will not satisfy the public
mind, which asks for a secure and permanent system of
good government. That the Whigs have no settled con.
stitutiunal principles is manifest from the language of
their organs respecting the Peers, who are fiercely menaced
with swamping and deposition if they dare to exercise an
independent judgment upon any public question. The once
powerful but now contemptible Times gives itself airs
upon the occasia, and affects to admonish the " Tory
Peers," and gravely threatens them with revolution if they
venture to come to any vote whatever without consulting the
oracle of Printing House-square. Much as we dislike revo.
lutions we confess we should be a little curious to see what
sort of revolution the utmost thunder of the Times
could now make in favour of the precious Whigs. We
suspect that the "beast of a nation," as the people are
now called, would leave the " obscure Gentleman" sadly
in the lurch. What would London, Bristol, and Bir-
mingham—what would the whole empire say to a crusade
against the House of Brunswick and the men who gave
us Magna Charts in favour of such detected pretenders as
Russell and Grey ? At all events we submit that the
question of the real jurisdiction of the Peers having been
raised they are bound to follow up the course which they
have so nobly begun, and give the country an opportunity
of deciding, once fur all, whether we are still to possess a
mixed and balanced constitution, or be subjected to the
base and degrading tyranny of a wild democracy....
Morning Pest.

THE MODERN BLACK HoLI.--Some of
the Counsel attending the Rolle' Court somplain that his
Honour will not allow a breath of air to be edetitiedo evp
?Mu gig ih9ll49iVitir itia*g is 49?.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

~.

'IIOTISIt OF doil.MONS,,'Jiniti 13.
The SrEamt-took the Chair shortly after 5 o'clock.
kmessage from the Lorals announced that their Lord-
ships had given their assent to several Private Bills.
Mr. Preston, from the East India-house, brought Up
certain annual returns, which were laid on, the table.
Admiral 'ADAM presented two petitions from the
shipowners of Alloa and• Kincardine, complaining of the
injury which had been produced by the operation of the
Reciprocity Acts, and praying the House to take their
case into their consideration. '
Mr. HUME denied that the shipping interests had at
all suffered by the Reciprocity Act. The allegations in the
petitions were without foundAtion ; and all he wished on
the subject was that the reciprocity system were universal.
Mr. G. F. YOUNG supported the petitions, and con-
demned the reciprocity systeifi as most disastrous to the
best interests of British navigation. He had given notice
of a motion on the subject for an early day, when he
should be able, he believed, satisfactorily to demonstrate
this to the House.
The petitions were referred to the Committee on com-
merce, manufactures, and shipping.
Sir R. FERGUSON gave notice of his intention to
move, on a day which we did not hear, for a Committee
to inquire into the state of the representation at Warwick,
and moved that the issue of a new writ be deferred till
the Slat inst.
Mr. CLAY presented a petition from the parish of
All Saints, Poplar, praying that in any renewal of the
East India Charter the privilege of trading with China
might be continued to the company as well as to others of
his Majesty's subjects.
Mr. G. F. YOUNG supported the petition.
Mr. EWART was induced to oppose it.
Lord DUNCANNON brought up the report on the
Irish Grand Jury Bill.
Colonel CONOLLY recommended Government to
withdraw the Bill for this session. It was not believed
that this Bill would have any good effect.
Mr. O'CONNELL concurred in the same view.
Lord DUNCANNON said if the Irish Members would
only lend their co-operation, the Bill might be rendered
available and useful.
Colonel CONOLLY said the Committee had been
so limited in its powers and sphere of inquiry, that it
could not address it-elf to the main substantial grievances
of the present system, so as to relieve them effectually.
The report was then ordered to be taken into farther con-
sideration on 'Wednesday next.
Mr. EWART rose to make some observations on his
proposed measure to abolish the law that made capital
punishment imperative in cases of burglary. One of
the alterations which he intended to propose WlB, to
make it necessary that if a burglary was committed by en-
tering a house, the whole body of the offender should have
entered ; and another was, that to be guilty of a burglary,
so as to suffer capital punishment, the offender should be
proved to have gone armed, or to have deposited arms.
He intended to do his utmost to bring in the Bill this
session, but, at any rate, he would take the earliest oppor-
tunity of bringing it in next session. The Honourable
Member then obtained leave to bring in a Bill
to abolish that part of the law which makes
it imperative to pronounce sentence of transportation for
life in cases of burglary.
Several Hon. Members withdrew their notices for to-
night, at the suggestion of Lord Althorp, that Mr. Charles
Grant might have the opportunity of making his state•
rnent on the subject of the East India affairs.
Mr. LITTLETON, in answer to a question, said steps
had now been taken which he hoped would render it
unnecessary to call out the military any more respecting
the disputes in Ireland about tithes.
THE EAST INDIA QUESTION.

On the motion of Mr. C. GRANT, the order of the
day for the House going into Committee on the renewal
of the East India Company's Charter was read.
On the question that the Speaker do leave the Chair,
Sir GEORGE STAUNTON rose to propose a
series of resolutions regarding the trade, such
as he proposed on a former evening. He was
aware of the difficulty in which be was placed by the
failure of his attempt last week to carry those resolutions
through the House. The subject was one of very ereat
importance, and he was fully sensible of the boldness
of a person who had been so short a time in the House as
himself in bringing it forward. He had acted under an
impression—perhaps it was an erroneous one, but it was
one which those with whom he was connected also enter-
tained—that from his acquaintance with China, and from
the official and other sources of information which he pos.
cessed respecting it, he should endeavour to explain
his views to the House upon so important a question,
when an alteration was contemplated in the East India
Company's Charter. Whatever he should feel it his duty
to offer to the House in any other stage of the question,
he would not detain them now, because he knew the House
was anxious, and naturally so, to hear the statement of the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. C. Grant). The only object
be had at present, was to place the resolutions on the
Journals of the House, as he was sure they contained the
principles which ought to be taken into consideration on
this important occasion. The Hon. Baronet then read his
resolutions, which have been already published.
The resolutions were then put and negatived without a
dieistort, and the House resolved itself into Committee.
Mr. C. GRANT said that he rose, pursuant to the
notice he ItaLd given, to bring before the House the subject
of the East India Charter. He was persuaded that the
House would agree with him that that sti,,ject
was second in importance to none of those which
had lately occupied their attention. He might even go
farther, and say that, in reference to the vast extent of
territory concerned, and the multitude of human b ings
whose fate rested on the decision of the House to-night,
this subject claimed priority of importance even
over those which had already so anxiously absorbed the
attention of the House. At the same time he was per-
fectly aware that 'the subject was one which wanted
that exciting and strong interest connected with some of
the other topics which had lately been before the House.
It therefore peculiarly behoved him to entreat and bespeak
the indulgence of the Committee to the details into
which he should be obliged to enter. Those de-
rails must of course in some respects be tedious and
uninteresting, but be trusted the House would do him the
favour, or rather he doubted not that the House would do
its duty by really attending to the matters he should
bring under their consideration. He called their attention
from topics of great political interest to one in which no
party or political feeling need be mixed up. He trusted
that no party feeling would be mixed up with it, and that
Hon. Members would not approach the subject without
bearing in mind that the principle on which they
were to act was to benefit the natives of India,
and through them ultimately to benefit this country.
Indeed, the benefit of the natives of India was the
paramount duty they would have to discharge this
night.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He was happy to think
that the subject was not entirely new or strange to many
of those whom he had the honour of addressing, the
various Committees which had sat on India affairs of late
years having rendered many Members familiar with them.
The resolutions he would submit to the House would be
few and simple, and the observations he should make
would relate chiefly to the discussions which had taken
place between the Governor and the East India Compiny,
with the result of those discussions. The papers 'elating
So the airangetnent between the East India Company and
Isis Majesty's Ministers had been before the House for
some weeks, and before the public for some months, and
bad, both in and out of doors, been amply considered.
In stating the resolutions to the House, it would be his
duty to 'state some other measures, which, though not
embodied in these resolutions, he thought it essential,
with the permission of the House, to introduce in soy Bill
that might be founded on the resolutions. These were
measures of a general character, to which it wou'd be
necessary for him to call the attention of the House.
The principles involved in those general measures, Le must
admit, had been amply developed in the correspondence
which had taken place. Having made these prefatory re-
marks, he would now approach the subject of the future
government of the eastern world and the claims of the coun-
try upon India. In stating the general measures his M ajesty's
Ministers had in contemplation, it was necessary first to
deal with the existing interests of the trade of India with
this country: In doing so be should first make some
observations- upon the discussions to which he referred,
and be would state generally some particulars with which
he hoped to obtain tbe concurrence of the House. Toe ques-
tion, then, first, was with respect to the trade of this country
with the East Indies and the eastern world generally.
With respect to the particular administration of India,
the first question naturally was, why any change should
take place ? To that he would.ewer generally,
that Parliament having fixed a period for the
revision of the existing system of government for India,
it became essential for the House and the Government to
enter into the merits of the case, sod also to takeinto con.
eideration the great change of circumstances -and the pro-
gress of events that had taken place. In looking at the con-
dition of the -political--administration of
~India, he cared
not what anomalies might exist, the only question with
him being whether those measures had produced any be-
neficial effects. There had been many complaints
with respect to the administration of the Jiiirs of
Witt by .the gag India Crigarily, be admitttd.